A Vampire At Glyndwr University!

The Daily Post is tremendously excited after discovering that a senior lecturer at Glyndwr University is an ‘expert’ on vampires, has published on the subject and even appeared on daytime TV. The Post has got it’s teeth into this story because a PhD student of the lecturer concerned is claiming compensation for ‘work related stress’ and is maintaining that there is a ‘health and safety issue’ at stake. Allegations have been made that after a lecture on vampires, a student cut themselves and licked the cut to taste the blood.

I’ll declare an interest in this story now. The lecturer concerned is Dr Emyr Williams and I know Emyr very well. I became friends with him when were both doing our PhDs at Bangor University and I remained close friends with him for years although I haven’t seen him recently because I was forced to leave north Wales after extreme harassment from the paedophiles’ friends. Dr Emyr Williams is not and never has been a ‘vampire’, as the lurid story in the Post speculates. Emyr is a psychologist of religion and his first degree was in theology. His PhD was actually on the beliefs and attitudes of people attending Bangor Cathedral, but Emyr is very bright, very inquiring and he also became interested in the beliefs of people who follow alternative spritualities -and yes, there are people in the UK who claim to be vampires. Emyr is now one of the leading authorities on this. That has nothing to do with being a vampire. Glyndwr University were very keen to employ Emyr – the institution is seriously short on high achieving academics and they bit his arm off when he showed an interest in working there. Emyr is also a whizz at stats, which very few academics are unless they are actually statisticians. This means that Emyr can spot bad research when he sees it or research that is trying to mislead and there is a lot of that about. As for ‘work related stress’ – if there is work related stress at Glyndwr and from what I used to hear there was always plenty of that, it will not be emanating from Emyr. He shows a concern for the well-being of his students and colleagues way beyond that usually found in universities. Indeed that is how I became such good friends with Emyr. Whilst the paedophiles’ friends harassed and threatened me, spread vicious rumours about me, rang up my PhD supervisor and dripped poison into his ear, drove cars in my direction very fast very carelessly and then had me arrested because the Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts was ‘fed up’ of my complaints about the mental health services and was cross because I had pink hair and had called his ludicrous car a penismobile, Emyr was the best friend that one could have had. He could see exactly what was going on and like the Hergest Whistleblower and a few others who stood by me, reassured me that the appalling behaviour of these people said nothing about me.

It speaks volumes about Glyndwr that it is Emyr who has found himself at the centre of a storm there. Glyndwr University is a troubled institution and it has been for years. There are a number of other academics there who like Emyr are high performing both in terms of their research and their teaching, but Glyndwr has found itself at the bottom of the league tables ever since it was created but they don’t have enough staff like Emyr. Glyndwr has tried to construct itself as an institution which is vocationally based, but there are massive problems with that claim as well. I don’t know anything about the engineering side of Glyndwr, but I do know about the ‘health and social care’ side – we’re back to the paedophiles’ friends again. The institution is teaming with ‘experts’ in health and social care who have previously worked in or been very well aware of the practices of the dreadful ‘services’ in north Wales and their penchant for neglecting and abusing patients. But none of them will say a word. My post ‘Last Man Standing’ details the background of Dr Wulf Livingstone, a senior lecturer in social work there – Livingstone knows so much about the misconduct of the ‘services’ that he probably should make his way to the police station and give a statement. A few years ago Glyndwr was running a ‘substance abuse’ course for people who wanted to work with drug users. Except that it seemed that people with the backgrounds and skills necessary for that work were being turned down for places – whilst places were offered to people who were drug users themselves. Why are we not surprised? The ‘substance abuse’ business in north Wales is dominated by CAIS, the ‘charity’ run by the paedophiles’ friends Dafydd and Lucille and some of their ‘peer support workers’ are dealing to their ‘clients’. As Brown observed, no-one in north Wales would want a drugs worker who could actually do the job properly, because they’d see straight through CAIS and get more than a few of them arrested.

Glyndwr University has a history from which it has not escaped. It was previously known as NEWI, the North East Wales Institute and before that, Cartrefle College. Read the biographies of the paedophiles and their friends as described in the Waterhouse Report – again and again they had ‘trained’ at Cartrefle College. The thugs on the ground battering and sexually assaulting the kids in care in north Wales had qualifications from Cartrefle College but their managers frequently had qualifications from Bangor University, Liverpool University or Salford College of Technology. The lawyers and judges who protected them all were often graduates of Aberystwyth and the Top Doctors sitting on the heap of shit were frequently graduates of Liverpool Medical School. There was a very obvious pattern. Somebody was employed at Cartrefle College giving qualifications to that bunch of monsters – and that somebody will have been subsumed into NEWI when it was formed and then into Glyndwr University. Even if they are now retired, it will be the usual phenomenon – they’ll still be in touch with former students and associates who will not yet have retired, they’ll be pulling the strings and back-scratching and everyone will be quietly reminded of exactly how many reputations and careers will go tits-up or indeed how many now elderly people could die in prison if the vow of silence is broken. What happened in children’s homes in north Wales is now receding into history, a lot of the politicians and judges involved are dead and those we know and love are fully aware that if they can keep the lid on it for another ten years or so they’ll be home and dry. Pensions and reputations intact. Of course nearly all the kids who were in the homes and the patients of the paedophiles’ prisons – the North Wales Hospital and Garth Angharad – are now dead, having met unfortunate premature deaths.

People living and working in north Wales have long since been fascinated by the tales of madness and serious mismanagement that leaked out of Glyndwr University. The centre of the most florid stories was Professor Mike Scott, the former Vice-Chancellor. People looked on in wonder and asked each other how much longer the chaos could be allowed to continue – staff told stories of Mike Scott giving crazed lectures to the staff en masse, of Scott telling barefaced lies and of rumours that the University was known to be virtually bankrupt but Scott nonetheless was spending like a drunken sailor on bizarre plans. One of the most notorious was Mike Scott’s plan to establish a ‘corridor of knowledge’ – he purchased some sheds along the side of a road in Wrexham in pursuit of this plan, but somehow it never really got off the ground. One of the Biggest Mysteries in north Wales also involves Mike Scott – whilst it was widely alleged that Glyndwr was flat on it’s back breathing it’s last financially, Mike Scott purchased the Racecourse which was next to the University for nearly two million quid – no-one could work out HOW. Allegations of financial corruption flew…He paid a lot of money for the sheds as well. Even people who only fleetingly met Mike Scott never forgot him – someone who shook hands with him described it as like shaking hands ‘with a wet fish’. But then I discovered that Scott had previous. Before being given his own university to destroy, he had been a PVC at De Montfort University – and had really screwed up there. Whilst Scott was at De Montfort he announced plans to establish an ‘axis of knowledge’ passing through three countries (I think the countries involved were England, Wales and Ireland), a bit like Hitler’s expansionist plans a few decades ago. People marvelled at how, after the DMU years, Scott was ever actually given any sort of job at NEWI, let alone given responsibility for running the place. It was alleged that NEWI was such a train wreck that the Welsh Gov’t were desperate for it to ‘merge’ with another institution, but no other college would touch them with a barge pole. Whilst he was wreaking havoc in Wrexham, there was another truly fascinating anecdote circulating about Mike Scott. Some of the older staff at Bangor University claimed to know the man who failed Mike Scott’s PhD in times past. I was told that Scott had done a PhD in English years ago, but he failed his viva and had to resubmit, which is why so many at Bangor looked on in horror at what he was allowed to do in Wrexham.

I know that readers will be fully aware that much of this can be interpreted as academics sneering at other institutions and their alleged follies and of course an awful lot of that goes on. Brown always used to say ‘when you work in a university you hear the most appalling things about people and you must never believe a word of it. But you must never be naïve enough not to listen’. But the reason that there was so much interest in what was going on in Wrexham was that someone somewhere was allowing this to happen – and public money was being squandered on a very large scale. Where was the accountability?

So what about the governance of Glyndwr University? Let’s take a look.

The current Chancellor of Glyndwr University is Trefor Jones CBE; he took up the post in Jan 2016. Trevor is described as having a ‘long and distinguished relationship with NEWI’ – he was their Chair. Trefor Jones was the Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd 2001-2012. He took his duties seriously – when HM the Queen and went to visit Flint, Trefor met her at Flint station! (Flint station is a dreadfully grotty place, I’m gobsmacked that Her Maj ever agreed to alight there.) Readers will understand why my interest was piqued when I saw that Trefor had been appointed to this post – this blog is full of the names of the paedophiles’ friends who ended up as Lord Lieutenants or Deputy Lieutenants. So who is Trefor?

Trefor Jones grew up in Rhyl and started his working life as an apprentice at what is now called Airbus at Broughton. He eventually became Chair and CEO of Pilkington Optronics. In 2000 Pilkington won a contract worth millions to supply the Royal Netherlands Army. I note that the new Vice-Chancellor of Glyndwr, Professor Maria Hinfelaar, is described as a ‘Dutch national’. Now that could well be of no significance – but continue reading this post.

Trefor has many varied interests. He was or is Chairman of the North Wales Area Committee; was or is the Chair of Celtec; was or is a member of the Welsh Industrial Development Advisory Board; was or is the Chair of the North Wales Economic Forum; was the Deputy Chair of the WDA (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ for background on the infamous WDA); he was or is the Chair of Clwyd Justices Advisory Committee; he has just stepped down from his role as Chair of St Kentigerns Hospice. Now perhaps he is, as the local media reassures us, simply a man who has dedicated his life to public service in north Wales. But guess what else Trefor was? He was a member of Clwyd Health Authority. So Trevor knew that Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist of the North Wales Hospital were unlawfully banging people up who crossed the paths of the paedophile gang. Trefor will have been one of the people who ignored the numerous complaints about patients being assaulted, sexually abused and fleeced of their money. He was part of the Health Authority that did not investigate complaints about those matters. As a member of that Health Authority he will have known the other people named on this blog who as members of both the Health Authority and Clwyd Social Services were directly involved in concealing the abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd. After the abolition of Clwyd Health Authority, Trefor continued with an NHS role – he was Vice-Chairman of Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust. So he will have had domain over those notoriously dreadful wards for the elderly in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd then.

Trefor had fingers in many pies and was at the top of one of the biggest businesses in north Wales. He is someone who could have spoken up about the wrongdoing. But he didn’t.

More about those pies. When Trefor was appointed Lord Lieutenant, the Clerk to the Lord Lieutenant Colin Everett – who doubled up as CEO of Flintshire County Council – announced in Jan 2009 that Tefor had appointed numerous Deputy Lieutenants. Among them were Judge Roger Dutton, Lady Susan Langford, Michael Peters and Professor Mike Scott. Lady Susan Langford is President of St Kentigerns, the hospice of which Trefor has just stopped being Chairman! Lady Susan’s husband, Lord Geoffrey Langford, is a Patron of St Kentigerns. Michael Peters I believe is better known as Mike Peters, the rock star from the band The Alarm. Mike Peters and his wife Jules are probably the most effective PR people that Ysbyty Glan Clwyd has. Mike Peters famously developed testicular cancer and has spent the years since raising money and extolling the wonders of the hospital which saved his life. Presumably the Top Doctors didn’t tell Mike that testicular cancer has a very low mortality rate and that nearly all patients survive, even if they are treated in a hospital with a reputation as bad as Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. A recent press release informed us that Jules has now been diagnosed with breast cancer. I think that someone ought to tell her just how big the problems are in YGC and give her the chance to be treated elsewhere, because breast cancer has a much higher mortality rate than testicular cancer. As for Professor Michael Scott – well we know all about him…

So who sits on the governing body of Glyndwr University? I had a look at the University website and the Governor’s Register of Interests 2016/17 and this is what I discovered. The governors include:

Celia Jenkins. In 2013 Celia was the High Sheriff of Clwyd. She was originally from Cheshire – the stomping ground of Sir Peter Morrison MP and all those who kept quiet about him molesting children (see post ‘    ‘). Celia is the Deputy Chair of the North East Wales Magistrates Bench, the Chair of the North East Wales Magistrates Panel, a member of the Wrexham Youth Justice Management Board, a member of the Lord Chancellor’s Committee for Clwyd and a member of the Executive Committee of the League of Friends Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Foundation Hospital. Celia’s spouse is a member of the Council of Chester University and a Board Member of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod. Previous posts have mentioned people involved in the abuse of children in north Wales who trained at Chester College – which became Chester University – and the paedophiles’ friends who were or are involved with the Llangollen International Eisteddfod, including the daddy of the biggest cover-up, Sir Ronald Waterhouse.

Barrie Jones. Barrie is the Editorial Director of NWW media – he joined the ‘family owned Board of Directors’ in 2010. This is the North Wales Weekly News Group, which published illustrious local titles including the North Wales Weekly News and Wrexham Leader. Barrie worked for those newpapers back in the 80s. When those papers had a penchant for printing flattering articles about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones rather than what was really happening inside of the North Wales Hospital. I very much doubt that the victims of the paedophiles’ were given much of a voice in those titles either. Barrie is involved with the journalism course at Glyndwr!

Gill Kreft. Gill is married to the well-known Mario Kreft and they own the Pendine Park empire, a substantial business involving care homes for the elderly and those with dementia. Gill is listed as a Director and shareholder of a number of the businesses that she and Mario run. She is also a Director of DBS Disclosures Services Ltd, a Director of Gwarchod Properties Ltd and a Trustee of the Social Care Institute of Excellence. The Social Care Institute of Excellence is now a standing joke in the wake of recent revelations as to the reality of much ‘social care’ in the UK. Gill also has a role with the Academy of Care Practitioners Ltd and Care Forum Wales.

Gill’s husband is very high profile in Wales and appears in the media regularly raising concerns regarding the lack of funding for social care. He certainly sounds much more compus mentis than many other people involved in that area of business in north Wales, although I don’t know anyone who’s ever worked for him so I don’t know what the reality is. His business is certainly very substantial and seems to be expanding rapidly, in spite of his pleas of living on the breadline and being unable to afford to pay his staff anything higher than the legal minimum. I note that Gill lists her interests as opera and exotic travel, such a viewing mountain gorillas. Opera and luxury holidays to the Virunga National Park don’t come cheap. I doubt that the care assistants at Pendine Park can afford such pastimes.

Rebecca Maxwell. Corporate Director of the Economy and Public Realm at Denbighshire County Council. In 2003 was Head of Children’s Services for Stirling Council. Prior to this, Rebecca had a ‘thirteen year career in the NHS in a variety of strategic and operational roles in England and Scotland’. Advisor to the North Wales Economic Ambition Board.

Paul McGrady. Has lived in Wrexham since 1977 – he was there when the paedophile gang in the Wrexham children’s homes was doing it’s worst than. Paul works at Wrexham County Borough Council as an accountant. That’s the Wrexham County Borough Council who were involved in the fiddle that I have previously blogged about which ensured that Dafydd and Lucille’s charity CAIS landed the contract for ‘service user involvement’ across the whole of north Wales then. Paul has previous – in 2005 he was Head of Finance and Assests for Denbighshire County Council. Denbighshire County Council has featured on the blog previously regarding irregularities in the funds – on some occasions the funds weren’t there. In 2015 Paul was appointed a Director of CCG, the ‘social landlord’ that was formed when the housing stock of Gwynedd County Council was transferred. The CCG who continues to employ the same staff who fiddled and embezzled when they were employed by the housing dept in Gwynedd County Council (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 24 2017’), the CCG that is the subject of constant serious complaints and media exposes.

Judy Owen. Judy is a Trustee/Director of St Kentigerns Hospice – that’s right, the hospice from which Trefor has just stepped down as Chairman! Judy joined Pilkington P.E. Ltd in 1973 and progressed to the role of site accountant. So she was an employee of Trefor’s then – and was responsible for the dosh. In 1999 she left Pilkington to work for Euro DPC at Llanberis, where she became finance director. I used to live near Euro DPC and they became a legend. When they first opened their doors in 1991 or 1992, they placed big adverts in the local papers telling local people how many ‘opportunities’ would be available. The employment situation in the area was dire, so everyone – including me – beat a path to their door. What a shock we had. The ‘international biotech company’ who had told the world that there would be well-paid managerial and scientific jobs in Llanberis was indeed seeking managers and scientists, but they had no intention of paying managers and scientists professional salaries, at least if those managers and scientists were local. I was offered the grand sum of £6000 pa after replying to an advert for scientists with postgrad qualifications and experience and the son of someone else I know was offered a similar pittance when he applied for a managerial position. When I asked why they were offering their scientists and technicians such poor pay they cheerily told me that the ‘market rate’ in Gwynedd dictated the salaries on offer. Euro DPC also had a plant in Oxford – where people doing exactly the same jobs as in Llanberis were paid very much more. I knew of one person who moved from Gwynedd to Oxford to do exactly the same job for much higher pay. Because Euro DPC paid sheepshaggers less. I that bet Euro DPC received ‘funding’ from the WDA to set that plant up in Llanberis as well. Do you want to tell us what was going on in that company Judy? Euro DPC played fast and loose with Health and Safety as well. One of the students that I did teacher training with in 2000/01 was partially blind. She’d been a chemist at Euro DPC in Llanberis, there’d been an accident and chemicals had got into her eye – there was no first aider on the premises and a manager refused to take her to Ysbyty Gwynedd for a check up. She suffered damage to her sight.

Phil Storrow. Phil is Head of a Dept at Glyndwr. He used to work at British Aerospace, just like Trefor. Phil is also a Director of Optic Glyndwr Ltd and of Glyndwr Innovations Ltd. So he is a Head of Dept at Glyndwr, a Director of two businesses owned by the University and a member of the University’s governing body – having previously worked for a company that the University’s Chancellor is associated with. Phil is also a Trustee of the Chester Childbirth Appeal. I don’t know what that is all about – although no doubt Trefor Jones will be involved somewhere – but the Countess of Chester Hospital has received an awful lot of bad publicity recently after it was revealed that the care was shite and a number of babies died unnecessarily. But then the maternity care at that hospital was not what it should have been for many years, but no-one piped up.

David Subbachi. Yet another Magistrate – David has sat on the Wrexham and Denbigh Benches for twenty years and was Chair of the Denbigh Bench. He is a former member of the Lord Chancellor’s Advisory Committee for North Wales on the selection and recruitment of Magistrates and a member of the Welsh Bench Chair’s Forum as well as the National Council for Magistrates’ Association. David’s career was spent as a civil servant in the Valuation Office Agency. He is a governor of Ysgol Morgan Llwyd Wrexham and a former governor of St Mary’s RC School, Wrexham. David’s wife is Chair of Offa Community Council.

Vincent Ryan. He was born and educated in Wrexham, but he won’t have been one of the kids who grew up in a children’s home there. He has a law degree from Cardiff University and in 1981 joined Allington Hughes Solicitors, becoming a partner with the firm in 1988. He stayed until 2009. So he was a local lawyer both whilst the paedophile ring raged and throughout the Waterhouse cover-up then. Which explains why he’s the Chair of Trustees of the Wrexham Diocesan Protection Management Committee. Vincent is an employment judge at employment tribunals.

Brian Everett. Brian has spent his career in UCU (Universities and Colleges Union). He is an employment judge in employment tribunals as well. Brian is a Director of Bevere H Consulting and the Chair of Wrexham RC Diocesan Safeguarding Commission. He is also a Trustee of the CAB. As is Lucille Hughes, the woman who was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services but failed to act, whilst she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Brian is Trustee and Chair of the Charles Lloyd Foundation.

Neil Ashbridge.  Neil is a non-executive Director of Cartrefi Conwy and Vice-Chair of Disability Wales. He is a member of the Liverpool Cathedral Finance Committee; a member of Liverpool Hope University’s Executive Advisory Board; a member of Oxford University’s Business Economy Project Advisory Board; a member of the Welsh Industrial Development Advisory Board; a Director of the Board of West Cheshire and North Wales Chamber of Commerce; the Chair of Liverpool Chamber of Commerce.

Professor Sandra Jowett. Sandra is Vice-Chair of the National Open College Network; a non-executive Director of Pennine Care NHS Foundation Trust; an Emeritus Professor at the University of Cumbria. Her son works for KPMG, London.

Tim Mitchell. Tim is a Director of McLintocks, Wrexham; a Director of the recently formed North Wales Crusaders Rugby League team, based at Glyndwr University Racecourse Stadium; the Hon Sec of the Chester and North Wales Society of Chartered Accountants.

Askar Sheibani. A Director of Deeside Business Forum Ltd; Group CEO Comtek Network Systems Ltd; a member of the Alyn and Deeside Constituency Labour Party.

Dr Colin Stuhlfelder. Colin is a Senior Lecturer in the Built Environment at Glyndwr University. He is also a Board member of Riverside Mersey North Housing Provider.

Emma Perrin. Emma’s spouse works at Airbus Operations at Broughton. Trefor’s former employers.

 

Well, there we have it. Perhaps I ought to open a competition for readers to see who can spot the highest number of conflicts of interest among that lot – before anyone does yet more research on the organisations that I’ve mentioned. The over-riding impression is of a group of people many of whom have worked for or with Trefor Jones or are involved in charitable causes or local authorities with which he has connections and who are in a position to do favours for or benefit from Glyndwr University. Many of whom are involved in the criminal justice system, which must be a dream for the paedophiles’ friends who are still cluttering up the region.

One further point about the organs of government at Glyndwr University. They have a senior member of staff, James Dawson – who has a famous brother-in-law. Dawson’s brother-in-law is John McTernan, the Rottweiler and former Director of Political Operations for Tony Blair! I have blogged about how Dawson left his previous job at Bangor University under a cloud after trying to steal a number of computers. One of which was mine, with lots and lots of info on it concerning the wrongdoing of the north Wales mental health services and how Blair’s Gov’t was keeping that as well as many other mental health scandals quiet (see post ‘When Showbiz Meets Politics’).

 

Having had a taste of what Trefor Jones got up to in his roles as Lord Lieutenant and Chancellor of Glyndwr University, I thought that I’d check out what might have been going on at St Kentigerns Hospice, where he was Chairman until literally a few days ago. I prioritised identifying who are Trustees and Patrons.

Trustees include:

Lady Susan Langford, the President. I have provided details re Susan earlier.

Judy Owen, Treasurer. That’s the Judy described earlier – who used to work as the accountant for Trefor’s company and then worked as the finance director for the dodgy Euro DPC.

Professor Mari Lloyd Williams. Mari is a Top Doctor specialising in palliative care who works at the University of Liverpool North West Cancer Centre. She has served on the fitness to practice and professional conduct committees of the GMC; on the HEFCW (Higher Education Funding Council for Wales) and UKHEAC committees 2006-12; was appointed by the Welsh Assembly Gov’t to the Review of Governance in HE in Wales; was a member of the Advisory Group under Chair Sir Adrian Webb into the Future of Higher Education in North East Wales; Chairs the Tenovus Cancer Charity Psychosocial Grants Committee. With all those connections to healthcare research and HE, presumably Mari could help Glyndwr University out if she wanted to. She’s also been in a position to decide what fate should befall the dreadful Top Doctors of north Wales should the GMC ever decide to place any of them in front of a Tribunal.

David Gozzard. David is a retired Consultant Haematologist from Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, a position that he achieved in 1988. He was Clinical Director of Pathology and was Medical Director of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust – Trefor was Vice-Chairman! After the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust evolved into the North Wales NHS Trust – yet another reorganisation in a desperate attempt to stop the regional NHS killing people and it’s staff/managers siphoning off NHS funds – David became Medical Director of the new organisation. David was also Chair of the North Wales Medical Committee 2001-04.

Having been Clinical Director of Pathology in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, David might be able to clear up a long-standing puzzle. In the summer of 1991 I had one of my many Bizarre Experiences. I had moved back to north Wales to live and I applied for a job in the path labs of Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. I was called for interview and faced a panel of three people. One man was someone from IT who was obviously the brightest on the panel but was the most junior in the hierarchy in terms of jobs, the other was a senior person from the lab staff – could it have been David Gozzard? – and the other was a most extraordinary man, even by the standards of north Wales, a Top Doctor called Binns-Smith. I should have realised that I was in for a fun time, because before I was called in for the interview I was sat in a waiting area near to some workmen who were working on the ceiling. An enormous man with a huge belly, no jacket, open-necked shirt and no tie emerged from an office nearby and started bellowing at the men working on the ceiling, hurling insults about the ‘average British workman’ no less. I presumed that he must have been their foreman, particularly as he was in possession of the stereotypical builder’s bum as his trousers started to descend whilst he yelled at the workmen. Then I noticed that not only were his trousers descending, but his flies were undone so in total quite an expanse of ancient white Y fronts were on display. He turned to me and asked if I was waiting for interview – this man it transpired was Dr Binns-Smith, head of pathology ay Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

I followed Binns-Smith into the interview room with him still bellowing about British workmen. As I sat down, one of the others on the ‘panel’ gave me a very strained smile and simply said ‘portent’. Binns-Smith didn’t respond, but then introduced me to the IT man, making a joke about him being so lowly in the workforce but of course ‘everybody calls him the boss’. Binns-Smith commented that he had noted from my CV that I had a postgrad degree from and had worked in the London medical schools. He then launched into a rant about how his son had applied for a place in the London medical schools but had been rejected by all of them and the trouble was that medical schools were full of ‘cabbage patch socialism’ (whatever that is) and that his son’s teachers had advised him to apply for other courses after clearing but he wasn’t having his son doing an ‘arty farty’ course. This man was clearly both mad and offensive and was obviously embarrassing the other ‘interviewers’ who sat there without saying a word. I did wonder what his son was like – could he perhaps actually keep his trousers up, unlike his father? Was he as obnoxious as dad, or was he truly oppressed, having been told by his father to apply for medicine when he wasn’t able to gain the high grades needed? After about ten minutes of this, I decided that I really didn’t want to work for this lunatic, so I told Binns-Smith that I was leaving. As I walked out, I heard him bellowing at the other two men ‘gentlemen, this interview is over’. I expected the mother of all insulting letters afterwards, but I never heard another thing. I asked around, but no-one I knew was acquainted with Binns-Smith. Unlike Dafydd who regularly hit the media, I never saw any references to Binns-Smith in the local papers either. I have tried googling him since then, but nothing. Some years after my encounter with him, I did of course start hearing stories that Ysbyty Glan Clwyd was every bit as dangerous, corrupt and mismanaged as Ysbyty Gwynedd and that people were being misdiagnosed and dying when they shouldn’t have been. In the light of who was running their pathology dept I cannot say that I was surprised. Binns-Smith wasn’t the average British workman but he was only marginally worse than the average north Wales Top Doctor. If David Gozzard gets to read this blog and fancies meeting up, I’d dearly love to hear the many anecdotes that I know will have circulated around Ysbyty Glan Clwyd about that man.

St Kentigerns Hospice has a number of Patrons, one of whom is Colonel Lord Geoffrey Langford, Susan’s husband!  Lord Langford was identified as being 100 years old in an article about him a few years ago, so I’d be surprised if he was still alive. He spent his career in the British Army and inherited the family seat at Rhuddlan from a member of his extended family who had died without children. He married a number of times, the last time in 1975 to Susan. Who was then Susan Denham from Wrexham. I presume that Susan is quite a bit younger than Colonel Lord. Colonel Lord’s heir was listed as being his son, Owain Grenville Rowley-Conwy, who married a Joanna Featherstone. I presume that Owain is now Lord Langley. I note that after Trefor Jones finished his stint as Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd, the next Lord Lieutenant was someone Featherstone. It just has to be one of Joanna’s relatives doesn’t it.

One recent media article reporting that Trefor Jones was standing down as Chair of St Kentigerns after seven years mentioned that St Kentigerns was ‘saved’ solely by Trefor a few years ago when it faced bankruptcy. There were no details of how Trefor raised the money needed to save it – which will have been considerable. Trefor won’t have had it in his piggy bank. Perhaps Judy Owens – the Treasurer of St Kentigens, the former accountant of Trefor’s company and the former finance director of Euro DPC – might like to tell us.

 

I’m going to terrify readers a bit more now. Whilst I was searching for info on Trefor – I’ve only carried out a very brief search, God knows how much else I’d find if I spent a few days on it – I cam across Trefor’s name in Hansard no less. Trefor’s name appears in a document that was prepared in March 2008 and submitted to the Welsh Affairs Committee when the Committee were considering the provision of cross-border health services for Wales. The document is entitled ‘Memorandum Submitted By Huw Thomas And Colleagues’ beneath which are the words ‘submission from a group of retired people who have played a prominent role in the NHS and public life in North Wales’. The document is a lengthy, furious response to the proposals by Edwina Hart, the then Minister for Health, to redirect elective neurosurgery patients away from The Walton Centre in Liverpool to the Morriston Hospital in Swansea. I hadn’t seen this document before, but I remember that row very well. It happened as the Top Doctors and their associates in north Wales were doing their utmost to bring Edwina down. They really loathed her. The charge from the GPs was led by Dr Eamonn Jessup, who at the time was displaying a Facebook group on his Facebook page entitled ‘higher pay for doctors’. Dr Richard Tranter, lately of the Hergest Unit, was telling his patients that Edwina wanted patients referred to the Morriston because it was near her constituency. Tranter was also telling his patients to write to their AMs and MPs to complain about the NHS. Did Tranter ever tell patients to do this some years previously when the Hergest Unit were framing patients who had complained and presided over one of the highest suicide rates in the UK? No, he only did it when the Top Doctors began their co-ordinated campaign against Edwina.

The ‘memorandum’ bangs on at great length, presenting what it believes is a clinical case for continuing to refer patients to The Walton Centre. I note that the memorandum isn’t only fighting on behalf of The Walton Centre – it is also angrily maintaining that patients should not be referred to Cardiff and that referrals from north Wales should continue to Alder Hey Children’s Hospital, Broadgreen Cardio-Thoracic Centre, Manchester Royal Infirmary Cardiac Centre and Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Gobowen (spinal injuries and specialist orthopaedics).

Now there are a great many arguments for and against sending patients from north Wales to either the north west of England or to Cardiff or Swansea for complex specialist treatment. But what I’m interested in is who signed that ‘memorandum’ along with Trefor. Because I recognised a lot of those names. Many of them are names that can be found on the early medical records of mine that my lawyer had to go to the High Court to extract. They are the names of people whom I had never met and in many cases whom I did not know existed – but they were all part of the effort to have me either banged up in a secure hospital on the grounds of my ‘dangerousness’ which was predicated entirely on statements made by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) which they knew were untrue, or prosecuted for offences which they knew that I had not committed. Many of the names were also advising on how not to investigate my complaints concerning the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Tony Francis and the staff of Gwynedd Social Services. Francis, Jones and Gwynedd Social Services were at the time facilitating and concealing the paedophile ring. I also recognised some of the names from archive material dating from the late 80s – they were the names of the people who were running Gwynedd Health Authority so badly that the Health Authority was bankrupt, the Welsh Office had sent a hit squad in and David Hunt, the Secretary of State for Wales, was writing letters to them himself.

The following names were the names that I recognised:

Dr Cedric Davies, former Director of Public Health Medicine, Gwynedd Health Authority. Cedric was on very chummy terms with Tony Francis and was part of a plot to incarcerate me in the Caswell Clinic in south Wales – although I was living and working in London.

Noreen Edwards, former Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. Noreen was cc’d into most letters about me. David Hunt wrote to Noreen Edwards regarding the ‘crisis’ in Gwynedd Health Authority – which had been caused by her and her mates.

Professor Robert Owen, former Consultant Orthopaedic Surgeon at Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Hospital Gobowen and Professor of Orthopaedics at Liverpool University. Robert Owen was the Medical Ombudsman for the Welsh Office who organised the cover-up led by Professor Robert Bluglass after I complained about the criminal conduct of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). I now have documents demonstrating that doctors who were not part of my complaint and whom I was no longer being ‘treated’ by were communicating with Robert Owen without my knowledge, outside the parameters of the ‘investigation’ and were communicating with him about this at his home in Colwyn Bay. (By the way on an earlier post I stated that Robert Owen was a surgeon and prof at Cardiff – I had always presumed that, because I met him in Cardiff and of course the letters from him had a Cardiff address on them, although it was obviously the Welsh Office’s address. The info in this post concerning Owen’s affiliations to Liverpool University and the Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Hospital was supplied by Owen himself in the ‘memorandum’.)

Dr David Roberts, former Consultant in Public Health Medicine, Gwynedd Health Authority. David Roberts was cc’d into letters about me.

Hilary Stevens, former Chairman, Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust. I used to see Hilary in action when she was a member of the Betsi Board when the Betsi was first formed. She certainly wasn’t as mad or as obnoxious as many of those we know and love, but Hilary obviously didn’t have a grip on the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust. Was this because Hilary was a normal human being who was unable to control a load of criminals, some of whom had concealed a paedophile ring? Or was Hilary a smiling devil with better social skills than the rest of them?

Professor Eric Sunderland, former Vice-Chancellor of Bangor University and Lord Lieutenant of Gwynedd. Professor Sunderland always struck me as being very establishment but not barking mad or corrupt. But he did run a University full of the paedophiles’ friends with Gwynne the lobotomist working in the Student Health Centre. Perhaps Eric was someone else who was surrounded by monsters whom he couldn’t control. Either way, he can’t have been completely Of Them because he never received a knighthood. Which everybody expected him to. I was told that Eric and his wife were deeply hurt by this lack of recognition and that Professor Sunderland Not Being Given A K was another north Wales conundrum. He should have taken it as a compliment – he obviously wasn’t friendly enough with the paedophiles’ friends. And if he’d been a child molester himself, he’d have been given a peerage and admitted into the highest echelons, along with Greville Janner.

Huw Thomas, former Chief Executive of Gwynedd Health Authority. Huw wrote me inane – and in the end rude – letters and failed to investigate the most serious of complaints. He was also writing the paedophiles’ friends letters about me – he was much friendlier to them than he was to me. Huw was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Health Authority at the time of the ‘crisis’ when David Hunt had words with Noreen.

The signatures of people unknown to me are:

Dr Pat Barry, former Consultant Anaesthetist, Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Mr Michael Crumplin, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Maelor.

Mr Chris Davies, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

Dr Harry Edwards, former Consultant Anaesthetist, Ysbyty Gwynedd, Chair of Welsh Medical Committee.

Dr Ellen Emslie, former Consultant Dermatologist, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

Annwen Carey Evans, former High Sheriff, Gwynedd.

D.B. Carey Evans (no position given – presumably a nobody who was simply related to the High Sheriff, which was obviously quite enough to turn them into a somebody.)

Elizabeth Colwyn Foulkes.

Sir William Gladstone, former Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd.

Dr Jeffrey Green, former Consultant Cardiologist, Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Michael Griffiths, former Chairman, Clwyd Health Authority and Chairman, Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust.

Dr Idris Humphries, former GP and Chairman of Welsh General Medical Service’s Committee.

Mr O.M. Jonathon, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

Professor David Jones, former Chief Nursing Officer, Gwynedd Health Authority and Professor of Nursing, Sheffield University.

Mr David Jones, former Consultant Orthopaedic Surgeon, Ysbyty Gwynedd and Great Ormond Street Children’s Hospital, London.

Dorothy Keddie, former Assistant Director of Nursing, North Wales Health Authority.

Mr Hywel Oliver, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Bill Owen, former Director of Finance, Gwynedd Health Authority.

Dr J. Gwyn Thomas, former GP and Chairman of Welsh Branch of Royal College of General Practitioners and Provost of Merseyside and North Wales Faculty of the Royal College of General Practitioners.

Dr Mari Thomas, former GP and Chairman of MENCAP Wales.

I do not know the above named, but I know from the positions that they were so proud to have held that they, variously, bankrupted a Health Authority, worked as leading Top Doctors in hospitals with appalling track records where serious mistakes were made which led to patients being maimed or killed, worked in a region where learning disabled people lived in dreadful conditions and were referred to as ‘cabbages’ by the managers of the ‘services’ supposedly caring for them, obstructed any attempts to improve services and declared all out war on patients who dared complain.

All of this lot who signed the ‘memorandum’ knew that terrible things were happening in the surgical depts of the local hospitals. They probably knew that the paediatrics dept of Ysbyty Gwynedd had such a dreadful reputation that there was an arrangement among local doctors that their own children would not be admitted there. Many of this lot also knew that there was a madman running the region’s psychiatric hospital, that he was sexually exploiting patients, that he was unlawfully incarcerating anyone who crossed the path of him or his criminal associates – of which there were many – and that some of those illegally incarcerated were literally never seen again. Oh and a lot of them will have known that a paedophile gang was operating in the children’s homes and that when the kids weren’t being beaten, starved or forced to work as free labour, they were being raped and buggered. This motley crew destroyed the fabric of north Wales – how did they believe that they had the right to send this foolish rubbish to Parliament and demand that they be listened to?

So why were this bunch of moribund old gits so desperate to get rid of Edwina and continue to send patients to hospitals where they had connections? Was it that they feared losing control of the vice-like grip that they had over the region and  – as with the employment of new staff from elsewhere  – they dreaded anyone uncovering evidence pointing to what they had done? Myself, I keep pondering on a truly nightmare scenario. I witnessed patients who were undoubtedly left to die after complaining about this shower – it was very obviously supposed to have happened to me as well. A number of us who refused to keep quiet have existed for years whilst being completely unable to access ANY medical treatment for any medical problem, no matter how painful or life threatening. We have found vicious rumours spread around the region about us and we found ourselves turfed out of jobs in bizarre circumstances. When we investigated, a member of the Cylch was always involved. People with businesses found themselves going out of business, even if they had previously been highly successful.

Some years ago, just before this almighty row erupted between Edwina and the paedophiles’ friends which hinged upon The Walton Centre, I knew of two people in north Wales who both developed brain tumours at about the same time. One was married to someone who was known to have had a bellyful of the paedophiles’ friends and would dearly have liked to see them brought down. The paedophiles’ friends themselves were doing everything that they could to shaft this person. The other person was a former social worker who had worked in this role when the paedophile gang were on the loose and undoubtedly knew what was happening. Both of these people were referred to Walton. The former social worker was operated on, made a slow but good recovery and still socialises with the paedophiles’ friends in retirement. The spouse of the person who was being targeted by the paedophiles’ friends was told that their tumour was inoperable and they subsequently died. Maybe that tumour was inoperable – but how would anyone ever know? I was told many things for many years – but once my lawyer obtained my medical records I discovered criminal conduct that shocked even me, I discovered that Top Doctors whom I always rated as being better than their colleagues and whom I liked and thought that I got on with well were ruthlessly using the fact that I trusted them to extract information about me and even people close to me in order to do as much damage to us as they could. I also found that the only two people who had actually dared stick their necks out to protect me had lost their jobs within months – after one was prosecuted and convicted of an indecent assault.

These people were involved in serious organised crime for years. And Edwina Hart knew all about – because I told her what was happening to me, as did a few other people. No wonder she wanted to put these fuckers out of action and stop them referring patients to their mates.

So to all the relatives of the people that they killed – have this blog as a free gift. I’ll name every single person whom I know was involved. Even those who spent time supping with HM the Queen. In fact, particularly those who spent time supping with HM the Queen.

The story dominating the news reports on the radio today has been the announcement that Alison Saunders (the DPP) is ordering the CPS to  prosecute trolls who send hate mail to others on social media. Female MPs in particular are waxing lyrical about this and Luciana Berger has been wheeled out on every news bulletin to tell us all how many nasty messages she gets and how they affected her mental health. I know that public figures -especially women – can be targeted by some deeply unpleasant people. Jess Phillips went public months ago on some of the online messages that she was receiving and read a few of them out – graphic descriptions of the various sexual tortures to which these sad bastards wanted to subject her. It is deeply, deeply unpleasant and it is not acceptable. But just look at what those we know and love have got away with and Alison Saunders and previous DPPs did nothing. In spite of the fact that back in the 90s, thousands and thousands of witness statements were taken and hundreds of people were identified as having abused children in care in north Wales. As for Luciana and her mental health – at one point Luciana was Jeremy Corbyn’s spokesperson on mental health. I was seriously underwhelmed by her complete failure to speak out about what actually happens to people in the mental health system. They die Luciana. Particularly if they have grown up in care and start talking about what happened to them.

 

There would seem to be many vampires in north Wales, particularly at Glyndwr University. But Dr Emyr Williams is not one of them. Emyr is a high achieving academic, someone who does not put himself first constantly and is a man of integrity. What on earth would north Wales want with one of them, it is hardly surprising that the writs are flying and the Daily Post is in overdrive.

 

 

 

I Want Serious Money Now Please

I switched on the radio earlier but immediately switched it off again, because Gyles Brandreth was on there. I didn’t need to hear him tell the world how brilliant he is or bang on about how he established a Teddy Bear museum, which seems to be mostly what he does during his many appearances on light entertainment shows on TV and radio. Although I am not interested in listening to Brandreth, it did remind me that I need to blog about him, because his former career is relevant to this blog.

Most people know that Brandreth is a former Tory MP, but fewer people know that he was the Tory MP for Chester between 1992-97. In fact Gyles took over the seat from the former MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison. Regular readers will know that Peter Morrison molested children in care in north Wales. Some of Morrison’s Tory colleagues have admitted that they knew that he was abusing boys and at least one of them has maintained that Thatcher was told about this but she appointed Morrison Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party nonetheless. Brandreth himself is very reluctant to talk about Morrison but has indicated that he knew nothing of Morrison’s activities. How likely is this?

The north Wales paedophile ring was known to extend into Cheshire – even Ronnie Waterhouse admitted that in the Waterhouse Report. John Allen, who owned the Bryn Alyn Community and trafficked the boys in his ‘care’ to brothels in London and Brighton and is currently in prison after being convicted of abusing children in north Wales, owned a children’s home in Cheshire as well. A witness at the Waterhouse Inquiry talked about being taken to a big house near Chester where he was molested. By the time that Brandreth had been elected for Chester, allegations of terrible child abuse in north Wales and Cheshire had recently appeared in the London based media. Brandreth was an author, journalist and broadcaster. His wife was a writer and publisher.  They will not have missed the stories about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Cheshire.

Brandreth will have no doubt heard the stories from other sources as well. Although Brandreth didn’t stand for election until 1992, he is on record as having said that he had always wanted a political career. He was President of the Oxford Union in 1970 and his contemporaries there were Ann Widdecombe and Edwina Currie, who by 1992 had both worked closely with the people who had concealed the activities of the paedophile ring. Brandreth has spoken publicly about the good friendship that he enjoyed with Widdecombe at Oxford. He is a gregarious man who remained friendly with many people active in the Conservative Party – I’m sure that something will have been said to him, particularly when it got around that he was standing for Chester.

Of course, whilst Gyles was MP for Chester, John Jillings and his team conducted their inquiry into the north Wales paedophile ring and then in 1996 all hell broke out when it was announced that the Jillings Report would never be made available because the contents were so incendiary that Clwyd County Council’s insurers’ legal advisors had threatened to withdraw insurance cover if the contents of the Report were made available, even to members of the Council (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). There had also been a police investigation into child abuse in the region and in 1996 William Hague announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse would be holding a public inquiry into the matter. Just as Brandreth got elected, five people with connections to the north Wales child abuse scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Brandreth never heard any of this discussed????

Perhaps after he was elected, Gyles simply never rubbed noses with anyone who might have known Peter Morrison or who knew about the concerns over his activities? Unlikely – one thing that Brandreth did successfully do whilst he was MP for Chester was campaign for University status for Chester College. Chester were most grateful and in Dec 2016 appointed Brandreth Chancellor of the University of Chester. Campaigning for your local college to acquire University status involves a lot of hobnobbing with precisely the sort of people whose hair will have been standing on end in the wake of the rumours swirling regarding the activities of the recently departed MP.

Brandreth served in John Major’s Gov’t as a Whip and as Lord Commissioner in the Treasury. He’ll have been particularly well-briefed as a Whip – they are notorious for digging up dirt on MPs and using it to coerce people. Brandreth was interviewed by Lynn Barber for the ‘Guardian’ in 2005 and he discussed his ‘exciting’ time as a Whip with her. He stated that as a Whip ‘you often have to smooth people, you have to take them aside and say “you know the PM really loves you.” Then with other people you have to say “Do you know what the message from No 10 is? Fuck off. We’ve had enough. Five years ago we advanced you £10,000 – do you remember that? Just remember that, because we need you in the lobby tonight”‘.

So Gyles didn’t spend all his time talking about Teddy Bears and Scrabble and woolly jumpers then. Imagine what this intimidating shit would be saying if he had knowledge of child sexual abuse among colleagues past and present and he wanted them in the lobby. Of course, John Major’s Gov’t was often on very shaky ground which is why they will have often needed a Whip to carry on in the way in which Gyles boasted of.

Elsewhere in the ‘Guardian’ interview Barber states ‘he says…that everything he does…is a performance’. He explains that his work as an after-dinner speaker is lucrative – the money is good ‘though not as good as Cherie’s’. Indeed money seems very important to Brandreth, or more precisely having a great deal of it is. His wife grumbled about him being a backbench MP on £50,000 pa and when he lost his seat she decided that she’d had enough of the penury that comes with a salary of 50k in a household with other sources of income at the same time and told him ‘I want serious money now please’.

Mrs Brandreth got serious money as well. Brandreth boasts that he lost his seat on the Thursday and started work on LBC on the Saturday. Of course since then the bumptious vacuous bastard has never been off the radio and TV, although he never says anything of substance.  Gyles also decided to try his hand at interviewing, his first try being an interview with the Duke of Edinburgh! It brought him into close proximity with the Royals and associated Courtiers, but Gyles wasn’t at all daunted because he had ‘sat on committees with the Prime Minister’. His interview with Phil the Greek was so successful that it led to a five year contract with the ‘Sunday Telegraph’! At this time of course, Amanda Platell was the press manager for Conservative Central Office and was keeping all the crap relating to the paedophile ring and the Waterhouse Inquiry out of the media (see post ‘Did Glenda Occupy A Key Role In Keeping It All Out Of The Media?’).

Brandreth’s media career really took off after he left Parliament, in the way that the careers of so many of the lawyers who defended the paedophile gang at the Waterhouse Inquiry did after the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’). Was somebody grateful to him for something perhaps? For such a tosser his social occasions really draw in the big names as well. Gyles is President of the Oscar Wilde Society and hosts an annual Oscar Wilde Party – guests have included Camilla Duchess of Cornwall, Stephen Fry, Derek Jacobi, Joanna Lumley and Julian Fellowes.

Toadying interviews conducted with Gyles have remarked on how successful his three children are – one is a barrister, one is a journalist and one is a Gov’t economist. Their paths in life probably wouldn’t have been the same if they had been kids in care being molested by Peter Morrison whilst corrupt lawyers on the Chester and Wales Circuit along with powerful figures in the media and Gov’t concealed it all, but if their dad had information about such matters that could have helped them considerably.

These days Brandreth lives in Barnes in south west London and his name appears on a website listing notable people who live in Richmond-Upon-Thames. Barnes was the location of the brothel the Elm Guest House which was staffed by children in care and where high profile people, including Westminster figures, were alleged to have abused them. At least one boy from the children’s homes in north Wales has stated that he was trafficked to the Elm Guest House and in 2015 the ‘Daily Telegraph’ reported allegations that Peter Morrison had raped a 14 year old boy there. There was also a paedophile ring operating in Richmond-Upon-Thames involving children in local authority care. Dr Alice Levinson, one of the Top Doctors from Springfield Hospital who concealed the criminal activities of the Top Doctors in north Wales whilst they facilitated the paedophile ring, now lives in Richmond-Upon-Thames and has a psychotherapy practice there. Although Alice knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients and that I was suicidal because of Dafydd and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) constantly having me arrested, she recommended that I be referred to forensic services for ‘containment’. Alice consulted Lucille Hughes for evidence of my ‘dangerousness’ – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services whilst Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services but failed to act. Alice might be a neighbour of Gyles’s!

Brandreth has written a book about his time as an MP. I haven’t read it, but I think that I ought to. However I do know that he has prefaced that book with a quote from PM Arthur Balfour: ‘nothing matters very much and very few things matter at all’.

Some things do matter Gyles. Admittedly not Teddy Bears or woolly jumpers or being the world’s best Scrabble player or getting in the Guinness Book of Records for making the longest after-dinner speech or even your wife’s naked greed – but a vicious paedophile ring with a side-line in pornography and drug dealing and connections in Parliament who are framing innocent people who stumble across them matters very much. Particularly when people who have dared give evidence against them keep being found dead.

Gyles – it’s your turn to speak for one minute without hesitation, repetition or deviation on the subject of ‘Organised Crime – How I’ve Become Very Rich By Keeping Quiet About It’.

 

Someone else who was in need of Serious Money and who certainly got it is a Lord Crickhowell, who features on an item on BBC News Wales today. The item is entitled ‘Cardiff Bay: What Has Thirty Years of Development Achieved?’ and follows on with a few pearls from Lord Crickhowell who ‘hailed the regeneration of the former docklands as a success’ but stressed that to ensure even more success, a ‘more co-ordinated approach’ to further development is needed. Lord Crickhowell certainly knows all about co-ordinated approaches and the ‘success’ of the Cardiff Bay development. Cardiff Bay is lovely, but there is much grief about it in Wales because the benefits of the successful regeneration of Cardiff Bay have not spread to the rest of south Wales yet alone to west, mid or north Wales. Many people in those regions are still living in cardboard box in’t middle of road despite the luxury down in Cardiff Bay. One person who has done very well indeed out of the regeneration of Cardiff Bay though since he co-ordinated the redevelopment there is a man called Lord Crickhowell.

The Welsh blogger Jac O The North has written an excellent account of the raw corruption that was involved in the development of Cardiff Bay. Jac has compiled a ‘factsheet’ with the history and details of the dodgy deals, sleights of hand and conflicts of interest involved which can be downloaded from his blog. I know that ‘factsheets’ are usually laughable documents produced by the NHS or MIND which fail to explain that the ‘medication’ that you have just been prescribed could well kill you, but Jac’s factsheet regarding Corruption Bay is in a league of it’s own. I highly recommend it. I will provide a summary of Jac’s research here – and pose a few questions and possibilities that Jac hasn’t raised, almost certainly because Jac’s research into corruption doesn’t usually involve delving into the wrongdoing of the health and welfare services.

Jac’s factsheet describes ‘how political power and influence was blatantly and systematically abused for almost twenty years so that vast sums of public money could be used for corporate and private gain and how the Welsh establishment and the Welsh media either acquiesced, turned a blind eye or was simply too scared of the culprits to defend the public interest’.

Cardiff Bay is built on the site of the former docklands. When the coal industry ended, the owner of Cardiff docks, Associated British Ports (ABP), was left with an eyesore and a financial liability. ABP was privatised by Thatcher’s Gov’t in 1982/3 whilst Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell was Secretary of State for Wales. Edwardes was the MP for Pembrokeshire and was Secretary of State for Wales between 1979-87. He had extensive shipping interests and through these business contacts and personal links with ABP.

Following the privatisation of the docks, Edwardes spent a few years working to set up a publicly funded body to regenerate the privately owned docklands. This led to the creation of a quango, the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (CBDC) in 1987. The chair of CBDC was Geoffrey Inkin, a failed Tory candidate and friend of Edwardes. Inkin was also Chairman of the Land Authority for Wales (LAW) which acquired land for development. LAW had the power of no-appeal compulsory purchase, could smooth out difficulties with planning regulations and could get priority treatment from utilities. The key to the commercial success of Cardiff Bay was the £200 million+ barrage across the estuary, which created a lagoon across the ‘unsightly’ mud flats therefore making the Bay more attractive to investors and those buying, leasing or renting land and property from ABP.

Thus ABP had it’s own private quango pouring public money into the company from which ABP would reap profits. Although ‘the largest waterfront regeneration scheme in Europe’ was paid for by public money, ABP still owned the existing buildings and land as well as everything built on it. The amount of public money that was admitted to have been spent on Cardiff Bay was £500 million – there are suspicions that it was actually much more.

In 1987 Edwardes stood down as an MP and in order to receive his share of the bonanza that he’d engineered, he joined ABP as a Director in 1988. In May 1988 Edwardes was also appointed Chairman of the National Rivers Authority (NRA) – that was the body that was adjudicating on the barrage.

Edwardes and Inkins’s influence via the Cardiff and County Club, the Welsh media and other agencies ensured that any Welsh institution or body that might add to the Bay’s prestige or boost ABP’s profits was approached to locate there. The Welsh media uncritically plugged the project.

So Edwardes, the father of the whole scheme, was a Director of the company reaping the benefits and head of the environmental agency that theoretically had the power to sink the whole project.

A Gov’t Bill getting the barrage through Parliament was passed in 1993 and ABP and CBDC effectively became one entity. However it transpired that no-one wanted to rent, lease or buy Crickhowell House, a huge office block on the development. In 1993, the Welsh Office, headed by Secretary of State for Wales David Hunt, took out a 20 year lease at a total cost said to be in excess of £20 million. As Crickhowell House only cost £11 million to build, that resulted in a very healthy profit for ABP-CBDC. The building was allocated to the Welsh Health Service’s Authority, although they never occupied more than about 1/3 of the building.

In the mid-1990s Wales experienced the saga of the Opera House which was proposed for Cardiff Bay. The leading light in this plan was none other than Nicholas Edwardes, in his capacity as a Trustee (or equivalent) of the Welsh National Opera Company. A competition was held to design the Opera House which was won by Zaha Hadid, but it was never built. There was a lot of squabbling over Hadid’s design, but many people also wanted a new rugby stadium for Cardiff. The dosh was coming from the Gov’t in London who wouldn’t fund both and in the end a new rugby stadium proved a much more popular choice, so that went ahead. Edwardes and Inkin tried to get the rugby stadium sited in the Bay, but that plan failed.

After the devolution referendum in 1997, Ron Davies, the new Secretary of State for Wales, started negotiations with the leader of Cardiff Council for Cardiff City Hall, the building earmarked for housing the new National Assembly of Wales. The negotiations broke down – there have been allegations of skulduggery – and nominations for other sites for the National Assembly began. It was decided to locate the National Assembly in Cardiff Bay, in a new building. Blair’s friend Richard Rogers was the architect who had the winning design for the new building – I’d love to know how that happened, Rogers’s claim to fame was designing the Millennium Dome which was a national joke.

At about this time, Grosvenor Waterside Developments became visible – this was the property arm of ABP, used to disguise ABP involvement.

Ron Davies announced that until the new Assembly building was completed, the temporary home for the Assembly would be in Crickhowell House. Rhodri Morgan, at that time a Labour MP, described Crickhowell House as ‘the very embodiment of that corruption-ridden, semi-colonial, Tory past…’ Rhodri was opposed to the barrage and preferred City Hall as the location for the Assembly. Jac wonders whether it was this that caused London to prevent Rhodri from leading the Labour Party in Wales – Blair famously did all he could to prevent Rhodri Morgan becoming First Minister although it backfired on Blair and Rhodri did end up eventually becoming First Minister. Jac speculates that perhaps Blair et al feared that Rhodri would have taken the Assembly to City Hall.

Jac describes powerful influences at work to keep the location of the Assembly in the Bay. He notes that although there had been much Tory sleaze behind this – Edwardes et al were desperate to have a big prestigious building located in the Bay – the incoming New Labour Gov’t showed no sign of exposing or even undoing the sleaze. Jac speculates that Blair’s 1997 administration allowed the scam because the greed of the ABP-CBDC and the cliques and cabals in Cardiff resulted in Welsh political life being sucked into Cardiff – which suited the control freakery of the New Labour Gov’t, who viewed Wales as dangerously red and dangerously insubordinate and it would be easier for London Labour to manage the sheepshaggers if they were reduced to one city. Jac wonders whether Edwardes told the holders of the purse strings in London that the Cardiff Bay project was too far gone to call back and that the project would fail without a prestigious centrepiece to attract investors. If Cardiff Bay failed, London Labour would look as bad as the Tories. Who would benefit? Plaid – whom London Labour and the Tories perceived to be beyond the pale.

Jac supplies details of an HTV ‘Wales this Week’ episode from July 1999. The programme exposed a secret deal involving extending the lease of Crickhowell House and Alun Michael AM who was then First Secretary (First Minister) – Blair’s choice of First Secretary who had been forced upon a Wales that did not want him as First Secretary – denying the deal, but then admitting it. The programme also exposed the lies that were told regarding the cost of the land that was allocated for the Assembly building. Jac believes that the programme was designed to embarrass the Labour Party, as many questions relating to the Tories’ part in the corruption and the cock-ups went unasked. The Chairman of the HTV Group was one Nicholas Edwardes – who, along with the Tories, was not mentioned during the programme.

The Civil Service mandarin who was instrumental in the machinations to locate the Assembly in Cardiff Bay was Rachel Lomax. Lomax left a prestigious job with the World Bank in 1996 to take up her appointment as Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office. Jac questions the machinations engineered by Lomax and suspects that the ‘official’ version of events is untrue. Lomax was moved to the DSS (DWP) in Feb 1999.

Jac sums up by mentioning that Alun Michael was the MP for Cardiff South and Penarth, that his constituency included Cardiff Bay and that prior to becoming an MP Michael was a Councillor in Cardiff. So he wanted the Assembly in the Bay. Cynog Dafis (Plaid) also supported the location of the Assembly in the Bay, although Dafis’s own constituency in west Wales didn’t benefit from the Cardiff Bay development. Jac notes that the Welsh media were also robustly in support of the Assembly being in the Bay. At one point Rhodri Morgan announced that the building of the new Assembly had been put on hold – in response to this announcement, Grosvenor Waterside sent a letter threatening legal action if building was not commenced. Jac wonders why Rhodri didn’t call their bluff, as the grounds for legal action was shaky and the threatened exposure of what that company had actually done would have soon shut them up – Jac believes that although Edwardes and his Tory friends weren’t at all supportive of devolution, they were desperate for the Assembly to be located in the Bay to ensure that the development was a success.

Jac has researched and published all of this because he is outraged that millions of pounds of public money has made Nicholas Edwardes and his mates very rich through bank-rolling a project that has been of very little benefit to the rest of Wales, much of which is still desperately poor.

Jac’s research re the details of Edwardes’s massive scam cannot be faulted. However, with regard to Jac’s speculation as to why politicians who would have benefited greatly from exposing Edwardes kept quiet – Jac has missed something of major importance that tied Edwardes and the Tories, Blair and co, Rhodri and even Plaid all up together, although they hated each other. That was the paedophile ring in north Wales and the associated cover-up.

As explained in previous posts, Nicholas Edwardes was Secretary of State for Wales during the years covering Mary Wynch’s unlawful arrest and incarceration by the paedophiles’ friends, he was in post when the paedophile ring was running riot and when Alison Taylor first started blowing the whistle on what was going on, he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens was running his campaign to expose the Westminster Paedophile Ring and named Sir Peter Hayman in the House, he was in post when child care staff in north Wales were being convicted in court of serious offences against children yet the Welsh Office was failing to inspect the children’s homes and he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens handed his dossier with details and names of Westminster paedophiles to Home Secretary Leon Brittan – who then ‘lost’ the dossier. He was in post when Margaret Thatcher was told that Sir Peter Morrison was molesting boys. And on a minor note, he was in post when I first made representation about the criminal activities of the paedophiles’ friends as well. Under Edwardes, the Welsh Office concealed the whole lot.

As detailed in previous posts, the cover-up at the Welsh Office continued under successive Secretaries of State for Wales – including David Hunt, who was also named in Jac’s account. Jac mentions the arrival of Rachel Lomax at the Welsh Office in 1996, after her removal from a high-flying job with the World Bank after just a few months. Rachel Lomax was mentioned in my post ‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?’. She was the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office once the Waterhouse Report got underway and she remained there until Ronnie Waterhouse had heard the evidence and discredited the witnesses. Lomax then buggered off when that had all been dealt with, whilst Ronnie set about writing the Report and reassuring everyone that no political figures had been involved in the abuse of children. Lomax was a very big hitter – she had been dragged back from the World Bank, obviously for something important.

Lomax began her career with the Civil Service in 1968 in the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer 1985-86. She was Deputy Chief Economic Advisor in the early 1990s. In 1994-95 she was Head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office. Then she was Vice-President and Chief of Staff to the President of the World Bank.

This was a woman who was part of the Tories’ inner circle and who was completely trusted by them. She got them out of one hell of a tight spot – and not just one that resulted from the development of Corruption Bay. Remember, by the time that Lomax had arrived in the Welsh Office, scores of victims of and witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been found dead. There was no danger of Blair’s lot saying a word either, because as explained previously scores of Blair’s buddies in the New Labour Gov’t had been running the London Councils who had sent children in their care to north Wales where they were abused or whose own children’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles (see post ‘The London Connection’). Alun Michael was born and went to school in north Wales and had previously been employed as a ‘youth worker’. He was one of the people who signed the Early Day Motion opposing the proposed closure of Garth Angharad, a hospital for ‘mentally ill criminals’ where a number of those who had been victims of the paedophile gang had ended up. Neither were Plaid going to blow the gaffe – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones had been a Plaid candidate and other Plaid politicians, especially in north Wales, were representing constituencies where the paedophile ring was operating in the local social services, who were loudly proclaiming their defence of all things Welsh eg. in Gwynedd. Cynog Dafis had previously participated in some fancy footwork with the Green Party in order to successfully unseat a Lib Dem who signed an Early Day Motion calling for an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch (see post ‘A Few of the Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

The whole lot of them were over a barrel. They must have all begged Lomax to help them out of that mess, not one of them could have exposed Edwardes’s money-making scheme because they’d all helpfully not asked any awkward questions whilst he and his successors at the Welsh Office had covered up a paedophile ring and the associated serious corruption in medicine and the law. As for Rhodri – well when the Jillings Report was withheld he had made furious comments about Welsh politicians not being allowed to know the details of a paedophile ring operating on their own patch. But I suspect that Rhodri knew what would happen if he exposed Edwardes and Corruption Bay – the whole thing would explode and the presence of a gang of murdering paedophiles on Welsh soil would be blamed on the Welsh sheepshaggers in the Assembly. So he went and appointed Brian fucking Gibbons as Health Minister who did his bit by covering up the criminality of the paedophiles’ friends the Top Doctors.

One further point. Edwardes was MP for Pembrokeshire. Long after reports of the paedophile gang in north Wales became public, there was a huge trial in Swansea – of a long-standing paedophile gang in Pembrokeshire.

So what became of the lovely Rachel Lomax, who allowed Nicholas Edwardes to get away with milking the taxpayer of millions and kept the lid on child rapes, prostitution, trafficking and a few murders, as well as institutional corruption in medicine and the law? Well after leaving Wales completely wrecked in the wake of all that, Rachel became Permanent Secretary at the DWP (formerly the DSS). In 2002 she moved to the post of Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Transport,along with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling. She then joined the Bank of England – and left there in 2008, just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers, to ‘pursue other interests’. So unlike her dozy git of a boss Alistair Darling, Lomax knew that she had assisted in crashing the global economy and got the hell out of there. Regarding her ‘other interests’ – in Dec 2008 Lomax became a non-executive director of HSBC holdings and a member of their audit and risk committees and in Dec 2010 she joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive director.

 

So for what should Rachel Lomax stand trial first then? Concealing a massive swindle on the part of a Gov’t Minister, concealing a paedophile gang who killed a number of people or crashing the economy? If you’re reading this Rachel, Inspector Knacker would no doubt like to hear from you.

 

 

The ‘Celtic Iron Lady’ And Yet More Recent History

The press in north Wales is currently publishing tributes to someone who has just died who was described as a farmer from Denbighshire and a ‘leading figure’ in country life in the region. It was mentioned that the man in question purchased a large pig farm he was younger, was keen on racehorses and was a leading light in the NFU as well as in the Conservative Party. Intriguingly the article in the Daily Post Online stated that this farmer was a freemason. Details of his family were supplied and it seems that his family were actually a local wealthy family with multiple business interests. Of course my antennae started twitching when I saw the words ‘Denbighshire’, ‘leading figure’ and ‘freemason’ in close proximity. A mate of Dafydd and Gwynne’s perhaps?  The ‘farmer’ would be about the right age to be a mate of theirs. But then I noticed something even more interesting – at the end of the article, it named the siblings of this farmer who had predeceased him. One was his sister – Beata Brookes, a Conservative politician.

Beata Brookes is a name from the past. When I arrived in Bangor in 1981 most people whom I came across supported Plaid, but every so often Bangor would be covered in blue Vote Conservative posters with the name of Beata Brookes emblazoned across them. I learned that Beata Brookes was the MEP for north Wales. I also soon found out that she was hated by many people, truly loathed, but no-one ever explained why – although to be fair, I never asked. In much the same way that in parts of the UK in the 1980s one would overhear people using the phrase ‘it’s that bloody woman’ and know that they were talking about Margaret Thatcher, in north Wales it was often a phrase used about Beata Brookes. Last night I did a bit of research. As is so often the case these days, I wish that I had done this research years ago – and I also wished that when I was young I had stopped to enquire further when local people had told me how much they hated Beata Brookes.

Beata Brookes was born in 1931, the daughter of a wealthy family in Denbighshire. So she’s about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille, the paedophiles’ friends then. Beata studied at UCNW (now Bangor University) and became a social worker – just like Lucille! Of course, Beata was about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille. Readers familiar with north Wales will already understand that with the region having the networks that it does, Beata will definitely have known Lucille. She therefore probably knew Dafydd as well. For readers in England who  might need more convincing, not knowing how north Wales works – and certainly worked in the mid-twentieth century – here’s the clincher. Beata worked as a social worker for Denbighshire County Council, although it is documented that she also worked as a ‘director for a north Wales company’ and as a ‘farmer’. I can’t find a record of the name of the company, I presume that it was a family business – and presumably, as with her brother, ‘farmer’ meant landowner. So Beata was from an affluent local Tory family (Beata joined the Young Conservatives at fifteen and ended up as the national vice-chairman), the male members of whom were freemasons and she worked as a social worker for the Council which collaborated with and concealed the wrongdoing of Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Beata will have known what was going on in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I bet she’ll have known about something else as well – the physical and sexual abuse of children, which had been going on in the region for decades. Scores of those who were named in the Jillings Report and Waterhouse Report as senior managers of the children’s ‘services’ which by the 1970s were known to be rife with paedophiles had worked for Denbighshire County Council as far back as the 1950s, as detailed in previous blog posts.

Was it possible that Beata was one of those who knew about the beatings, the buggery, the rapes, the lobotomies of awkward customers, the incarceration of anyone who crossed Gwynne or Dafydd’s path, the sexual abuse of psychiatric patients as well as of children, the financial abuse of vulnerable adults, the incarceration of homosexuals, the deaths and disappearances, but felt completely overwhelmed and helpless? Er, no – as Beata progressed in her career, she acquired positions which point to her being one of the key figures who ensured that the lid was kept on all of it. In 1963 the Conservative Government appointed her to the Welsh Hospitals Board, the authority directly responsible for the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. She remained in that post for eleven years. Whereupon she became a member of the new Clwyd Health Authority – which took over the running of the North Wales Hospital! And nothing changed at all – homosexuals were still tortured in the name of ‘aversion therapy’ although homosexuality had been decriminalised, women who had given birth outside of marriage were still incarcerated in there, Gwynne the lobotomist was still employed there (and I bet that he was still carrying out lobotomies as well, they were breaking every other law out there, they won’t have given up on their most effective weapon), young people who had been abused were being banged up in Denbigh in the 70s, Dafydd was shagging his way around the institution – life carried on in that place as it had for the previous decades. Of course by 1974, John Allen had established the Bryn Alyn Community and business was booming – children in care from across the UK were being ‘placed’ there, to be sexually abused and trafficked into prostitution. As were the boys at Bryn Estyn at that time. Jillings and Waterhouse admit that by 1974, children in care right across north Wales were being starved, used as free labour, violently assaulted and sexually abused. Some ended up in London and Brighton being abused by the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dissenters found themselves in the North Wales Hospital or Risley Remand Centre.

So Beata was up to her eyes in it as a member of Clwyd Health Authority. But Beata was a member of a few other things as well – including Clwyd County Council Social Services Committee! So she definitely knew about the kids who were being abused in the ‘care’ of the social services then. Beata played a blinder though – like Dafydd and Lucille, she ensured that she was involved in so many organisations that she remained in control of all outlets. She sat on the Family Practitioners Committee for Clwyd and she was a member of the Council for Professions Supplementary to Medicine – that will have kept any GPs or others who were unhappy with what was going on silent – and she also held ‘several voluntary sector posts in north Wales relating to the disabled and mentally handicapped’. Beata was even President of the North Wales Association for the Disabled! There was no escape for complaining patients or relatives – or indeed other healthcare professionals – from Beata, Gwynne, Dafydd and Lucille. They had the whole region completely stitched up. Although Beata and Lucille couldn’t join the masons because they were women, Dafydd, Beata’s brother and no doubt Gwynne were able to do that bit to gain dominance there.

Not only was Beata occupying influential positions in the local authority and voluntary sector, but she began her political climb at an early age too. After her stint with the Young Conservatives, she joined the grown-ups clubs. She was elected to the National Union of Conservatives and Unionist Associates. In 1955 she was elected as a Conservative Councillor for Rhyl Urban District Council. In the same year she fought Widnes for the Tories in the General Election. In 1961 Beata was the Tory candidate in the Warrington by-election. In 1964 she stood for the Tories for Manchester Exchange in the General Election. In 1970 she threw her hat in the ring for the West Flintshire nomination for the Tories but was beaten by Sir Anthony Myers. My God Beata was desperate to get into Parliament. I don’t think she wanted to do that to help the poor sods whom Dafydd and Gwynne were abusing and killing or the kids that Lucille – and indeed Beata’s colleagues in Clwyd Social Services – were prostituting either.

In 1979 Beata was elected to the European Parliament as MEP for north Wales! Did she use her power to try and assist those in the clutches of Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille? Of course not – Beata ended up on a number of committees and is remembered as feistily fighting for agricultural and industrial interests in north Wales, but no, she didn’t give a stuff about the welfare or indeed the lives of those who had fallen into the hands of a bunch of pimps and gangsters. It was of course in 1979 that Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre and the North Wales Hospital – for a year (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). That hit the London based media. Of course Beata knew about it.

Beata remained an MEP for ten years. Throughout the Mary Wynch scandal and the aftermath – and during those years in the mid and late 80s when Alison Taylor went public on the paedophile ring that was operating in the social services in north Wales. Beata remained silent throughout. Yet every account of Beata’s political career stresses how effective she was, what a ‘fighter’ she was, how she was ‘formidable’ (which in politics usually translates as ‘vile’) and how she was known as the ‘Celtic Iron Lady’. (Brookes was a hard-right Thatcherite.)

In 1983 Brookes’s desperation to bag a seat in the Commons – although she was a sitting MEP – caused a crisis in the Conservative Party. What is now described as a ‘bitter feud’ broke out which centred around Brookes. Boundary changes resulted in the creation of a new constituency, Clwyd North West, a seat that was centred on Colwyn Bay, the location of the HQ of the North Wales Police which was mired in corruption and concealing the paedophile ring. Gordon Anglesea, an Inspector at Colwyn Bay, was actually a member of the paedophile ring. Colwyn Bay also housed a few other bent professionals, including Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for the Welsh Office, who concealed Dafydd’s criminal activities in the late 1980s. Denbigh was a town virtually entirely populated by staff or the relatives of staff of the North Wales Hospital, but people occupying the more senior positions in Clwyd County Council and it’s services frequently lived in the Colwyn Bay area or in the Conwy Valley. They’re the posh bits of that region.

The natural candidates for the Tory nomination for Clwyd North West were the sitting Conservative MP for West Flintshire, Sir Anthony Meyer and the sitting Conservative MP for Denbigh, Geraint Morgan. Some people were grumbling about Geraint Morgan who was perceived to be rather more committed to his work as a barrister than his duties as an MP and although Anthony Meyer was very popular in some quarters, he was dangerously civilised for Thatcher’s Conservative Party and kept disgracing himself by doing things like making positive noises about the EU, not wanting to hang people and not wanting to kill the Argies. It didn’t go down very well at all with some. A group of local Tory activists urged Brookes to put her name forward for the nomination. Meanwhile, Conservative Central Office produced a list of 65 possible names – Brookes’s was not among them. A huge row followed and complaints were made to the 1922 Committee. The Chairman of that Committee, Edward Du Cann, even discussed postponing the selection meeting with the Conservative Party Chairman Cecil Parkinson, such was the rumpus. In the end the selection meeting went ahead.

Brookes, Meyers and Morgan all attended the meeting, at which Brookes made a speech praising Thatcher. Brookes won the selection vote among the Clwyd North East Conservative Executive. Meyers alleged that the meeting was a fix, that Brookes had set out to oust him by stealth by using EU funds to promote her candidacy and ‘usurp the functions’ of the House and that Conservative Central Office were in on the conspiracy. Morgan observed that speaking at the meeting was like ‘speaking to a nobbled jury’. Meyers maintained that the local members were ‘resigning in droves’ and threatened to run as an Independent. He then discovered that he had not been invited to the adoption meeting. Myers challenged this in the High Court and won – they ruled that he should have been invited. Some 800 members turned up to the meeting where the decision not to invite Myers was reversed. Sir Anthony Myers was subsequently nominated and then won the seat for the Tories by a long way.

Whilst I was reading about all this, I couldn’t help noticing the year in which the Tories in Clwyd tore themselves apart – it was 1983. We know that Beata was ruthlessly ambitious, was a woman who bludgeoned people into submission and was sitting on a paedophile ring supplying under-aged boys to Westminster figures and was keeping a lid on the criminal activities of a mental health service that was concealing the paedophile ring. It has been admitted by member of the Conservative Party that Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester, was abusing boys in care in north Wales. Between 1981 and 1985 the Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens held his campaign to expose ‘VIPs’ that he maintained were sexually abusing children. Dickens maintained that this abuse was associated with a trade in child pornography worth a great deal of money. This was exactly the business that John Allen ran. Dickens began his campaign in 1981 when he named Sir Peter Hayman in the House using Parliamentary privilege. In 1983 Geoffrey Dickens handed the then Home Secretary Leon Brittan a dossier with the names and details of VIPs, including Westminster figures, that Dickens maintained were paedophiles. Brittan ‘lost’ that dossier. Since then of course, there have been allegations that Brittan was one of those paedophiles himself. Before he died Geoffrey Dickens talked about the serious unpleasantness and threats that he received after he spoke out.

So Beata herself and a group of ‘local activists’ were very keen for Beata to get into Parliament – so keen that some unlawful dirty tricks were employed, which Meyers alleged had involved Conservative Central Office. The constituency involved in the bun-fight was home to numerous police officers, local officials and professionals who were concealing the paedophile ring that Dickens was trying to expose. I wonder if they were among the ‘local activists’ who were doing pretty much anything to get Brookes into that seat? What if they were worried that Dickens’s campaign was going to gain traction and the whole bloody lot of them would be caught? Sir Anthony Myers sounds the sort of person who would not be complicit with such serious criminal activity, but Beata had been already, for years. The ideal candidate!

The cunning plan didn’t work, but Beata continued as an MEP until 1989 when she was ousted by the Labour candidate. Beata continued to mouth off if she felt like it – in 1983 she protested after the BBC held an interview with John Jenkins, a Welsh activist who had been imprisoned for a bombing campaign at the time of the Investiture. Oh the irony – in his younger day, Dafydd made links with Irish Republican activists after declaring his commitment to the nationalist cause (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’). He also participated in the Tryweryn campaign. Like Dafydd, Beata had some media connections – she had worked as an ‘occasional television interviewer’ when she was younger.

Even being voted out didn’t stop Brookes. In 1993 she became Chair of the Welsh Conservative Party and supported John Major whilst he was under fire. She was also Chair of the Welsh Consumer Council and was re-appointed in 1994, despite criticism of her potential conflict of interest by the National Consumer Council and by Rhodri Morgan, who told John Major that the appointment ‘undermined an already disreputable system of patronage’.

The evil cow was awarded a CBE in 1996. In her old age there were still indications of the deals that she was doing on a local level. Brookes hit the media in 2003 regarding a dispute over car boot sales that she was holding on her land in Rhuddlan. In 2000 she had managed to gain permission to hold car boot sales on 28 Sundays every year and then in 2003 she gained permission to hold car boot sales on 14 Saturdays every year. She offered the land on which the car boots were held for the use of the National Eisteddfod. Helping out the National Eisteddfod can work wonders, particularly as Dafydd and many of the paedophiles’ friends are involved with it. (A true but horrible story – some years ago there was an awful shock for a lot of people when it was revealed that one of the people who had been appointed to run something for the children at the Eisteddfod, a nursery I think, was someone from the south of England with convictions for paedophilia. Any ideas how he got in there then Dafydd?) Beata won the day, but the dispute cost the local council many thousands of pounds. What Brookes’s passion for car boot sales was all about I don’t know, but it does remind me of a quip from ‘Private Eye’ years ago, when they were still publishing the imaginary letters from Denis Thatcher, ‘Dear Bill’. One of the letters made a reference to a ‘friend of Maurice’s’ who ran car boot sales – Denis commented that ‘I had no idea that he was a member of the Mafia’.

Readers may remember that in my post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’, I described how Anglesey Conservative Association were desperate to snare a then unknown Ann Widdecombe as their candidate despite Doris knowing absolutely nothing about Wales or Anglesey and not showing much interest either. I speculated that back in those days of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’), it may very well have been Widdecombe’s uncompromising anti-abortion stance that was the attraction. I wonder if Brookes was involved with that selection panel. Welsh Tories are a bit thin on the ground, it is highly likely that they either roped Brookes in or that she insisted on being part of the process.

There is an outstanding conundrum. Brookes’s obituaries mention that she married a fellow Tory activist Anthony Arnold, but that they divorced in 1963 and Brookes then insisted on being addressed by her maiden name and title, Miss Beata Brookes. It was highly unusual to be a divorcee in 1963 – although dispensing with an unwanted husband was very much easier if you were a woman with money as was Brookes – and divorced women routinely still referred to themselves as Mrs whatever their married name was. The only divorced women who persisted in calling themselves Miss were ageing starlets like Miss Diana Dors or Miss Zsa Zsa Gabor who still called themselves Miss no matter how many times they had been married and divorced. (Miss Joan Collins still does.) So Brookes really broke the mould there – if any readers know what that was all about, please do tell, Beata would hardly be the first to be flying the feminist flag.

In 2013 Brookes joined UKIP. She became very angry with Tories like Cameron calling UKIP ‘fruitcakes’ and ‘clowns’ and stated that ‘you don’t behave like that in politics’. No, what you do is take part in a conspiracy to conceal a vicious paedophile ring and remain silent even when the victims who have been brave enough to give evidence against that ring start turning up dead. Lest anyone needs reminding of just what the Celtic Iron Lady was party to, here’s another quick resume – witnesses were found hanging from trees, hanging from stairwells, dead from overdoses although they’d given up drugs years previously, were found inexplicably dead in cars, some were run over and killed on roads and one teenaged boy was found in a local town with unexplained injuries so serious that he died from them a few hours later. This doesn’t include the people who ‘committed suicide’ after being ‘helped’ by Dafydd and his colleagues. Neither does it include the five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who were killed in an arson attack at a party in Brighton, to which they had all been invited. The partygoers variously died from smoke inhalation or burns and some people escaped by jumping out of windows and were impaled on the railings below. A man who was alleged to have ‘confessed’ to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed himself a few days later.

Beata Brookes died in her eighties in the comfort of the Spire Yale Hospital (a private hospital in Wrexham) in 2015. So she didn’t risk her neck with the NHS that she had helped poison or in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. Upon hearing of her death, Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Welsh Conservatives, described Beata as an ‘incredibly talented politician who will be sorely missed’ whose ‘career was varied and hugely successful and I pay tribute to everything she did within public life, the voluntary sector and for the Welsh Conservative Party’.

Victorian Values anyone? Or shall we just go Back To Basics?

 

What of Beata’s rivals from the 1983 campaign whom she had so ruthlessly tried to shaft?

 

Geraint Morgan was the Conservative MP for Denbigh between 1959-83. So he spanned the Years of Brutality and Lobotomies then. He cannot possibly been have been as bad as Beata Brookes, but like others who have held political ambitions in the direction of the Denbigh area such as Ieuan Wyn Jones and Paul Flynn, Geraint wasn’t going to even whisper in protest – he was after the votes of all the Denbigh staff, the patients didn’t have votes to cast. Although Geraint was appreciated for being a Welsh speaker and was known to dutifully reply to constituents when they raised issues with him, Geraint had other interests. He was a barrister and busied himself with that. After the 1983 dust-up, Morgan resigned from the Conservative Party and supported Plaid, although he never became a member. That’s the Plaid who embraced Dafydd as an activist and candidate and included so many other people who said nothing about the paedophile gang or the abuses at the North Wales Hospital, although they all knew about it. Geraint Morgan was eventually appointed a Crown Court Recorder. He worked on the Northern Circuit. As did Sir John Kay, who issued a High Court injunction against me on the basis of Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns perjuring themselves, Keith Fearns never having met me and Brandt having met me two or three times. At the time Fearns and Brandt were employed as social workers by Gwynedd Social Services and I now have copies of the letters exchanged between Lucille Hughes (Director of Gwynedd Social Services), Ron Evans (the lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council), Jackie and Fearns, in which Evans and Lucille instruct Fearns and Brandt to make statements about me. John Kay issued that injunction just before Geraint Morgan was appointed a judge. Like so many featured on this blog, Geraint was a law graduate from Aberystwyth University and a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

 

The one person who does not seem to have been dwelling in the same cesspool as everyone else was Sir Anthony Meyer. He had previously had a career as a diplomat in the Foreign Office and served in the British Embassies in Paris and Moscow. He was elected as the Conservative MP for Eton and Slough in 1964 but lost the seat to the Labour MP Joan Lestor in 1966. His defeat was attributed to his refusal to play the ‘race card’ in what had become a heated debate about immigration. He sought another Tory seat, but had great difficulty, being on the very liberal wing of the Tory party and being a very enthusiastic European. An old Etonian contact, Nigel Birch, who was the MP for West Flintshire, then asked Sir Anthony if he would replace him as the candidate as he was standing down. Sir Anthony was elected for West Flintshire in 1970. He was popular but very critical of Thatcher. After surviving the bunfight in 1983, in 1989 he famously stood as the stalking horse against Thatcher in a leadership challenge. He knew that he didn’t have a hope of winning, but it did the trick – it encouraged a few other people to challenge her soon afterwards. He was deselected by the Conservative Party for his ‘treachery’ in 1992 and later joined the Lib Dems. So although it was Geoffrey Howe who delivered the killer blow, we have Sir Anthony to thank for kick-starting Thatcher’s demise. We also have him to thank for keeping a bloody monster out of Parliament when he mounted a High Court challenge to her and her henchmen in 1983.

 

Whilst I was reading about Beata, I saw across another name that I’d previously come across as well – Tom Ellis. Brookes was re-elected as MEP for north Wales after defeating Ellis in 1984, when he stood for the SDP.

Tom Ellis went to Ruabon Grammar School and studied chemistry at UCNW (Bangor University). In 1957 he became manager of Bersham Colliery. He was President of Wrexham Fabian Society and in 1970 was elected the Labour MP for Wrexham. In 1981 he defected to the SDP – Ellis was one of the founder members. He became President of the Welsh Social Democrats. After boundary changes in 1983 he stood for the SDP in Clwyd South West but lost. As MP for Wrexham, Tom Ellis is someone else who will have heard about the paedophile ring – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn were located just outside Wrexham. He’ll have known about the horrors of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh as well. But as I detailed in my post ‘Dr Death’, the Top Doctors of north Wales were attracted to David Owen like flies around a honeypot. And their support was just so much more valued than the support of people who ended up dying so that the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends could continue with their noses in the proverbial trough. Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille really did have it all sewn up nicely – although virtually everyone knew what they were doing.

 

 

 

 

 

Computer Says No

I’ve just been doing a bit of browsing and of course I’ve discovered yet more skulduggery regarding Waterhouse and the Macur Review. On March 17 2016 Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, made a statement in the Commons on the publication of the Macur Review. Crabb stated that when the Welsh Office was disbanded in 1999 – how convenient that the Whitehall Dept responsible for covering up the activities of the paedophile gang was disbanded just before the Waterhouse Report was published, just as Clwyd County Council was dissolved in 1996 the minute that the Jillings Report was submitted – ‘the files that it held on newly dissolved issues such as social care and children’s services were transferred to the National Assembly of Wales. This included the Waterhouse computer database. When Lady Justice Macur requested this, it was found that in 2008 the Welsh Government IT contractors had declared that it’s contents were ‘corrupted and unreadable’ and they had therefore been destroyed. She finds that it was an ‘innocent mistake, rather than a calculated ploy’.

So a load more crucial evidence relating to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal has been destroyed and yet again, there is nothing suspicious about it at all. Just as the warehouse fire that destroyed all the Bryn Alyn records as Ronnie began his Inquiry prevented anyone from tracing all the children who passed through Bryn Alyn. That was one hell of a bonfire as well – some houses nearby were destroyed as well, so intense was the heat.

I note that after Crabb made his statement, Albert Owen the Labour MP for Ynys Mon spoke and mentioned that he had encountered constituents having difficulty obtaining their records, especially from the Gwynedd Authority.

It’s just as well that I’m storing my own 10,000 documents then isn’t it. (I’ve made copies too in case of non-suspicious outbursts of fire.) Particularly as Gary Doherty, the CEO of the Betsi is claiming that most of these documents don’t actually exist.

 

The Right Honourable David Jones MP

Someone has been urging me to blog about David Jones the Conservative MP for Clwyd West for a while now, but as he was never one of the politicians whom I contacted and his name is not on any of the documents in my possession, I have resisted. However, I have now succumbed, because again and again I come across people associated with David Jones whom I know to have been well aware of the activities of those we know and love.

David Jones is Welsh and a fluent Welsh speaker – he was born in London but his family are Welsh and Jones went to Ruabon Grammar School. Jones’s father is described as an Army Officer who then ran a number of pharmacies in the Wrexham area. So Jones’s father had connections to the world of healthcare in north east Wales then. Jones is in his early sixties, so when Jones was attending Ruabon Grammar and his father was running pharmacies, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Gwynne the lobotomist were doing their damage at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Jones’s family must have been aware of this – if people unconnected with healthcare out in the far reaches of north west Wales heard about the abuses at Denbigh, a pharmacist and his family living not that many miles from Denbigh will have heard. Jones’s father will also have been party to much inside information concerning the activities of local healthcare professionals, even if he chose not to socialise with them. Dafydd was a well-known figure in Wrexham, it’s where those boys in care were being abused and whilst I was in the North Wales Hospital I became friends with a young man from Wrexham, who had been in care and who had a drug problem – prime fodder for Dafydd. Like me, he had been detained unlawfully in there but he didn’t understand the enormity of the law breaking that Dafydd et al had participated in. This young man had been kicked about and abused throughout his life by people employed in the welfare state and the criminal justice system, he simply took it as the way of the world. Dafydd had written his mother unsolicited letters with no referral from any healthcare professional demanding that she bring her son to Dafydd’s ‘clinic’ and when she very wisely ignored these totally irregular letters, Dafydd simply had her son unlawfully arrested and detained. From what this young man told me, this was all in a day’s work for Dafydd. Dafydd routinely conducted himself in this manner and the dispossessed of Wrexham didn’t question it. Pere Jones will almost certainly have been aware of this sort of thing.

David Jones read law at UCL and then attended Chester College of Law. Many of the names previously featured on this blog who concealed the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles studied at Chester College of Law. Some of them are the same age as Jones, they will have been his peers and he will definitely have known a lot of the others. Previous posts have described the nest of corruption that was the Chester and Wales Circuit. The documents relating to my own case are littered with the names of lawyers and barristers who were based in Chester who were involved with the attempts to imprison me, which were based on perjury (see previous posts).

Jones worked as a solicitor rather than a barrister, but as a solicitor he shared offices with people who had close connections to those we know and love. He qualified in 1976 and worked alongside Ieuan Wyn Jones, a solicitor and Plaid politician, in a practice in Ruthin. For more info on Ieuan Wyn Jones, please see previous posts – Ieuan Wyn Jones undoubtedly knew much of what was going on, but like Paul Flynn MP, he had stood for election in Denbigh in 1974, so he certainly wasn’t going to utter a word about the abuses at the North Wales Hospital, let alone make any allegations of abused young people being banged up in there. Denbigh was a town entirely dependent upon the North Wales Hospital, just about every resident either worked there, had a relative who worked there or ran a business dependent upon the hospital and it’s staff in some way. The incarcerated didn’t have a vote, although there were many of them. Ruthin is just down the road from Denbigh, it’s highly likely that the practice in which Jones and Wyn Jones were working were even handling cases related to the North Wales Hospital, Clwyd Health Authority and Clwyd Social Services. Lawyers in north Wales have an excellent network, when I was repeatedly dragged through the Courts by those we know and love in the 80s and 90s, not only did I get to know some of the lawyers but I became very aware of the interest that they took in certain cases, of how they knew much about notorious local people and their colleagues – and they all knew that there were dreadful things going on out at Denbigh.

They knew Dafydd and did not like him – I was told that he had always been viewed with deep suspicion and distrust, but during the course of one of his divorces (he’s had a few), he gave medical evidence against his own wife in order to gain custody of the children which everyone knew he did not have the time or the inclination to look after. I was told that it was at this point that no-one in legal circles was prepared to trust him. I was told that everyone knew that his Court reports on patients could not be believed and that in the early 80s the magistrates had started to try to make decisions without reference to those reports. In 1987 I put a notice in ‘Private Eye’ about Dafydd. I was living in Leicester at that time but I received phone calls from people in north Wales telling me that everyone had seen it and were laughing. One of those calls was from a lawyer who asked me if I’d placed the notice – he said that he’d been in Court that morning, Dafydd had been in there giving evidence and another solicitor had said to the man who phoned me that ‘there’s even something about him in ‘Private Eye’ this week’. Dafydd also kept bringing court cases against people himself. I was told that the Courts were so fed up of Dafydd using the Courts to harass and intimidate and to carry out personal vendettas that they were following a policy of awarding costs against him.

Now if an English student heard all this about Dafydd, don’t tell me that a solicitor who had grown up and gone to school in the area, had attended Chester College of Law, was Welsh speaking, whose own father was in the healthcare business and who worked in a legal practice just down the road from Denbigh was not party to such info as well.

Everyone knew about Dafydd and Denbigh. Not as many people knew about the paedophile ring, but many people talked about children in care in north Wales being treated ‘cruelly’, not being looked after properly and the dreadful people that were employed as social workers. A lot of people knew that there was something very wrong in the region, I heard mention of the ‘north Wales mafia’ – a reference to the corruption among some local professional people including some police officers – on a number of occasions. I heard about people being framed for crimes and I heard about certain people who were known to be breaking the law and who were loathed but considered ‘untouchable’, but no-one quite knew why. One of those people was Dafydd. Again and again I was told that Dafydd had been repeatedly caught red handed breaking the law, that he had been sued, that everybody was desperate to see the back of him, that he was cohabiting with patients and was known to have sexually abused others, that he was known to be threatening and bribing people but that ‘nobody can stop him’. People muttered that he had some ‘very powerful friends’, people would make constant reference to the power that he had over other professional people in the region and people would also talk about how frightened everyone was of him. No-one ever said to me ‘Dafydd and his mistress are facilitating a paedophile ring supplying boys to people in Westminster’, but even I managed to work out by 1987 that he was involved in some sort of organised crime with other professional people and that it stretched further than Wales.

Come on David Jones, you knew something at least. I wasn’t Hercule Poiroit, but I knew that something big and bad was happening.

David Jones didn’t just work in a legal practice in Ruthin on Dafydd’s doorstep. He also worked in a legal practice in Bangor, from 1985! It is highly likely that he was one of those solicitors who were present in the Courts in north west Wales when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends kept prosecuting me – there were tons of solicitors going in and out, I didn’t know them all. But one of the solicitors that I did know of who was often in Bangor Magistrates Court when I was, was a man called Elwyn Jones. Elwyn Jones never struck me as being particularly interested in his clients, he would spend most of his time chatting to the other lawyers about what he would be doing as soon as he got out of Court. But some of Elwyn Jones’s clients were like me and were being targeted by those we know and love and were battling with the paedophiles’ friends. The practice in Bangor in which David Jones worked was the practice of the former Labour MP for Conwy, Sir Elwyn Jones! The Elwyn Jones whom I used to encounter in Bangor Magistrates Court was Sir Elwyn’s son, who had taken over the practice. A man of about the same age as David Jones. So that’s the man whom David Jones will have worked with. Elwyn Jones and Co became David Jones and Co in 1989. So David took the practice over – he wasn’t an underling then, if he took the practice over he’ll have known pretty much everything that was going on and indeed had gone on in the practice.

I came across Elwyn Jones again in 1993. I knew a hippy man in Bethesda with mental health problems who had been literally fleeced of his money after he began a relationship with a woman who already had three children, who had previously been abused and neglected by their own father. One of those children was a young man who had started carrying out indecent assaults on much younger boys. The hippy man wanted to refer the matter to a health professional but his partner told him not to, expressing concerns that her son would be imprisoned. The hippy man then had a baby with this woman who left him as soon as the child was born. He was left destitute and was prevented from seeing his own baby by the baby’s mother. At this point he was so concerned for his own child and the younger son of his previous partner that he reported the sexual assaults committed by the older son to a local GP. He reported the assaults to another GP in the same practice when no action was taken. The social services investigated – namely a former policewoman called Jo Bott – and admitted that the older son had sexually assaulted younger boys. No action was taken. The GP stated that the hippy man’s reporting of the incidents had been malicious. He was denied access to his own baby because the social services then stated that HE was a danger to children. Despite being denied access to his own child, despite being left destitute, when he moved in with a new partner, his former partner began sending solicitor’s letters demanding more money from him. The solicitor who wrote those letters was Elwyn Jones – I read those letters myself. After the hippy man was ejected from this family, the daughter of his former partner had a number of babies in quick succession whilst still a teenager – she violently abused them as newborns yet the social services ‘supported’ her against the children’s fathers. Her children were only removed from her care when she told the social services that she didn’t want them, wasn’t going to look after them and upped and left. Her former boyfriend was awarded custody of the little girl that was his. Everyone acknowledged that he was an excellent, dedicated father. He was hit by a lorry and killed whilst walking on a rural road near Bethesda whilst his daughter was still a toddler. Yet another person who met an untimely end after having witnessed corruption relating to child abuse among the region’s welfare professionals. For the full story and names and details of the Councillor who was also involved in some corrupt practices with this family before the young father was killed, please see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’. When all of this was happening, David Jones was the senior partner of the practice in which Elwyn Jones was working.

After he took over Elwyn Jones and Co, at some point David Jones seems to have relocated the practice to Llandudno. Which is where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones had his ‘office’ and a number of private ‘care homes’ in which people were abused, neglected and fleeced of money.

David Jones first ran for election as the candidate for Conwy in the 1997 General Election. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway! In 1999 he contested Conwy in the inaugural Welsh Assembly elections and he stood for the City of Chester in the 2001 General Election. He was unexpectedly elected in 2002 as a Member of the Welsh Assembly for the North Wales electoral region. The seat was vacated when Rod Richards, the former Welsh Office Minister, resigned for health reasons. Rod Richards is the one politician who has been honest enough to admit that Sir Peter Morrison, the Conservative MP for Chester, abused under-aged boys.

One thing that one has to do if one runs for election is to get out there, meet and chat with people and get to know your patch. Unless of course you’re Tristram Hunt and you’re parachuted into Stoke On Trent by New Labour – but that did not have a happy ending. But David Jones already knew his patch, he was local, it was one of his selling points. He probably knew that patch as well as Rod Richards did.

Jones made it clear after his election to the Assembly in 2002 that he would not seek re-election to the Assembly. He stepped down in 2003. In the 2005 General Election, Jones defeated the Labour MP Gareth Thomas in Clwyd West. Between 2005-2010 he was a Member of the Welsh Affairs Select Committee and in Nov 2006 he was appointed the Shadow Minister for Wales. In May 2010 he became Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for the Wales Office. Cameron appointed Jones Secretary of State for Wales in Sept 2012, after the lacklustre Cheryl Gillan – who was far more interested in the concerns of her constituents in England regarding their battle against HS2 being built through their back gardens than she was with matters Wales – was removed from the post. On Nov 5 2012 David Cameron announced that he would be establishing a Review of the Waterhouse Report in the wake of so much concern that Waterhouse had not revealed the true extent of child abuse in north Wales. So David Jones was Secretary of State for Wales in the crucial weeks leading up to that announcement. A reshuffle by Cameron in July 2014 – when Lady Justice Macur was well underway with her cover-up of the cover-up – saw Jones removed as Secretary of State for Wales.

After Theresa May became PM, Jones was appointed Minister of State at the Dept for Exiting the EU.

David Jones’s office is in Colwyn Bay. Which as regular readers will know is certainly where the action was if one was a corrupt police officer, Medical Ombudsman etc. Indeed, Nigel Mannering Berry, the former Denbigh nurse who oversaw the rape and violent assault of children at the Gwynfa Unit in Colwyn Bay, was the Director of Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall between 1994-95. Nigel Berry is still alive and lives in Colwyn Bay. For further details of the abuse wreaked upon children at Gwynfa and those who did it – as well as for address of Nigel Berry – please see post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’.

Jones has admitted that he is a Freemason, but states that he hasn’t been active in the organisation for many years. So one presumes that he was previously active. There were constant allegations in the 80s that the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles were connected with Freemasonry. Freemasonry was certainly big business in Bangor in the 80s – I was told by a solicitor in Bangor in the late 80s that the lodge in Bangor contained many solicitors and police officers. There was a lodge in Bangor University as well. Elwyn Jones, the solicitor with whom David Jones shared a practice in the 80s, was the Treasurer for Bangor University. He died a few years ago. Bangor University is currently facing the most terrible financial problems and is trying to ‘save’ £8 million. There have been allegations for years that the University was in deep financial trouble but no-one actually fessed up to it.

There are many angry people making allegations about David Jones on the internet. One blogger maintains that Jones has used his Masonic links with certain police officers to harass people and pursue corrupt practices. Much of the online content concerning Jones relates to a notorious blog based in north Wales, ‘The Thoughts Of Oscar’. ‘The Thoughts Of Oscar’ had a reputation for being even ruder about people than ‘Service Shenanigans’ is, but Oscar didn’t seem to have 10,000 incriminating documents with the evidence like I have. Guto Bebb, the Conservative MP for Aberconwy, publicly accused David Jones and his business partner Dylan Moore as being those behind ‘The Thoughts Of Oscar’, but subsequently retracted his allegations. A Llandudno newsagent later claimed to be the author. ‘The Thoughts Of Oscar’ has now closed down.

David Jones is a member of the Cornerstone Group, a rather mad extreme socially conservative group of MPs. The Cornerstone Group has great reservations about things like homosexuality – as indeed does David Jones. I mentioned in previous posts that a London-based journalist recently sent me a list of Westminster figures and other people in public life who are alleged to have been involved in child sexual abuse. One of the members of the Cornerstone Group – not David Jones however – was on that list. Membership of such a group would be by no means incompatible with one being involved with child sexual abuse. Previous posts have discussed the confusion that there seems to have been around homosexuality among some people in north Wales until recently. The North Wales Hospital Denbigh was famed for carrying out aversion therapy on homosexuals long after other institutions had ceased doing it – Denbigh continued to do it after homosexuality had been legalised. Yet Dafydd and Gwynne were facilitating a paedophile ring which mainly targeted boys. The Rev Emyr Owen who dared to be a gay man was framed and imprisoned for allegedly carrying out various acts with penises severed from corpses – acts which would be physiologically impossible (see post ‘Updates, Common Themes And News, May 5 2017’).  Thatcher’s administrations which did so much to conceal child sexual abuse carried out by some members of the Conservative Party was famously homophobic and legislated for Section 28. St David’s Hospital in Bangor along with the other hospitals in north Wales ensured that no woman in the region could access an abortion on the NHS – yet under-aged girls in the children’s home in Bangor were getting pregnant as a result of sexual abuse which was concealed by the colleagues of the Top Doctors of St David’s Laundry (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’).

David Jones’s wife is of course an Angel, although I think that she trained at a London hospital rather than in north Wales. I remember one of David Jones’s early election campaigns – it involved explaining to the constituents that as David and his wife were Christians and particularly with Mrs Jones being an Angel, they could not support abortion.

In True Blue style, David Jones states that he has ‘an interest in law and order’. In which case David, get off down to the cop shop and tell them all that you know, particularly the knowledge that you will have acquired during the 80s when you worked alongside Elwyn Jones. You can’t possibly have forgotten the chaos that reigned in Bangor Magistrates Court in those days – Dafydd, his insane testimony and Court reports and three mental health patients constantly dragged through the legal system on ludicrous charges, all of whom had dared to complain about Dafydd. One of those three being me. If your memory’s a bit rusty, then take the time to read this blog. I’ve provided full details of many of the events, along with the names and dates of the people involved, which include a lot of your legal colleagues. You’ll find it’s all accurate, the details have come straight off the 10,000 documents that I have spanning that time.

PS. David – could you please also give the police the name of the young Welsh woman who used to be the prosecuting lawyer for the CPS in Bangor Magistrates Court. It was usually her who was having a go at me. I did once challenge her and ask her why she kept prosecuting innocent people and she got very angry with me and yelled ‘I’m just doing my job’. Which seems to have been the rationale of absolutely everybody who facilitated and concealed the paedophile ring – they were all just doing their job. It wasn’t an excuse at Nuremberg and it’s not an excuse now.

 

 

 

 

Are You Local?

My post ‘Local Accessories’ named a few former social workers from Gwynedd who undoubtedly had knowledge of the wrongdoing by the paedophile gang and their associates that operated in north Wales. Following all the bad publicity, the police investigation and Waterhouse Inquiry in the 90s, it was admitted even by those who were doing their utmost to conceal the extent of the abuse of children in care in north Wales that there was a paedophile gang that operated in the Wrexham and Cheshire area and that they abused children in care in the region. It is admitted that the most dreadful sexual abuse occurred at Bryn Estyn and at the Bryn Alyn Community in Clwyd and a number of ‘care staff’ were imprisoned. Even dear old Ronnie Waterhouse acknowledged that. Ronnie also identified Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation but she did nothing to stop it. Yet Ronnie really poo-poohed the notion that widespread sexual abuse had happened in the children’s homes in Gwynedd, even at Ty’r Felin, the children’s home in Bangor run by the dreadful Nefyn Dodd and his wife June, as detailed in ‘Local Accessories’.

Conditions at Ty’r Felin were known to be dreadful and Dodd was ferociously violent towards the children. ‘Local Accessories’ described how the complicit fool Waterhouse dismissed the fact that a teenaged girl was allegedly made pregnant by David Hughes, a staff member at Ty’r Felin. As with so many folk in north Wales who are ‘highly disturbed’ – that is who allege terrible abuse and wrongdoing – this girl was transported elsewhere, in her case to south Wales. Documents now in my possession demonstrate that this is what Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and his colleagues were trying to ensure happened to me. They had their mate Dr Chris Hunter from the Caswell Clinic in south Wales on tap and were busy behind the scenes with a highly organised attempt to have me declared dangerous and transferred to Hunter’s institution. Indeed Hunter HAD proffered his opinion that I was ‘very dangerous’ – although he had never met me. His opinion had been formed on the ‘evidence’ presented to him by Tony Francis, as well as Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns, two social workers from Gwynedd whose colleagues were of course abusing kids and colluding with organised paedophilic activity. For full details of the ‘case conference’ that was held about me – whilst I was employed in a London medical school with no knowledge of what was going on regarding my planned future ‘care’ at the hands of these monsters – please see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’.

Readers who follow the ‘comments’ section of my blog will have noticed that a friend of Tony Francis’s, Kate, is becoming increasingly angry with me as I reveal more about his network and activities on this blog. I have left Kate’s recent comments up because they are an example of what I have had to put up with for thirty years after unwittingly stumbling across the associates of the paedophiles – manipulative sleights, suggesting that I am some sort of wicked master-criminal who uses many aliases and harbours a crazed obsession resulting in me maligning innocent Top Doctors. Kate and co continually maintain that I have no evidence for my claims, despite me offering to show them the documentation that my lawyer forwarded to me a few months ago. They’re going to get even more angry with me now, because the activities of the social services in Gwynedd and the Top Doctors who concealed them were, it would seem, far worse than even I knew.

I have received communication from a journalist who maintains that Nefyn and June Dodd and their colleagues were not just excessively violent to children – I had heard that time and again and people I knew who worked at Ty’r Felin confirmed that – but that there was en masse sexual abuse happening at Ty’r Felin, just as there was at Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn in Clwyd. This journalist tells me that numerous former residents of Ty’r Felin didn’t just detail the physical abuse that they suffered at the Dodd’s hands, but they described how they were forced into participating into sex with the Dodds, repeatedly. It is also alleged that the girls at Ty’r Felin were taken to ‘nightclubs in Bangor’ by care staff where huge quantities of booze was consumed and the girls were forced into returning to the homes of people who had financial arrangements with the staff of the home. The boys were not taken to nightclubs but were farmed out to private homes and hotel rooms to provide sexual services there. After children left Ty’r Felin, they were transferred to London and trafficked into prostitution.

Now I had never heard about boys from that home working as prostitutes, but the allegations regarding the girls certainly ring true. The journalist who sent me all this is London-based, so probably doesn’t know that in Bangor in the 1980s one couldn’t talk of ‘nightclubs’. There was ONE nightclub, the Octagon, and it was notorious. Everybody had really looked forward to the Octagon opening when word got round that a nightclub had come to town because there wasn’t anything of the sort in Bangor and never had been. There was a shed on Anglesey called Plas Coch which deluded itself that it was a nightclub – this caused much entertainment among postgrads who came to Bangor after having done their first degrees in cities with real nightclubs – but Plas Coch was essentially just a barn that sold drink, held discos and paid local Welsh rock groups to do a turn there. It had a very good atmosphere though and came highly recommended and I don’t remember there ever being any grief at Plas Coch. But for a real nightclub one had to go to Cardiff, Birmingham, Liverpool or Manchester. Bangor University Students Union also arranged trips to these cities to see rock groups because they did not come to Bangor, not even to the Students Union.

The Octagon opened I think in the summer of 1984 among much excitement. Samantha Fox came to the opening night and the lecherous old farts from the Daily Post and Bangor and Anglesey Mail could barely cope. People were really wowed by the Octagon because it had ‘moving coloured lights’. But within weeks students were telling each other not to go there. There were violent attacks on male students, sexual assaults on female students and the one thing that everybody was commenting on were the underage girls ‘from Maesgeirchan’ who were very obviously being sexually used by older men. Maesgeirchan is a big council estate on the outskirts of Bangor and in the 80s it was one of the most socially disadvantaged areas in Wales with a very high crime rate. One part of Maesgeirchan had such a fearsome reputation that people on the housing waiting list used to turn down the offer of a house if it was there. Ty’r Felin was located on Maesgeirchan.

At the time of the opening of the Octagon I knew a student who had been employed to help with the preparations. He told me that the club was being run by a bunch of gangsters from Manchester who were terrifying local businesses. Then the Octagon started hitting the local press on a regular basis. There were complaints that it was being used for large scale drug dealing. Then there were cases of passers-by being violently attacked and there was at least one rape of a young woman who had been in the vicinity. Yet the Octagon was not closed down. Considering how the good burghers of Bangor actually carried on in those days, that was incredible. Bangor famously didn’t have an M&S store because for some reason best known to themselves the Council had conspired to keep M&S at bay and when I first went to Bangor you still couldn’t buy alcohol in a pub on a Sunday. So everyone was mystified at Sodom and Gomorrah erupting in the form of the Octagon.

But it didn’t get closed down, instead it simply became a complete no go area for students and it was rumoured to be essentially a place where schoolgirls sold sex to very unsavoury men. Presumably all that was being facilitated by Ty’r Felin. Which would also explain why the Octagon never got closed down. It was the fucking managers of Gwynedd County Council who colluded with the paedophile ring, they weren’t going to shut down the brothel.

I note that the London journalist claims that boys from Ty’r Felin were sent to hotels with clients. Bangor was pretty devoid of hotels in the 80s as well. There was the Railway Hotel which may well have shut down by then anyway and the Temperance Hotel which also had probably shut by then. The two functioning hotels were the Castle Hotel and the British Hotel. The daughter of the family who owned the Castle Hotel studied at Bangor at the same time as me and achieved infamy for cheating in her finals – she was caught by an invigilator with sheets of crib notes from which she was openly copying – and then being allowed to graduate nonetheless. There was much bad feeling about that among the staff and there was speculation as to how she had managed to get away with it. The Castle Hotel had a cellar bar and my friends and I soon found out that going in there was not a good idea. The first occasion resulted in one of the boys from our house being approached by one of a gang of elderly rough-necks, who pointed to one of the other elderly rough-necks and said ‘did you know that he’s a former boxer?’ Whereupon my mate was rash enough to reply ‘with a face like that I didn’t think he’d be a brain surgeon’ and we had to flee. It transpired that the retired boxer was a bloke called Dai Davies from Maesgeirchan and his mates considered the cellar bar of the Castle their turf and the likes of us were not welcome. Street knowledge circulating around Bangor dictated that Dai Davies himself was not the problem, it was the meat-heads that accompanied him who were alleged to be into serious crime. There was an incident a while later in which some of them murdered a tourist on Anglesey. Dai Davies’s brother Steve Davies was a well-known maniac with a serious drug problem who ended up going to prison for a long time after terrifying someone so much that they jumped out of a window to escape what they were sure would be certain death at Davies’s hands and broke both of their legs. A few weeks after the brain surgeon comment, my mates and I were driving home from a friend’s house late one night when we encountered the Davies gang again in their beaten up elderly Mercedes and we had to escape their clutches once more. We were not the only people to have had an unpleasant encounter in the cellar bar, I heard of a number of other people who also had similar experiences there with the Davies’s and they pretty much colonised the place in the mid 80s. So it is possible that the Castle Hotel was being used as a location for the abuse of Ty’r Felin kids.

However I know for a fact that unscrupulous social workers had a nice little number going on with the British Hotel in the mid 1990s. I used to know a young learning disabled woman from Bethesda who one day couldn’t stop crying when she was on the bus. I asked her what the matter was and she explained that she didn’t like her job. This was weird because she was on benefits and was fairly obviously someone who wouldn’t have been able to hold down a conventional ‘job’, so I enquired further. It transpired that she was washing up in the British Hotel for 50p/hour between mid-morning and mid-afternoon every day and was being mistreated by her ‘boss’. I asked her why she didn’t simply leave the job and she told me that her social worker had told her that she had to do it. A pretty similar arrangement to the one that my friend’s wife uncovered when she worked at the teenaged boy’s hostel Ty Newydd (see post ‘Local Accessories’).

I suspect that the landscape for people with learning disabilities in north Wales was as grim as it was for kids in care or for people with mental health problems. There was a saga on Anglesey when it was discovered that a group of people with learning disabilities who had previously been staffing a café for 50p/hour had all been laid off and were told that if they wanted to continue working in the café, THEY would have to pay the café, because the jobs had been reclassified as ‘training’. I also discovered a bit of a dung heap in the late 80s when I naively applied for a job as an advocate at the hospital for people with learning disabilities at Bryn Yn Neuadd, Llanfairfechan. I was invited for interview, along with another candidate. When I arrived early (I get everywhere early, it can be interesting), I found the other candidate having a cup of tea in the office with the interviewing panel – they knew her because she was an employee of Bryn Yn Neuadd. The job was for an ‘independent advocate’ to ensure that nothing untoward was happening to the residents. I was also surprised when during the interview, one of the panel, a senior manager of Bryn Yn Neuadd, explained to me that most of the patients were ‘cabbages’. I did not get the job, so presumably they employed their own member of staff to safeguard the rights of the cabbages.

This lot are so fucking bad that they don’t even understand how bad they are.

Regarding hotels in Bangor, I note that there is a comment in the Waterhouse Report regarding one the of the former residents of Ty’r Felin who gave evidence that he was abused by Nefyn Dodd. This man explained that because he was on a ‘catering course’ at a hotel in Bangor, Nefyn Dodd made him do all the cooking and washing up at Ty’r Felin. Would that ‘catering course’ possibly have been one at the British Hotel which involved washing up for several hours a day at 50p/hour? And why was a schoolboy on a ‘catering course’ anyway? Ty’r Felin was a home for kids below the school leaving age. Ronnie doesn’t ask any difficult questions, as ever.

Previous posts (‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?’ and ‘Local Accessories’) have detailed how Waterhouse blithely dismissed accounts of the most serious physical and sexual abuse of children or used the most flimsy and ludicrous explanations to point to why scores of witnesses could not be believed. I mentioned previously how at one point in the Waterhouse Report, Ronnie mentions that he was presented with a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ written in Risley Remand Centre, sent to Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, supposedly signed by a young man who’d alleged that they’d abused him. Ronnie accepts that the letter had been forged so ignores it. At no point does he wonder why someone would have gone to such lengths and the wrongdoing involved in the forging of the letter anyway. When people resort to forging documents, there is much at stake – as there is when they resort to inviting a load of people to a party and then petrol bombing the building (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). So the Dodd’s protectors included folk working in Risley Remand Centre as well as Lucille Hughes who were happy to forge documentation. Just as Dr Tony Roberts’s protectors at the GMC were prepared to forge a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

If the Dodd’s were involved in the trafficking of children for prostitution such extreme efforts to get them off the hook would be understandable. The one person in north Wales who had corrupt colleagues working at Risley Remand Centre was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Lucille’s bedfellow. The Dafydd who discredited and banged up people who complained about the activities of the paedophile gang.

Dafydd was the Top Doctor who handled many of the young men from north east Wales who had passed through the children’s homes in Clwyd, although Dafydd himself lived on Anglesey. Dafydd’s domain was primarily the North Wales Hospital Denbigh but previous posts have explained how he held clinics in Ysbyty Gwynedd – although he rarely bothered to turn up, he was usually at a private clinic somewhere else. But children in care – and indeed learning disabled people – being exploited and abused in Gwynedd would undoubtedly come to the attention of Top Doctors and not only with regard to mental health issues. Sexual abuse/exploitation usually involves unwanted pregnancies, demands for contraception by unlikely people eg. very young girls and STDs. The information that the London based journalist sent me alleges cases of STDs at Ty’r Felin. The Top Doctors of Bangor would have known about that. Including Dr D.G.E. Wood, whose patients included people from Maesgeirchan (who didn’t like him – I witnessed some less than satisfied customers in his surgery). My post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’ described how practices at St David’s Hospital in Bangor were nearly on a par with the Magdalen laundries in Ireland. So how were the unwanted pregnancies at Ty’r Felin – of which the London-based journalist alleged there were many and even Waterhouse admits that he heard about one – dealt with? It was famously nearly impossible for women to access abortions in north Wales in the 80s because of an arrangement made by the local Top Doctors who were anti-abortion, that’s why students went private to Chester if they wanted terminations. Abused schoolgirls in care wouldn’t have been able to go private to Chester.

Trafficking and prostitution at Ty’r Felin would also explain why children from Gwynedd with alleged psychiatric problems were being sent by Gwynedd Health Authority to the notorious Gwynfa Unit in Clwyd, where they were of course abused, as detailed in post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’. Waterhouse’s Report mentions that both children in care and living with their own families were ending up at Gwynfa. If children from Gwynedd in care were being sent to Gwynfa, they will either have been residents of Ty’r Felin, Cartref Bontnewydd, Queens Park Close or Y Gwyngyll. (Queen’s Park Close and Y Gwyngyll were children’s homes on Anglesey.) They were the only children’s homes in Gwynedd (Anglesey came under Gwynedd for NHS purposes). Nefyn Dodd lived on the premises at Ty’r Felin, but he was also the line manager for Queen’s Park Close and Y Gwyngyll. Not only did Gwynfa take virtually all it’s patients from Gwynedd, but Dr Barry Kiehn, the child psychiatrist responsible for Gwynfa, was employed by Gwynedd Health Authority.

So if Nefyn Dodd was trafficking those kids, not only did the social services know about it but the Top Doctors did as well. Including the Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit. Sorry Kate, this one leads to Dr Tony Francis and his colleagues again.

I have gained a further insight into the everyday story of Ty’r Felin folk over the past two days. Someone who was a resident there has been e mailing me. As a fifteen year old in Ty’r Felin he was visited by a man involved with voluntary work at Ysbyty Gwynedd who was 61. He began a sexual relationship with him and when he left Ty’r Felin he went to live with this man – who it turned out wasn’t just using a false name, but was also a businessman in Bangor who was a complete crook. This man was violent and also used to take pornographic photos of the former Ty’r Felin resident. During an incident of domestic violence the former Ty’r Felin resident pushed the older man, who fell over, hit his head and died. The former Ty’r Felin resident was charged with murder. However those charges were mysteriously dropped and he was subsequently charged with manslaughter. He then found out that the older man who had been allowed into Ty’r Felin to abuse him had previously served a prison sentence for buggering children. When his case came to trial he was only given probation. Furthermore, the details of his trial did not appear anywhere in the media in Wales. I suspect because no-one wanted anyone to ever find out how a teenaged boy who’d left care had ended up cohabiting with an older sex offender who was beating him up and using him for porn. Particularly when the said sex offender was a well-known volunteer at Ysbyty Gwynedd. The former Ty’r Felin resident is now in the care of the mental health services. Who will of course know all about his past. So the Top Doctors DO know what was going on in Ty’r Felin, as do the probation service. This man has also told me that as a teenager in Bangor he was paid for sex by a number of doctors at Ysbyty Gwynedd. My post ‘Another Case Of Not Knowing’ describes how a young psychiatric patient at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the early 1990s was being sexually exploited by a group of junior gynaecologists who worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, who made her pregnant twice and who coerced her into abortions that she did not want and that they arranged. Her psychiatrist whilst she was admitted to a mental health ward the night before one of those terminations was a man called Tony Francis.

It comes as no surprise to me that a crooked businessman who was also a convicted sex offender was volunteering at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Dodgy business deals were a hallmark of that place and indeed the wider North West Wales NHS Trust. There was the chaos of ‘Butty Wars’ (see post ‘There’s Going To Be A Hog Roast’) which erupted in the wake of the WRVS HQ cancelling the contract that the WRVS Ysbyty Gwynedd canteen had with the Menai Deli to supply sandwiches – the Menai Deli whose proprietors seemed to have many close links with Elfed Roberts, the former Chairman of the NW Wales NHS Trust. Then there was squealing when Mary Burrows, the first CEO of the Betsi who did her best to clean up, dared to cancel the contract that Ysbyty Gwynedd had with Blasus Ar Fwyd – a catering company that just happens to be owned by Deiniol ap Dafydd, the son of one Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. The backhanders and dodgy dealing of course extends into the Third Sector as well. Posts ‘The CEOs of St David’s Hospice’ and ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’ describe how St David’s Hospice at Llandudno is managed and supported by the former clapped out staff and managers of the local NHS who were responsible for much wrongdoing. It hasn’t stopped. Trystan Pritchard, Elfed’s old mate who formerly worked as a manager at Ysbyty Gwynedd and who is now CEO of St David’s Hospice, appeared on the Daily Post’s website today explaining how he was hoping to come to an agreement with the Betsi regarding the hospice using the ‘unused wards’ of the Betsi. Peter Higson, the Chair of the Betsi, is quoted as saying that he’s sure that they’ll be able to help. Of course they will, no-one will ask how a Health Board with waiting lists a mile long has spare capacity to donate to Trystan or will question the numerous conflicts of interest which will no doubt be involved.

My correspondent who spent time in Ty’r Felin mentioned something else as well. That he approached the S4C programme ‘Y Byd Y Bedwar’with his story and there was initial interest but then all went dead. In about 2006 I was in contact with a journalist from ‘Y Byd Y Bedwar’ and after they read the incriminating documents that I had regarding Alun Davies the former manager of the Hergest Unit, Martin Jones the former CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services, they were very keen to do a documentary about what had happened to me. I had many meetings with the journalist and she even got as far as preparing to go into Ysbyty Gwynedd with a hidden camera to film undercover. But the day before she had planned to do that, her boss pulled the plug on the whole documentary without explanation.

So who’s the Big Cheese at S4C ensuring that no documentaries featuring anyone who can name the culprits or produce documentary evidence of wrongdoing on the part of those we know and love ever goes ahead?

It would seem that Nefyn Dodd was afforded even more protection than those at Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn – at least some of their staff were imprisoned and named. For Nefyn Dodd to have escaped when the Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn contingent didn’t, Nefyn Dodd would have had to be useful to someone. The London journalist has given me the name of a lobbyist for the Conservative Party who was also one of Thatcher’s speech writers, whom he claims was receiving those kids trafficked from Gwynedd. This man has been named as one of those involved with the Westminster Paedophile Ring, but he has not been the subject of the sort of extreme Satanic sexual abuse allegations that Ted Heath for example has been. I have been sent a list of names that are business contacts of this man – one of whom is allegedly Neil Hamilton – and a list of MPs whom have stated themselves are friends of his, which include Edwina Currie and William Hague. The Edwina who appointed Jimmy Savile as manager of Broadmoor, an institution containing kids abused in care, at least one of whom was from north Wales at the time of Waterhouse. The Hague who organised Ronnie’s whitewash. I have also been given the name of a Tory peer whose son is alleged to have abused children from Ty’r Felin – not Tyrell-Kenyon whom I named in a previous post who was known to have abused boys in care at Bryn Estyn, but someone else. I note that the son of this peer studied at Aberystwyth University in the 1980s and now lives in Australia.

The London journalist also told me something else that I did already know. That the Welsh Office held one inspection of Ty’r Felin and hardly ever returned. Dyfed County Council’s officers were requested to investigate Ty’r Felin by Ioan Bowen Rees, the then Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council after complaints of serious abuse. Bowen Rees was formerly the County Secretary of Dyfed, so he’ll have known the investigators from Dyfed well. The investigators did as required, there was much criticism so everyone could claim to have dealt with the concerns. But no-one admitted the trafficking and coercing of children into prostitution or even that children were being forced to have sex with June and Nefyn Dodd. The collusion of Dyfed has present day ramifications. Mark Drakeford, the former Health Minister who proved so fucking useless in the face of the scandalous state of the NHS in north Wales, is a former social worker from Dyfed.

For the names, backgrounds and details of the extreme fuckwittery of the senior managers of Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd County Council whilst all this happened, please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’

So Nefyn Dodd was left entirely to his own devices. There was of course a police investigation into Nefyn Dodd after Alison Taylor blew the whistle. No action was taken against him. Like Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dodd was obviously mad, obviously abusive and was hated by everyone. But no-one scrutinised his activities and even in the face of the most serious complaints backed up by evidence, no action was taken against him. Because Dodd was supplying boys to the Tory lobbyist – who was also involved in huge business deals which were benefiting the Tory Party.

I really do think that just about every social worker and Top Doctor working in Gwynedd in the 1980s will have known something about all of this. They could hardly have missed it.

My post ‘Local Accessories’ named a few social workers who definitely DID have information and I requested that they now pay a visit to the police to make statements. There are a number of other people who definitely have some knowledge of these sordid events who need to be questioned by the police as well. One of those is Gwenan Carrington, the former Director of Gwynedd Social Services and latterly of Anglesey County Council. Another is Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer, who is Gwenan’s brother and doubles up as senior lecturer in law and social policy at Bangor University. The other is Joanna Griffiths, the Buffet Slayer’s wife, who is the former Director of Conwy Social Services. Which I think took over the management of Gwynfa when Clwyd Social Services was dissolved and was also responsible for the staff of the inspection unit who threatened me when I contacted them about the abuse and possible trafficking of residents of the dreadful Prestwood Homes, as described in the post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’. Gwenan, the Slayer and Joanna have had their fingers in many pies for years and most of those pies involve concealing the wrongdoing in the social services. They know all the people named in my post ‘Local Accessories’ and are collectively known as The Mafia in north Wales. The Slayer himself attempted to block my path one day just before I left Bangor University and started bellowing at me – my complaints about the mental health services were making him even angrier than my blog is making the friends of Tony Francis. Well the party’s over now isn’t it you fat crook.

 

The day before yesterday a stranger who seemed to know about the contents of this blog suggested that I do a bit of research into a well-known politician who is also a Top Doctor – the stranger thought that this man knew either Tony Francis or D.G.E. Wood. I will be blogging more about this soon.

Local Accessories

There was a lot of publicity yesterday regarding the future of the Welsh language and the Welsh Gov’ts desire to vastly increase the number of people who speak Welsh over the next few decades. There’s been a problem with previous efforts to do this by teaching children through the medium of Welsh at school, because some kids then came to associate speaking Welsh with the sort of boring, stuffy chores one has to do whilst at school, so of course they made a point of speaking English when they were not at school. There is much interesting research on the best ways of keeping Welsh alive, but the Welsh Gov’ts plans in this area are hampered by the incompetence and unpopularity of the Welsh Language Commissioner, one Meri Huws, who really is not a good advert for anything that she has ever endorsed. So of course, who turned up on the ‘Today’ programme yesterday morning? Meri! She made no more sense than she usually does. My post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’ described how Meri has been appointed to a series of jobs that she was not qualified for and just could not do and explained why she has zero credibility with language campaigners and scholars. Her Marjorie Wallace-like conduct in terms of being ‘close to’ a number of well-connected men politically which seems to have been the one consistent factor in her appointments to various positions is openly – and crudely – discussed in Wales and there was much entertainment some years ago when it became known that Meri was allegedly referred to as ‘the crack of doom’ in the Welsh Assembly. A PhD student with knowledge of the way in which Meri conducts business observed at the time ‘that name actually took some intelligence to think up’.

At about the same time I was told by someone else who had been chatting to a civil servant working at Westminster that Wales was making an idiot of itself by giving public positions and funds to, in the words of the civil servant, ‘a really weird woman who doesn’t know what she’s doing’ – it was Meri to whom he was referring. I was told years ago that Meri was holding a lot of people over a barrel because of the ‘unspoken blackmail’ that she was alleged to be directing towards her former bedfellows. That is the most common interpretation of Meri’s influence in political circles in Wales – ie that she’s shagged loads of them, they’re now embarrassed by her and they know that she won’t keep quiet if she doesn’t get what she wants. But long ago, before she got anywhere near the dizzy heights of a job as Welsh Language Commissioner, Meri worked in a rather more mundane capacity, yet one in which if she used her brains (not sure that there are many of those in Meri’s skull though) would provide her with a lot more potential where silent blackmail is concerned. Meri was a social worker in Caernarfon.

I don’t know many details of Meri’s career in social work, but I think that she was categorised as a ‘community social worker’ and from what I know of Meri’s age and subsequent career, I presume that it will have been in the late 70s or 80s. Meri was a social worker in Caernarfon, for Gwynedd County Council, at the time when the paedophile gang that operated within the social services was going strong. Even if Meri didn’t have the lowdown on the paedophile gang, she will definitely have known that something was very wrong in Gwynedd Social Services and that the ‘service’ was full of serious misconduct and the abuse of clients, because everyone who had anything to do with Gwynedd Social Services knew that, it wasn’t even hidden. I do suspect though that dear old Meri may have been party to a great deal of info. I’ve been able to find out loads – mainly of course because I was under attack by Gwynedd Social Services, I remember very clearly what they did and I now have the documents that demonstrate that what was going on without my knowledge was even worse, but also because I knew other people under attack as well and watched what happened to them. But Meri is very much more sociable than me. Meri is a party animal and has spent decades getting pissed with the very people that were covering up for that paedophile ring. Furthermore Meri, professing to be a champion of the Welsh language, has moved among the very people who were, on a local level, up to their eyeballs in colluding with the wrongdoing. Previous posts have explained how a number of people have flown the flag for nation and language as a distraction for some of their rather less reputable activities. Meri has spent decades at the heart of that lot. Meri, I am going to carry on naming people on this blog, at all levels and across the UK, so perhaps you’d like to make your way down to the police now and tell them of the many sordid activities that you found out about and who was involved.

The paedophile ring operated throughout Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services and was assisted and concealed by all other health and welfare agencies. So pretty much everyone who worked in social work in north Wales during the 60s, 70s, 80s and 90s would have known something. I am not for one minute suggesting that they were all paedophiles themselves, but what they all knew was that their senior managers were appalling and that the staff were very frightened of them. Exactly as in the mental health services – even the staff who were doing their best knew damn well that complaints were never investigated, that patient care was unbelievably poor and often led to unnecessary deaths and that there were scores of people even at very senior levels who very obviously should not have been in their posts. Virtually everyone employed in those services has valuable information about the very serious criminal activity that was happening.

So I’ll mention here the names of a few other people – who are probably known to Meri actually – who definitely would have information of value to the police.

One of those people has for many years worked at Bangor University as a lecturer in social work – Malcolm John. Malcolm John has caused very serious grief to a number of his former colleagues and no-one could ever understand why. Two people in particular were very nearly made ill by his conduct and both left the social work teaching team after they could bear no more of him. To onlookers it was inexplicable – both of these people were collegiate, bright, pleasant, committed to students and had solid academic reputations. But Malcolm John very obviously didn’t want colleagues like that. I heard allegations from a number of people that Malcolm John was failing to fulfil his work commitments and fiddling his expenses. He lives in Dolgellau which is so far from Bangor that people openly commented that he clearly didn’t even expect to commute into work every day – people were speculating that he might actually have another job somewhere else. But even that didn’t explain the way in which Malcolm seemed determined to drive high calibre colleagues out of their positions. His manipulative bullying – which was so bad that one former colleague described him as ‘evil’ – had been honed to a fine art.

Some five years ago when I was following up some local history concerning the Methodist Church in north Wales, I responded to an advert inviting interested people to drop into a building at Bontnewydd near Caernarfon, which was well-known locally as having been a former orphanage established and run by Methodists in 1907. The building was being sold, so it was an end of the era invitation for people to look around. I was interested because some time before this I’d met a man who’d been in that orphanage in the 1950s and 60s and had described a very idyllic existence there. This man knew about the abuse in the children’s homes run by the social services and unfavourably compared those homes to the one that he had grown up in. But he mentioned something else. That in recent years, that home had been given by the Methodist Trust to Gwynedd County Council to run and once that happened there were ‘problems’. He didn’t expand on the nature of the problems. So I went into the former orphanage, Cartref Bontnewydd, to look around. One lady there was ever so welcoming and chatty and I explained that I was a sociologist from Bangor University researching for future publications. She started giving me a guided tour, explaining the history of the home and whilst I was looking around a few older people came in and started chatting to me, telling me that they had lived in the home as children. There was another person there as well – a woman who had been working at the home recently, who was getting frostier and frostier towards me as the tour continued. We went into yet another room and there on the walls were a series of framed photos of people involved in running the home  – and Malcolm John was in every one of them. The friendly lady cheerily said ‘oh that’s Malcolm John, he’s worked with us for years, he’s our senior advisor and organises foster placements for us’. I realised that I had discovered Malcolm’s other job.

At this point the woman who was currently employed at the home interrupted us and asked me to leave, on the grounds that former residents might become ’emotional’ whilst looking around and it would be ‘inappropriate’ for me to be there. I presumed that I was in the company of a social worker, almost certainly one who was on good terms with Malcolm John.

The Waterhouse Report has a chapter on Cartref Bontnewydd. It explains that it was run by the Methodist Trust as a children’s home until 1983. It shut then as a result of the belief that children were better off in foster placements than in children’s homes, so Cartref Bontnewydd then became a Family Placement Centre, again run by the Methodist Trust. But they did this as an agency in partnership with Gwynedd County Council, providing fostering services. This continued until Gwynedd County Council was abolished in March 1996. However in 1988, much of the building was re-opened as a children’s home, managed and controlled by Gwynedd County Council which occupied it under licence from the Methodist Trust. It was still operating as a children’s home at the time that Waterhouse wrote his report and remained so for a few more years.

I have mentioned before that Waterhouse admitted that children in Gwynedd and Clwyd were seriously abused in foster placements. I have also mentioned that in 1983 I shared a house with someone whose mum fostered children for Gwynedd and who remarked on the degree of callousness of the social workers involved and their complete uninterest in the children’s welfare. My friend’s mum always noted that she could have done anything to those kids and no-one would have intervened. Some of the revelations about the foster placements where some of children were sent to north Wales were horrific. Children were sent to the homes of people with past records of sexual abuse and physical violence, they were used as unpaid labour and there was one case in which a teenaged boy was not only made to do the work of an adult farm worker but was hung up by ropes from the barn roof and flogged. So Malcolm John was the man who arranged the foster placements for Gwynedd Social Services.

Did Malcolm do any better in his capacity as ‘senior advisor’ to the children’s home when it was managed by Gwynedd County Council? Let’s refer to Waterhouse – who did of course bend over backwards to play down the degree of abuse that had happened. Ronnie Waterhouse observes that during the years that the children’s home was run by the Methodist Trust there were no complaints. But then Gwynedd took over – and ooh dear, things went downhill…

The staff of Cartref Bontnewydd mentioned in Ronnie’s whitewash were David Bayley Hughes, Mari Thomas, Anna Ashton and Peter Gadd. They had all previously worked for Gwynedd Social Services.

David Bayley Hughes was the family placement officer at Cartref Bontnewydd from Feb 1986. Hughes crops up elsewhere in the Waterhouse Report. He had worked at Ty’r Felin in Bangor, the children’s home that was run by the notorious Nefyn and June Dodd who were repeatedly accused of brutality and the sexual abuse of children by witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry. In 1977 a ‘highly disturbed girl’ who had been at Ty’r Felin and was then transferred to Silverbrook Treatment Centre in Pontypridd, Mid Glamorgan, ‘alleged’ that she’d had sexual intercourse with Hughes two or three times whilst she was at Ty’r Felin and had become pregnant as a result. She had made ‘similar allegations’ against a different person at an earlier date. Her claims were investigated by the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services, D. Alun Parry, who was ‘completely satisfied’ that the relationship between Hughes and the girl was ‘completely innocent’ and that the allegations were ‘completely unfounded’. Mid-Glamorgan was informed and no further action was deemed necessary. Ronnie states that he had seen the ‘background documentation’ and was not going to criticise the decision.

I have detailed previously how a number of people who alleged abuse and misconduct on the part of health and social care staff in north Wales were described as ‘highly disturbed’ – including me. I do now of course have documentation demonstrating that my allegations were true, which is something that some of the other ‘highly disturbed’ people haven’t got, because they ended up in prison or dead. ‘Highly disturbed’ simply translates as ‘making very serious allegations that we have just got to squash’. As for the man who investigated the allegations – Waterhouse himself documents elsewhere that D. Alun Parry was identified by his own colleagues as incompetent and unable to carry out his job – he was eventually removed from his position. Ronnie mentions that he had seen the ‘background documentation’, but he gives no indication of what that documentation said or who compiled it. There is such an enormous elephant in the room here that I’m surprised that even Ronnie didn’t try and deal with it somehow. A pregnancy involves a foetus. If Hughes had made the ‘highly disturbed’ girl pregnant, she would either have had an abortion or a miscarriage or a baby. It wouldn’t be difficult to demonstrate that none of these outcomes had occurred – and that would clear Hughes’s name. But a non-pregnancy is not mentioned. Neither is a result of a pregnancy. Instead she was transferred to Pontypridd and they were informed of the result of the ‘investigation’. Was she pregnant or not on arrival at Pontypridd? Did they deal with the arrival or non-arrival of the baby? Or was that problem dealt with in north Wales perhaps – in the way that a few other embarrassing pregnancies that were the result of people abusing their positions were dealt with (see posts ‘Another Case of Not Knowing’ and ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’). After all Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was the psychiatrist responsible for assessing women who requested terminations on mental health grounds… I note that this young woman was so disturbed that she had made similar allegations previously. Well as she was living in a region where the children’s homes had been infiltrated by a paedophile gang and were rife with abuse, that comes as no surprise.

Would someone like to trace that girl – if indeed she is still alive – and find out whether she did become pregnant and if so what happened subsequently?

The home at which the girl allegedly become pregnant was the home where practices were such that social worker Alison Taylor blew the whistle on the abuse. It was at this point that poison was thrown at Alison and attempts were made to discredit her in every way possible. In one damning letter dated 1 Feb 1978 – drafted by D. Alun Parry but signed by the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, T.E. Jones – about her alleged shortcomings, one sentence reads ‘I do not wish to comment at all on the work that you have done with the children as this gives the appearance of being satisfactory’. So Alison was not the one abusing the kids or facing allegations from ‘highly disturbed’ young people, but she was the one who ended up being sacked.

After the highly disturbed girl was transported to south Wales, David Bayley Hughes completed his CQSW at Cartrefle College (which later became NEWI and then Glyndwr University). I’d be interested to know what was going on at Cartrefle College because the Waterhouse Report names umpteen child abusers who obtained social care or social work qualifications from there. After this, Hughes was employed at an establishment near Bangor called Ty Newydd. Ty Newydd was also the centre of abuse allegations. Someone I know used to help out at Ty Newydd because his wife had a job there. They both ended up leaving after alleging that the young people were being mistreated and forced to work illegally – my friend and his wife told the boys to refuse to do this work but the boys expressed fear of violence from social workers if they did this.

David Hughes’s name comes up in another place in the Waterhouse Report as well. Among a catalogue of sexual abuse allegations by former residents of Ty’r Felin – Ronnie concludes that although a number of former residents alleged sexual abuse, they all named different members of staff and no-one else but that notoriously highly disturbed girl named David Hughes. Ronnie therefore concludes that there was no ‘pattern’ and no evidence that there was a problem of sexual abuse at Ty’r Felin. There were only twelve allegation of sexual abuse after all. One complainant that Ronnie was made aware of was the mother of a child but Ronnie ignored her as well because the sexual abuse alleged had not been documented by staff at Ty’r Felin. Well fancy that.

Mari Thomas was also transferred from Ty’r Felin to work at Cartref Bontnewydd. Mari did a solid bit of career building at Cartref Bontnewydd and stayed there a number of years, ending up as manager of the place by the time that Ronnie wrote his Report. There were four complainants who alleged that Mari was physically abusive. Former residents accused her of slapping them round the face, of forcing them to strip and then removing their clothes and of deliberately knocking one 14 year old girl against a windowsill causing her to bang her head, after having grabbed her by the hair. This girl subsequently told the police that she didn’t want an investigation into any aspect of her ‘care’ at Cartref Bontnewydd. Probably because she was still living there at the mercy of Mari Thomas. A number of residents alleged that Thomas’s violence had followed after they had been returned to the home by the police after running away.

Ronnie was very cross with one witness at the Tribunal who alleged that she had been abused at Cartref Bontnewydd. She was ‘a very unsatisfactory witness. She was anxious to give live evidence…very nervous about doing so but her recollection of events was confused and at times demonstrably false…her allegation in relation to her period at Cartrefle Bontnewydd was directed against a member of staff called Mark, whom no-one has been able to identify and she had not been interviewed by the police in the course of the major investigation between 1991 and 1993’.

So this very unsatisfactory witness was keen to give evidence – as were a lot of people, because everyone was led to believe that Waterhouse would get to the bottom of what had happened in north Wales and wanted to hear from people who had suffered. She was very nervous – I bet she was, the paedophiles had scores of lawyers cross-examining their victims in an aggressive manner at that Inquiry and all this was happening in public. Ronnie’s assertion that some of this witness’s evidence was ‘demonstrably false’ was based on the fact that records produced by Gwynedd County Council didn’t reflect her account of which homes she was in and when. Well records of mine from the North Wales Hospital were not an accurate record of when I was actually there – those records state that I left the hospital in February of 1987 when I didn’t. But unlike this poor young woman I have plenty of other evidence to prove that the records compiled by the North Wales Hospital were fallacious. Dafydd Alun Jones was responsible for that institution and his mistress Lucille Hughes was responsible for Gwynedd Social Services. It won’t have been the former resident’s evidence that will have been demonstrably untrue, it will have been the evidence from Gwynedd. As for no-one remembering ‘Mark’, when I tried to trace a clinical psychologist from the North Wales Hospital called Nigel whom had spent hours with me I was told repeatedly that no such person worked there and there was no trace of any clinical psychologist visiting me. I now have possession of a document compiled by an administrator at that hospital called Kay Hemsley stating that I was trying to contact Nigel Stennet-Cox and could someone please ‘persuade’ him not to speak to me. It is also significant that the young woman making allegations against Mark wasn’t interviewed in the police investigation. So someone was working very hard to ensure that she wasn’t heard.

These people were harbouring a paedophile gang, they were making up the documentation as they went along, altering it if necessary and frequently disposing of it altogether. Just as the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board still are. I received yet another letter from the CEO Gary Doherty a couple of days ago telling me that there are no more medical records of mine to be found. Not only has Gary lost more than 20 years worth of them, but I actually have copies of the ones that he says don’t exist – my lawyer sent them to me.

As for Mari Thomas who denied ever slapping, pushing, stripping children or knocking anyone’s head against a windowsill, her name is mentioned in another part of the Waterhouse Report as well, in the chapter concerning Ty’r Felin, where of course she worked prior to Cartref Bontnewydd. Guess what – a number of former residents describe her slapping them across the face, dragging them out of bed by the hair or shoving them, particularly after they had been brought back by the police after running away! One person remembered that Mari Thomas used to approach him in the day room and for no reason put her hands over his nose and mouth to stop him breathing. One witness described Mari as Nefyn Dodd’s ‘henchwoman’. Nefyn Dodd was the manager of Ty’r Felin, as well as line manager of two other children’s homes and was repeatedly accused of punching, kicking, caning, head-butting and thrashing children, of making virtually all the residents lick his boots and some of them lick his bare feet and of sexually abusing at least five children. He forced children to eat carbolic soap which left their mouths ulcered and blistered and then failed to access medical care for them. But Ronnie just can’t believe what those former residents say about Dodd. He notes that one man had experienced a mental breakdown which must have affected his memory. Another witness was ‘mistaken’ because he claimed to have been assaulted by Dodd yet his description of the person who attacked him didn’t match that of Dodd. I suggest then that he was assaulted by someone else who claimed to be Dodd, in the way in which I was assaulted by a CPN called Bob Ingham, who told me that he was Arfon Community Mental Health Team ‘leader’ Keith Fearns. I didn’t know what Fearns looked like – he had of course perjured himself in an affidavit by then, when he gave evidence about my extreme dangerousness, but I’d never met him and I didn’t know what he looked like. This lot didn’t hand over their passports for the purposes of identification when they assaulted and molested people and furthermore they lied about everything at all times, including who they were. The same went on at the Hergest Unit – violent care assistants called themselves ‘nurses’, refused to reveal their surnames and refused to wear their ID badges. When new uniforms were introduced that differed in colour according to their roles, they refused to wear the uniforms.

One former member of staff told Waterhouse that Dodd was ‘a martinet who ruled with a rod of iron’, another former staff member said that staff and children were petrified of him and someone I know who worked at Ty’r Felin described Dodd as a ‘total fascist’. Mari claimed that he was firm but fair, but autocratic and that when she first worked at Cartref Bontnewydd she was ‘a bit strict’ after having worked for Dodd. Her attempts at suffocating children was just her ‘being playful’. Ronnie suggested that a lot of people saw Dodd as a gentle giant.

Someone else who worked with Mari and was schooled in the ways of Nefyn Dodd was also transferred from Ty’r Felin to Cartref Bontnewydd and that was Anna Ashton. A Peter Gadd also worked with Mari at Cartref Bontnewydd but he left to join the probation service!

So a bunch of thugs who learnt at the knee of Nefyn Dodd – who had previously worked at Bryn Estyn where even Waterhouse admitted that boys were beaten and buggered by a paedophile ring, the Bryn Estyn where a number of staff went to prison – were redeployed to Cartref Bontnewydd and behaved in exactly the same way as they had at Ty’r Felin.

Not that Ronnie found much amiss. He found no evidence at all that Mari Thomas or anyone else had ever been responsible for any physical or sexual abuse at Cartref Bontnewydd, although ‘it may well be’  ‘on one or two occasions’ ‘in the early days’ that Mari Thomas did ‘use very limited force’. In fact Ronnie was really impressed with Mari and took further evidence from her in her capacity as Manager of Cartref Bontnewydd. He detailed all the improvements that she claimed to have made at Bontnewydd – including a whistleblowing system enabling members of staff to report untoward incidents to her! So she could then slap a few people around the face and drag them about by the hair. Or order them to strip and take their clothes away. By the time that Waterhouse was lapping up Mari’s lies, Mari had gone a step further than the other ‘care workers’. It wasn’t Cartrefle College for Mari, no, she’d acquired a Diploma in Social Work from Bangor University! That will have been the course that Malcolm John taught on then… He probably encouraged her to enrol, in his capacity as ‘senior advisor’ for Cartref Bontnewydd.

Waterhouse noted that he thought that Mari’s evidence was particularly important because she had worked in child care in Gwynedd for the old Gwynedd County Council and the newly formed Gwynedd Council after the local government reorganisation. In other words, the sadistic Mari had survived the cull after all the scandal, the police investigation and indeed the establishment of Ronnie’s Inquiry. Cartref Bontnewydd has closed down now – what’s the betting that Mari is at present a senior manager somewhere in Gwynedd Social Services or elsewhere in north Wales. Or indeed with the Third Sector.

As for Ronnie’s certainty that Nefyn Dodd, Mari’s mentor, was a gentle giant and that no sexual abuse went on at Ty’r Felin, this morning I received an e mail from a man who had been a resident there in Mari’s day. He described Ty’r Felin as ‘hell’ and when he was fifteen he was regularly visited by a much older man who it turned out was using a false name. This man had a sexual relationship with him and when the man who wrote to me left ‘care’ he set up home with the Ty’r Felin visitor. The older man became very physically abusive and the younger man is now in the care of the mental health services. His abuser used to carry out voluntary work at Ysbyty Gwnedd.

A number of my former colleagues at Bangor University used to observe that Malcolm John ought to be sacked. I think that he ought to be arrested and questioned under caution. Along with Mari.

There is another former social work tutor latterly of Bangor University who perhaps ought to be asked a few questions and that is a man called John Borland. I didn’t know Borland, but I do know something rather worrying about him. Social work degrees have panels of ‘service users’ who give lectures to students about their ‘lived experience’ and who sit on admissions panels. It’s a manifestation of ‘service user involvement’ and like most ‘service user involvement’ it’s a tokenistic joke. Social work courses are so troubled and students see so much bad practice and abuse on placement and are simply failed or removed from the course as ‘unsuitable’ if they blow the whistle, that no-one is going to let an activist near a social work course. So the service users always have the official stamp of approval and are usually very tame. But Borland had the production of tame service users down to a fine art. Borland established a company of ‘service user consultants’ and when Borland was still working at Bangor it was only from Borland’s approved list that the service users could be selected. I presume that Borland also charged the University a fee for this service. When a new member of staff took over the management of the social work degree this practice was ended, but I presume that it had been going on for years. No doubt John Borland is still doing ‘consultancy work’ somewhere, which will involve giving a truly dire ‘service’ the stamp of approval. So why wouldn’t Borland let service users other than those who worked for him near the social work students then???

Two other people associated with Bangor University and north Wales social work who might like to make statements are Sian and Richard Barker. Both have worked as social workers and social work tutors, both have been around for years and Richard Barker is yet another social worker who set himself up as a ‘consultant’. So he’ll provide the ‘independent opinion’ to get his former colleagues in the statutory sector out of trouble. I am told that the Barkers also have close personal connections to the bunch of crooks that run Anglesey County Council. The social services on Anglesey are famously a catastrophe…

 

Now for another two people who need to make their way to their nearest police station, but this pair’s knowledge of wrongdoing has been acquired as a result of their careers in the NHS – Dr Ruth Hussey and her brother Dr Peter Higson. Ruth is the former Chief Medical Officer for Wales and after screwing up in that role for years is now Chairing a panel of nine ‘experts’ in order to thrash out some ideas as to how to make health and social care in Wales ‘sustainable’. Vaughan Gething the Health Minister has asked her to do this. The one organisation in NHS Wales that is so obviously not sustainable is the one Chaired by Ruth’s brother Higson, ie. the Betsi Cadwalar University Health Board. Higson’s track record is as bad as Ruth’s – he managed the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and then the wider mental health services in north Wales throughout those long and glorious years when the region’s mental health professionals concealed and colluded with a paedophile ring. After Waterhouse carried on the cover-up, Higson was then appointed Chief Exec of Health Inspectorate Wales. Once in that position he failed to investigate complaints against his former colleagues, no matter how serious. The biggest single improvement to the NHS in Wales that Vaughan Gething could make would be to sack Higson and remove his equally appalling sister from all positions of influence. They have inflicted quite enough damage on the nation.

 

 

 

‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’

Yesterday somebody drew my attention to a few You Tube clips from that period of time that so many people found so difficult – the months in 2012 following the Jimmy Savile revelations. I watched a clip of Esther Rantzen with great interest as she wriggled around maintaining that she had heard ‘rumours’ but one can’t act on rumours (people used to say that to me when I challenged them over Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct). At one point Esther got really ratty and angrily told the interviewer that Childline had acted on every single complaint that children had made – well that’s interesting Esther because I was told that some of the kids who were abused in north Wales rang Childline and no, they were not helped. But then when Esther was campaigning for improved mental health care I wrote to her about Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – I did not receive a reply (see post ‘News Round Up, April 30 2017’). I noticed that the Daily Post’s website ran an article last week featuring Esther on a visit to north Wales publicising Childline… Now I don’t really expect anything other than vacuous insincere hypocrisy from an idiot like Esther, whom I was told by a friend who used to work at the BBC was loathed and known as a ferocious sharp-elbowed bully anyway – but there was a far more interesting You Tube clip than Esther pretending that she never had an inkling regarding Savile’s activities. That was a clip of Edwina Currie being interviewed on RTE 1 on 3 November 2012, in which she too denied all knowledge of Jimmy Savile’s penchant for molesting vulnerable people. Edwina of course was the junior Health Minister who, in 1988 when Ken Clarke was Secretary of State for Health, had appointed Savile to lead the ‘task force’ that was charged with managing Broadmoor and sorting out it’s very serious problems (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’). After Savile’s exposure as a sexual predator who shagged anything that moved, Edwina reassured the world that the reason why she made that very inappropriate appointment was that the POA (Prison Officers Association) to which all the ‘nurses’ at Broadmoor belonged were swindling enormous sums of money out of the NHS and dear old Jimmy had told her that he would reign the POA in by blackmailing them. Savile’s plan was to frighten the POA into submission by threatening to use his media contacts to run a story about them in the ‘Sun’. Edwina is on record as saying that she considered this to be ‘a pretty classy piece of operation’. But Savile was by no means the only one indulging in a bit of classy blackmail.

As Edwina was repeatedly confronted by the RTE interviewer with the reality of Savile’s abuse of Broadmoor patients, she continued to maintain that she had no idea that he was capable of such debauchery and that the only reason that she could think of for the staff at Broadmoor not grassing him up was that Jimmy, being as we all know an evil manipulative genius who fooled the world, had ‘information which gave him a hold over staff’. I’m sure that he did – not only were the staff at Broadmoor stealing from the NHS but they were behaving every bit as badly as Savile. There was rampant sexual abuse of patients, a porn racket and serious violence and brutality. Now the Tories knew that patients were being horribly abused in Broadmoor and they knew that many of the patients were not ‘criminals’ but were actually patients whom Top Doctors in other hospitals had transferred to Broadmoor after refusing to care for them themselves – just like Professor Robert Bluglass predicted that I would be if I didn’t stop complaining about Dafydd et al! – but they weren’t raising concerns about that. They were concerned about the POA embezzling the dosh and controlling the institution. So why couldn’t the Gov’t reign in the POA at Broadmoor, or indeed at Ashworth, which had very similar problems at the same time? Could it have been that the POA were playing the same game as Savile and were holding people over a barrel with ‘information’? What information might those staff have had?

Well, they would have known that a lot of the patients in Broadmoor were alleging that they had been sexually abused, beaten up and generally violated in other psychiatric hospitals. The Broadmoor staff would also have known that many of the patients were making exactly the same allegations about their experiences when they had been children who had been in care. Some of them in north Wales. Now some of the former residents of children’s homes in north Wales have maintained that some of the people who abused them were ‘VIPs’, at least two of which were alleged to have been Tory politicians. One of those politicians was Sir Peter Morrison, MP for Chester. He was known to have visited children’s homes in north Wales for inexplicable reasons and two former Conservative MPs are on the record as saying that they knew that Morrison was having sex with under-age boys. Those MPs are Rod Richards and Edwina Currie. Currie described Peter Morrison as a ‘noted pederast’ in her 2002 book of parliamentary life.

Currie appointed Savile as leader of the Broadmoor task force in the summer of 1988. During her RTE interview she stated somewhat vaguely that ‘for approximately four months in 1988’ she was responsible for mental health. That was pre-devolution, so her remit would have extended to the mental health services in north Wales. By the summer of 1988 Mary Wynch and I had both approached politicians and Ministers about our own abuse at the hands of the mental health services in north Wales. In the autumn of 1988 I was receiving correspondence from the Welsh Office concerning the Review into my complaint (this was the Review that eventually took place in 1989, the utter whitewash by Robert Bluglass). By the time that Edwina was in charge of the nation’s mental health services Mary Wynch had won her case against Risley Remand Centre, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Clwyd Health Authority (please see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Edwina was only responsible for mental health for four months in 1988, but she was Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Health between Sept 1986-Dec 1988. By 1987 the chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority was such that the Welsh Office had sent a team of management consultants in (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

So Edwina knew that all was not as it should have been in the mental health services in north Wales. But would she have known about the paedophile ring operating in the region, the victims of which were ending up in the mental health system if they complained? Well someone whom Edwina idolised and claimed to use as a role model knew – Margaret Thatcher. In Jan 1987 Alison Taylor wrote to her and told her that children in care in north Wales were being abused. Alison – like Mary and I – also wrote to a lot of other people as well. One of those was a man called John Major, who at the time was a Minister in the Home Office. Edwina knew him well, indeed she shagged him for a number of years. (Interestingly enough it is rumoured that John Major was by no means the only politician that Edwina had an affair with, although none of the others have been identified. But she says a few interesting things about her boss John Moore in that RTE interview.) Early in 1988 Alison also wrote to Tony Newton, another Minister that Edwina will have had dealings with; Newton was Secretary of State for Social Security – at that time Health and Social Security were dealt with by the DHSS.

If Edwina’s rationale for appointing Savile to the Broadmoor task force – that he was a sharp operator where blackmailing other criminals was concerned – was eccentric, so was the way in which the appointment of the Chief Executive of Broadmoor at the same time was actually discussed. It was discussed – and presumably offered – to Savile’s friend Alan Franey at what Franey later called an ‘unusual meeting’ that was held at the Athanaeum club in Pall Mall. The meeting was attended by Franey and Savile as well as two senior civil servants, Clifford Graham (who was Currie’s departmental Under-Secretary of State) and James Collier. When this all became public in the aftermath of the Savile expose there was much gnashing of teeth, but I suspect that an awful lot of this sort of thing went on. For a start the Athanaeum is a club with a lot of Top Doctors and academics as members and there is a lot of evidence that even very senior jobs in medicine are dished out on the basis of networking rather than ability or a sound track record. After he died no-one wanted to admit to knowing Jimmy Savile – although he was a mate of Prince Charles’s and was invited to numerous Christmas’s at Chequers by Thatcher – and trying to establish who had lived it up at the Athanaeum with Savile et al was like trying to get blood out of a stone. Yet in her RTE interview Edwina fesses up that she had popped over to the Athanaeum with Savile too. Of course she stresses in the interview that this wasn’t the way to impress a woman like her – then why did she accept the invitation ? I bet if Savile had invited her for a coffee and a pasty in Greggs she’d have found it within her heart to say no. There were also some rather odd people working in the highest echelons of the civil service at the time. The mandarin who had been instrumental in forming the Broadmoor task force in 1987 was Brian McGinnis, the Under-Secretary for mental health with responsibility for high security hospitals. McGinnis was never convicted of child abuse but there was sufficient concern regarding his conduct with children for him to end up being banned from working with them after he retired.

In this fetid environment is it surprising that the POA themselves were getting away with abusing patients whilst simultaneously holding the Party of Law N Order hostage? Of course Broadmoor’s troubles didn’t end with the appointment of Savile and the task force. After Savile’s death, Dr Bill Kirkup led an investigation into his involvement at Broadmoor. Kirkup’s report is entertaining in that he admits just how dreadful the problems were/are at Broadmoor, but he works very hard to exonerate any Top Doctor of contributing to the fuckwittery that led to it all. Kirkup’s report mentions a few names known to me. There’s a reference to Robert Bluglass in there! Bluglass was involved in the investigation into the abuses at Ashworth in the early 1990s – which included the murder of a patient. Having concealed the criminal activity of Dafydd et al at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh some three years previously Bluglass was obviously the ideal candidate to carry out a whitewash at Ashworth. There’s a reference to someone else as well- Dr Julie Hollyman, the former Chief Exec of the West London Mental Health Trust,  who was responsible for managing Broadmoor whilst Savile abused patients there. I remember Julie Hollyman well, although she won’t know who I am. Hollyman was reputed to be the most aggressive and unhinged psychiatrist at St Georges/Springfield Hospital when I lived and worked in south London in the early 1990s. The nurses loathed her and even my flatmate who was a psychiatric nurse in another London hospital had heard about Hollyman. I managed to have an encounter with her myself. Part of my job used to be carrying out pregnancy tests and one day a sample came in from a Springfield patient marked urgent with a request to phone back with the result as soon as poss. So I did. Only to be literally subjected to a mouth full of abuse from Hollyman’s secretary – which really astounded me, so I hung up. I then received a phone call from Hollyman shouting at me accusing me of being intolerably rude to ‘her’ secretary. I explained that for some reason best known to herself her secretary had actually sworn at me down the phone – Hollyman shrieked that she didn’t believe that. So I hung up on her and informed the Head of Dept what was going on. The response from someone in the know was ‘oh God it’s Hollyman, she’s nuts’. I was then told that the foul mouthed secretary was actually a ‘service user’ on Springfield’s ‘flagship’ patients work programme (which hit the headlines a few years later when it was revealed that one ‘service user’ had been given a job as a stripper in a night club), that she wasn’t suitable, shouldn’t have been given the job and Hollyman knew it. But Hollyman wasn’t too happy that she’d been rumbled and Hollyman grasped any excuse for a scrap.

Of course I now have documentary evidence that Hollyman’s colleagues at Springfield knew about the criminal activities and abuse in the north Wales mental health services and things at Springfield itself in 1991 were pretty dire (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’). But things were to get a lot worse at Springfield with patients murdering each other and members of staff. In 1993 Julie Hollyman herself appeared in the ‘Independent’, after a major scandal involving allegations that five patients had been raped – the appalling Hollyman had by then been promoted to the post of Unit General manager at Springfield. (I was delighted to see that MIND Spoke Out about the need to ensure that patients were safe – the MIND that knew what was happening in north Wales but kept schtum and indeed continues to keep schtum about the sordid activities of the mental health services. Please see post ‘The Mysterious Silence of MIND’.)

Five rapes on your watch? No problem – Julie Hollyman could only go higher and that is how she ended up being appointed in 1998 as Chief Exec of West London Mental Health Trust overseeing Broadmoor. In 2003 Julie hit the national media once more. A whistleblower at Broadmoor had gone public after conducting a small survey of 28 female Broadmoor patients over three years and finding that between them there had been 56 cases of sexual abuse, five rapes and that six of them had needed to request a pregnancy test. Dear old Julie had been in post when much of it had happened. Three months after the whistleblower blew Hollyman resigned and stated that ‘at 52 years of age’ it was time to leave the NHS. (I don’t think you should ever have been there in the first place Julie and you certainly should never have been promoted after the disaster at Springfield.) Sadly Julie believed that the world still needed her talents. She took up non-executive posts with the British Refugee Council, the Youth Justice Board and New College Worcester (a special school for the visually impaired). Julie also Chaired a housing association, the Hyde Group. More recently though Julie has realised that the NHS does indeed need the services of a vile bitch who has spent her career bullying staff and putting patients in danger and she is now a non-executive director of the South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust. I’m tempted to quip that we’ll now await a spate of rapes and sexual abuse at the Maudsley but I fear that things at the Maudsley may have been bad for a long while. The Maudsley is where Dafydd Alun Jones did a stint of ‘training’, it employed Dr Paul Bowden who ignored Dafydd’s abuses and criminal activities in north Wales and it also employed the plagiarist Raj Persaud who happily plagiarised away for years until Richard Bentall finally confronted him. And now the Maudsley has Julie on it’s Board.

But let us return to Edwina Currie. Currie’s role as a junior Minister will undoubtedly have resulted in her knowing exactly how dire the mental health services were, but she has also been in other positions whereby the abuse of children in care may have become apparent to her. Edwina was first elected to the Commons in June 1983, for the constituency of South Derbyshire. Edwina represented South Derbyshire until 1997. Indeed she still lives in Derbyshire, in Whaley Bridge, although she did spend a while living in Surrey. It was of course John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, who carried out the first external investigation into the abuse of children in Clwyd. The Jillings Report was so damning that it was famously suppressed and only published many years later and then in a heavily redacted form, but I suspect that even Jillings may not have been as frank as he could have been regarding just how serious the abuse of children in Clwyd was. My post ‘A UK Network’ describes how even back in the 80s paedophiles working in the children’s services and those concealing their activities had linked up on a UK-wide basis. There were connections between north Wales and Derbyshire Social Services before Jillings ever retired and investigated Clwyd. John Leslie Jeffreys worked at the Bryn Alyn Community for nine or ten years, between about 1974-83. Prior to that he had been a community youth worker and then a residential care worker at a children’s home in Derbyshire, having received ‘training’ from Derbyshire Social Services. The Bryn Alyn Community was owned and run by John Allen, currently serving a life sentence for the sexual abuse of children in his care. Boys abused by Allen maintained that he ran a gay sex, drugs and porn empire and that boys from children’s homes in north Wales worked in brothels owned by Allen in London and Brighton. John Jeffreys was named repeatedly in the Waterhouse Inquiry as inflicting serious violence upon boys at Bryn Alyn and also upon a boy who was staying at John Allen’s villa in Bordeaux. Jeffreys’ wife – who moved to Bryn Alyn along with him from Derbyshire – also worked at Bryn Alyn and eventually became one of the Directors. Jeffreys was Officer in Charge of one of the Bryn Alyn homes. Jeffreys and his wife were major players in Bryn Alyn.

I note that two of the ‘advisors’ to the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry also had connections with Derbyshire. Sir Brian Briscoe, the Head of the Local Government Association, had previously worked for Derbyshire County Council. Sir Ron Hadfield, Ronnie Waterhouse’s advisor on ‘police matters’, had previously worked for Derbyshire Constabulary. It is quite obvious that absolutely everybody involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry only ever got near it because they were considered a safe pair of hands and would not be in any danger of making public just how horrific the situation prevailing was. So someone in the Welsh Office felt able to rely on people with previous involvement with Derbyshire. But of course someone somewhere also felt able to rely on John Jillings – they will have needed a clean skin for that investigation, someone who could be seen to be carrying out a thorough job (because by then the north Wales child abuse scandal had hit the London-based media), but they won’t have appointed anyone whom they thought might blow the whole thing wide open. Which was probably why the Jillings Report made a point of refusing to speculate on whether a paedophile ring was operating in north Wales.

But Edwina will have been in a position before she ever became an MP to know that some unacceptable things might be happening in children’s homes. Like many MPs, Currie has also been a councillor. Between 1975-86 she was a councillor for Birmingham City Council. Councils from the West Midlands were among those who were placing children in the Bryn Alyn Community. My post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’ details the case of a family from Birmingham who adopted a little girl who had been abused who then relocated to Anglesey in the 80s but were subjected to vindictive attacks by those we know and love. That post mentions a few other links between Birmingham and north Wales as well. Furthermore there were some people in public life in Birmingham who knew what was happening to children in care in north Wales. One of the people involved in the 1991 Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry which investigated after a care worker was imprisoned for sexually assaulting children was Susan Mead, Chief Inspector of the Social Services Division of Birmingham City Council. Adrianne Jones, the Director of Social Services of the City of Birmingham Council, carried out a review of children’s services in north Wales and then acted as an advisor at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Adrianne Jones then retired to Wales – to Abergavenny, which was another site of a facility where children had been sexually abused. Sir Ron Hadfield also had a connection to Birmingham – he was the recently retired Chief Constable of the West Midlands and was still based in Birmingham.

In the 1980s there was another Derbyshire MP who will have been in a position to know about paedophilic activity in children’s homes and who I think may well have known about the abuse that was happening in north Wales. That is Matthew Parris, who between 1979-86 was MP for West Derbyshire. As I have mentioned previously on this blog, I read Parris’s autobiography about four years ago, an autobiography that he wrote some years ago covering his time in politics. He writes of how he and a number of friends of his used to go to Italy to a place that they called ‘the villa of shame’ and have a lot of gay sex. Parris uses the phrase ‘the boys were always willing’. Boys – not men. Did Parris not wonder where these boys had come from and why they were so willing to have sex with him and his much older friends from Westminster? Who procured these boys for Parris and his mates? No-one seems to have thought to ask Parris about this. Parris was of course famously one of the first MPs to publicly declare that he was gay. He is also well-known for outing Peter Mandelson in 1998 and has stated that there are between 30 and 60 British parliamentarians who are gay but are keeping it quiet. Did any of them holiday at the villa of shame as well? By the time that he outed Mandelson and made his claims regarding scores of other gay politicians who were in the closet Parris had spent a few years in positions where he would have been well-placed to acquire such information. In the mid-70s he spent two years working at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The same Foreign and Commonwealth Office that employed the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman, who was known to be a paedophile. After that Parris joined the Conservative Research Department and following a stint there he became correspondence secretary to Margaret Thatcher. The Thatcher who was a personal friend of Jimmy Savile and lobbied for him to be given a knighthood in the face of civil servants telling her that there were concerns about Savile’s ‘private life’ which could prove politically embarrassing if it ever became public. The Thatcher who was sent documents in 1980-81 informing her that Peter Hayman had sexual fantasies relating to children and that his ‘sexual perversion’ rendered him vulnerable to blackmail. The Thatcher who was told that Sir Peter Morrison was holding sex parties with under-age boys, but still appointed him Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party in 1986 and then her PPS in 1990… A correspondence secretary for a woman who was repeatedly being warned that some of her closest aides and friends were abusing children would have read a lot of very interesting things.

Both Edwina Currie and Matthew Parris have now left politics but are in excellent positions to control what is known by the wider public about them and indeed their associates. Edwina has cultivated good media connections and makes frequent appearances on TV and radio. At one point she had her own radio show and it was through this that she met the man to whom she is now married, John Jones. John Jones is a former senior detective with the Metropolitan Police! Since retiring from the Met he has worked as an advisor to media companies and in the media himself. Matthew Parris has an even more influential position. When he suddenly resigned as an MP in 1986 he took up the position as host of the ITV programme ‘Weekend World’. Between 1988-2001 he worked for Murdoch as a columnist for the ‘Times’ and he also wrote for the ‘Spectator’. He is now a parliamentary sketch writer and presents a weekly programme for Radio 4. Parris has homes in Catalonia, Derbyshire and the Docklands in East London. He doesn’t have all three homes to himself though. Parris has a partner, Julian Glover – they’ve been together since 1995. Glover is a political journalist and used to work for the Guardian. He is also a speechwriter for David Cameron.

A pretty classy piece of operation on behalf of just about everyone I think.

 

 

 

 

 

Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice

Most of Ronnie Waterhouse’s whitewash was dedicated to excusing people employed in social care or social work who had abused children in care. However for those of us au fait with the mental health services in north Wales, there is a chapter that makes even more dreadful reading than the rest of the Waterhouse Report – the chapter concerning Gwynfa, a residential NHS unit for children with mental health problems, or in Ronnie’s parlance, ’emotionally disturbed and maladjusted children’. I need to remind readers yet again here that Ronnie’s definition of ‘disturbed’ and ‘maladjusted’, or indeed the mental health service’s definition, may well not be what the rest of the world – even in those days – would define as disturbed or maladjusted. In north Wales NHS speak it simply means that you’ve complained about a Top Doctor breaking the law or abusing their position. Ronnie’s chapter on Gwynfa demonstrates that this was as true in the children’s mental health services as it was in the adults’ services.

Gwynfa was a residential unit in Colwyn Bay that was a combined clinic and school. It was established in 1961 as an NHS psychiatric hospital for children with an on-site school. With the establishment of Clwyd County Council in 1974 the residential/clinic part became the responsibility of Clwyd Health Authority and the school became the responsibility of Clwyd County Council. Until 1982/83 the North Wales Child Guidance Clinic Service offered and monitored admissions, but after that it was administered by the Mental Health Unit of Clwyd Health Authority – yes, that bunch of goons who allowed Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally bang up anyone who crossed his path, who oversaw a shagfest in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and who failed to investigate any complaints, even those of serious abuse of patients. Gwynfa by this time was an 18 bed unit for children below school leaving age, staffed by eight qualified nurses, six ‘other’ nurses (who won’t have actually been nurses if they weren’t qualified) and four psychologists. A child psychiatrist, Dr Barry Kiehn, was appointed in 1981 his remit being specifically Gwynfa and according to Waterhouse it was at this time that ‘the concept of a therapeutic community was introduced’. In April 1993 the administration of Gwynfa was taken over by the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust after an NHS reorganisation. Of course the people managing and staffing the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust were exactly the same corrupt old gits who had managed and staffed the previous organisations. Letters in my possession regarding my own case written after the ‘reorganisation’ are signed by exactly the same people and use exactly the same phrases as before. Believe me, nothing changed. The average stay for the patients at Gwynfa was five months, although some were there a lot longer.

The overall responsibility for managing Gwynfa was taken by the Principal Nursing Officer, who was responsible for recruitment and selection of staff. They reported to the Unit Nursing Officer (later known as the Director of Nursing Services) at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, who visited Gwynfa about once a month. So Gwynfa was ultimately run by the person who ran Denbigh. When I read that I knew that the tales from the children at Gwynfa would be bad. Gwynfa was shut down in 1997 – I wonder whether that decision had been made in anticipation of what former patients might say to the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Between 1972-1990 the Principal Nursing Officer for Gwynfa was Nigel Mannering Berry. By 1972 he had already been employed there for nine years. Waterhouse tells us that Berry qualified as a registered mental nurse in 1959 and had been previously employed at Denbigh. So the ‘therapeutic community’ for children was run by something out of the ark who had worked at Denbigh when Gwynne the lobotomist was in full swing. Waterhouse notes that Berry had no specific training in dealing with ‘disturbed’ children. Waterhouse states that since 1974 there had been five internal investigations/reviews of the conduct of specific members of nursing staff at Gwynfa.

In 1986 a male member of staff had head butted a boy patient. The nurse received a final warning (which suggests that he’d done similar things previously) and was transferred to ‘another hospital’ for adults. Probably the North Wales Hospital, presumably so he could head butt patients there.

In 1991 an investigation was held into the relationship between a 16 year old girl with a depressive disorder and a 45 year old auxillary nurse, Robert Martin Williams. We are told that the investigation began after a ‘letter’ was found, but staff were unable to encourage the girl to supply details of Williams’s activities. I wonder how hard they tried. Waterhouse notes that Williams had been previously ‘counselled’ (!) regarding his behaviour towards patients after other staff members raised concerns about him. He denied an unspecified ‘offence’ and resigned. Waterhouse goes on to explain that in 1996 the girl told the police that Williams had actually raped her twice. Waterhouse refers to a ‘highly incriminating letter’ which he had seen himself. Williams was charged with two counts of rape and in March 1997 was convicted at Mold Crown Court of both offences and sentenced to six years in prison. I note that like many other children at Gwynfa this girl had not been in care, so could not even be dehumanised and dishonoured like so many of the ‘troublesome’ young people in the children’s homes who were abused. Neither was she ‘disturbed’ or ‘maladjusted’ – even Gwynfa described her as ‘depressed’. So a 16 year old girl with depression was raped twice by a member of staff. And nothing happened until some years later when there was a major police investigation into the care of children in north Wales. Had there not been that investigation, Clwyd Health Authority and the North Wales Hospital would have sat on those rapes forever. Waterhouse notes that the girl who had been raped ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system. No-one asked her why. Of course, readers who have read my earlier posts will know that by the time that this teenager ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system, I had used that system and I had used it to raise concerns about, among other things, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct towards female patients and staff at the North Wales Hospital physically assaulting patients. I got nowhere and interestingly enough at the time that this girl was being raped in Gwynfa, I was being dragged through the High Court by Sir Robert Francis QC – at the behest of psychiatrists in north Wales – who was demanding my imprisonment for ‘harassment’ because I was writing numerous letters alleging that patients were being criminally abused in the north Wales mental health services (see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’).

But it transpired that there had been many other allegations of abuse by children who had been patients at Gwynfa and that by July 1993 it was clear that there was a problem with allegations of a ‘serious nature’. It was about this time that I was receiving letters from Laurie Wood, the former manager of the mental health services in Clwyd who then became Chief Exec of the Clwydian Community NHS Trust, refusing to reopen my own complaint and reassuring me that he was certain that no-one else was having the sort of experiences that I had – although of course at the same time maintaining that nobody had behaved improperly in my case at all. In July 1993 Detective Superintendent Ackerley from the North Wales Police was invited to conduct a fuller investigation into Gwynfa. That’s the North Wales Police whose officers conspired with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to unlawfully arrest people and detain them in the North Wales Hospital – the same North Wales Police who returned children to children’s homes after they’d run away to escape the beatings and the buggery, the same North Wales Police who returned patients to Denbigh if they ran off even though they were being held there illegally. The same North Wales Police who employed Gordon Anglesea, who was abusing boys in care himself.

Waterhouse intriguingly tells us that ‘at some stage’ the NHS Trust ‘became aware’ that seven former patients had made serious allegations to the police against a member of staff who was still employed at Gwynfa, referred to only as Z. The Trust asked the police to ask the former patients who had made statements for their permission for the Trust to access the statements for internal disciplinary purposes. Only four patients gave permission. Waterhouse simply observes that because of this the NHS Trust had to investigate the matter ‘on an incomplete basis’. Ronnie doesn’t ask why the other patients had given statements to the police but wouldn’t co-operate with the Trust. Had they perhaps found themselves repeatedly up in Court after NHS staff made daft allegations about them? Ronnie tells us that the legal advice that the Trust Board received was that the available evidence was insufficient to justify Z’s dismissal. That advice would have come from the same source as the advice to repeatedly arrest me after I made serious complaint – that source being Andrew Park, the bent solicitor from the Welsh Office. Two members of staff were transferred to a day hospital. There’s a familiar pattern here – serious allegations made against a staff member, complaints mysteriously dropped or not followed up, the member of staff at the centre of the allegations transferred to work somewhere else with equally vulnerable people. Exactly what happened when I complained about the SEN Stephen Rose, employed at the North Wales Hospital, assaulting me. No investigation, but Rose relocated to Park Lane Hospital – an institution notorious for staff abusing patients. Regarding Z, it gets worse. Yet further allegations against Z were made at a later date and Z was finally suspended in July 1997. In March 1999 the CPS stated that a prosecution was not justified.

Altogether 27 people told the Waterhouse Tribunal that they had been abused at Gwynfa. 23 people complained about incidents between 1974-1987, 10 of them named Z. At the time that Ronnie submitted his Report, the police investigation into Z was continuing. Ronnie states that it would be ‘inappropriate to make any further comment’ because he had not heard any evidence from Z and Z’s ‘legal position was not clear to the Tribunal’. So even with all those lawyers, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office and his numerous advisors, poor old Ronnie – a former High Court judge – couldn’t clarify Z’s legal position. So no more was said. Not that Ronnie had reached his zenith with this comment – he admitted that although there were allegations of sexual abuse against four members of staff, ‘they do not suggest a pattern of such abuse among staff’. His rationale for this thinking was bizarre – it was because each allegation of sexual abuse was made about a different member of staff, on a different occasion, by a different patient. Which suggests to me that there was one hell of a problem – particularly as one member of staff was already in prison for the double rape of a patient and dear old Z was at the centre of a police investigation. It’s also highly likely that there were many more allegations that no-one ever got to hear about. We learn from Ronnie’s Report that a 13 year old girl was indecently assaulted but did not report it at the time and that a 17 year old male patient was buggered in 1979/80, but that this allegation didn’t come to light until the police interviewed the complainant in 1992 – in 1993 there was a decision not to prosecute.

Ronnie didn’t just hear about sexual abuse at Gwynfa. Again and again bizarre stories – bizarre but all too believable to those of us who know how the mental health services routinely conducted themselves – were related by former patients. A boy who was described as ‘behaving disruptively’ at a private school in Llandudno was sent to Gwynfa – but he thought that he was going into hospital to have his heart investigated! Who told him this cock and bull story? And what was the nature of his ‘disruptive behaviour’ at the private school in Llandudno? Which school was it? We know that people were diverted into the mental health services if they crossed the paths of certain people or questioned abuses – is it possible that something was going on in the school in Llandudno that shouldn’t have been? This boy told Waterhouse that his year at Gwynfa had been a ‘waste of time’, that he hadn’t been helped, that the education at Gwynfa was inadequate, but he also told of two very serious assaults from male members of staff. On one occasion, a harness was made of rubber rings and he was yanked up on a door using this contraption – it was incredibly painful but he was told by the ‘nurses’ who did this to ‘take it in good spirit’. On another occasion he was dropped onto the ground outside from a first floor window. Each of these incidents was constructed as being the patient’s own fault. As every assault on a mental health patient in north Wales always is.

A girl felt so uneasy about Z that she told her (female) social worker that she didn’t like him. The social worker told her not to be silly, he was nice. The girl persisted with her concerns about Z – the social worker stated that she was ‘seeking attention’. Again this is depressingly familiar – over the last thirty years, I and others consistently raised concerns about staff who were doing things that they shouldn’t have been doing. We too were fobbed off constantly with idiocies – I lost count of the number of times that I was told that Dafydd Alun Jones had ‘helped people’, that ‘other patients like him’ or even, yes, that he was ‘nice’. He wasn’t, he was/is a fucking criminal who was abusing patients and everyone knew it. What chance did CHILDREN stuck in a residential unit for months have against staff who were groping them, raping them and throwing them out of windows? Ronnie admits that one witness at the Tribunal remembered being physically assaulted by Z – Ronnie simply states ‘we say no more about it’. Other former patients remembered being gagged with elastoplasts that were then ripped off, hit on the head with a pool cue, hung out of a window, regularly assaulted and beaten up. One witness described how a dog collar was put on him and he was led around on a lead – he was seven years old. One former patient compared Gwynfa to a prison. Which it was, but probably one with fewer safeguards.

Waterhouse details two ‘therapies’ that were used at Gwynfa. ‘Pyjama therapy’ – where the children had their clothes removed and could only wear pyjamas. (I witnessed an adult male patient subjected to this at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the early 1990s.) But Gwynfa also had ‘bed therapy’ – children’s clothes AND pyjamas were removed from them so they were forced to remain in bed. Presumably naked under the covers with a bunch of rapists ‘caring’ for them. Sexual assault therapy could well have followed.

Despite the graphic accounts of the daily abuse that so many children endured, Ronnie decided that ‘the picture we have received of conditions at Gwynfa has been incomplete’ and ‘we have not attempted to reach detailed conclusions about the regime at Gwynfa’. Ronnie does have a bit of advice concerning Gwynfa though. He notes that it was staffed by male adult psychiatric nurses with no experience of child care, so he recommended that there should be more social services involvement, with trained residential care staff being introduced and that senior staff should have qualifications in residential child care. So instead of being assaulted by a bunch of former Denbigh nurses, the children could be assaulted by the sort of children’s social care staff that the rest of Ronnie’s Report was concerned with.

It seems that the abuses at Gwynfa only came to light when in Sept 1991 a former Gwynfa patient appeared on TV and a police investigation followed. Clwyd Health Authority reacted by ordering an investigation and a report from Irene Train, who was at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry, Divisional General Manager (North) of Clwyd’s Community and Mental Health Unit. Irene featured in a previous blog post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. In 1990 after Stephen Norris the Officer in Charge of a children’s home called Cartrefle had been convicted of sexual assault, the ACPC (Area Children’s Protection Committee) was asked to conduct a review. Irene Train was Vice-Chair – and then Chair – of the ACPC. She was at that time Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority. So Irene was someone else who was in a very senior position, was very well-networked and even Chaired the ACPC – who was just so taken aback by all the allegations of violence and rape that emerged after people started appearing on TV and in the press. Irene presented ‘written evidence’ to the Tribunal informing Ronnie that: there was now ‘confidential free telephone facilities for patients to obtain individual counselling’; the development of child advocacy services; and that patients were informed of their right to have their complaints dealt with by the Chief Exec and a right of appeal to a non-executive director of the NHS Trust. Right – there is no confidentiality in the north Wales mental health services, the entire system works on gossip and rumour; hardly any of the ‘counsellors’ employed know anything about counselling, nearly all of them have been ‘trained’ by the same lame abusive idiots that have spawned the disaster in the first place; the ‘advocacy’ services positively ensure that no competent ‘advocate’ is ever employed and most of the ‘advocates’ are ‘service users’ themselves who are dependent upon the system and far too frightened to challenge it; the Chief Exec was Laurie Wood, who was ultimately responsible for the abusive services and who was very much part of the problem; a non-executive director of the NHS Trust will not step on anyone’s toes. So I really don’t think that Irene Train’s bright ideas were ever going to stop any future patients being abused.

So the children at Gwynfa were raped and assaulted and as with the children in care I expect that many – if not most of them – will be dead by now. What of those responsible for the ‘service’? Such as Dr Barry Kiehn, the child psychiatrist specifically responsible for the ‘therapeutic community’ that was Gwynfa? Barry Kiehn is now retired and living the life of Riley. His twitter feed informs us that he lives in Colwyn Bay (as so many featured in the wrongdoing detailed on this blog do) and he enjoys opera, classical music, ballet, art, ceramics, travel, languages, science and singing. How did such a cultured man stand by whilst his young patients were sexually assaulted and battered by a bunch of ageing thugs who had been transferred from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh? What about Irene, the most senior nurse responsible for those thugs? Irene is now retired but she keeps busy. In 2003-2004 she was Secretary for St David’s Promotions Ltd – that’s the fundraising bit of St David’s Hospice. The St David’s Hospice in Llandudno that gave the former manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies a job as Chief Exec after his corruption and mismanagement left the Hergest Unit a heap of smouldering rubble; the St David’s Hospice who, once Davies finally went, gave the dreadful Trystan Pritchard a job as Chief Exec – the Trystan who was responsible for lies, deceit and mismanagement when he worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, the Trystan with Masonic connections who was on excellent terms with the regime of managers previously employed by the North West Wales NHS Trust. Please see post ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’ for more information. In 2006 however, Irene Train turned up as a company director, along with a Howard Geoffrey Train and a number of other people with the surname ‘Train’, of an outfit called H Domestic Agency Ltd. H Domestic Agency’s address is 99 Blimco Grove, Cambridge, should anyone wish to contact Irene and ask her a few questions about her glorious career in Clwyd. As for Nigel Mannering Berry, the pig who was ‘Principal Nursing Officer’ at Gwynfa, who oversaw the brutality and the abuse after gaining so much ‘experience’ at Denbigh – well he lives in Colwyn Bay as well. Specifically at 40 Yerburgh Avenue, Colwyn Bay, LL29 7NB. But guess what? Between 1993-94 Nigel was a Director of Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall! Ah, the Masons that never provided any sort of protective network at all for anyone involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – we know that because Ronnie confirmed in his Report that there was no evidence of Masonic links and so did Stephen Crabb, who was Secretary of State for Wales when the cover-up that covered up Ronnie’s cover-up, ie. the Macur Review, was published. I invite Ronnie and Stephen Crabb to do what I’ve just done, google Nigel Mannering Berry and read that very long list of names that are associated with the Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall – and that’s just the Colwyn Bay contingent. And if they’ve got time Ronnie and Stephen can google dear old Mrs Train and her former associates at St David’s Hospice – they’re all there, the elderly negligent fuckwits from yesteryear who brought the north Wales NHS to it’s knees.

There is of course one elderly negligent fuckwit who was in a senior management role with the Clwyd mental health services whilst horrors were being perpetuated at Gwynfa who has not yet been put out to grass. That is Dr Peter Higson, the current Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Let me remind you Higson: a 16 year old girl with depression raped twice; a 17 year old boy buggered; a seven year old boy fitted with a dog collar and led around on a lead; children dropped out of windows; hit with pool cues; regularly assaulted and beaten.

Waterhouse makes an passing observation regarding Gwynfa that I find telling. That most of the patients there were actually from Gwynedd – and that Barry Kiehn was categorised as a child psychiatrist employed by Gwynedd Health Authority. So it was those fine upstanding Top Doctors from Gwynedd who were referring children to a ‘hospital’ where they were beaten and raped.

Do all these people not owe the world an explanation? Or am I just being silly because they’re nice?

 

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.