A Vampire At Glyndwr University!

The Daily Post is tremendously excited after discovering that a senior lecturer at Glyndwr University is an ‘expert’ on vampires, has published on the subject and even appeared on daytime TV. The Post has got it’s teeth into this story because a PhD student of the lecturer concerned is claiming compensation for ‘work related stress’ and is maintaining that there is a ‘health and safety issue’ at stake. Allegations have been made that after a lecture on vampires, a student cut themselves and licked the cut to taste the blood.

I’ll declare an interest in this story now. The lecturer concerned is Dr Emyr Williams and I know Emyr very well. I became friends with him when were both doing our PhDs at Bangor University and I remained close friends with him for years although I haven’t seen him recently because I was forced to leave north Wales after extreme harassment from the paedophiles’ friends. Dr Emyr Williams is not and never has been a ‘vampire’, as the lurid story in the Post speculates. Emyr is a psychologist of religion and his first degree was in theology. His PhD was actually on the beliefs and attitudes of people attending Bangor Cathedral, but Emyr is very bright, very inquiring and he also became interested in the beliefs of people who follow alternative spritualities -and yes, there are people in the UK who claim to be vampires. Emyr is now one of the leading authorities on this. That has nothing to do with being a vampire. Glyndwr University were very keen to employ Emyr – the institution is seriously short on high achieving academics and they bit his arm off when he showed an interest in working there. Emyr is also a whizz at stats, which very few academics are unless they are actually statisticians. This means that Emyr can spot bad research when he sees it or research that is trying to mislead and there is a lot of that about. As for ‘work related stress’ – if there is work related stress at Glyndwr and from what I used to hear there was always plenty of that, it will not be emanating from Emyr. He shows a concern for the well-being of his students and colleagues way beyond that usually found in universities. Indeed that is how I became such good friends with Emyr. Whilst the paedophiles’ friends harassed and threatened me, spread vicious rumours about me, rang up my PhD supervisor and dripped poison into his ear, drove cars in my direction very fast very carelessly and then had me arrested because the Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts was ‘fed up’ of my complaints about the mental health services and was cross because I had pink hair and had called his ludicrous car a penismobile, Emyr was the best friend that one could have had. He could see exactly what was going on and like the Hergest Whistleblower and a few others who stood by me, reassured me that the appalling behaviour of these people said nothing about me.

It speaks volumes about Glyndwr that it is Emyr who has found himself at the centre of a storm there. Glyndwr University is a troubled institution and it has been for years. There are a number of other academics there who like Emyr are high performing both in terms of their research and their teaching, but Glyndwr has found itself at the bottom of the league tables ever since it was created but they don’t have enough staff like Emyr. Glyndwr has tried to construct itself as an institution which is vocationally based, but there are massive problems with that claim as well. I don’t know anything about the engineering side of Glyndwr, but I do know about the ‘health and social care’ side – we’re back to the paedophiles’ friends again. The institution is teaming with ‘experts’ in health and social care who have previously worked in or been very well aware of the practices of the dreadful ‘services’ in north Wales and their penchant for neglecting and abusing patients. But none of them will say a word. My post ‘Last Man Standing’ details the background of Dr Wulf Livingstone, a senior lecturer in social work there – Livingstone knows so much about the misconduct of the ‘services’ that he probably should make his way to the police station and give a statement. A few years ago Glyndwr was running a ‘substance abuse’ course for people who wanted to work with drug users. Except that it seemed that people with the backgrounds and skills necessary for that work were being turned down for places – whilst places were offered to people who were drug users themselves. Why are we not surprised? The ‘substance abuse’ business in north Wales is dominated by CAIS, the ‘charity’ run by the paedophiles’ friends Dafydd and Lucille and some of their ‘peer support workers’ are dealing to their ‘clients’. As Brown observed, no-one in north Wales would want a drugs worker who could actually do the job properly, because they’d see straight through CAIS and get more than a few of them arrested.

Glyndwr University has a history from which it has not escaped. It was previously known as NEWI, the North East Wales Institute and before that, Cartrefle College. Read the biographies of the paedophiles and their friends as described in the Waterhouse Report – again and again they had ‘trained’ at Cartrefle College. The thugs on the ground battering and sexually assaulting the kids in care in north Wales had qualifications from Cartrefle College but their managers frequently had qualifications from Bangor University, Liverpool University or Salford College of Technology. The lawyers and judges who protected them all were often graduates of Aberystwyth and the Top Doctors sitting on the heap of shit were frequently graduates of Liverpool Medical School. There was a very obvious pattern. Somebody was employed at Cartrefle College giving qualifications to that bunch of monsters – and that somebody will have been subsumed into NEWI when it was formed and then into Glyndwr University. Even if they are now retired, it will be the usual phenomenon – they’ll still be in touch with former students and associates who will not yet have retired, they’ll be pulling the strings and back-scratching and everyone will be quietly reminded of exactly how many reputations and careers will go tits-up or indeed how many now elderly people could die in prison if the vow of silence is broken. What happened in children’s homes in north Wales is now receding into history, a lot of the politicians and judges involved are dead and those we know and love are fully aware that if they can keep the lid on it for another ten years or so they’ll be home and dry. Pensions and reputations intact. Of course nearly all the kids who were in the homes and the patients of the paedophiles’ prisons – the North Wales Hospital and Garth Angharad – are now dead, having met unfortunate premature deaths.

People living and working in north Wales have long since been fascinated by the tales of madness and serious mismanagement that leaked out of Glyndwr University. The centre of the most florid stories was Professor Mike Scott, the former Vice-Chancellor. People looked on in wonder and asked each other how much longer the chaos could be allowed to continue – staff told stories of Mike Scott giving crazed lectures to the staff en masse, of Scott telling barefaced lies and of rumours that the University was known to be virtually bankrupt but Scott nonetheless was spending like a drunken sailor on bizarre plans. One of the most notorious was Mike Scott’s plan to establish a ‘corridor of knowledge’ – he purchased some sheds along the side of a road in Wrexham in pursuit of this plan, but somehow it never really got off the ground. One of the Biggest Mysteries in north Wales also involves Mike Scott – whilst it was widely alleged that Glyndwr was flat on it’s back breathing it’s last financially, Mike Scott purchased the Racecourse which was next to the University for nearly two million quid – no-one could work out HOW. Allegations of financial corruption flew…He paid a lot of money for the sheds as well. Even people who only fleetingly met Mike Scott never forgot him – someone who shook hands with him described it as like shaking hands ‘with a wet fish’. But then I discovered that Scott had previous. Before being given his own university to destroy, he had been a PVC at De Montfort University – and had really screwed up there. Whilst Scott was at De Montfort he announced plans to establish an ‘axis of knowledge’ passing through three countries (I think the countries involved were England, Wales and Ireland), a bit like Hitler’s expansionist plans a few decades ago. People marvelled at how, after the DMU years, Scott was ever actually given any sort of job at NEWI, let alone given responsibility for running the place. It was alleged that NEWI was such a train wreck that the Welsh Gov’t were desperate for it to ‘merge’ with another institution, but no other college would touch them with a barge pole. Whilst he was wreaking havoc in Wrexham, there was another truly fascinating anecdote circulating about Mike Scott. Some of the older staff at Bangor University claimed to know the man who failed Mike Scott’s PhD in times past. I was told that Scott had done a PhD in English years ago, but he failed his viva and had to resubmit, which is why so many at Bangor looked on in horror at what he was allowed to do in Wrexham.

I know that readers will be fully aware that much of this can be interpreted as academics sneering at other institutions and their alleged follies and of course an awful lot of that goes on. Brown always used to say ‘when you work in a university you hear the most appalling things about people and you must never believe a word of it. But you must never be naïve enough not to listen’. But the reason that there was so much interest in what was going on in Wrexham was that someone somewhere was allowing this to happen – and public money was being squandered on a very large scale. Where was the accountability?

So what about the governance of Glyndwr University? Let’s take a look.

The current Chancellor of Glyndwr University is Trefor Jones CBE; he took up the post in Jan 2016. Trevor is described as having a ‘long and distinguished relationship with NEWI’ – he was their Chair. Trefor Jones was the Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd 2001-2012. He took his duties seriously – when HM the Queen and went to visit Flint, Trefor met her at Flint station! (Flint station is a dreadfully grotty place, I’m gobsmacked that Her Maj ever agreed to alight there.) Readers will understand why my interest was piqued when I saw that Trefor had been appointed to this post – this blog is full of the names of the paedophiles’ friends who ended up as Lord Lieutenants or Deputy Lieutenants. So who is Trefor?

Trefor Jones grew up in Rhyl and started his working life as an apprentice at what is now called Airbus at Broughton. He eventually became Chair and CEO of Pilkington Optronics. In 2000 Pilkington won a contract worth millions to supply the Royal Netherlands Army. I note that the new Vice-Chancellor of Glyndwr, Professor Maria Hinfelaar, is described as a ‘Dutch national’. Now that could well be of no significance – but continue reading this post.

Trefor has many varied interests. He was or is Chairman of the North Wales Area Committee; was or is the Chair of Celtec; was or is a member of the Welsh Industrial Development Advisory Board; was or is the Chair of the North Wales Economic Forum; was the Deputy Chair of the WDA (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ for background on the infamous WDA); he was or is the Chair of Clwyd Justices Advisory Committee; he has just stepped down from his role as Chair of St Kentigerns Hospice. Now perhaps he is, as the local media reassures us, simply a man who has dedicated his life to public service in north Wales. But guess what else Trefor was? He was a member of Clwyd Health Authority. So Trevor knew that Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist of the North Wales Hospital were unlawfully banging people up who crossed the paths of the paedophile gang. Trefor will have been one of the people who ignored the numerous complaints about patients being assaulted, sexually abused and fleeced of their money. He was part of the Health Authority that did not investigate complaints about those matters. As a member of that Health Authority he will have known the other people named on this blog who as members of both the Health Authority and Clwyd Social Services were directly involved in concealing the abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd. After the abolition of Clwyd Health Authority, Trefor continued with an NHS role – he was Vice-Chairman of Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust. So he will have had domain over those notoriously dreadful wards for the elderly in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd then.

Trefor had fingers in many pies and was at the top of one of the biggest businesses in north Wales. He is someone who could have spoken up about the wrongdoing. But he didn’t.

More about those pies. When Trefor was appointed Lord Lieutenant, the Clerk to the Lord Lieutenant Colin Everett – who doubled up as CEO of Flintshire County Council – announced in Jan 2009 that Tefor had appointed numerous Deputy Lieutenants. Among them were Judge Roger Dutton, Lady Susan Langford, Michael Peters and Professor Mike Scott. Lady Susan Langford is President of St Kentigerns, the hospice of which Trefor has just stopped being Chairman! Lady Susan’s husband, Lord Geoffrey Langford, is a Patron of St Kentigerns. Michael Peters I believe is better known as Mike Peters, the rock star from the band The Alarm. Mike Peters and his wife Jules are probably the most effective PR people that Ysbyty Glan Clwyd has. Mike Peters famously developed testicular cancer and has spent the years since raising money and extolling the wonders of the hospital which saved his life. Presumably the Top Doctors didn’t tell Mike that testicular cancer has a very low mortality rate and that nearly all patients survive, even if they are treated in a hospital with a reputation as bad as Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. A recent press release informed us that Jules has now been diagnosed with breast cancer. I think that someone ought to tell her just how big the problems are in YGC and give her the chance to be treated elsewhere, because breast cancer has a much higher mortality rate than testicular cancer. As for Professor Michael Scott – well we know all about him…

So who sits on the governing body of Glyndwr University? I had a look at the University website and the Governor’s Register of Interests 2016/17 and this is what I discovered. The governors include:

Celia Jenkins. In 2013 Celia was the High Sheriff of Clwyd. She was originally from Cheshire – the stomping ground of Sir Peter Morrison MP and all those who kept quiet about him molesting children (see post ‘    ‘). Celia is the Deputy Chair of the North East Wales Magistrates Bench, the Chair of the North East Wales Magistrates Panel, a member of the Wrexham Youth Justice Management Board, a member of the Lord Chancellor’s Committee for Clwyd and a member of the Executive Committee of the League of Friends Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Foundation Hospital. Celia’s spouse is a member of the Council of Chester University and a Board Member of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod. Previous posts have mentioned people involved in the abuse of children in north Wales who trained at Chester College – which became Chester University – and the paedophiles’ friends who were or are involved with the Llangollen International Eisteddfod, including the daddy of the biggest cover-up, Sir Ronald Waterhouse.

Barrie Jones. Barrie is the Editorial Director of NWW media – he joined the ‘family owned Board of Directors’ in 2010. This is the North Wales Weekly News Group, which published illustrious local titles including the North Wales Weekly News and Wrexham Leader. Barrie worked for those newpapers back in the 80s. When those papers had a penchant for printing flattering articles about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones rather than what was really happening inside of the North Wales Hospital. I very much doubt that the victims of the paedophiles’ were given much of a voice in those titles either. Barrie is involved with the journalism course at Glyndwr!

Gill Kreft. Gill is married to the well-known Mario Kreft and they own the Pendine Park empire, a substantial business involving care homes for the elderly and those with dementia. Gill is listed as a Director and shareholder of a number of the businesses that she and Mario run. She is also a Director of DBS Disclosures Services Ltd, a Director of Gwarchod Properties Ltd and a Trustee of the Social Care Institute of Excellence. The Social Care Institute of Excellence is now a standing joke in the wake of recent revelations as to the reality of much ‘social care’ in the UK. Gill also has a role with the Academy of Care Practitioners Ltd and Care Forum Wales.

Gill’s husband is very high profile in Wales and appears in the media regularly raising concerns regarding the lack of funding for social care. He certainly sounds much more compus mentis than many other people involved in that area of business in north Wales, although I don’t know anyone who’s ever worked for him so I don’t know what the reality is. His business is certainly very substantial and seems to be expanding rapidly, in spite of his pleas of living on the breadline and being unable to afford to pay his staff anything higher than the legal minimum. I note that Gill lists her interests as opera and exotic travel, such a viewing mountain gorillas. Opera and luxury holidays to the Virunga National Park don’t come cheap. I doubt that the care assistants at Pendine Park can afford such pastimes.

Rebecca Maxwell. Corporate Director of the Economy and Public Realm at Denbighshire County Council. In 2003 was Head of Children’s Services for Stirling Council. Prior to this, Rebecca had a ‘thirteen year career in the NHS in a variety of strategic and operational roles in England and Scotland’. Advisor to the North Wales Economic Ambition Board.

Paul McGrady. Has lived in Wrexham since 1977 – he was there when the paedophile gang in the Wrexham children’s homes was doing it’s worst than. Paul works at Wrexham County Borough Council as an accountant. That’s the Wrexham County Borough Council who were involved in the fiddle that I have previously blogged about which ensured that Dafydd and Lucille’s charity CAIS landed the contract for ‘service user involvement’ across the whole of north Wales then. Paul has previous – in 2005 he was Head of Finance and Assests for Denbighshire County Council. Denbighshire County Council has featured on the blog previously regarding irregularities in the funds – on some occasions the funds weren’t there. In 2015 Paul was appointed a Director of CCG, the ‘social landlord’ that was formed when the housing stock of Gwynedd County Council was transferred. The CCG who continues to employ the same staff who fiddled and embezzled when they were employed by the housing dept in Gwynedd County Council (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 24 2017’), the CCG that is the subject of constant serious complaints and media exposes.

Judy Owen. Judy is a Trustee/Director of St Kentigerns Hospice – that’s right, the hospice from which Trefor has just stepped down as Chairman! Judy joined Pilkington P.E. Ltd in 1973 and progressed to the role of site accountant. So she was an employee of Trefor’s then – and was responsible for the dosh. In 1999 she left Pilkington to work for Euro DPC at Llanberis, where she became finance director. I used to live near Euro DPC and they became a legend. When they first opened their doors in 1991 or 1992, they placed big adverts in the local papers telling local people how many ‘opportunities’ would be available. The employment situation in the area was dire, so everyone – including me – beat a path to their door. What a shock we had. The ‘international biotech company’ who had told the world that there would be well-paid managerial and scientific jobs in Llanberis was indeed seeking managers and scientists, but they had no intention of paying managers and scientists professional salaries, at least if those managers and scientists were local. I was offered the grand sum of £6000 pa after replying to an advert for scientists with postgrad qualifications and experience and the son of someone else I know was offered a similar pittance when he applied for a managerial position. When I asked why they were offering their scientists and technicians such poor pay they cheerily told me that the ‘market rate’ in Gwynedd dictated the salaries on offer. Euro DPC also had a plant in Oxford – where people doing exactly the same jobs as in Llanberis were paid very much more. I knew of one person who moved from Gwynedd to Oxford to do exactly the same job for much higher pay. Because Euro DPC paid sheepshaggers less. I that bet Euro DPC received ‘funding’ from the WDA to set that plant up in Llanberis as well. Do you want to tell us what was going on in that company Judy? Euro DPC played fast and loose with Health and Safety as well. One of the students that I did teacher training with in 2000/01 was partially blind. She’d been a chemist at Euro DPC in Llanberis, there’d been an accident and chemicals had got into her eye – there was no first aider on the premises and a manager refused to take her to Ysbyty Gwynedd for a check up. She suffered damage to her sight.

Phil Storrow. Phil is Head of a Dept at Glyndwr. He used to work at British Aerospace, just like Trefor. Phil is also a Director of Optic Glyndwr Ltd and of Glyndwr Innovations Ltd. So he is a Head of Dept at Glyndwr, a Director of two businesses owned by the University and a member of the University’s governing body – having previously worked for a company that the University’s Chancellor is associated with. Phil is also a Trustee of the Chester Childbirth Appeal. I don’t know what that is all about – although no doubt Trefor Jones will be involved somewhere – but the Countess of Chester Hospital has received an awful lot of bad publicity recently after it was revealed that the care was shite and a number of babies died unnecessarily. But then the maternity care at that hospital was not what it should have been for many years, but no-one piped up.

David Subbachi. Yet another Magistrate – David has sat on the Wrexham and Denbigh Benches for twenty years and was Chair of the Denbigh Bench. He is a former member of the Lord Chancellor’s Advisory Committee for North Wales on the selection and recruitment of Magistrates and a member of the Welsh Bench Chair’s Forum as well as the National Council for Magistrates’ Association. David’s career was spent as a civil servant in the Valuation Office Agency. He is a governor of Ysgol Morgan Llwyd Wrexham and a former governor of St Mary’s RC School, Wrexham. David’s wife is Chair of Offa Community Council.

Vincent Ryan. He was born and educated in Wrexham, but he won’t have been one of the kids who grew up in a children’s home there. He has a law degree from Cardiff University and in 1981 joined Allington Hughes Solicitors, becoming a partner with the firm in 1988. He stayed until 2009. So he was a local lawyer both whilst the paedophile ring raged and throughout the Waterhouse cover-up then. Which explains why he’s the Chair of Trustees of the Wrexham Diocesan Protection Management Committee. Vincent is an employment judge at employment tribunals.

Brian Everett. Brian has spent his career in UCU (Universities and Colleges Union). He is an employment judge in employment tribunals as well. Brian is a Director of Bevere H Consulting and the Chair of Wrexham RC Diocesan Safeguarding Commission. He is also a Trustee of the CAB. As is Lucille Hughes, the woman who was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services but failed to act, whilst she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Brian is Trustee and Chair of the Charles Lloyd Foundation.

Neil Ashbridge.  Neil is a non-executive Director of Cartrefi Conwy and Vice-Chair of Disability Wales. He is a member of the Liverpool Cathedral Finance Committee; a member of Liverpool Hope University’s Executive Advisory Board; a member of Oxford University’s Business Economy Project Advisory Board; a member of the Welsh Industrial Development Advisory Board; a Director of the Board of West Cheshire and North Wales Chamber of Commerce; the Chair of Liverpool Chamber of Commerce.

Professor Sandra Jowett. Sandra is Vice-Chair of the National Open College Network; a non-executive Director of Pennine Care NHS Foundation Trust; an Emeritus Professor at the University of Cumbria. Her son works for KPMG, London.

Tim Mitchell. Tim is a Director of McLintocks, Wrexham; a Director of the recently formed North Wales Crusaders Rugby League team, based at Glyndwr University Racecourse Stadium; the Hon Sec of the Chester and North Wales Society of Chartered Accountants.

Askar Sheibani. A Director of Deeside Business Forum Ltd; Group CEO Comtek Network Systems Ltd; a member of the Alyn and Deeside Constituency Labour Party.

Dr Colin Stuhlfelder. Colin is a Senior Lecturer in the Built Environment at Glyndwr University. He is also a Board member of Riverside Mersey North Housing Provider.

Emma Perrin. Emma’s spouse works at Airbus Operations at Broughton. Trefor’s former employers.

 

Well, there we have it. Perhaps I ought to open a competition for readers to see who can spot the highest number of conflicts of interest among that lot – before anyone does yet more research on the organisations that I’ve mentioned. The over-riding impression is of a group of people many of whom have worked for or with Trefor Jones or are involved in charitable causes or local authorities with which he has connections and who are in a position to do favours for or benefit from Glyndwr University. Many of whom are involved in the criminal justice system, which must be a dream for the paedophiles’ friends who are still cluttering up the region.

One further point about the organs of government at Glyndwr University. They have a senior member of staff, James Dawson – who has a famous brother-in-law. Dawson’s brother-in-law is John McTernan, the Rottweiler and former Director of Political Operations for Tony Blair! I have blogged about how Dawson left his previous job at Bangor University under a cloud after trying to steal a number of computers. One of which was mine, with lots and lots of info on it concerning the wrongdoing of the north Wales mental health services and how Blair’s Gov’t was keeping that as well as many other mental health scandals quiet (see post ‘When Showbiz Meets Politics’).

 

Having had a taste of what Trefor Jones got up to in his roles as Lord Lieutenant and Chancellor of Glyndwr University, I thought that I’d check out what might have been going on at St Kentigerns Hospice, where he was Chairman until literally a few days ago. I prioritised identifying who are Trustees and Patrons.

Trustees include:

Lady Susan Langford, the President. I have provided details re Susan earlier.

Judy Owen, Treasurer. That’s the Judy described earlier – who used to work as the accountant for Trefor’s company and then worked as the finance director for the dodgy Euro DPC.

Professor Mari Lloyd Williams. Mari is a Top Doctor specialising in palliative care who works at the University of Liverpool North West Cancer Centre. She has served on the fitness to practice and professional conduct committees of the GMC; on the HEFCW (Higher Education Funding Council for Wales) and UKHEAC committees 2006-12; was appointed by the Welsh Assembly Gov’t to the Review of Governance in HE in Wales; was a member of the Advisory Group under Chair Sir Adrian Webb into the Future of Higher Education in North East Wales; Chairs the Tenovus Cancer Charity Psychosocial Grants Committee. With all those connections to healthcare research and HE, presumably Mari could help Glyndwr University out if she wanted to. She’s also been in a position to decide what fate should befall the dreadful Top Doctors of north Wales should the GMC ever decide to place any of them in front of a Tribunal.

David Gozzard. David is a retired Consultant Haematologist from Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, a position that he achieved in 1988. He was Clinical Director of Pathology and was Medical Director of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust – Trefor was Vice-Chairman! After the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust evolved into the North Wales NHS Trust – yet another reorganisation in a desperate attempt to stop the regional NHS killing people and it’s staff/managers siphoning off NHS funds – David became Medical Director of the new organisation. David was also Chair of the North Wales Medical Committee 2001-04.

Having been Clinical Director of Pathology in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, David might be able to clear up a long-standing puzzle. In the summer of 1991 I had one of my many Bizarre Experiences. I had moved back to north Wales to live and I applied for a job in the path labs of Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. I was called for interview and faced a panel of three people. One man was someone from IT who was obviously the brightest on the panel but was the most junior in the hierarchy in terms of jobs, the other was a senior person from the lab staff – could it have been David Gozzard? – and the other was a most extraordinary man, even by the standards of north Wales, a Top Doctor called Binns-Smith. I should have realised that I was in for a fun time, because before I was called in for the interview I was sat in a waiting area near to some workmen who were working on the ceiling. An enormous man with a huge belly, no jacket, open-necked shirt and no tie emerged from an office nearby and started bellowing at the men working on the ceiling, hurling insults about the ‘average British workman’ no less. I presumed that he must have been their foreman, particularly as he was in possession of the stereotypical builder’s bum as his trousers started to descend whilst he yelled at the workmen. Then I noticed that not only were his trousers descending, but his flies were undone so in total quite an expanse of ancient white Y fronts were on display. He turned to me and asked if I was waiting for interview – this man it transpired was Dr Binns-Smith, head of pathology ay Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

I followed Binns-Smith into the interview room with him still bellowing about British workmen. As I sat down, one of the others on the ‘panel’ gave me a very strained smile and simply said ‘portent’. Binns-Smith didn’t respond, but then introduced me to the IT man, making a joke about him being so lowly in the workforce but of course ‘everybody calls him the boss’. Binns-Smith commented that he had noted from my CV that I had a postgrad degree from and had worked in the London medical schools. He then launched into a rant about how his son had applied for a place in the London medical schools but had been rejected by all of them and the trouble was that medical schools were full of ‘cabbage patch socialism’ (whatever that is) and that his son’s teachers had advised him to apply for other courses after clearing but he wasn’t having his son doing an ‘arty farty’ course. This man was clearly both mad and offensive and was obviously embarrassing the other ‘interviewers’ who sat there without saying a word. I did wonder what his son was like – could he perhaps actually keep his trousers up, unlike his father? Was he as obnoxious as dad, or was he truly oppressed, having been told by his father to apply for medicine when he wasn’t able to gain the high grades needed? After about ten minutes of this, I decided that I really didn’t want to work for this lunatic, so I told Binns-Smith that I was leaving. As I walked out, I heard him bellowing at the other two men ‘gentlemen, this interview is over’. I expected the mother of all insulting letters afterwards, but I never heard another thing. I asked around, but no-one I knew was acquainted with Binns-Smith. Unlike Dafydd who regularly hit the media, I never saw any references to Binns-Smith in the local papers either. I have tried googling him since then, but nothing. Some years after my encounter with him, I did of course start hearing stories that Ysbyty Glan Clwyd was every bit as dangerous, corrupt and mismanaged as Ysbyty Gwynedd and that people were being misdiagnosed and dying when they shouldn’t have been. In the light of who was running their pathology dept I cannot say that I was surprised. Binns-Smith wasn’t the average British workman but he was only marginally worse than the average north Wales Top Doctor. If David Gozzard gets to read this blog and fancies meeting up, I’d dearly love to hear the many anecdotes that I know will have circulated around Ysbyty Glan Clwyd about that man.

St Kentigerns Hospice has a number of Patrons, one of whom is Colonel Lord Geoffrey Langford, Susan’s husband!  Lord Langford was identified as being 100 years old in an article about him a few years ago, so I’d be surprised if he was still alive. He spent his career in the British Army and inherited the family seat at Rhuddlan from a member of his extended family who had died without children. He married a number of times, the last time in 1975 to Susan. Who was then Susan Denham from Wrexham. I presume that Susan is quite a bit younger than Colonel Lord. Colonel Lord’s heir was listed as being his son, Owain Grenville Rowley-Conwy, who married a Joanna Featherstone. I presume that Owain is now Lord Langley. I note that after Trefor Jones finished his stint as Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd, the next Lord Lieutenant was someone Featherstone. It just has to be one of Joanna’s relatives doesn’t it.

One recent media article reporting that Trefor Jones was standing down as Chair of St Kentigerns after seven years mentioned that St Kentigerns was ‘saved’ solely by Trefor a few years ago when it faced bankruptcy. There were no details of how Trefor raised the money needed to save it – which will have been considerable. Trefor won’t have had it in his piggy bank. Perhaps Judy Owens – the Treasurer of St Kentigens, the former accountant of Trefor’s company and the former finance director of Euro DPC – might like to tell us.

 

I’m going to terrify readers a bit more now. Whilst I was searching for info on Trefor – I’ve only carried out a very brief search, God knows how much else I’d find if I spent a few days on it – I cam across Trefor’s name in Hansard no less. Trefor’s name appears in a document that was prepared in March 2008 and submitted to the Welsh Affairs Committee when the Committee were considering the provision of cross-border health services for Wales. The document is entitled ‘Memorandum Submitted By Huw Thomas And Colleagues’ beneath which are the words ‘submission from a group of retired people who have played a prominent role in the NHS and public life in North Wales’. The document is a lengthy, furious response to the proposals by Edwina Hart, the then Minister for Health, to redirect elective neurosurgery patients away from The Walton Centre in Liverpool to the Morriston Hospital in Swansea. I hadn’t seen this document before, but I remember that row very well. It happened as the Top Doctors and their associates in north Wales were doing their utmost to bring Edwina down. They really loathed her. The charge from the GPs was led by Dr Eamonn Jessup, who at the time was displaying a Facebook group on his Facebook page entitled ‘higher pay for doctors’. Dr Richard Tranter, lately of the Hergest Unit, was telling his patients that Edwina wanted patients referred to the Morriston because it was near her constituency. Tranter was also telling his patients to write to their AMs and MPs to complain about the NHS. Did Tranter ever tell patients to do this some years previously when the Hergest Unit were framing patients who had complained and presided over one of the highest suicide rates in the UK? No, he only did it when the Top Doctors began their co-ordinated campaign against Edwina.

The ‘memorandum’ bangs on at great length, presenting what it believes is a clinical case for continuing to refer patients to The Walton Centre. I note that the memorandum isn’t only fighting on behalf of The Walton Centre – it is also angrily maintaining that patients should not be referred to Cardiff and that referrals from north Wales should continue to Alder Hey Children’s Hospital, Broadgreen Cardio-Thoracic Centre, Manchester Royal Infirmary Cardiac Centre and Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Gobowen (spinal injuries and specialist orthopaedics).

Now there are a great many arguments for and against sending patients from north Wales to either the north west of England or to Cardiff or Swansea for complex specialist treatment. But what I’m interested in is who signed that ‘memorandum’ along with Trefor. Because I recognised a lot of those names. Many of them are names that can be found on the early medical records of mine that my lawyer had to go to the High Court to extract. They are the names of people whom I had never met and in many cases whom I did not know existed – but they were all part of the effort to have me either banged up in a secure hospital on the grounds of my ‘dangerousness’ which was predicated entirely on statements made by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) which they knew were untrue, or prosecuted for offences which they knew that I had not committed. Many of the names were also advising on how not to investigate my complaints concerning the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Tony Francis and the staff of Gwynedd Social Services. Francis, Jones and Gwynedd Social Services were at the time facilitating and concealing the paedophile ring. I also recognised some of the names from archive material dating from the late 80s – they were the names of the people who were running Gwynedd Health Authority so badly that the Health Authority was bankrupt, the Welsh Office had sent a hit squad in and David Hunt, the Secretary of State for Wales, was writing letters to them himself.

The following names were the names that I recognised:

Dr Cedric Davies, former Director of Public Health Medicine, Gwynedd Health Authority. Cedric was on very chummy terms with Tony Francis and was part of a plot to incarcerate me in the Caswell Clinic in south Wales – although I was living and working in London.

Noreen Edwards, former Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. Noreen was cc’d into most letters about me. David Hunt wrote to Noreen Edwards regarding the ‘crisis’ in Gwynedd Health Authority – which had been caused by her and her mates.

Professor Robert Owen, former Consultant Orthopaedic Surgeon at Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Hospital Gobowen and Professor of Orthopaedics at Liverpool University. Robert Owen was the Medical Ombudsman for the Welsh Office who organised the cover-up led by Professor Robert Bluglass after I complained about the criminal conduct of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). I now have documents demonstrating that doctors who were not part of my complaint and whom I was no longer being ‘treated’ by were communicating with Robert Owen without my knowledge, outside the parameters of the ‘investigation’ and were communicating with him about this at his home in Colwyn Bay. (By the way on an earlier post I stated that Robert Owen was a surgeon and prof at Cardiff – I had always presumed that, because I met him in Cardiff and of course the letters from him had a Cardiff address on them, although it was obviously the Welsh Office’s address. The info in this post concerning Owen’s affiliations to Liverpool University and the Robert Jones and Agnes Hunt Hospital was supplied by Owen himself in the ‘memorandum’.)

Dr David Roberts, former Consultant in Public Health Medicine, Gwynedd Health Authority. David Roberts was cc’d into letters about me.

Hilary Stevens, former Chairman, Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust. I used to see Hilary in action when she was a member of the Betsi Board when the Betsi was first formed. She certainly wasn’t as mad or as obnoxious as many of those we know and love, but Hilary obviously didn’t have a grip on the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust. Was this because Hilary was a normal human being who was unable to control a load of criminals, some of whom had concealed a paedophile ring? Or was Hilary a smiling devil with better social skills than the rest of them?

Professor Eric Sunderland, former Vice-Chancellor of Bangor University and Lord Lieutenant of Gwynedd. Professor Sunderland always struck me as being very establishment but not barking mad or corrupt. But he did run a University full of the paedophiles’ friends with Gwynne the lobotomist working in the Student Health Centre. Perhaps Eric was someone else who was surrounded by monsters whom he couldn’t control. Either way, he can’t have been completely Of Them because he never received a knighthood. Which everybody expected him to. I was told that Eric and his wife were deeply hurt by this lack of recognition and that Professor Sunderland Not Being Given A K was another north Wales conundrum. He should have taken it as a compliment – he obviously wasn’t friendly enough with the paedophiles’ friends. And if he’d been a child molester himself, he’d have been given a peerage and admitted into the highest echelons, along with Greville Janner.

Huw Thomas, former Chief Executive of Gwynedd Health Authority. Huw wrote me inane – and in the end rude – letters and failed to investigate the most serious of complaints. He was also writing the paedophiles’ friends letters about me – he was much friendlier to them than he was to me. Huw was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Health Authority at the time of the ‘crisis’ when David Hunt had words with Noreen.

The signatures of people unknown to me are:

Dr Pat Barry, former Consultant Anaesthetist, Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Mr Michael Crumplin, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Maelor.

Mr Chris Davies, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

Dr Harry Edwards, former Consultant Anaesthetist, Ysbyty Gwynedd, Chair of Welsh Medical Committee.

Dr Ellen Emslie, former Consultant Dermatologist, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

Annwen Carey Evans, former High Sheriff, Gwynedd.

D.B. Carey Evans (no position given – presumably a nobody who was simply related to the High Sheriff, which was obviously quite enough to turn them into a somebody.)

Elizabeth Colwyn Foulkes.

Sir William Gladstone, former Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd.

Dr Jeffrey Green, former Consultant Cardiologist, Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Michael Griffiths, former Chairman, Clwyd Health Authority and Chairman, Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust.

Dr Idris Humphries, former GP and Chairman of Welsh General Medical Service’s Committee.

Mr O.M. Jonathon, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

Professor David Jones, former Chief Nursing Officer, Gwynedd Health Authority and Professor of Nursing, Sheffield University.

Mr David Jones, former Consultant Orthopaedic Surgeon, Ysbyty Gwynedd and Great Ormond Street Children’s Hospital, London.

Dorothy Keddie, former Assistant Director of Nursing, North Wales Health Authority.

Mr Hywel Oliver, former Consultant Surgeon, Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Bill Owen, former Director of Finance, Gwynedd Health Authority.

Dr J. Gwyn Thomas, former GP and Chairman of Welsh Branch of Royal College of General Practitioners and Provost of Merseyside and North Wales Faculty of the Royal College of General Practitioners.

Dr Mari Thomas, former GP and Chairman of MENCAP Wales.

I do not know the above named, but I know from the positions that they were so proud to have held that they, variously, bankrupted a Health Authority, worked as leading Top Doctors in hospitals with appalling track records where serious mistakes were made which led to patients being maimed or killed, worked in a region where learning disabled people lived in dreadful conditions and were referred to as ‘cabbages’ by the managers of the ‘services’ supposedly caring for them, obstructed any attempts to improve services and declared all out war on patients who dared complain.

All of this lot who signed the ‘memorandum’ knew that terrible things were happening in the surgical depts of the local hospitals. They probably knew that the paediatrics dept of Ysbyty Gwynedd had such a dreadful reputation that there was an arrangement among local doctors that their own children would not be admitted there. Many of this lot also knew that there was a madman running the region’s psychiatric hospital, that he was sexually exploiting patients, that he was unlawfully incarcerating anyone who crossed the path of him or his criminal associates – of which there were many – and that some of those illegally incarcerated were literally never seen again. Oh and a lot of them will have known that a paedophile gang was operating in the children’s homes and that when the kids weren’t being beaten, starved or forced to work as free labour, they were being raped and buggered. This motley crew destroyed the fabric of north Wales – how did they believe that they had the right to send this foolish rubbish to Parliament and demand that they be listened to?

So why were this bunch of moribund old gits so desperate to get rid of Edwina and continue to send patients to hospitals where they had connections? Was it that they feared losing control of the vice-like grip that they had over the region and  – as with the employment of new staff from elsewhere  – they dreaded anyone uncovering evidence pointing to what they had done? Myself, I keep pondering on a truly nightmare scenario. I witnessed patients who were undoubtedly left to die after complaining about this shower – it was very obviously supposed to have happened to me as well. A number of us who refused to keep quiet have existed for years whilst being completely unable to access ANY medical treatment for any medical problem, no matter how painful or life threatening. We have found vicious rumours spread around the region about us and we found ourselves turfed out of jobs in bizarre circumstances. When we investigated, a member of the Cylch was always involved. People with businesses found themselves going out of business, even if they had previously been highly successful.

Some years ago, just before this almighty row erupted between Edwina and the paedophiles’ friends which hinged upon The Walton Centre, I knew of two people in north Wales who both developed brain tumours at about the same time. One was married to someone who was known to have had a bellyful of the paedophiles’ friends and would dearly have liked to see them brought down. The paedophiles’ friends themselves were doing everything that they could to shaft this person. The other person was a former social worker who had worked in this role when the paedophile gang were on the loose and undoubtedly knew what was happening. Both of these people were referred to Walton. The former social worker was operated on, made a slow but good recovery and still socialises with the paedophiles’ friends in retirement. The spouse of the person who was being targeted by the paedophiles’ friends was told that their tumour was inoperable and they subsequently died. Maybe that tumour was inoperable – but how would anyone ever know? I was told many things for many years – but once my lawyer obtained my medical records I discovered criminal conduct that shocked even me, I discovered that Top Doctors whom I always rated as being better than their colleagues and whom I liked and thought that I got on with well were ruthlessly using the fact that I trusted them to extract information about me and even people close to me in order to do as much damage to us as they could. I also found that the only two people who had actually dared stick their necks out to protect me had lost their jobs within months – after one was prosecuted and convicted of an indecent assault.

These people were involved in serious organised crime for years. And Edwina Hart knew all about – because I told her what was happening to me, as did a few other people. No wonder she wanted to put these fuckers out of action and stop them referring patients to their mates.

So to all the relatives of the people that they killed – have this blog as a free gift. I’ll name every single person whom I know was involved. Even those who spent time supping with HM the Queen. In fact, particularly those who spent time supping with HM the Queen.

The story dominating the news reports on the radio today has been the announcement that Alison Saunders (the DPP) is ordering the CPS to  prosecute trolls who send hate mail to others on social media. Female MPs in particular are waxing lyrical about this and Luciana Berger has been wheeled out on every news bulletin to tell us all how many nasty messages she gets and how they affected her mental health. I know that public figures -especially women – can be targeted by some deeply unpleasant people. Jess Phillips went public months ago on some of the online messages that she was receiving and read a few of them out – graphic descriptions of the various sexual tortures to which these sad bastards wanted to subject her. It is deeply, deeply unpleasant and it is not acceptable. But just look at what those we know and love have got away with and Alison Saunders and previous DPPs did nothing. In spite of the fact that back in the 90s, thousands and thousands of witness statements were taken and hundreds of people were identified as having abused children in care in north Wales. As for Luciana and her mental health – at one point Luciana was Jeremy Corbyn’s spokesperson on mental health. I was seriously underwhelmed by her complete failure to speak out about what actually happens to people in the mental health system. They die Luciana. Particularly if they have grown up in care and start talking about what happened to them.

 

There would seem to be many vampires in north Wales, particularly at Glyndwr University. But Dr Emyr Williams is not one of them. Emyr is a high achieving academic, someone who does not put himself first constantly and is a man of integrity. What on earth would north Wales want with one of them, it is hardly surprising that the writs are flying and the Daily Post is in overdrive.

 

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.

 

This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn

It seems that there is a limitless source of blogging material for me with regards to the trajectories of the careers of those who have somehow been involved in concealing the abuses of the children’s services and mental health services. An e mail from a reader yesterday prompted me to follow up a few more of the names who were listed in the Waterhouse Report as having provided legal advice for the various witnesses and parties involved in the Inquiry. There were of course many lawyers named – some of them local lawyers from practices in north west Wales who were personally known to me – but I’ll just provide details of some who are of particular interest here.

However, I’ll just kick off with a lawyer who was involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal before it all got as far as the Public Inquiry – Nicola Davies QC. Readers may remember that Nicola was appointed by the Welsh Office during the Jillings investigation into child abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd County Council to examine the need for a public inquiry. Nicola’s conclusion was that a judicial inquiry ‘would not be in the public interest’ – although the next year William Hague announced that there would be one and soon afterwards appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse and his panel.

So who was Nicola Davies QC? Well she was originally from Bridgend but studied law at Birmingham University. Nicola was considered to be a ‘medical specialist’. What was it that established Nicola’s reputation in this area? It was her acting as junior counsel for Dr Marietta Higgs and Dr Geoffrey Wyatt, the two paediatricians involved in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal! The scandal that kicked off just after Alison Taylor – the whistleblowing social worker from north Wales – approached Margaret Thatcher and told her that she’d witnessed child abuse in north Wales, just as I started making representation about criminal activities in the mental health services and just at the time that Mary Wynch was winning in Court against the mental health services and Risley Remand Centre (please see post ‘A UK Network’). So Nicola represented two doctors who were widely criticised by other doctors, who precipitated a crisis and a national scandal, who undoubtedly removed some children from caring homes and accused innocent people of sexual abuse, whose actions led to a complete breakdown in working relationships between professionals in the region and within a few months, a Judicial Inquiry.  So that was the ‘expertise’ that the Welsh Office utilised and did initially rely upon in deciding whether to hold a Judicial Inquiry in north Wales.

Following her work for the Welsh Office, Nicola’s reputation grew and grew. She ‘played a part’ in the Bristol Heart Surgery scandal. From what I’ve read I presume that she represented some of the surgeons – the surgeons at the Bristol Royal Infirmary who carried out operations beyond their competence, who refused to listen to warnings and whose own ‘expertise’ lead to the deaths of a lot of children. A judicial review also resulted in Nicola quashing a decision to close some NHS paediatric surgery units. I suspect that case was actually the one that followed the aftermath of Bristol, in which Top Doctors from various paediatric surgery units tipped buckets of slurry over each other, all called each other dangerous and incompetent in an attempt to save their own unit and in the event no-one ever got to the bottom of any of it – just like Cleveland! Clearly by now Nicola was rapidly becoming the choice of any Top Doctor in the shit – she must have overtaken even Sir Robert Francis QC on that measure – and she  subsequently represented Professor Sir Roy Meadow before the GMC, at the High Court and at the Court of Appeal. Roy Meadow was the paediatrician who invented a psychiatric syndrome – Munchausen’s by proxy – and subsequently spouted made-up statistics in Court in his capacity as an ‘expert witness’ which led to a number of innocent women being jailed for murdering their children who had in fact died of other causes. The most high profile of these cases was Sally Clark, a solicitor who had lost two children due to cot death. Sally was crucified in the press, banged up, repeatedly physically attacked by other prisoners who believed that she was a murderer and by the time that her conviction was quashed had just about been destroyed. She died not long after being released. Before she died however, another Top Doctor, Professor David Southall, vented his spleen on the Clark family (they obviously hadn’t been through enough, only having lost two of their children and Sally having being wrongly convicted and imprisoned for double murder) and reported Sally’s husband for the murder of the children, on the grounds of absolutely no evidence at all. Neither Southall or Meadow crawled off under a stone to retire after this series of unimaginable misjudgements and cock-ups – after the GMC finally took action against them in the face of much public outrage, they both continued to max-out the various appeals processes until they were returned to the Medical Register. And it was Nicola whom Meadow used to do it. This was not yet the pinnacle of Nicola’s career however.

Nicola’s reputation was well and truly sealed when she defended a man called Harold Shipman. Readers may have heard of him. Nicola did her best, but he was of course found guilty. Now I suspect that if I had defended the UK’s biggest serial killer and lost the case, I’d be finished, but I’m glad to say that Nicola was made a Dame in 2010 – of course she was, what did any of us expect? She was described in ‘Wales Online’ as ‘the highest medical defence QC in the UK’ and a woman who had ‘broken many glass ceilings’. (I thought that there might be bit of a role model for all us other women in there somewhere.) Nicola could only travel upwards though – since 2014 she has been the Presiding Judge of the Wales Circuit. (She was appointed a judge a couple of years after telling everyone that holding an inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK would not be in the public interest.) Nicola is an honorary fellow of the University of Cardiff. One can only hope that Nicola has a very powerful washing machine because she’ll have more blood on her than Lady Macbeth had.

The research for this post was prompted when a reader sent me some links concerning a branch of a bikers club in Colwyn Bay, the ‘Outlaws’, some of whom have been involved in organised crime. In June 2012, at Mold Crown Court, the police sought a serious crimes prevention order against two members of the ‘Outlaws’, Stuart Dawson and Adrian Sheriff, to prevent them participating in serious criminal activities upon their release from prison. Dawson had previously served five years in prison and Sheriff four years, for conspiring to supply amphetamines. Their arrests had followed the discovery of £20,000 worth of the drug at their North Wales clubhouse in Colwyn Bay and the clubhouse was described as a centre of illegal activity. At a previous trial involving Dawson, Judge Merfyn Hughes QC had stated that Dawson had used his position as European and Asian President of the ‘Outlaws’ to further his own criminal activities. At the trial in June 2012 the police requested that Dawson and Sheriff should be prevented from holding office in the club by Court Order. I bet they were surprised at the response of the judge, Niclas Parry – he told the police that such an Order would be ‘disproportionate’ and he then made a less restrictive Order, stating that Dawson and Sheriff mustn’t hold office or seek to hold office in the ‘Outlaws’, the ‘Hell’s Angels’ or ‘Black Pistons’, after ‘negotiations’ between the lawyers. The Order applying to Dawson ran until May 2015 and the one applying to Sheriff ran until May 2014. Judge Niclas Parry then thanked the barristers – and the defendants – for reaching the agreement and saving the Court from a ‘week long trial’. Yes, Niclas Parry allowed two people involved in serious organised crime on an international scale to arrange the terms of their own Court Orders and then thanked them for it. If Niclas Parry is ever the victim of crime and phones the police for help, I don’t expect they’ll be busting a gut to arrive at the scene of the crime at top speed – and he’d better be careful because the Orders that he put on Dawson and Sheriff expired ages ago. The ‘Outlaws’ don’t just have a cosy relationship with a judge in the region, the reader who sent me this story also sent me  a collection of photos of the ‘Outlaws’ at  a charity fundraiser with the Bryn y Maen RSPCA. Haven’t the RSPCA created enough bad publicity for themselves already?

So who is the judge who thanks organised criminals for allowing him to negotiate with them? Niclas Parry, before he was a judge, was one the many lawyers who was involved in the Waterhouse Inquiry. Parry was a solicitor advocate representing one of the witnesses, Stephen Norris. Stephen Norris had been employed at Bryn Estyn and later at the Cartrefle Community Home. Norris was so gross that even the other staff at those homes didn’t like him, describing him as coarse, unsuitable to work with children and obsessed with sex. When the members of a paedophile gang described someone in those terms even Ronald Waterhouse couldn’t ignore it. In 1990 Norris pleaded guilty to a number of sex offences at Chester Crown Court and was sentenced to three and a half years in prison. This case sparked off a police investigation and before he had finished his sentence Norris was charged with numerous more offences and in 1993 pleaded guilty at Knutsford Crown Court to three offences of buggery, one offence of attempted buggery and three indecent assaults. He pleaded not guilty to ten other counts. Norris was sentenced to seven years in prison and the ten counts to which he’d pleaded not guilty were ordered to remain on file. The Waterhouse Tribunal however heard about a lot more wrongdoing on the part of Norris than this. Norris himself admitting committing offences from 1980 onwards. Witnesses told the Tribunal that Norris repeatedly molested them in the showers, in the bedrooms, in his caravan and on a smallholding that he owned. They also told of physical violence from Norris and one claimed that Norris had threatened him with a shotgun – but Ronnie didn’t believe that, in the way that he chose not to believe so much of what former residents of children’s homes told him. One witness explained that Norris took him to a large house in Chester where he was buggered by Norris and the occupier and shown pornographic films involving children. On another occasion Norris arranged for a man to pick him up, who then took him to Chirk and sexually assaulted him. This witness also told Waterhouse that Peter Howarth – another member of staff at Bryn Estyn who was in prison for sexually assaulting the boys in his care by the time that the Inquiry was underway – and Norris tried to get him to recruit boys for sexual purposes. If I was leading an Inquiry into sexual abuse in a region where it was alleged that influential public figures were abusing children, that a paedophile ring was in operation and that staff in the children’s homes might be involved with a gay prostitution and child pornography racket I’d be quite interested in this witnesses story. But Ronnie pointed out that there was no evidence to corroborate it and furthermore this witness was under psychiatric care. Which says it all. (This was not the only witness who talked about being taken to other locations where they were molested by strangers. Ronnie didn’t give them the time of day either.)

So that’s who Niclas Parry represented at the Tribunal. But I think that Niclas might have actually known old Ronnie Waterhouse before that Tribunal. This blog has made it eminently clear just what a small world it is in north Wales and the legal world in north Wales is even smaller. Ronnie himself grew up in Flintshire, was very locally rooted and retained numerous links there throught his life. Niclas came from Flintshire as well! He was born in Halkyn and went to school in Mold, where his parents were teachers. Niclas even managed to become head boy in the school in which his mum was head of English! Niclas maintains that it was his mum who inspired him to follow a legal career – his mum had legal connections, she was a magistrate! Niclas studied law at Abersytwyth, like so many featured on this blog and whilst he was there was head warden of Pantycelyn, the well-known Welsh speaking hall of residence which was the site of many language protests. After graduation, Niclas undertook his training as a solicitor with a firm called Llewellyn Jones and Co in Mold, under the late W. Armon Ellis and became a partner there, only leaving in 2010.

It’s worth me saying a bit about Armon Ellis, Niclas’s mentor. Armon also read law at Aberystwyth. He was born in Flintshire as well, near Holywell and attended the same school as Ronnie Waterhouse, Holywell Grammar, although he was thirteen years older than Ronnie. In 1946, after serving in the war, he joined the Mold law firm of the local MP, Llewellyn Jones, becoming a senior partner. In the 1970s he was one of the first solicitors to act as a deputy circuit judge. He was a Councillor with Flintshire County Council between 1950 and 1974 and between 1974 and 1977 he served on Clwyd County Council. So Niclas’s mentor was right in the thick of it whilst children in the care of those councils were abused for years – and he’ll have known the dipsticks who ran the social service depts of those councils who were steeped in incompetence and nepotism as described in my post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. Armon Ellis was described in his obituary as being immersed in and dedicated to the Welsh language and Welsh culture – it is even mentioned that he was born on St David’s Day. Presumably Armon Ellis arranged that whilst he was still in the womb. The writer of that obituary stated that Armon Ellis served for years as the Chairman of a ‘progressive education committee’ which gave education chiefs Hadyn Williams and Moses Jones support in establishing Welsh medium education. Which is laudable, but whilst they were doing that they failed to notice that the molesting of children less fortunate than their own was rife. Armon Ellis had an interest in politics and stood unsuccessfully in Flintshire for the Liberal Party in the general elections of 1950 and 1951. (Ronnie Waterhouse was the Labour candidate for West Flintshire in 1959.) That would be during the time that the Liberal Party provided a home for Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith. Armon Ellis was a keen Eisteddfodwr. He was the honorary solicitor to the National Eisteddfod, the chairman of the executive committee at Flint in 1969 and the vice-president at Mold in 1991. Niclas is an Eisteddfodwr as well. He was President of the National Eisteddfod in Denbigh in 2013 and has been stage leader at the National Eisteddfod, the Urdd Eisteddfod and the Llangollen International Eisteddfod. Ronnie Waterhouse liked Eisteddfodau too! He was the President of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod 1994-1997. Now anyone who knows anything about Eisteddfodau knows that they take a huge amount of organising, rehearsing and work in general and if you are an enthusiastic Eisteddfodwr you will know everyone else involved, including across different generations. Niclas will have had to have worked very hard indeed not to have known Ronnie and Ronnie will have had to have worked very hard not to have known Armon Ellis. They are different generations of a very similar sort of person.

Indeed the founder of Llewellyn Jones solicitors firm was an earlier version of Ronnie/Armon Ellis/Niclas. He was Frederick Llewellyn-Jones, who was born in Bethesda back in 1866 and who died in 1941. He went to Bala College and then studied law at Aberystwyth. He married a woman from Ruthin which is perhaps why he ended up in the north east of Wales. He was the Liberal and then Liberal National MP for Flintshire. Llewellyn-Jones was a Governor of both Aberystwyth and Bangor Universities, a member of the Holywell School Board, had positions with the Ministry of Health, was a Governor of the Welsh National Museum and the National Library of Wales and was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards. Niclas, several generations later, is a member of the Gorsedd. of the Bards.

I could continue to map the connections between people with these interests for eternity. J.E. Daniel, one of the founders of Plaid and father of the corrupt judge Huw who has done so much himself to conceal the wrongdoing of those we know and love, was a professor at Bala College (later known as the Bala-Bangor College); I also seem to remember that the election literature sent out by Alun Ffred Jones, former leader of Gwynedd County Council and then AM for Arfon, brother of Dafydd Iwan, also a former leader of Gwynedd County Council and former President of Plaid, mentioned that their father had a connection to the Bala-Bangor College. I sometimes wonder why people get so excited about alleged masonic links, because there are so many other commonalities between so many of those we know and love and the people who colluded with them. Now I don’t really mind if everyone with an interest in the Welsh language or literature or history or Welsh institutions or Eisteddfodau hobnobs together, because I’m quite interested in those things as well so I can understand that there will be certain places and institutions to which people with such interests will gravitate towards. However, the sort of inner circle from which Ronnie and Armon Ellis and Niclas have emanated is very cliquey. The one thing that those outside the circle notice is that there is definitely a preservation of the influential positions for the offspring of those within the circle. (This phenomenon is written all over Niclas’s biography.) I know an excellent sociologist of Wales who spent forty years studying this and he once observed that these people were actually Tories. They’d never identify as such because they identify as Welsh, but their values are Tory and the biggest clue of all is that it will be their children who will take over the positions of power from them. Thus Niclas ends up as a solicitor advocate defending a scumbag who grossly abused people from backgrounds far less fortunate than Niclas’s or Ronnie’s or Armon Ellis’s et al. And the whole lot of them did a really big favour for a Tory Gov’t who would have done just about anything to keep the lid on a major scandal that had been allowed to get completely out of control under Margaret Thatcher’s administration.

Of course Niclas didn’t remain a solicitor advocate. Like all the other people involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry, he ended up with a nice little number for himself. He became a judge on the Wales Circuit and sits in the Crown Court, mostly in north Wales. He has also been a member of the S4C authority and is of course well-known for being a commentator on Welsh football. I knew someone a few years ago who told me that Niclas has a reputation in Court for being very grandiose and pompous. I’m not sure that anyone who, as a career move, defended a man who buggered, molested and violently assaulted scores of children over a period of many years – and almost certainly did far worse as well even if Ronnie wouldn’t admit it – has anything to be grandiose or pompous about.

The rather more rational judge involved in the action against the ‘Outlaws’ bikers club also starred at the Waterhouse Inquiry, Merfyn Hughes QC. Merfyn was counsel for the six Local Authorities that succeeded Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils (Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils were conveniently dissolved in a reorganisation in 1996 just as the sheer scale of the child abuse that had gone on started to dawn on everyone). The solicitor representing those six successor authorities who instructed Merfyn was the crooked solicitor Ron Evans, who had previously been County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council. Ron’s name is all over the documents that I have relating to the many attempts that Gwynedd Social Services made to land me in hot water, which involved their staff perjuring themselves on every occasion. It is very clear from the documents that I have that Lucille Hughes had a hotline to Ron Evans and Ron was fully aware of the scale of the wrongdoing – my documents suggest that Ron was actually the Brains behind the whole lot of Lucille’s gang. I have provided full details of Ron Evans’s involvement in the posts that describe my legal battles with Gwynedd Social Services. Merfyn was another who rose to the top in the years following Waterhouse. In 2010 he was appointed Resident Judge for North Wales. He retired in 2014 and was replaced by Rhys Rowlands. Rhys was, a long time ago, the prosecuting solicitor for the North Wales Police. He was called to the Bar in 1986 and worked from chambers in Chester. So he’ll have been working for the North Wales Police when they were quietly ignoring the presence of a paedophile ring on their patch and arresting youngsters for ludicrous offences who happened to have complained about being molested; when the police were returning injured children to the homes where they had been molested after they had run away, without asking any questions; when Gordon Anglesea, a senior policeman, was abusing children himself; when Mary Wynch and others were being unlawfully arrested and detained in the North Wales Hospital. Rhys will have known about all of it. Then he’ll have seen the end result when he was a barrister and judge – he sat at Crown Courts in Caernarfon and Mold – the people that lot stitched up appearing in Court and often going to prison. Merfyn himself was the judge who presided over the notorious Ched Evans rape case at Caernarfon Crown Court in 2012. Evans always protested his innocence – he did fess up that it was all a bit sordid, a drunken gang bang with people whom he didn’t know – but he robustly maintained that he did not rape anyone. His conviction was quashed in 2016, a retrial was held in Cardiff and he was subsequently found not guilty. Merfyn is another lawyer who was born into a family with legal connections. In 2014 there was a gathering at Mold County Court for a special eulogy in honour of a retired judge who had recently died, David Morgan Hughes QC. The tributes were led by one Mrs Justice Nicola Davies and Merfyn was in attendance – the dead judge was his uncle.

Ron Evans instructed another QC to act for the six successor Local Authorities as well – from April 1998 Joan Butler acted for them. Joan became a QC in 1999, whilst she was working on the Inquiry – just like Patricia Scotland became a Baroness whilst she was acting for the Welsh Office at the Inquiry! Also in 1999 Joan was appointed  as a legal member of the restricted patients panel (Mental Health Review Tribunal). A lot of those restricted patients will have been people who were abused as children in care, perhaps some of whom were abused whilst in care in north Wales. Joan became a Circuit Judge in 2002 and was the designated family judge for Nottingham in 2003. She retired as a circuit judge in Feb 2017.

The insurance company Municipal Mutual were represented at the Inquiry. They were of course right in the thick of it, having been Clwyd County Council’s insurers who threatened to refuse to stump up the compensation to the kids who had been abused if the Jillings Report was ever made public and stated that they would pass liability onto the Councillors themselves, raising the spectre of the Councillors being made bankrupt and losing their homes. It was also Municipal Mutual who wanted Councillor Malcolm King sacked if he revealed the contents of the Report, Malcolm King having already made a nuisance of himself by asking rather a lot of questions about all these kids who claimed to have been abused and the staff who ended up in prison for offences against children. From April 1998 Kathryn Thirlwall QC was counsel for Municipal Mutual. Kathryn is described as a ‘specialist in abuse litigation’. I have found details of two cases that Kathryn has been involved in and as with her work with Waterhouse, Kathryn was not using her expertise to represent people who had been abused, she was acting for organisations responsible for children who had employed paedophiles. That’s the way to advance though. Whilst working on the Inquiry in 1998 Kathryn was appointed an assistant recorder and in April 2010 she was appointed a High Court Judge, Lady Justice Thirlwall! She was appointed to the Court of Appeal for England and Wales in Feb 2017.

Just a few lines about a couple of other names that jumped out at me as I was reading the Waterhouse Report. The North Wales Police were represented by Andrew Moran QC who was instructed by Peter Cowan. Peter Cowan describes himself as a specialist in ‘professional negligence’ and ‘ actions involving the police’. The North Wales Police obviously felt a bit culpable then.

I have mentioned in previous posts how children from all over the UK were placed by Local Authorities in north Wales, many of them from the London boroughs. I suspect that Tower Hamlets in particular must have sent a lot, because they thought it worth their while sending a solicitor and counsel to the Inquiry. The counsel who acted for Tower Hamlets was Bryan McGuire, who is now dead. McGuire’s obituary describes him as being ‘instrumental in many of the changes and developments in public law in recent years, particularly in the fields of…children’s services’…’he sought to improve Local Authority services for the vulnerable’. Of course, that’s why he turned up at the Inquiry to act for a council which had sent the children in it’s care into the embrace of a brutal paedophile gang. McGuire became a QC in 2010. I did wonder whether there were any high profile Councillors responsible for this fuckwitted decision in Tower Hamlets who later became big names, in the way that Margaret Hodge, Tessa Jowell and Ken Livingstone were involved in some rather shameful things earlier in their careers. My co-researcher has sent me the list of Tower Hamlets Councillors  dating back to the 60s and I don’t recognise any of the names on there from the 70s, 80s and early 90s, which will have been the years when children were sent into danger. However, it’s noticeable that there were frequently Councillors representing the National Front or BNP and they often polled a lot of votes, in one election topping the poll. In later years there are of course references to Councillors who were disqualified as a result of electoral fraud – Tower Hamlets was a Council that saw a number of such scandals and was of course host to the notorious Latfur Rahman. So it was a troubled and of course a very, very poor borough, for many years the poorest in the UK. I did recognise the names of the MPs for the area though – Ian Mikardo and Peter Shore, both Labour. Mikardo was on the left of the party and Shore was a maverick. Shore was a member of Wilson’s Gov’t between 1974-76 and Callaghan’s Gov’t between 1976-79. Both of these administrations – substantially through the Welsh Office – concealed some terrible things in the children’s services and mental health services in north Wales. In later years the dreadful Oona King was elected and then defeated by the even more dreadful George Galloway. I can’t see any connections between anyone down there and those we know and love in north Wales however. I do wonder if kids from Tower Hamlets who had been abused would even have got as far as their MP – they may not even have felt able to do that. Tower Hamlet’s has had some child abuse scandals of it’s own. It managed the St Leonards Home in Essex which was closed down in the 1990s after a number of staff were imprisoned for abusing children. In 2014 there were also allegations that Jimmy Savile had frequented facilities managed by Tower Hamlets. There was one other interesting feature about Tower Hamlets – it was a stronghold of certain Top Doctors. The Royal London Hospital was there, as was Barts. I am absolutely certain that those we know and love will have had a contact down there – if anyone can give me any information, do drop me a line. The only one tentative link that touches on the contents of this blog is that Ian Mikardo and his wife died in Cheshire, where I can only assume they had retired. The tentacles of the north Wales paedophile ring did of course reach out into Cheshire – John Allen set up a branch of the Bryn Alyn Community there and dear old Lucille Hughes was a senior manager in Cheshire Social Services before she returned to Gwynedd to facilitate the paedophile ring on her home turf. It’s a long shot, but you never know…

 

When I told someone earlier who I would be blogging about in this post I received an e mail saying ‘jolly good, that lot are undoubtedly part of the equation of injustice and criminality spanning decades in north Wales’.

As for all these proud patriots who love the Welsh language and Welsh culture and showed their commitment to these things by concealing a network of vicious criminals who were serving up children to members of the British establishment, I only need point to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Who once stood for Plaid, who shamelessly traded on his credentials as a Welsh speaker from north Wales and who at one point was telling English people that if they wanted mental health care they should go back to England. Yet at the same time, Dafydd was travelling to England to hold private clinics for English people and charging them a lot of money for doing this – whilst he was being paid to hold NHS clinics in Ysbyty Gwynedd for which he simply never turned up. He also has probably imported more people with drug problems and mental health problems from English metropolitan areas in order to pile them high in his ‘nursing homes’ or use his ‘substance abuse services’ than any other person in Wales. Whilst at the same time helping his mistress Lucille Hughes conceal the paedophile ring that she knew was in operation when she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services. No doubt when Dafydd finally turns his toes up, his fellow patriots will all be flying the Ddraig Goch at half mast. Whilst the rest of Wales cracks open the champagne.

 

 

‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’

For those of you who don’t speak Welsh, the title of this blog post translates as ‘The Truth Against The World’. It was the motto of Baron Williams of Mostyn, who, before he was ennobled and acquired a coat of arms on the recommendation of that other esteemed Welsh peer, one Lord Kinnock (he who never won an election but did his best to destroy Jeremy Corbyn on the grounds that Jeremy wouldn’t be able to win an election), was Gareth Wyn Williams who hailed from Prestatyn and attended Rhyl Grammar School. Lord Mostyn is described in his wiki entry as a Welsh barrister and Labour politician. He became a Deputy High Court judge and was part of the Chester and Wales Circuit, like so many named on this blog. Lord Mostyn was Leader of the Circuit between 1987-1989 and was made a life peer in July 1992. He died suddenly in 2003.

Lord Mostyn gained a lot of media coverage in Dec 1994. That was because he was the barrister who acted for the former North Wales Police officer Superintendent Gordon Anglesea when Anglesea sued the ‘Independent On Sunday’, the ‘Observer’, ‘Private Eye’ and HTV for libel, after they accused him of abusing children in care in north Wales children’s homes. (Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, a few months after being sentenced for abusing children in care in north Wales.) The Police Federation underwrote Anglesea’s legal costs for the libel action. The jury found in favour of Anglesea by a majority of a 10:2 and Anglesea received £375,000 damages.

The articles that Anglesea sued over were published in Dec 1991 (‘Independent On Sunday’), Sept 1992 (‘Observer’) and Jan 1993 (‘Private Eye’). The HTV ‘Wales This Week’ programme concerned was broadcast in Sept 1992. The two former residents of children’s home Bryn Estyn who accused Anglesea of abusing them on HTV, Mark Humphreys and Steven Messham, were seen by another former Bryn Estyn resident, Carl Holden, as he was watching the programme at home. Carl Holden then rang the BBC and told them that Anglesea had abused him. The ‘Private Eye’ article alleged that Anglesea had investigated claims against the son of Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon – the article in the ‘Eye’ picked up on Lord Tyrell-Kenyon being a member of the North Wales Police Authority as well as being the Grand Master of the North Wales Province of Freemasonry. Gordon Anglesea was a freemason.

Lord Tyrell-Kenyon however had many other links to people and to institutions that were involved with concealing child abuse in north Wales. He was a member of the House of Lords, he was the Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority between 1974-1978 and he was President of UCNW (later Bangor University) between 1947-1982. (He preceded Sir William Mars-Jones as President of UCNW – please see post ‘A Big Umbrella’.) So he’ll have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Dr T. Gwynne Williams – who banged up the victims of the paedophile ring in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! Lord Tyrell-Kenyon was also a Flintshire Councillor and had been Deputy Lieutenant of Flintshire. He will almost certainly have known Sir Ronald Waterhouse as well as Dafydd and Gwynne. Furthermore he was a magistrate. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon was numerous other things as well, including a Director of Lloyds Bank and, between 1952-1957, the President of the National Library of Wales. This man will have been phenomenally influential in mid-twentieth century rural north Wales. (The London-based press have always made much of the alleged masonic connections at play in the concealing of the North Wales Child Abuse scandal, but as this blog has shown there were other powerful networks involved as well.) Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon died in 1993 and a wonderfully toadying obituary was published in the ‘Independent’, written by a Nicolas Baker. It praises Tyrell-Kenyon’s achievements in securing ‘the improvement of agriculture and the health service in Wales’ – what on earth did he do to make the health service so good, employ Dafydd and Gwynne? (I’m intrigued by the mention of agriculture as well. As detailed on my post ‘Not Seen Since The 80s – Carwyn’, UCNW used to have a truly appalling agriculture dept headed by a very vindictive unpopular man called J.B. Owen. I was told that J.B. Owen’s family founded that dept which was why he was given a Chair, although even the undergrads could see that this was a completely inappropriate appointment. Much more worryingly, Mary Wynch, the woman whom Dafydd illegally imprisoned for a year (please see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’), worked as a secretary in that dept. Mary became famous as a result of her battle with Dafydd et al, yet not one of her former colleagues uttered a word in sympathy let alone in her defence. I would love to know what was going on when Mary was employed in the agriculture dept.) Tyrell-Kenyon’s obituary waxes lyrical about his ‘troubles, which seemed to come to him unfairly often. He bore them without complaint…his cheerful smile never weakened….an end to a truly useful life, one spent doing good without seeking for a reward. The support that he gave will be remembered with gratitude by the many friends he made in giving it’. Which rather sounds as though he often ended up in the shit, but he had mates everywhere, mutual favours were being exchanged and he was one of the people running north Wales. I presume that the son of Tyrell-Kenyon’s who was referred to in the ‘Eye’ article will have been Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon. I don’t know which incident that article referred to, but in July 1979, Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon woke up in the Crest Hotel in Wrexham to find his property and clothes stolen – by the young man that he had been having sex with the previous night. That young man was two years below the legal age of consent at the time and was supposedly in the care of the Local Authority. (He later gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry that Thomas ‘had used him for sex on numerous occasions’.) Tyrell-Kenyon reported the theft to the police and was quite frank about the reason why the boy had been sharing a room with him. The boy had also allegedly stolen some explicit Polaroid photos of them together, which were never recovered. The boy’s social worker recorded that the police were well aware of ‘homosexual activities’ between him and Tyrell-Kenyon. The boy was sent to a Detention Centre. Tyrell-Kenyon was never charged. Tyrell-Kenyon died of AIDS in 1993 when he was 37.

At the libel trial, Lord Williams made much of the ‘inconsistencies’ in the witnesses accounts. For example one of the former Bryn Estyn residents had made an early denial in a police interview that he’d been abused by Anglesea – although it would seem fairly obvious that it wouldn’t be that easy for one man to tell another man, who happened to be a police officer, that he had been repeatedly molested by one of the officer’s former colleagues. Lord Williams also made much of one of the witnesses having problems with drink and drugs. Williams might have been surprised to know that drink and drug problems were a regular outcome of those who grew up in care in north Wales, as was early death in suspicious circumstances. It doesn’t make them liars. One witness found giving evidence so stressful that he was prescribed tranquillisers during the trial. Not that they did the trick – he subsequently collapsed in the dock and proceedings had to be halted in order for him to receive medical treatment. Which just shows how easy it was for those three to stand up there and tell a pack of lies about Anglesea…

Part of Anglesea’s defence was that he was not a visitor to Bryn Estyn during the time that some of the offences were alleged to have happened. Yet Ian Kelman, a retired police Inspector who served in Wrexham at the same time as Anglesea, made a statement in which he claimed to have seen Anglesea at Bryn Estyn on at least two occasions during the years when Anglesea denied visiting the home. Yet Kelman didn’t give evidence at the trial – he told the Wales-based investigative journalist Paddy French’s Rebecca Television that he was ‘suffering from severe mental depression’ at the time. So his statement went unexamined. (Neither was Ian Kelman invited to give evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry.)

I don’t know how confident Gareth Williams was that his client would win, because Williams was facing a most formidable adversary acting on behalf of those that Anglesea was suing – George Carman QC. Carman has featured on this blog before. George Carman was not used to losing cases, yet he lost this one, to a barrister that did not have half the reputation that Carman had. The judge who presided over the trial, Sir Maurice Drake, spoke about the trial later in his life as being a particularly memorable one. Drake had caused a bit of a stir himself at the beginning of the trial by confirming that like Anglesea, he was a freemason, but no-one raised an objection so no worries there then. Drake joined the Justinian lodge in 1948 and for approximately 20 years was President of the Masonic Court of Appeal. At the time of Anglesea’s trial, which was heard by a jury, Drake was the judge in charge of the jury list. He had a long pedigree where presiding over libel trials was concerned and sometimes rather surprising things happened when Maurice Drake was around. He presided over the trial between the MP Rupert Allason and Alistair Campbell, dismissing Allason’s claim yet stating ‘I did not find Mr Campbell by any means a wholly satisfactory or convincing witness’. Drake also presided when the ‘Eastenders’ actress Gillian Taylforth sued the ‘Sun’ for libel and lost. On that occasion George Carman was acting for the ‘Sun’ and Drake gave him permission to screen  what was euphemistically termed a ‘controversial’ video starring a German sausage. If I remember correctly, this was the video in which Taylforth featured at a knees up with the other actors from Eastenders, very drunk, simulating sex with the aforementioned sausage (but fully clothed). It wasn’t very different to what a lot of people have done when drunk at some point in their lives, but it lost her the case. She collapsed in Court as well and was filmed being stretchered out into a waiting ambulance with an oxygen mask over her face. It was obviously a hoot in Drake’s Court with witnesses on the losing side collapsing all over the place.

Drake remembered that Gareth Williams ‘outshone’ George Carman, although Carman ‘displayed all his usual skills’. Drake stated that in his view ‘the evidence was finely balanced’ and that his summing up was ‘absolutely free of any indication of what I felt the verdict should be’ and that he ‘would not have been surprised’ if the jury had found for the defendants. Drake attributed Anglesea’s success to, would you believe, the love of a good woman: ‘I believe that it was the evidence of Mrs Anglesea which tipped the scales…many jurors would find it difficult to believe that a married man could have a full sexual relationship with his wife at the same time as he was committing buggery’. Not only was it not in Mrs Anglesea’s interests to stand up in court and admit that the man to whom she was married – and probably financially dependent upon – was a child molester, but Sir Maurice Drake obviously had some quaint ideas about child molesters. They do have ‘normal sexual relationships’ with wives and indeed all sorts of women whilst they are molesting children. Had this trial not resulted in a sex offender becoming nearly £400,000 richer, Drake’s comments would be a source of great entertainment. They bring to mind the summing up of the judge who presided over the trial of Jeffrey Archer when he made statement about Mary Archer being so ‘fragrant’ that no way would Jeffrey have been shagging a prostitute in ‘a green leatherette suit’. Jeffrey did of course go to prison for perjury some years after this and the unfortunate prostitute was killed in a car crash, a crash that was ‘not suspicious at all’, days before the trial at which Archer was eventually convicted had been scheduled to begin. Archer is a national joke, but the fragrant one continues to move in guilded circles and is particularly big in NHS England. She was made a Dame on the basis of her contribution to the NHS. Monica Coughlan, the prostitute who was so unfavourably compared with the Lady/Dame of Addenbrookes Hospital, was on record before she was killed as stating that Jeffrey Archer had completely ruined her life. One would have thought that judges would have stopped waxing lyrical about the attributes of criminal’s wives after Peter Cooke’s highly effective parody of the summing up at the trial of Jeremy Thorpe, in which he ‘pays tribute to Mr Thrope’s wife Miriam, who has stood by him throughout this long and unnecessary ordeal’. As for Sandra Anglesea, she must be the merriest widow in north Wales now – not only is she in receipt of 50% of a police pension thanks to an ‘oversight’ on the part of Arfon Jones, the Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales, but her child abusing husband is dead.

There was something that neither the defendants nor even Sir Maurice Drake knew about at the time of Anglesea’s libel trial. That was that Gordon Anglesea was investigated by the North Wales Police when Detective Superintendent Ackerley led the investigation into child abuse in north Wales children’s in the early 1990s and that Ackerley sent a report to the CPS recommending that Anglesea should be charged. The CPS did not do this and no-one even knew that the recommendation had been made until years later.

Some two months after giving evidence against Gordon Anglesea at the libel trial, Mark Humphreys was found hanging from railings in the block of flats where he lived. Anglesea’s former colleagues in the North Wales Police declared it not to be a suspicious death. Three months later, Simon Birley, another former resident of Bryn Estyn, was found hanging from a tree. The previous year Simon had given evidence against Peter Howarth, an employee of Bryn Estyn, who was imprisoned for abusing the boys in his care. It was alleged at various trials that Anglesea knew Howarth. Anglesea denied this. Simon’s death was ‘not suspicious’ either.

As for dear old Lord Gareth Williams, in 1999 he was appointed Attorney General and remained in that post until 2001! He succeeded Lord Morris of Aberavon – another star of previous blog posts – and after an interlude by Lord Goldsmith our old friend Lady Patricia Scotland QC became Attorney General.

One day soon I really must carry out a statistical analysis of members of the House of Lords since 1970 and calculate the % of those who have been involved in concealing organised child abuse. Until then I’ll just remember Gareth’s motto…

 

News Round Up, June 11 2017

Recent posts of mine relating to the Waterhouse Inquiry, the decades of abuse of children in care that have taken place in north Wales, as well as the rot in the region’s mental health services, have pointed the finger at the Flintshire region as a source of people who concealed misconduct and malpractice. So it’s quite fitting that a number of news stories recently have featured dodgy dealings in Flintshire – the boil has obviously not been lanced.

A story that featured on both BBC News Wales and the Daily Post online was that of Patricia Reid, 57, a social worker from Flintshire, who crashed her car on the A55 at St Asaph whilst she was driving over the alcohol limit on May 25. Ms Reid caused a  seven car pile up and five people were taken to hospital. She pleaded guilty at Llandudno Magistrates Court and was banned from driving for 20 months, fined £140, with £85 costs and a £30 surcharge. The Court heard how Ms Reid had been ‘distressed’ because her mother had been admitted to hospital and had downed ‘several’ glasses of wine. It was also said that Ms Reid was ‘depressed’ due to being out of work and, being a social worker, was ‘massively over-qualified’ for many jobs on offer in the region. No matter how much one feels for Ms Reid’s plight, I can but contrast this tale of woe with the treatment meted out to the clients of Ms Reid’s colleagues ie. the ‘service users’ of the region. I have covered court cases involving many of them on this blog. Cases past and present include a patient (me) convicted of staring at a social worker in Safeways and on another occasion calling an NHS manager a fat idiot whilst on the phone to his secretary; another patient charged with threatening to endanger life when he phoned a psychiatric nurse and told her that he was so suicidal that he felt like chopping a gas pipe – he ended up in Walton Prison for three weeks; a psychiatric patient jailed for ‘threatening a psychiatrist’ because her pet cats had died and in her confusion she seemed to believe that the psychiatrist had something to do with it; and very recently numerous people with mental health and addiction problems being banged up for ‘sleeping in Wrexham town centre’ or even ‘standing still like a zombie after taking Black Mamba’. Let’s not forget some of the offences that the children who complained of being molested in the north Wales children’s homes were charged with – a memorable one being stealing a packet of chewing gum. What on earth would have happened to any of us if we had got pissed, gone out driving and caused a seven car pile up? So Ms Reid was distressed because her mother had been admitted to hospital. The ‘service users’ who are being banged up for ludicrous reasons have far more problems than that – some of them don’t have a roof over their heads, some of them have been bereaved in tragic circumstances, they nearly all have money problems and they also have far more serious mental health problems than being depressed due to being out of work. Furthermore Ms Reid finds that as a social worker, she is ‘massively over-qualified’ for most jobs in the region. Well as a ‘service user’ one can be in possession of a PhD and one will still be recommended to attend a MIND drop in centre for ‘recovery’ and then told to do whatever badly paid zero hours contract job comes one’s way. The story of Ms Reid confirms what I and others have long suspected – that those staffing the abusive, neglectful ‘services’ in the region know that they would be in the same rather leaky uncomfortable boat as their clients should they ever lose their jobs and that is why they stick together like glue, refuse to acknowledge the dire state of affairs in the health and welfare services and use their considerable political muscle to threaten any politician who dares suggest that an investigation or even reform might be needed with being voted out.

The Daily Post online also reported that a police officer from Flint, Sgt Neil Hughes, has denied two charges of voyeurism, specifically by using his mobile phone to covertly film a ‘young girl’ in her bedroom on two separate occasions ‘for his sexual gratification’ between July and Dec 2016. He was rebailed to appear at Caernarfon Crown Court for trial. Prosecuting barrister John Philpotts suggested that in view of the defendant’s job, consideration should be given to appointing a judge from outside of the area, such as from south Wales. There’s no point. I have presented a mountain of evidence on this blog demonstrating that the legal, police, medical, social care and judicial network that is used to conceal wrongdoing extends across the whole of the UK.

Another story from Flintshire earlier this week was that of Oakmere House in Hawarden- a home for adults between 18-65 with learning disabilities, autism and complex needs – being served with an urgent order from CSSIW (Care and Social Services Inspectorate) suspending it’s registration on the grounds of fears of ‘serious risks to life, health and well-being’. CSSIW maintain that staff whistleblowers approached them and also claim that  previous concerns about the ‘mistreatment’ of residents were ignored by management. CSSIW have now produced a ‘damning report’. As is so often the case with CSSIW though, this case may not be all that it seems. The ‘mistreatment’ of residents involved: the police not being called after a resident broke two panes of glass and needed restraint; a resident ‘grabbing a member of staff’ and two residents cutting themselves with razors that they’d found. These were people with learning disabilities and autism – that combination leads to very difficult behaviours. Was Oakmere House supposed to carry on like the Hergest Unit and have distressed residents arrested for, basically, throwing wobblers? Another allegation that the CSSIW levelled at Oakmere was residents money going missing – but we are not told how much money this was. It is unacceptable but patients in NHS wards are constantly relieved of their possessions and no-one shuts the hospital down. CSSIW also alleged ‘inappropriate physical restraint’. There have been complaints that staff in the Hergest Unit assaulted and injured patients under the excuse of ‘restraint’ but those complaints were dismissed by the managers. So where does this action against Oakmere leave the NHS? People in the psychiatric wards in north Wales are killing themselves. All that’s happened to the Betsi is that it was placed in special measures following the scandal at Tawel Fan – and what happened to patients at Tawel Fan alone was far, far worse than the happenings at Oakmere House. The father of a resident has spoken in support of Oakmere House. His son had been there for 10 years and was ‘content’ there. His son has now had to be moved elsewhere, which will no doubt be distressing and confusing for him. This father had observed that the CSSIW report was ‘a little harsh’ – however he has noticed that Oakmere is employing ‘more and more agency staff’. Just like the Betsi then. Although Oakmere have put in a ‘robust action plan’ and ‘worked closely with the inspectorate and commissioners’, it has been ‘unable to address issues concerning staff’. Sounds like the NHS to me. Nonetheless, CSSIW have stated that when they see ‘no improvement’ they will ‘always act to protect people’. Every bit of evidence relating to the Betsi suggests that it’s problems have got even bigger since it was placed in special measures… Flintshire County Council is now monitoring Oakmere under it’s ‘escalating concerns’ procedures.

But is Flintshire County Council in any position to pass judgement? One news story this week has been that of Conservative AM Mark Isherwood raising the matter of the conduct of some Councillors in Flintshire on the floor of the Senedd. Mark’s wife Hilary was a Flintshire Councillor for 13 years and the Isherwoods are alleging that Hilary was subjected to the most dreadful ‘misogynistic bullying’ from certain other Councillors. Mark is calling on the Welsh Gov’t to take action against Flintshire’s Chief Exec Colin Everett and Deputy Leader Bernie Attridge. It seems that Hilary Isherwood has been subjected to much aggro on Twitter, including on one occasion in 2014 when Bernie sent out a tweet describing her as a ‘bitter twisted Tory’ and stating that ‘Fir coat and no knic… comes to mind’. (I presume that he meant ‘fur’.) Women politicians are making a very big issue of slurs on social media at present and although the threats of murder and sexual violence that some have received are gross and need challenging, I think Hilary probably should have just ignored these old farts. Furthermore her choice of coats and undies are no business of Bernie’s and are unrelated to her abilities as a Councillor. (By the way Bernie, Vivienne Westwood famously wore no knickers when she visited the Palace to pick up one of her gongs.) It’s interesting that Hilary has come under attack though. The attack has taken the form of crude insults that are usually directed at women rather than men, but I suspect that what might have really pissed the other Councillors off is that Hilary’s husband has actually worked very hard indeed to support people who have had some very bad experiences with the mental health services and NHS in north Wales. Mark Isherwood has been prepared to make representation on behalf of people who have been completely blanked by everyone else. I note that in her interview with the Post, Hilary observed that she became a Councillor to help vulnerable people. It’s not the sort of aim that I usually associate with Tories, but whilst the Labour Party in England and Plaid in Wales have been campaigning on behalf of the Top Doctors, Hilary’s husband has indeed been beavering away behind the scenes doing his best for people who have been stuffed over by the Top Doctors et al abusing their positions. I’ve never met Hilary but I did speak to her on the phone a few years ago and she wasn’t at all bitter and twisted. She did try to persuade me to vote Tory which I made fairly obvious was unlikely to happen, but even knowing that, Mark Isherwood still met me and wrote letters on my behalf. He didn’t get very far, but that’s because we were dealing with criminals in the North West Wales NHS Trust. The irony in all this is that the relevant Cabinet Secretary has responded to Mark Isherwood by saying that he proposes new obligations to ‘uphold standards of conduct’ and encourage ‘respectful relationships between elected members that recognise diversity and celebrate it’. So who is the man spouting lame clichés about recognising and celebrating diversity (although I hardly think that being female counts as being ‘diverse’, we form a greater proportion of the population than men) – step forward Mark Drakeford, former Health Secretary who was in post when Tawel Fan exploded in his face. That’s the Mark Drakeford who used to be Professor of Social Sciences at Cardiff and who knows what a failing, abusive, dysfunctional organisation looks like – indeed he has published about scandals in healthcare himself – and he knew that there was a barrel of shit in north Wales because for many years he was special advisor to Rhodri Morgan. Yet Mark just couldn’t bring himself to admit how bloody awful the NHS in north Wales is. I have also heard accounts of Drakeford being somewhat disrespectful to the relatives of those who were abused in Tawel Fan. Furthermore I wrote to Mark myself to inform him of the research fraud that underlay ‘mindfulness based cognitive therapy’ (MBCT) – I didn’t receive a reply but only weeks later Drakeford appeared in the media with a few mindfulness practitioners reiterating the miracles that ‘research’ has demonstrated stem from it. Drakeford isn’t an idiot and I have puzzled for a long time as to why he ignored the genocide in north Wales yet farted around trying to ban e cigarettes in the grounds that they lead us all into the hands of the Devil, but the other day I found a clue. Many years ago, before he was an academic and before he was involved in politics, Mark Drakeford was a social worker – in Dyfed. Presumably the Dyfed where Ioan Bowen Rees was County Secretary, the Ioan Bowen Rees who later became Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council and who ignored and concealed the rampant abuse of children in care  (and of mental health patients) that was pervasive in Gwynedd and who invited ‘officers’ from Dyfed to investigate when the lid could not be held down any longer. For some reason the ‘investigation’ by Ioan’s old mates from Dyfed didn’t resolve very much… Please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ for details of this shameful period of Gwynedd’s history. There have of course been allegations of organised child abuse in Dyfed. So as Mark watched the carnage in north Wales when he was Health Minister and ‘talked’ to the Top Doctors – God they must have thought that Christmas had come when he was appointed Health Minister, they’d got rid of Edwina and she’d been replaced by a tame social worker – patients continued to die. Because the whole region has been screwed by the legacy of a paedophile ring Mark – you plonker…

Talking of Top Doctors – one of them from Harefield Hospital has landed himself in hot water. Mail online reported that Mohamed Amrani, a ‘world renowned heart surgeon’, has been given a six month suspended sentence after groping the breasts of one female colleague and then some years later slapping the bum of another one who worked at the BUPA Cromwell Hospital. He has also been ordered to sign the Sex Offenders Register for five years, pay £8000 in prosecution costs and undertake 25 days of rehabilitation activities. Judge Anne Molyneaux described him as an outstandingly good surgeon and that it may be in the public interest to allow him to continue practising. One could be forgiven for thinking that Amrani was what tabloid newspapers used to call a ‘sex pest’, a sort of Benny Hill in scrubs. However there are indications that he could well be a very much greater problem than that. He faced other charges as well, including two of assault by penetration and a rape charge. The jury were unable to reach a verdict on the rape charge and a retrial has been ruled out, so a not guilty plea was recorded. His defence barrister, Stephen Vullo QC – who also acted for Rolf Harris, so Amrani hired the best – described him as an ‘exceptional man with a flaw’. (Just a little one.) As in the case of Top Doctor Ian Paterson who was recently imprisoned, there seems to be another attempt here to deflect blame onto the Trust and the Trust alone, rather than the many people whom it was acknowledged knew how Amrani behaved towards woman. The Trust admitted that Amrani was one of their stars, that he brought a lot of dosh into the Trust and that he operated on many more patients than his colleagues did. The Trust acknowledged that private practice brings in a huge amount of money for the Trust. It was suggested in Court that the Trust had protected Amrani because of his status. Regarding the rape allegation, Amrani had described it was ‘pure fantasy’ and had stated that ‘hospital records suggest it never happened’. Well hospital records certainly would never have recorded it if it had have happened. Complaints had been made about Amrani by a number of different women between 2004-2015. The first complainant was told when she raised concerns ‘just ignore him, he does it to everyone’. Pretty much like dear old Dr Dafydd Alun Jones then, who was the subject of constant anecdotes from female staff. They did not like being around him, they took precautions to not be left alone with him, one trainee clinical psychologist told me how he summoned her to his office ‘to talk about psychology’ only to take out an ancient photo of himself and ask her ‘don’t ewe think I was handsome?’ and a man who had been married to one of Jones’s secretaries told me how Jones would regularly ask her to come into work wearing various items of allegedly erotic clothing ‘because they’re my favourites’. So when I complained about his inappropriate conduct towards me I was of course told that I was ‘deluded’. It is now up to the GMC – the GMC who did not take action against Dafydd at any point despite numerous complaints against him – to take action against Amrani. He’s already got a plan if they do place restrictions on his practice – he’s off to Morocco to practice because GMC restrictions don’t apply there. In the same way that the psychiatrist who was involved in the death of Dr Sara Ryan’s son Connor Sparrowhawk buggered off to Ireland to practice lest the GMC take action against her.

Now for a few lines about the general election results. Ieuan Wyn Jones, the defender of some very great wrongdoers, I’m glad to say fell flat on his face on Ynys Mon and was not elected. Time to retreat from public life Ieuan, particularly as this blog is exposing everyone like you who colluded with a few things that you shouldn’t have. Theresa May is in a terrible mess and the dreadful Boris is planning another coup. And this morning Heseltine was on the radio ranting that Jeremy Corbyn ‘is at the gates’ – brilliant, I hope that someone let’s him in, but prevents Diane Abbott coming through with him though. I’m touched to note that Heseltine is now being constructed as a man ‘of the centre’. This is the man who refused to rule out soldiers being told to fire on protestors at Greenham Common and who mobilised thousands of soldiers and police officers to confront CND protesters in other locations (some of whom were alleged to have assaulted and even raped protestors but those allegations were never investigated) and who used to boast that his massive company never paid it’s bills until they had received numerous reminders because that way they got to sit on more money for longer. Heseltine also constantly made public his opinion that Cameron was a fine leader and PM. What he did not make so public was that Cameron had been one of Heseltine’s daughter’s mates when they were young and they were both well known for hanging out with a bunch of vacuous champagne swilling Hooray Henries. Heseltine also proffered his opinion this morning that the 2008 financial crisis was due to the general public spending too much. I’m so glad that it was nothing to do with the global banking system and the misconduct of those who worked within it.

Among all the excitement surrounding everybody’s expectations that Theresa is finished, some members of the Labour Party have been popping up in the media, including in Wales – most recently one Lord Murphy aka Paul Murphy, former Welsh Secretary and former N Ireland Secretary, who has featured on this blog recently. Keen readers might have noticed that among my discussions of organised child abuse and dirty political deals that undoubtedly involved protecting some of the people involved in that abuse, I have not yet mentioned the Kincora boys home scandal in Belfast. I am well aware of it, as well as of the links that it has to some of the matters that I have discussed and I am busy researching…. I didn’t know until this morning though that the Kincora boys home scandal has been specifically excluded from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Abuse. Now there’s a surprise… My co-researcher has sent me loads more material and I’ve discovered more gems in the Waterhouse Report. We’ve also dug up yet more dirt on Baroness Patricia Scotland and even more links between her and those who caused so much havoc in north Wales. There will be more posts soon with more people named. So they all might as well start preparing their statements and making their way to their local cop shop…

 

I Know Nuzzing…

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ described how the Jillings Report was commissioned in 1994 to investigate the extent of child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council. Jillings uncovered such horrors that Municipal Mutual, the Council’s insurers, refused to allow the Report to be made public. It was only in 2013 that the Jillings Report was released after constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Inquiry had been a cover up – although even then the Jillings Report was heavily redacted. Following Jillings, there was huge pressure for a public enquiry into events in children’s homes in north Wales as allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures and police officers swirled. A number of people employed in children’s homes in north Wales had been imprisoned for offences against children and many former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. By this time the Secretary of State for Wales was William Hague. Hague initially held out against holding a public inquiry but then buckled. In 1996 he announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a judge who had just retired, would be Chairing a public inquiry into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd and Gwynedd County Councils between 1974 and 1996. The Waterhouse Report, ‘Lost In Care’, written as a result of this Inquiry, was published in February 2000. Like Jillings, it’s findings were damning, revealing widespread abuse of children in care in north Wales. However, as soon as the Waterhouse Report was published, there were angry allegations that there had been a substantial cover-up at a very high level. Waterhouse concluded that a paedophile ring had been in operation in north Wales, but he was perceived to have ‘blamed’ everything on a few bottom feeding social care workers, rather than investigate the possibility that a number of much grander people might have been fully involved. (When one examines the background of Sir Ronald Waterhouse, it is easy to see why he would be in an excellent position and indeed be motivated to lead such a cover-up. A future blog post will be exploring the backgrounds and networks of some of the lawyers and judges named on this blog, including Ronald Waterhouse.) The Waterhouse Report is enormous and I’ve never read it from cover to cover, but I have read big chunks of it and I have been refreshing my memory over the past few days. What strikes me upon reading it is that Waterhouse managed to frequently avoid blaming the bottom feeders as well -the abuse of children was undoubtedly far worse and far more extensive than Waterhouse admitted. He seems to have disregarded huge amounts of evidence of extensive brutality and wrongdoing – this man was a JUDGE, some of what he brushed to one side or chose not to comment on was extraordinary. I will give examples later on in this post.

Waterhouse supplied details of the management structures and the backgrounds of the senior managers and managers of Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils after taking evidence from numerous witnesses. Everybody involved claimed to have no knowledge of the extensive abuse of children. It is always said of north Wales that everybody knows everybody else’s business and to a large extent that’s a fairly accurate caricature. This seems to be one reason why the idea that the arson campaign against second homes in the 70s and 80s was the work of the security services acting as agent provocateurs caught on – I was told by a number of people rooted locally that ‘no-one can do anything in north Wales without everyone knowing, but no-one knows anyone who knows anything about the fires, it is definitely not one of us doing it’. Regarding the abuse of children though, people most certainly did know that it was happening – they just weren’t openly admitting it. It was a classic case of the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett’s notion of ‘not knowing’ (please see post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’). In the same way that everybody knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients, people knew that those kids were being abused. I got wind of it as a first year undergrad at Bangor University – I had no family from the region, I knew nothing about north Wales until I went to university there, but I soon found out that all was not well with the disadvantaged kids. I didn’t hear about a paedophile ring, but then laypeople didn’t tend to be obsessed with paedophiles in the early 1980s – but I did hear about ‘cruelty’. I heard more and more about it as time went by – at one point I lodged with a man who had grown up in care and I heard it from him and his girlfriend. Then I shared a house with some other young people, one of whom was a young man who’d grown up on a farm on the Llyn Peninsula. His mum had been a foster parent and the whole extended family were appalled at the lack of care and the degree of callousness shown by social workers towards the children in their care. This particular family were vey keen to care for their foster children well, but they observed that there was no help or interest from social workers at all and that they could have done pretty much anything to those kids and no-one would have asked any questions. They also told me that on the 16th birthday of the children the social workers would announce that the kids were no longer their responsibility and that was that, they wanted to hear no more about them. This particular family continued to support their foster children without the ‘input’ of the social services after they were 16. (Interestingly enough one thing that was admitted in both the Jillings and Waterhouse Reports was that ‘aftercare’ for children in care was appalling.) When I entered the mental health system I encountered many people who had grown up in ‘care’ and it was very clear that something was terribly wrong – of course the mental health services were key figures in concealing the paedophile ring, as detailed in previous posts. So if an 18 year old undergrad newly arrived in north Wales heard a few worrying things I think it highly unlikely that the managers of those ‘services’ did not know what was going on. To illustrate this further and explore how so many people were able to maintain that they ‘didn’t know’, let’s take a look at the management of Gwynedd Social Services and what they said, based on the information supplied in the Waterhouse Report – as well what I saw and heard when I lived in Gwynedd. (I’ll explore the situation in Clwyd in another post.)

Waterhouse looked at the scene from 1974 onwards, although the Jillings Report noted that they suspected that the serious abuse of children had been going on in north Wales for decades. My own knowledge of those involved with the children’s and mental health services and conversations with numerous people suggest that is indeed likely.

Let’s look at Gwynedd Social Services. Between April 1974 and September 1982, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services was T.E. Jones. He had previously held the same post in the old Local Authority area of Caernarvonshire, before the formation of Gwynedd County Council. T.E. Jones had grown up in Montgomeryshire, had no professional qualifications and no experience of child care work. He had been the County Welfare Officer in Merionethshire from 1952 to 1964 and the County Welfare Officer in Caernarvonshire for seven years after that. The Deputy Director until 1983 was David Alun Parry – he was then Assistant Director (Special Duties) until March 31 1987, when he took voluntary redundancy. Before Parry was Deputy Director of Gwynedd, he had spent three years as Director of Social Services for Anglesey. Between 1964 and 1971 he was Deputy Children’s Officer, then Children’s Officer, for Anglesey. Parry was an Aberystwyth graduate who had also undertaken Diplomas in Social Science and Applied Social Studies at the Universities of Swansea and Liverpool. He also held the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care and had attended several management courses for senior officers at Liverpool University and in 1972, attended two short courses for Directors of Social Services at the Institute for Local Government Studies at Birmingham University. Below Jones and Parry, there were three Assistant Directors. The responsibilities for children were divided between Emyr Davies and G.H. Egerton. Elizabeth Hughes was the Homes Officer reporting to Emyr Davies. Egerton was responsible for five Area Officers under an Area Controller – the Senior Officer (Children) accountable to him from 1975 was Larry King. T.E. Jones maintained that Parry was incapable of carrying out his duties as his Deputy – Parry was therefore relieved of these duties, but kept his rank and was put in charge of the children’s section. T.E. Jones also maintained that Emyr Davies and Egerton were seriously ill, absent for a long time and had to retire. From February 1976 a new structure was imposed. A Principal Assistant Director of similar status to the Deputy Director was appointed – one Lucille Hughes, who had previously been an Assistant Director. For the benefit of new readers – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation in the social services but failed to act. She was also the mistress of the dreadful Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, who was illegally banging up people n the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who had complained about the mental health services or who had been molested ‘in care’. Lucille now had Emyr Davies (Elderly) and Egerton (Mental Health) under her and Parry had Larry King as Senior (later Principal) Officer (Children) under him. King retired in 1988. He had been in the Army, then in the police in England, transferring to the Colonial Police in Rhodesia. He had been a Housemaster at Bryn Estyn – the home in Clwyd which was one of the centres of the most serious abuse, where a number of staff were imprisoned for serious sexual offences. In 1969 King began work for Denbighshire County Council after qualifying for the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care at Liverpool University. He was later a Senior Social Worker for Flintshire County Council and then moved to the Llandudno Area Office managed by Gwynedd County Council in 1974. From 1975 King was a Senior Officer in Gwynedd  – he was redesignated as Principal Officer (Children) from 1979.

Parry’s story was that the previous incorporation of Anglesey Social Services into Gwynedd was not a happy one. He maintained that working relationships were seriously impaired and claimed that the children’s section lacked resources. From July 1981, the responsibility for the children’s section was transferred to Lucille Hughes. This transfer occurred at the same time that Gwynedd County Council’s Chief Executive Ioan Bowen Rees commissioned officials from Dyfed County Council to investigate complaints made by current and former staff regarding Y Gwyngyll community home. Furthermore in 1981, Nefyn Dodd was made responsible for all the community homes in Gwynedd. Nefyn Dodd and his wife June were accused by scores of people of the most ferocious abuse and brutality towards children. Parry was an uncritical admirer of Nefyn Dodd. Elizabeth Hughes the Homes Officer was for a long while on long term sick leave, then left and was not replaced. In the face of this chaos and mismanagement, Waterhouse commented that it was ‘commendable’ that Gwynedd provided such a level of service with ‘comparatively few’ complaints of abuse. (Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have questioned the degree of fuckwittery present and there were actually numerous complaints of abuse, many ignored by Gwynedd and others brushed aside by Waterhouse himself.)

Then in 1982, Parry had a car crash and was off for a long time. When T.E. Jones retired in 1982, Lynn Ebsworth, who had been Chief Personnel Officer, became Acting Director. Parry returned as Assistant Director (Special Duties) after May 1983. In March 1987, after ‘negotiations with his professional organisation’ Parry took voluntary redundancy and received an enhanced pension. To return to Lucille who had been responsible for children since July 1981. Lucille was an English graduate from UCNW (which later became Bangor University) and also had a Certificate in Social Sciences from Liverpool University and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care. For 13 years she had worked in the children’s departments of Cheshire and Anglesey County Councils, as a Children’s Officer in both counties and then as Deputy Director in Cheshire in 1971. She was Principal Assistant Director in Gwynedd from Feb 1976 and until July 1981 her responsibilities were principally the elderly and mental health. Assisting Lucille was Owain Gethin Evans. Gethin Evans had graduated in Social Administration from Manchester University in 1968 and obtained Diplomas in Education (1970) from Cardiff University and Social Work Studies (1974) from the LSE. He had worked as a social worker in Cheshire between 1971 and 1973. After his stint at the LSE he returned to Gwynedd as a social worker and from 1975 spent three years as a community organiser. In 1978 Gethin Evans was appointed Senior Officer (General) to assist Lucille. He was then appointed Principal Officer (Children) and was Head of the Children’s Services in 1982. In 1995 he was appointed Director of Social Services for Ceredigion County Council. Evans was the de facto Head of Children’s Services in Gwynedd, except for between 1987-1992 when he was Assistant Director (Resources and Support). Evans was also a member of Dwyfor District Council between 1976-1986 and was it’s Chairman in 1983/84.

Lynn Ebsworth was Acting Director of Social Services from May 1982-Sept 1983. Lucille Hughes was appointed Director with effect from 1 Oct 1983. Ebsworth had previously been Management Services Officer to Ioan Bowen Rees the County Secretary, and Chief Personnel Officer to the newly formed Gwynedd County Council’s first Chief Executive, D. Alun Jones. Bowen Rees succeeded D. Alun Jones as Chief Exec in 1980. Ebsworth then became accountable to Bowen Rees. Ebsworth had no previous training or experience in Social Services. Under Ebsworth was Gethin Evans, responsible for the Children’s Section but with virtually no experience of children in care. Responsible to him were Nefyn Dodd and Larry King. It was Gethin Evans who oversaw Dodd being given responsibility for all of the community homes. Extraordinarily, amidst this mess, the County Council’s Chief Exec, Ioan Bowen Rees, thought that Lucille ‘performed admirably’ as Director of Social Services. That was while she knew that a paedophile ring was in operation but failed to act. I will return to Bowen Rees later.

On 2 April 1984 a new Deputy Director of Social Services was appointed, David Glanville Owen – Gethin Evans was also short-listed for the post. Glanville was from Pwhelli and had been a trainee in the Children’s Dept in the Liverpool Corporation in 1965 after graduating in economics from Liverpool University. He then acquired a Diploma in Applied Social Studies and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care from Nottingham University by 1967. He had also worked in four English Local Authorities and for the National Children Home (NCH). He had been a senior social worker to the Assistant Director at Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council.

When Glanville was applying for the Gwynedd position, he was undertaking a course in Advanced Management for Local Government at Birmingham University. He was Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services until the local government reorganisation, then spent 18 months as Head of Policy Unit of the new Gwynedd County Council until Sept 1997, when he was made redundant.

Being made redundant didn’t end Glanville’s substantial toxic influence in Gwynedd. By 2003 Glanville was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Community Health Council – the patients watchdog! That’s how I came across him. I approached him with my very serious complaint about the Hergest Unit – this was at a time when the madness was evident with patients dying and being hauled off to prison and people writing to politicians about the brutality and the chaos – and Glanville refused to receive me, telling me that the CHC wasn’t responsible for hospitals. I found out that this was a lie, so I returned to Glanville who then lied about telling the first lie. I submitted my complaint and for many, many months Glanville and one of his ‘officers’, a lady called Hilary, went around and around in circles. My complaint was neither investigated properly or resolved and Glanville and Hilary never managed to explain why. The last time that I saw the disgusting Glanville he was attending a meeting in his capacity as a member of the North Wales CHC. So Gwynedd is not rid of him yet.

Glanville sounds as though he was his usual slippery negligent self in his evidence to Waterhouse.  He emphasised that he had never managed a community home for children or worked in one, even when he was with the NCH. As Deputy Director, he was ‘remote’ from the residential section and had not much contact with it – that was Lucille’s domain. However although Glanville claimed to know nuzzing, Waterhouse noted that almost as soon as he arrived in Gwynedd, he took up 12 points regarding the community homes in Gwynedd, including some serious allegations of staff misconduct, with Gethin Evans. Evans responded to Glanville with a memo that Waterhouse described as ‘inappropriate, complacent and discourteous’ which onbiously was ‘intended to discourage intrusion’. Glanville reorganised the Social Services Dept soon after his arrival and the responsibility for the development of Children’s Services was given to the Assistant Director, one Gethin Evans.

From 1987, the Assistant Director responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. By 1984 he had acquired 10 years of management experience of social work in Northampton and Dorset and had served as a Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992, restructuring resulted in Rob Evans being appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) – Waterhouse notes that Evans ‘left local government’ in March 1996. It was in his capacity as Assistant Director that I encountered Rob in the mid 90s. As a result of the constant aggro that I was receiving from the delightful Arfon Community Mental Health Team (please see previous posts), Rob was called in to sort it out. I had a truly bizarre meeting with him in which he made no comments about the law-breaking and perjury and constant aggression of the Arfon Team, but instead offered a discourse on ‘changing practice’ in social work. As an example he explained that when he used to take children to children’s homes he used to take their shoes away to stop them running away. He said that the children hated him for taking them to the homes but he knew that he was doing the right thing. A couple of years ago, some of the interviews that some of the former residents of north Wales children’s homes gave to the police in the criminal trials were made public. Some of the witnesses explained that they ran away after they were molested by members of the paedophile ring but someone took their shoes away after that to prevent them escaping. Many years after my own encounter with Rob, my lawyers obtained the documents that he had compiled after he had met me to discuss the Arfon Team and their activities. Rob had noted that he had met Keith Fearns, the psychopath who was the ‘leader’ of the Arfon Team and asked him what he wanted done with me. Fearns had replied ‘lock her up’. Rob had told him that wasn’t possible. Fearns had replied once more ‘lock her up’. Rob had noted that the situation was unresolvable and that he was leaving his post tomorrow anyway. Waterhouse was wrong about Rob – he didn’t leave local government in 1996. After no-one had been held to account for the rape and battery of hundreds of children over many years, Rob resurfaced again – as Head of Community Services on Anglesey! Waterhouse noted that in his evidence, Rob had told him that he wasn’t a fluent Welsh speaker and he considered that his chances of an appropriate ‘senior’ position were virtually zero. So it’s good to know that Anglesey found a home for him. The last time that I saw Rob I tried to ask him about his activities regarding Fearns many years ago. Rob told me that I was ‘arrassin’ him and if I didn’t stop he’d call the police. Rob often seemed to find himself the line manager of thugs – he was responsible for Larry King and Nefyn Dodd until his job changed and he was then overseeing dear old Fearns.

Rob had an interesting interpretation of Fearns and co’s threats, harassment and aggression though. In his evidence to Waterhouse, Rob maintained that because a Health Advisory Service Inspection in 1986 had been ‘very critical’ of mental health services in Gwynedd, Rob had made mental health a priority and the community mental health services had now been recognised as among the best in Europe! I’d love to know who ‘recognised’ them as such. The only people with knowledge of social work and mental health services in other parts of Europe that I knew who had contact with the thugs and liars that were employed by Lucille et al were a team of German social scientists who had a link with Bangor University. I worked with them myself and they were a nice lot – but they had no idea at all how patients were being treated because their contact was with the thugs and liars themselves who never fessed up that they were facilitating a paedophile ring. They just met up with the Germans for nibbles and drinks and no doubt told them that the services had been recognised as the best in Europe. But then idiots in north Wales were a bit obsessed with Europe in those days. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept appearing in the local press described as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. He wasn’t even a forensic psychiatrist.

Larry King retired in 1988 and was replaced by Peter James Hibbs. Hibbs had grown up in Colwyn Bay and graduated in sociology from the South Bank Poly in 1973. He had been an Education Welfare Officer in ILEA (Inner London Education Authority) for four years, then completed his CQSW at UCNW (Bangor University) and also gained a Diploma in Social Studies. In Dec 1979 Hibbs joined Gwynedd as a member of the Child Care Team at the Anglesey Area Office and was promoted to senior social worker in Nov 1985. When Nefyn Dodd retired from the post of Principal Officer (Residential Services) in May 1990, Hibbs took over. Hibbs himself encountered serious personal difficulties and became ill with severe depression –  he was deemed by a Medical Officer to be unable continue working after December 1990 and formally retired in Jan 1993. However, at the time of giving evidence to Waterhouse, he had been working since November 1995 as a Senior Practitioner at the Family Centre, Rhyl, run by NCH. Hibbs stated that he used to see Rob Evans about once a week, but was ‘uncertain’ whether Rob grasped ‘child protection issues’, he was more of a ‘mental health specialist’ no less.

Hibbs had been responsible to Gethin Evans and when Hibbs retired he was replaced by Dafydd Ifans. Ifans had worked in the North Wales Probation Services for the last ten years after obtaining his CQSW at Cartrefle College as well as an OU degree. Prior to that he’d been in the Army for fifteen years after leaving school at fifteen to join as an Army apprentice. He then worked as a manager for ASDA for two years. Ifans worked in Gwynedd until 31 December 1995, when he was then appointed as Service Manager for the Children and Families Services for Conwy County Borough Council. During his nearly three years as a Principal Officer, Ifans was responsible for line managing three community homes in Gwynedd.

I have deliberately given a lot of details regarding the managers of Gwynedd Social Services to demonstrate a number of points. Firstly, the degree of conflict that obviously existed between some of them. Secondly, the number of people that were falling apart at the seams themselves – a lot of people were on long-term sick leave or being deemed incapable of fulfilling their duties. This is a key sign of an organisation in trouble but judging from the chunks of the Waterhouse Report that I’ve read so far, Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have taken on board the significance of this. One inescapable theme is how many of these people had connections with each other, or had been circulating around the system for some time. During the 80s and 90s, if one was English and living in Gwynedd, one heard constant allegations that Gwynedd County Council was a ‘closed shop’ and that ‘they only employ their friends and their relatives’. There does seem to have been an awful lot of that going on – but another allegation that English people frequently made was ‘none of them have ever been out of Gwynedd’. Judging from the previous account that is very obviously not true. They had all had stints of studying or working elsewhere – or moving on elsewhere after presiding over the horror that was Gwynedd children’s services. But as far as I can see that is simply more terrifying. That lot had a well-established network that will have been affording them protection and as I have previously argued it stretched far and wide, into England as well. A number of them had also worked in places where it is now known that there was a problem with the organised abuse of children eg. Cheshire, Leicester and inner London. Again and again I was told that the problems in north Wales re the children’s services and mental health services was ‘just north Wales’. It was not. It surfaced in north Wales and ‘outsiders’ were always suspicious and curious because they were very obviously excluded on the grounds of language and it was easy for them to conjure up spectres of cave-dwelling sheep shaggers who molest the kids and burn English peoples houses down. But the vile ones had mates next door in England and had an established network to assist them. Some of them also had connections to the police and the Army…

Among all the detail supplied in the Waterhouse Report regarding Gwynedd Social Services, there is a glaring omission. Waterhouse mentions in passing a ‘child protection officer’ who was working under Gethin Evans. In a region where children were being abused by a paedophile ring and having the living daylights battered out of them by the likes of Nefyn Dodd and were being half-starved and used as free labour by ‘foster parents’, the child protection officer would be a fairly crucial member of the team. Yet they are not named and there is no reference to their evidence in the Waterhouse Report. Were they fast asleep on the job or simply terrified? Or had someone decided that they didn’t want to hear evidence from them? Or had Waterhouse heard their evidence and decided not to mention it? There was something else that he passed by with barely a comment. When he ‘reviewed’ the evidence against Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as ignoring scores of complaints of brutality – and a few of sexual abuse – against the Dodds and the people whom they employed in the community home that they ran in Bangor, Waterhouse mentions a complaint from someone referred to as X, against the Dodds. Waterhouse acknowledges that a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ allegedly signed by X was sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes expressing support for the Dodds. But Waterhouse accepted that X didn’t write this and so he disregarded it! So someone in Risley Remand Centre forged a letter from X and sent it to Lucille Hughes, supporting the Dodds, when the Dodds were under investigation for abusing children. And Waterhouse barely bats an eyelid. But then someone forged a letter from me and sent it to the GMC after I complained about Dr Tony Roberts (please see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Someone forged a certificate of indictment saying that I’d been found guilty of ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court when I hadn’t (please see post ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’). It’s good to know that I wasn’t being singled out – forging documents is obviously an everyday pastime of health and welfare folk in the face of complaints about the health and social care services. How many more forged documents are there sitting in files in the wake of caring staff having been cleared of serious wrongdoing after the plebs of this parish dared complain about them?

And therein lies the key. For the most part, the people on the receiving end of this bunch of scumbags were indeed the plebs. They were people with long-term mental health problems, drug/alcohol problems, kids in care, various dispossessed or disadvantaged people. They also often had criminal records, because as I have detailed previously on this blog, if you complained about that bunch of bastards they stitched you up for crimes that everyone knew that you hadn’t done so they could then dismiss your complaints as coming from a ‘criminal’ and therefore not to be believed. Because I constantly had the most dreadful encounters with the ‘services’ and then more dreadful encounters with officious lying shits like Glanville Owen when I tried to raise concerns about them, for many years I gained the impression that Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils must be run by daft old buggers who had worked their way up from jobs as admin assistants when they were 16 and who did not know their arses from their elbows. Some people did equate to this stereotype – namely Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who could hardly string a coherent sentence together – but let’s have a look at those at the very top of the tree in Gwynedd County Council, the successive Chief Executives who oversaw this horror. So how dim and uninformed were they?

The Chief Execs of Gwynedd County Council for the period of time reviewed by Waterhouse were: David Alun Jones, 1974-1980; Ioan Bowen Rees, 1980-1991; Huw Vaughan Thomas, 1991-1996.

David Alun Jones was a solicitor, the Deputy Clerk (1952-1961), then Clerk of Denbighshire County Council for 13 years. He read law at Aberystwyth University, then held posts as a solicitor in Ilford, Southampton, Berkshire and Surrey before Denbighshire. After his stint as Chief Exec at Gwynedd, he was the Commissioner for Local Administration in Wales for the next five years until his retirement in 1985. His evidence to the Waterhouse Tribunal revolved around the theme of how financially poor the area of Gwynedd was. It was stated that T.E. Jones, the Director of Social Services, didn’t discuss problems regarding children or the community homes with Alun Jones and Waterhouse stated that he had no reason to think that Alun Jones was aware of the complaints. Alun Jones was consulted by the Director of Social Services regarding the alleged failings of Parry, the Deputy Director of Social Services, in approx. 1974. Alun Jones thought that Parry’s services should be dispensed with, but the Chairman of the Social Services Committee, formerly of Anglesey County Council (I presume this will have been Councillor Eric Davies) thought that Parry should be given responsibility for children’s services and this was the view that prevailed. So they handed children’s services over to a man whom they seemed to be in dispute with and whom they maintained could not do his job. Did Alun Jones not think this was a little high risk? Alun Jones was a lawyer – presumably not completely stupid. But look at his background – all those years as a legal advisor to Denbighshire County Council. The North Wales Hospital was on his patch – he was there whilst Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd were in action. He will have known about the problems out there and what was alleged to have been happening. I note that Alun Jones read law at Aber – it has always been maintained that one factor preventing the true extent of the child abuse in north Wales becoming public was rampant corruption among lawyers in the region. A previous post of mine looking at corruption in the region noted how many people who had been implicated were law graduates from Aber (see post ‘Updates, Common Themes And News, May 5 2017’).

Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Exec for much of the time under review by Waterhouse, ie. 1980-1991. It was during this time that the complaints and allegations of child abuse came thick and fast, when Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on it all first raised concerns within the social services and, when she was dismissed in the wake of doing so, went very public indeed, contacting the media as well as Ministers, including Margaret Thatcher. So one would have that Ioan might have noticed that something was amiss. Ioan was a from a local family and had grown up in Dolgellau. His father was a teacher there and his mother had been one of the first women graduates from UCNW (Bangor University). Ioan went to school in Dolgellau and won a scholarship to Oxford to read modern history. So not only did he know the area but he was no fool. He decided to become a solicitor and did his articles with – the Clerk of Denbighshire County Council! Well where else? Waterhouse states that Ioan Bowen Rees was admitted as a solicitor in 1956 – so one presumes that he was doing his articles when his predecessor as Chief Exec Alun Jones worked as the Deputy Clerk of Denbighshire County Council. Bowen Rees then served in local government in Lancashire, Cardiff and Pembrokeshire, as Deputy Clerk to the County Council. Waterhouse mentions that Bowen Rees was ‘well-known’ outside Gwynedd. He certainly was. Bowen Rees died some years ago and his obituaries tell us a lot about him. He stood for election as a Plaid candidate in Conway in 1955 and 1959 and in Methyr Tydfil in 1964. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was involved in Plaid during those years and stood for election for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. Another reason why Bowen Rees will have known Dafydd then. That’s the Dafydd whose mistress was Lucille Hughes. The Dafydd who illegally banged people up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh if they complained about the childrens services or the mental health services. In 1973, Bowen Rees became the County Secretary of the newly formed Dyfed County Council. Bowen Rees was considered something of an authority on local government and won the Haldane Medal from the Royal Institution for Public Administration for his 1971 publication ‘Government By Community’, which was described by Max Beloff as ‘essential reading’. This is the Conservative peer Max Beloff, the father of Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff was the lawyer who advised Municipal Mutual, Clwyd County Council’s insurers, to suppress the Jillings Report! Bowen Rees was awarded an honorary LLD by the University of Wales in 1997. He was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards – as was Dafydd and so many others mentioned in previous blog posts. He advised the Association of County Councils and was Chair of the Society of Local Chief Executives. He was described by the TLS as ‘one of the old breed of highly educated, civilised public servants’. My co-researcher made the following observation of Bowen Rees – ‘Oxford, Plaid, Gorsedd, Gwynedd County Council – he’s got a full house’. Bingo indeed.

In his evidence to Waterhouse, Bowen Rees stated that there was a ‘difficulty’ because Gwynedd Council had no overall leader and that the financial situation through the 1980s left one with a feeling of ‘helplessness’. It was stated that Bowen Rees was more ‘interventionist’ in the Social Services than his predecessor. He was told of complaints and he therefore ordered an enquiry and a report to be conducted by officers of Dyfed County Council – whom he will have known well because he had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed. It was during Bowen Rees’s time as Chief Exec that Gwynedd saw many children in their care ‘boarded out’ (often, it was alleged, to the care of very unsuitable people). Gwynedd had the highest proportion of children boarded out in Wales and the second highest proportion in Great Britain. But Bowen Rees explained to Waterhouse that it saved the Council a great deal of money. Bowen Rees had taken a particular interest in the complaints of Alison Taylor. He told Waterhouse that he had ‘very little recollection of events surrounding the police investigation’ (thank goodness his memory didn’t let him down like that at Oxford or when he was winning medals, it just went a bit flaky when his Council was investigated by the police in the wake of allegations of a paedophile ring), but he knew that he’d asked Lucille to get in touch with him when investigation was over.(Nuffin’ to do with me Guv, I’m only the Chief Exec.) Luciile was described as being ‘over the moon’ when she told him that the police would not be taking proceedings against anyone and that there was ‘no substance’ to the allegations of abuse. Bowen Rees was satisfied that no disciplinary proceedings would have to be taken against any Council officers without talking to Lucille, because he’d talked to senior police officers. (Regular readers will remember that among the allegations of child abuse in north Wales were those that police were involved. A former senior police officer from the North Wales Police, Gordon Anglesea, was last year imprisoned for molesting children in care in north Wales.) Bowen Rees told Waterhouse that he had not been aware of Nefyn Dodd’s dual role in the management of children’s services and had been told that Alison Taylor was ‘worse than a troublemaker’. He thought that poor old Lucille had been ‘unfortunate’ in her Chairman of the Social Services Committee in the 1980s, as he was ‘wilful’ and tolerated only because of his war record. Which is quite a surprising thing for Bowen Rees to have said really, because the rest of us are of the opinion that Eric Davies did Lucille some pretty big favours – he spat poison in the direction of Alison Taylor, carried out a character assassination of her and ensured that she was sacked after she blew the whistle on child abuse in Gwynedd.

Even just the information supplied above suggests that Bowen Rees knew that there was cause for concern in the children’s services which he was paid to run. But there’s another reason why Bowen Rees would have known about the misery and suffering that his children’s services inflicted upon local people as those services worked hand in hand with his mental health services. Because he lived in a hill village near Bethesda where an awful lot of the casualties of Lucille and Dafydd resided. I know because I too lived there for years. At the same time as Bowen Rees. I and the others who had been shafted by Bowen Rees’s ‘services’ mostly lived in the main part of the village, comprised of 19th century quarrymans cottages. Bowen Rees lived near us – but not in our terraces. No, Bowen Rees resided in splendour in an enormous house shielded from our view by beech trees, down a long lane. (However, his widow does now live in the village square, but in one of the most desirable houses there.) Bowen Rees was described by his mates Jim Perrin and Meic Stephens in their obituaries of him as a ‘leftwing nationalist’, an ‘internationalist’, ‘with a philosophy of localism’, who believed in ‘the centrality of [the citizens] voice in determining policies’ and whose observations on mountaineering – which Bowen Rees enjoyed – included that ‘the early mountaineers didn’t concern themselves with the activity of a lower class’. Jim Perrin stated that Bowen Rees ‘firmy identified with that lower class’. That’s funny Jim, because I got the distinct impression that he didn’t give a fuck about them. Except perhaps at election time. I was amused to see in one of Ioan’s obituaries the comment that he ‘enjoyed the close community spirit’ of the village where we all lived. Wondering if I’d somehow missed all the occasions on which Ioan hung out in the village pub or in the canolfan or purchased his stamps from the Post Office, yesterday I rang one of my former neighbours to ask her if she ever remembered socialising with Ioan. Now this was not a neighbour who was one of the dispossessed being screwed over by Ioan and his staff. This is someone who is a retired teacher, whose husband is a retired teacher (and he graduated with a First as well), who have lived in that village for decades, who both learnt Welsh to a very high standard, who do know quite a few public figures and who are acquainted with pretty much everyone around. She replied that she knew OF the Bowen Rees’s and his wife ‘is very pleasant but they are a bit above and beyond the reach of the rest of us’. The man of the common people! Bowen Rees’s obituaries also stated that when he was young, he was regularly consulted by Gwynfor Evans, the President of Plaid (I think that he also co-authored with Gwynfor Evans) and was subsequently consulted by Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon. Who definitely knew about the havoc in the mental health services because I wrote to him about it – and I can’t really believe that he didn’t ever hear about what Lucille and co were up to either.

I’ll outline a few things that were going on in the village where Bowen Rees actually lived. There was a severely mentally ill homeless man who for some months literally lived on the playing field, completely psychotic, whilst his neighbours begged for help from the mental health services to no avail. There was another severely mentally ill man who was living in a derelict schoolhouse with an open fire inside and about nine dogs – both the police and his neigbours begged the Arfon Mental Health Team to assist him. They didn’t. This went on for many months until a relative of his was traced and she arranged for a religious order to look after him in another region. One of my neighbours up there was a young man who whose mother had killed herself when he was a child – he used to scavenge in bins for food and by the time that he was a teenager he had developed a drink problem and mental health problems. He was violent and a nuisance when he was pissed but to be fair to him, he went down to the GPs surgery in Bethesda for help with his ‘nerves’. No help was forthcoming from the GPs let alone the mental health team. There was a whole family of adults who had been on the receiving end of such serious sexual and physical abuse whilst they were children that one of them was an elective mute and another one was in the ‘care’ of the mental health services – he became destitute when the day centre at the Hergest Unit was shut down, on the orders of the Arfon Team. There was a single parent who was such a hopeless drunk that her 10 year old daughter was looking after her, the house and her younger brother – who was displaying sexually abusive behaviour himself after being exposed to sexual activity from his father. There were also the people whom I discussed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’ – in which two fathers were denied access to their own children by Gwynedd Social Services and one of those children was instead handed over to people with a known record of abusing children themselves. There was the family who had been swindled out of their inheritance and left to rot by a number of crooked lawyers and doctors, who were also refused help from the Arfon Team (please see post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’). There were two other men displaying what a social worker (well one who knew what they were doing) would describe as sexually inappropriate behaviour who had been in the ‘care’ of Gwynedd Social Services as children. There was another family whose daughter had been removed from them and had been handed over to Gwynedd Social Services for her ‘protection’ who was wrecked after her encounters with the children’s and mental health services. There was also a little girl being fostered at weekends to give her mother who lived in the neighbouring village ‘respite’. That little girl’s mother had held Alun Davies the manager of the Hergest Unit hostage at knife point in her house and he had to be freed in a police operation. No charges were ever brought against her because Davies had unlawfully accessed her medical records, removed them from the hospital and gone out to see her without anyone’s permission or indeed even telling anyone. He would have been in much trouble himself if anyone had discovered what he had done, therefore his ordeal as a hostage was ignored.

What a record of achievement! Give that man another medal. Bowen Rees drove past these people on his way to work every day – whilst they waited for the bus. Lest any readers think that poor old Bowen Rees just wasn’t mixing in the right circles to hear the accounts of the ‘service users’, there were some people in that village who had worked in his children’s homes and left, appalled at the abuse that they witnessed. I knew three of these people – they all told me that they had witnessed young people being abused. They didn’t witness sexual abuse but they witnessed physical abuse and one of them described Nefyn Dodd to me as a ‘total fascist’. The other two people had worked in the home where Alison Taylor had initially reported abuse and told me that as well as being on the receiving end of ‘cruelty’, the teenaged boys in the home were being forced to work for no pay in the black economy. They boys expressed fear of physical violence from social workers if they refused this work.

But something else was happenining in that village as Ioan Bowen Rees managed to not see what was happening on his doorstep. Something that he most certainly knew about. Lucille Hughes’s henchmen from the Arfon Team were perjuring themselves in Chester Crown Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned. They were being coached and advised in this by Lucille, Hywel Ellis Hughes the County Secretary and Solicitor, and Ron Evans, his sidekick. I have the documents to prove it and described it in detail in my post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ioan will have known about all that because Gwynedd County Council were spending a fortune trying to have me (and a few other patients) imprisoned and he will have had to sign something off. I bet he knew my address as well, because I was being served with Court documents at home. So Ioan knew that I was a neighbour! Where was his much boasted about community spirit? Oh – the other thing that happened whilst I lived in the same village as Ioan was that someone tried to set fire to my house. Twice. Another memorable feature of the village was the phone box. Ioan won’t have used it because he’ll have had a landline and a mobile as well, but a lot of people in that village didn’t have a phone so there was often a queue at that phone box. That phone box lives on in my memory for one reason – it was the phone box that was used by a mental health patient who lived in that village who repeatedly rang Crimestoppers and reported the law-breaking and abuse of named staff of the mental health services and the thugs that they were using to distribute drugs and intimidate patients who complained. There wasn’t an investigation. Ioan probably had a few words with his friends in the police again like he did after Alison Taylor blew the whistle.

Ioan will not have been able to have missed the reality of the lives of the people in that village no matter how fast he drove past them. Because his own son went to school with some of those kids who had been so badly neglected and abused. Ioan’s son went to Ysgol Dyffryn Ogwen and is now famous – he is Gruff Rhys from the rock band the Superfurry Animals. He and his mates used to practice their music in the hall at the end of the terrace where I used to live. Ioan was known to be passionate about the Welsh language and is on record as saying that we speak Welsh ‘for the sake of our children’. I’m all for bilingual children as well, but whilst Ioan’s son was learning Welsh and becoming a rock star there were a number of other children who were being beaten, buggered and raped in the ‘service’ for which Ioan was paid handsomely to provide.

Ioan’s glorious career didn’t stop after he stood down from the Chief Exec’s role after the police investigation which exonerated the whole bloody lot of them. No, Ioan was a passionate believer in devolution and was a member of the working party that advised Ron Davies the Secretary of State for Wales regarding the creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Who knows, Ioan would probably have gone on to become President of the World, but he died (Waterhouse observed that he was very sad about this) in 1999. Months before the publication of the Waterhouse Report. So if any lesser gifted and less well-connected creatures than Ioan feared that Waterhouse was actually going to admit the enormity of what had gone on and that Ioan would get himself out of the ordure by landing them right in it, they need not have worried. Ioans’s memories have been taken to the grave with him.

The Story of Ioan reminds me very much of the work of the Welsh Labour historians who were busy in the 1970s and 80s. They pissed a lot of people off because they maintained that the exploitation of the Welsh labourers in the quarries and other industries involved an enormous degree of collusion from the Welsh middle classes who also exploited the labourers and did very well for themselves out of this, but who had successfully rewritten their part in history and framed themselves as defenders of language and nation. I think it was in Jim Perrin’s obituary of Ioan Bowen Rees that there was a reference to the refreshing Ioan in contrast to the English bourgeoisie who colonised the land conservation societies… the noble Ioan who lived in his Plas shielded by beech trees so as to avoid the prying eyes of the people whom he was shafting whilst they lived in poverty…

After the People’s Champ and Defender of the Nation left his post as Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Huw Vaughan Thomas took over. Huw was originally from mid-Glamorgan, read modern history at Durham University, acquired a Masters in Administrative Sciences from City University and entered the civil service. He worked in the Department of Employment and bodies associated with it and was the Private Secretary to two Ministers of Employment. He then lead the Manpower Services Commission’s employment rehabilitation programme for disabled people. In May 1988 he moved to Wales as Director of Training Agency, Wales. He was Chief Executive of Denbighshire County Council for six years – of course he was, it seems obligatory to do a stint with them if you’re going to preside over a major child abuse scandal. Huw told Waterhouse that the allocation of resources in Gwynedd County Council  owed much to history and political considerations rather than assessment of need and the Council’s image was one of ‘fortress Gwynedd’ with a single issue of the language agenda. (I rather suspect that might have been the smokescreen that Ioan created to detract from rather more serious problems.) For most of the first three years of Huw’s tenure, there was a police investigation of Gwynedd’s children’s homes. Alison Taylor wrote to Huw shortly before an HTV programme about the abuse in north Wales in Sept 1991, requesting a meeting to discuss the ill-treatment of children. He ‘took advice’ – we are not told from whom – and he said that she should get in touch with him if she had any new matters not already investigated to report. Alison wrote again asking for a meeting regarding the extensive dossier that he had prepared relating to the abuse of children. Huw declined to meet her on the advice of the Council’s legal officers and the Chief Constable. That will have been at about the same time that those legal officers were pursuing me through the Courts for ludicrous offences such as ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’ or more serious offences that I had not committed.

So how did Huw fare once he stopped being the Chief Exec of Gwynedd in 1996? Well he was the  Assistant National Secretary of the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives and he has also been on exchanges with Chief Execs in Tasmania and New Zealand (Christ he’s gone global.) In 2001 he was appointed the Director and Principal Consultant for Taro Consulting Ltd. He was a member of the Richards Commission into the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly of Wales 2002-2004, he’s Chaired the Big Lottery Fund and served on the Parole Board for England and Wales (it really is unbelievable isn’t it). He’s a Board member for the Institute of Welsh Affairs, for the North Wales Training and Enterprise Council, a member of HEFCW, of the Law Society Council, of the Hearing Aid Council and the Olympic Lottery Distributer. His voluntary activities include involvement in two charities for deaf people, a member of the National Trust Committee for Wales, of the Princes Trust and the Chair of Plas Glyn Y Weddw Arts Centre.

Concealed a paedophile gang? Come this way Sir, we’d just love to have you on our Board.

The jewel in the crown was that on July 2010 Huw was recommended for the post of Auditor General of Wales by the National Assembly of Wales. HM the Queen herself appointed him from October 2010. He now oversees 20 billion quid of taxpayers money. His wife Enid is the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority and a member of the BUPA council. His son Owain is a trainee – at the Wales Audit Office.

Once more, I can only repeat what the residents of Ioan Bowen Rees’s village used to say when they were screwed over once more by Gwynedd County Council in some way – Jesus Christ.

There is an ancient Bela Lugosi film that used to cause merriment among film and media students because it was thought to be so ridiculous. I was told that it contained a scene where Bela looms up out of a churchyard and says ‘It’s murder – and somebody’s responsible’. Well for years children in the care of Gwynedd County Council were beaten, kicked, forced to lick Nefyn Dodd’s shoes, used as slave labour, sexually molested, kept short of food and/or abandoned. And nobody was responsible at all. The only person who lost their job was Alison Taylor.

 

 

The Mary Wynch Case – Details

I have previously mentioned the case of Mary Wynch. Mary made legal history by being the first person to sue for being wrongly detained under the Mental Health Act –Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was one of those whom she sued. Mary’s case received widespread media attention in the London based press when she won the case – such was the aggro that she received in north Wales that by then she had gone into hiding in Eastbourne. I contacted her via the ‘Guardian’ and met up with her. I think that Mary has probably died by now, so there are a number of outstanding questions that cannot be answered. I have been trying to research Mary’s case for some while but have had great trouble retrieving information. It’s almost as if there has been an attempt to airbrush this case from history. However my co-researcher has now managed to access some information, including a transcript from the appeal – Mary had to initially appeal to the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson for leave to sue Jones et al.

I first read about Mary’s case after it was reported in the broadsheets in 1985, after Lord Donaldson allowed her appeal. I had just had my first taste of bad behaviour on the part of the north Wales mental health services but had no idea of just how corrupt that they were at that point. Over the following few years I received very serious grief from them, so when I read at some point in the late 80s that Mary had won her case against Dafydd Alun Jones et al I was keen to speak to her.

Mary told me an even worse story than had appeared in the press. Despite the allegations of ‘madness’ that those we know and love threw at Mary she was actually very level headed and was acutely aware that she couldn’t make statements in press interviews that she did not have evidence for, so she never spoke in public about some very worrying matters. I will summarise what she told me here. Mary had lived in Caernarfon, worked as a secretary in the agriculture dept at Bangor University (known in those days as UCNW) and for a long while looked after her elderly mother. Mary had a sister whom she did not get on with. Mary told me that at one point her mother was in a care home owned by Jones. Mary was worried about the standard of care there – when her mother subsequently died, Mary was deeply concerned at the circumstances of her mother’s death. Mary’s worst fear was that her mother had died of an overdose that had been unlawfully administered. The story that Mary related to me was that when she saw her mother’s body, it was covered in blisters. Mary was later told that this could have been the sign of a barbiturate overdose. She talked at length of her deep frustration at never being able to prove this, although she was pretty sure that was what had happened. In the wake of her mother’s death there was a dispute between Mary and her sister over her mother’s estate. Mary described her sister as ‘evil’ and believed that her sister was in cahoots with both Dafydd Alun Jones and the solicitors whom Mary alleged had mishandled her mother’s estate. It seemed that Mary had encountered difficulties with a number of different local solicitors firms and she alleged that these solicitors were so closely linked that they effectively formed a ring. As a result of the dispute Mary was ordered to hand over certain documents but refused, as she believed that the law had been broken and corruption was at work. She was imprisoned for contempt of court and sent to the notoriously grim Risley Remand Centre. She was then declared to be suffering from ‘paranoia’ and was detained in the North Wales Hospital for a year. When Mary finally got out she started the tortuous process of suing Jones, Clwyd Health Authority, Dr Paul Bishop (a GP) and Dr Paul Hayward (the medical officer at Risley Remand Centre) and the Home Office. By the time that I met her, negligence had been admitted and press reports had stated that Mary had been awarded £27,5000 damages – but she told me that everyone involved was quibbling over actually paying the damages and that it looked as though she was going to have to go to Court again to enforce payment. Intriguingly, no more information about Mary’s case or indeed Mary appeared in the media, despite the huge media interest that there had been. I never saw Mary again and I never knew whether she did receive her damages or what the results of her outstanding legal cases against other parties involved with the mishandling of her case were. The lack of further media coverage was quite inexplicable. When I met Mary, as well as telling me about her suspicions and fears regarding her mother’s death, she told me that conditions in Denbigh were dreadful. Interestingly enough although Jones had been prescribing huge quantities of anti-psychotics for her, as with me the nurses did not suggest that she take it. Mary told me that her greatest challenge in Denbigh was not showing any emotion – she realised that these people were a law unto themselves and would leap on any excuse to demonstrate further ‘insanity’ and who knows what would happen to her. She also told me another interesting anecdote. That the ‘young people’s ward’ was visible from the ward where she was imprisoned. Every evening the staff from Mary’s ward would gather around the window and watch the activities in the young people’s ward – Mary explained that the staff told her that Jones encouraged the young people to have sex with each other and that the staff treated the action in the young people’s ward as a live sex show.

One thing that I remembered from the press reports was a statement that Mary had been a voluntary outpatient of Jones’s after her mother’s death. This claim also appears in the transcript from the appeal. Yet I got the distinct impression from Mary that she only encountered Jones when she was banged up in Denbigh. Now Jones lies, he lies under all circumstances and one thing that he lied about in my case was that he assessed me before ordering the police to take me to Denbigh. He did NOT see me beforehand and did not carry out any sort of ‘assessment’. I cannot now clarify anything with Mary, but I strongly suspect that Jones did not treat her as a voluntary outpatient. She believed that her sister, whom she did not get on with and suspecting of swindling her, was in cahoots with Jones, so I think it very unlikely that she was returning to see him as a voluntary outpatient. She spoke of how unpleasant he was when she met me, but she certainly didn’t speak about Jones in any way that suggested that she knew him as ‘her doctor’ – she barely remembered his name and referred to him as ‘the doctor at Denbigh’. As far as Mary was concerned, Jones was just one of many professional people who had done various things that they shouldn’t have. I note that the claim that Mary had been treated by Jones as a voluntary outpatient was central to the claim of him and his cronies that she was mentally ill – ie. that she had been ‘deeply affected’ by her mother’s death and had it was alleged that she had been referred to Dafydd by her GP. Even if the GP had made the referral this does not mean that Dafydd actually saw Mary. Dafydd cannot be believed and Mary is not here to ask, so this is one of the many unanswered questions about Mary’s case.

As well as appearing in the broadsheets and the Spectator, Mary’s case was also featured in the BBC Two series ‘Taking Liberties’ in an episode called ‘Who Will Listen To Mary Winch’ which was screened on March 5 1991. Readers will notice that in the title of this programme, Mary’s surname was spelt ‘Winch’, as it was in the other media reports and indeed on the Court papers. Yet in north Wales, Mary’s name was always spelt ‘Wynch’ and I seem to remember that this is how she signed her name on the letter to me when she agreed to meet me. This is yet another very odd thing about this case – although I knew from personal experience that Court documents are full of errors, including basic ones and serious ones.

After the BBC programme I never heard another thing about Mary either in the London based or north Wales media. Interest in her case disappeared overnight and I was been unable to gain any further information about it until my co-researcher came up with some gems a few days ago. He has dug out a brief potted history of Mary’s case that appeared in the Spectator and has also acquired a transcript of Mary’s appeal, which was heard on 9 July 1985 at the Royal Courts of Justice in London before Sir John Donaldson (Master of the Rolls), Lord Justice Parker and Lord Justice Balcombe. The case is listed as Mary Agnes Winch v Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Clwyd Health Authority, representatives of the estate of Paul Eardley Hayward, Paul Manley Bishop, Home Office. John MacDonald and Colin Braham were instructed by B.M. Birnberg and Co for Mary and Jon Williams was instructed by dear old Hempsons (who else – the lawyers who act for the Medical Defence Union who have featured on this blog previously) on behalf of Dafydd Alun Jones and Paul Bishop and Christopher Symons was instructed by the Treasury Solicitor on behalf of the personal representatives of the estate of Paul Hayward and the Home Office. Mary appealed to the High Court for leave for two actions alleging negligence against 1. Dafydd Alun Jones and his employers Clwyd Health Authority 2. Against the late Paul Hayward and his employers the Home Office and Paul Bishop. Because all three of the doctors were purporting to be acting under the 1959 Mental Health Act, Mary had to apply for leave to bring actions against them. It is mentioned in the transcript that Mary had been previously refused leave by Justice Otten (elsewhere his name is spelt Otton).

The transcript states that Mary’s mother died in 1972 and that the Public Trustee administered her estate and subsequently brought an action against Mary and possibly also her sister. Mary was ordered to hand over certain documents and refused (Mary was alleging corruption and law breaking and also maintained that she had not been given the opportunity to attend a crucial court hearing.) Mary was sent to Risley Remand Centre for contempt of court by His Honour Vice-Chancellor Blackett-Ord. The committal was in October 1977 but Mary went into hiding so wasn’t actually arrested until July 1978. It is stated that in October 1978 Mary was discharged from Risley by order of Blackett-Ord to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh to the care of Dafydd Alun Jones, on Section 26 of the Mental Health Act 1959, which allowed her to be detained for up to 12 months. This was done on the recommendation of Hayward and Bishop, Hayward being the medical officer at Risley, Bishop being a GP. For 12 months Mary was subjected to section 26 ‘either in the North Wales Hospital or on leave’ (at no point did anyone or Mary ever suggest that she had been ‘on leave’ – it was stated at all times that she was banged up for 12 months). Mary’s case was that Hayward and Bishop failed to exercise ‘reasonable care in diagnosing her with paranoia’ and that Dafydd Alun Jones failed to exercise ‘reasonable care’ in considering her earlier release from the North Wales Hospital (I remember that a press report at the time stated that during the year in which she was in Denbigh, Jones did not visit Mary or review her case once). The transcript also mentions that Mary had consulted several solicitors and was now suing two of them for negligence. Her view was that all the solicitors that she consulted were conspiring to stifle her complaints. This was the first occasion that the Court had to consider an appeal regarding the Mental Health Act. The transcript stated that at the previous appeal Justice Otton had considered that Mary’s applications were not frivolous, vexatious nor an abuse of the process of the Court but that Mary hadn’t satisfied the Court regarding a prima facie case of negligence against each of the doctors. At Mary’s appeal to Lord Donaldson, Justice Parker stated that the case against Dafydd Alun Jones was ‘fit to be tried’, although this was ‘not so clear’ with regard to Hayward and Bishop. There is a Dr Fry mentioned in the transcript who seems to have provided an opinion on Mary at an earlier stage of her journey through the Courts. The transcript also makes reference to someone at some point providing evidence stating that ‘she has no insight into her condition and will break into the property she formerly owned and squat in it. She would not remain in hospital of her own accord’. Yet during the appeal it was noted that there is no evidence Miss Winch had ever broken into the property or squatted in it or had ever threatened to do so’. (So Mary had been the subject of ludicrous allegations and speculations for which there was no evidence and these allegations and speculations somehow had found their way into Court documents – this happened to me after I made complaint about the north Wales mental health services.) Justice Balcombe agreed that the appeal should be allowed. The transcript states that the case against Hayward and Bishop was based on Dr Fry’s evidence. John Macdonald submitted that Hayward and Bishop should have made enquiries of Jones and the Official Solicitor and that they did this.

Mary’s appeal was allowed with costs.

My co-researcher has dug up a few details of the ‘Taking Liberties’ programme screened by BBC Two on 5 March 1991. The producer was Rhonda Evans and the series producer was Elizabeth Clough, who until very recently was the partner of Jeremy Paxman. My co-researcher then discovered an Early Day Motion tabled on 19 March 1991, sponsored by David Bellotti, the LibDem MP for Eastbourne – ‘This House urges an immediate review by the Home Secretary of the gross injustices suffered by Miss Mary Winch, now resident in Eastbourne, and recorded in the BBC Two programme ‘Taking Liberties’ on Tuesday 5 March’. Six MPs signed this Motion: Alan Beith (Liberal Democrat, Berwick-Upon-Tweed), Malcolm Bruce (Liberal Democrat, Gordon), Ronnie Fearn (Liberal Democrat, Southport), Geraint Howells (Liberal Democrat, Ceredigion and Pembroke North), Matthew Taylor (Liberal Democrat, Truro and St Austell) and Dafydd Wigley (Plaid Cymru, Caernarfon).

My co-researcher has also dug up something very interesting from Hansard. On 31 March 1993, Alex Carlile asked the Parliamentary Secretary, Lord Chancellor’s Dept, to order a full investigation into Mary’s case and was asked when there was going to be a reply to letters concerning Mary’s case dated June 1991, August 1991, September 1991, October 1991 and May 1992. John M. Taylor replied that Mary had taken legal action against the Public Trustee which had not yet concluded and he wouldn’t comment because proceedings were before the Courts. At this point I thought that the trail had gone cold – despite so much concern being expressed at what had happened to Mary, there were no more mentions of her again in the media. But late last night I received another e mail from my co-researcher who had found something in Hansard, 27 April 1995. It is recorded that Alex Carlile asked the Parliamentary Secretary Lord Chancellor’s Department if he would make a statement on the actions of the Public Trustee in relation to legal proceedings brought by Miss Phoebe Winch (once more Mary Agnes Wynch’s name was misrecorded).  John M. Taylor replied that he was unable to comment on individual cases where legal proceedings have been brought against the Public Trustee, who was also Chief Exec of the Public Trust Office. Taylor commented that she was also ‘an independent statutory office holder’ and ‘decisions that she takes in exercise of her statutory functions are those of her office and are not taken on behalf of Government’. Taylor adds that as the question concerns a specific case, he had asked the Chief Exec to reply direct. There follows the text of a letter from Julia Lomas to Alex Carlile, 25 April 1995. The mistake with Mary’s name is acknowledged and corrected and Lomas goes on to state that in 1982 Mary brought proceedings against the Public Trustee in relation to the administration of the estate of her dead mother, Violet Wynch. The proceedings were defended. The case was ‘complicated’ and the hearing was ‘anticipated to be lengthy and expensive’ and therefore in 1994 a payment of £15,000 into Court to settle the matter was authorised. Mary accepted this payment, which was made with no admission of liability on the point of the Public Trustee. ‘The Public Trustee has always been confident that had the case been fought the Public Trustee would have won, albeit at a disproportionate cost to public funds. The payment into Court was and remains regarded by me payment to save public funds rather than any admission as to the merits of Miss Winch’s case’.

And that was the end of the matter – a respectable innocent woman had been ruined, swindled out of her inheritance by a bunch of small town crooked solicitors, illegally imprisoned and then banged up, again illegally, in a notoriously grim, lawless mental hospital for a year. And people occupying the highest offices of the British state colluded with all of it.

Followers of my blog know that in previous posts, I have compared the chronology of some of the things that happened in my own case – being arrested at the behest of the north Wales mental health services, being denounced as ‘dangerous’, being served with High Court Injunctions on the basis of affidavits sworn by people who were lying about me and who had sometimes not even met me – with the chronology of the actions of Alison Taylor and others drawing attention to the paedophile ring that was operating in the children’s homes in north Wales. The injunctions and arrests correlate nearly perfectly with the breaking of stories about the north Wales paedophile ring, the ring which we now know was being facilitated and concealed by a number of people employed and associated with the mental health services in north Wales. The shit raining down upon my head was particularly bad in 1991 – when all that media and Parliamentary attention was focused on what had happened to Mary. It was at this time that the north Wales mental health services, along with St Georges Hospital and Springfield Hospital, were using some of the most biggest names in UK forensic psychiatry to denounce me as so dangerous that I was a candidate for the likes of Broadmoor – although there was documentary evidence that the psychiatrists in London knew that patients in north Wales were being sexually exploited by psychiatrists and that they also knew there was no evidence at all for the very serious charges that I was facing which were eventually dropped. Springfield documented that I had become suicidal as a result of the stress that I was under as a result of the constant arrests and court cases – yet failed to support me at all and discharged me with no aftercare after three weeks. When I arrived home after being discharged from Springfield, I found a letter from my employers, St Georges Hospital Medical School – I had been working as a research assistant there. This letter stated that I had spent an ‘excessively long time on sick leave’ and was effectively telling me that I was sacked. I had been on sick leave for three weeks. I now have in my possession copies of letters signed by managers of the north Wales mental health services in which they ask each other if their friends and contacts at St Georges have found out which dept I was working in and letters describing how their contacts at St Georges were accessing mail sent to me at the hospital in order to find out my home address. I also have a copy of a letter signed by the occupational health physician at St Georges – who basically harassed me throughout my time there and constantly told me to stop my complaints about the mental health services in north Wales – confirming that my ‘behaviour at work’ ‘was not a problem’.

Just after I left St Georges in 1991, Dr Tony Francis from Ysbyty Gwynedd (who has previously been referred to on this blog as Dr X) ordered his solicitors – Hempsons – to take steps to have me committed to prison on the grounds that I was breaking a High Court Injunction that he’d obtained against me. He had obtained the injunction by perjuring himself and I have copies of letters demonstrating that his own legal advisors had advised him very strongly not to take legal action against me. Francis wanted me ‘committed to prison’ because I was writing letters of complaint stating that he and Dafydd Alun Jones were abusing patients and breaking the law. So who was the barrister who represented a man who was breaking the law – along with his colleagues – and tried to have the woman who was complaining about this imprisoned? It was one Robert Francis QC, a barrister who worked for the Medical Defence Union. Robert Francis is now Sir Robert Francis QC, a member of the Care Quality Commission and leading light of the Patients Association! He was also famously employed to Chair the Inquiry into the genocide that took place at Mid-Staffs – there were numerous allegations that Robert Francis played down the full horror of what happened at Mid-Staffs. Francis also led the Freedom To Speak Up review into whistleblowing in the NHS. Whistleblowers maintain that Francis sold them down the river and that his recommendations did nothing to protect them. Readers new to this blog can read the whole shameful saga in previous blog posts such as ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School 1989/90’, ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Sordid Role of Sir Robert Francis QC’.

As for the Early Day Motion in 1991 urging an investigation into Mary’s case that was signed by Dafydd Wigley and others – this would appear to have been a noble action but obviously didn’t get anywhere. Yet only a year later, Dafydd Wigley signed another Early Day Motion, this time sponsored by Elfyn Llwyd, opposing the closure of Garth Angharad. Garth Angharad, which was described as a ‘hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, contained people who complained that they’d been molested in children’s homes in north Wales and was owned and managed by a man who was mentioned in the Waterhouse Report as someone who also owned children’s homes and residential schools which had been at the centre of allegations of physical cruelty and sexual abuse (please see blog posts ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’ and ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’). So why in the course of a year did Dafydd Wigley move from a position of defending Mary on a Parliamentary level to working to ensure that the personal prison of Dafydd and the paedophile gang remained open? In about 1990 I received a very supportive letter from Dafydd Wigley after I contacted him about the abuses taking place at the North Wales Hospital. Yet when I wrote to him again a couple of years later I did not receive a reply. It is part of north Wales folklore that Dafydd Wigley was eventually shafted by Plaid for reasons that only members of the inner circle understand and was replaced as MP for Caernarfon by the fool Hywel Williams, a former psychiatric social worker who had worked with Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Of course as a social worker based in Gwynedd, Hywel will have been employed by Gwynedd Social Services – that’s the Gwynedd Social Services that the Waterhouse Report admitted had a Director, Lucille Hughes, who knew that a paedophile ring was operating within the Social Services but failed to respond. All Williams achieved in the years following his election was to reduce Plaid’s majority in that constituency, which had been huge (recent boundary changes have bumped up the majority again, giving Hywel a bit of a breather). Dafydd Wigley was enormously popular locally – but interestingly enough the one person whom I know who was probably even more complimentary about Wigley than anyone else was Dr Tony Francis. So would anyone from Plaid – including Dafydd Wigley himself – like to explain to the rest of us what went on?

As for the final mention of Mary in Hansard in 1995 – by 1996 the Jillings Report was published, a result of the first investigation into the north Wales child abuse scandal (please see previous posts). This was the report that was so damning that it was famously not published and an order was sent out by Flintshire Council (which had succeeded Clwyd County Council after what looks like now a very convenient local authority reorganisation) that all copies should be pulped. The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council in 1994, so Jillings and his team will have been undertaking their investigation in 1995…

The information that my co-researcher has sent me about Mary’s case has prompted me to find out more about the judges and lawyers involved in her case – and the politicians behind the scenes. More posts on this will follow soon.

One more appeal to readers of the blog. Many years ago, sometime in the mid-1980s, Radio 4 broadcast a play called ‘Penrhyn Summer’. It had very obviously been written by someone like me, of my generation as well, who had studied at Bangor University and made friends with local people rather than only students. The play’s plot centred around a young woman who had just graduated and had taken a summer job at Penrhyn Castle and through this had learnt much of the grimmer history of north Wales and how local people had suffered at the hands of an economy dominated by the Anglicised landowners in the region. The North Wales Hospital featured in this programme and there were references to the dreadful things alleged to be happening there. One of the central characters in the play was a local man whom the young woman idolised who framed himself as a radical political activist – towards the end of the play this man announced that he’d been selected as a Plaid candidate for Westminster and dropped his enquiries into the North Wales Hospital… Most of what I hear about north Wales on Radio 4 is so inaccurate that it’s not worth listening to. But this play had the social and cultural landscape of north west Wales in the mid-1980s spot on (only of course Radio 4 used actors who all had perfect SOUTH Walian accents) and it was very obviously based on someone’s own experiences. I have tried to find out who wrote this play, or indeed to gain any more info about it at all, but have got nowhere. If any readers know anything about it – especially who the hypocritical Plaid candidate was based upon – I’d love to know more.

Whilst on the subject of memories of student life at Bangor in the 80s, one of the biggest and most well-funded of the student societies was ‘Community Action’. CA (as it was known) had it’s own minibus and I seem to remember had a full-time paid organiser. One of their specialities was ‘working with disadvantaged children’ in the Bangor area. Students are idealistic and probably would never have imagined that a vicious paedophile ring was operating in the local Social Services. But someone in authority in CA will have smelt a rat. And the one thing that students like me who mixed with local people noticed was how many seriously neglected children there were in Bangor. Children whose parents had abandoned them or gone to prison or who had parents who simply couldn’t cope were just left to their own devices, often left in the care of an older sibling who couldn’t look after them very well. And people did know that all was not as it should be. When I first complained about Gwynne Williams the lobotomist who was working sessions in the Student Health Centre no less, my first representations – after I’d been threatened by Dr DGE Wood the GP running the Centre and told by him that I ‘wasn’t allowed’ to complain about Williams – were made to the Welfare Officer in the Students Union. This young man admitted that there were major problems with Gwynne Williams and that there had been many complaints about him. He later denied saying this to the staff of the Health Centre. He then told me that if continued to complain about Williams I would get a ‘bad name’ – did he know that I’d be slandered, libelled and lied about in Court perhaps? After this he told me that he couldn’t take my complaint any further. Some five years ago I discovered that this man had become the Financial Director of an NHS Trust in the English Midlands (which was interesting because he graduated with a Third and I was told that he subsequently failed accountancy exams). Clearly Duncan Orme has done very well for himself after failing to challenge a lobotomist whose handling of one student was so negligent that they tried to kill themselves hours after seeing him. An ideal start to a glorious career in NHS senior management. But my God Duncan – the bastards were assisting a paedophile gang as well….

 

Another Inquest, March 29 2017

The Daily Post has reported on the inquest of Joshua Jones, a 15 year old from Shotton who hanged himself in October 2016. The inquest, held by coroner John Gittins, heard that Joshua had been involved with CAHMS and that Libby Evans, the head of Flintshire Mental Health Team, ‘agreed with the coroner’ that Joshua’s difficulties were primarily social, rather than mental health difficulties. Joshua had been threatened by drug dealers, the family had had the windows of their home smashed and he was facing charges of armed robbery. Evidence was given by Joshua’s girlfriend that he had been cutting himself – she felt that he would have killed himself previously had she not have been there to stop him. Before Joshua was found dead he had stated that if he was charged with the robbery he would kill himself – he had also told a friend that he would not see his girlfriend again. When Joshua hung himself he locked himself in his room such that the police had difficulty entering when concerns were raised. Cause of death was given as hypoxic brain damage, resulting from cardiac arrest, in turn resulting from hanging.

Guess what? John Gittins didn’t return a verdict of suicide, this time it was ‘misadventure’, because he couldn’t be sure that Joshua meant to kill himself. So telling everyone that you’re going to kill yourself, locking yourself in your room and hanging yourself isn’t enough to convince Gittins. Another death of someone in the ‘care’ of the mental health services in north Wales that won’t be adding to those pesky suicide statistics for the region covered by the Betsi – and the coroner and head of the mental health team charged with Joshua’s care have both agreed that his problems were ‘social’. Whatever the root of Joshua’s problems this is the same old story – someone in the care of the mental health services kills themselves after clearly stating their intention to do so, dies by their own hand, the coroner fails to return a suicide verdict and the mental health services find a reason as to why it wasn’t them that stuffed up.

Update, March 9 2017: My Complaint to the Betsi, Wrexham Drug Problem, Anglesey Children’s Services, HMP Berwyn

Firstly I need to apologise to readers. Someone brought my attention this morning to the fact that whoever it was who hacked into my blog replaced one of my posts with a link to a pornographic video – sorry about that, I was so busy reposting the material that had been removed that I didn’t double check to see if anything had actually been substituted for the hacked posts. I’ve removed the link now so let’s hope the problem doesn’t occur again.

Regular readers will know that I have made a formal complaint to the Betsi regarding their inability to hand over a full copy of my medical records and the mountain of misinformation about me upon the medical records that I have managed to access. I also recently notified them that among the records that they did send me was information relating to someone else. This morning I received correspondence from Gary Doherty, the CEO of the Betsi. Here is the text of Gary’s letter:

I am writing further to your e-mail dated 3rd March 2016 regarding your concerns about your subject access response in which you note it remains incomplete and that the information you have received contains information in relation to another patient.  

I am sorry that this has happened and would like to reassure you that confidentiality and security of information is an issue that the Health Board takes very seriously and we endeavour to investigate them thoroughly, therefore a full investigation of the issues you identified is currently being undertaken by the Mental Health Service and the Information Governance Team.  

Under the Data Protection Act 1998, the Health Board have an obligation to retrieve and secure the information you have received about the other patient, and therefore I would be grateful if you could return it in the prepaid envelope supplied with this letter.  I will ensure I confirm receipt to you upon its return. 

We would also like to confirm that a review of all your previous concerns will be undertaken to ensure a full and thorough final response is issued to you shortly.  In the meantime, should you wish to discuss the above in further detail, please do not hesitate to contact Fleur Evans via e-mail on fleur.evans2@wales.nhs.uk

I will report further events as they happen…

Yesterday I blogged about allegations of drug use in Wrexham bus station (please see blog post ‘Normal service Resumed – News Round-Up, March 8 2017’). Both I and a reader of this blog wondered why such a huge amount of Government cash continues to find its way into the coffers of CAIS, the Third Sector organisation that is now picking up lucrative contracts for providing ‘substance abuse services’, if, after decades of ‘services’ from CAIS, there is a growing drugs problem in north Wales. Since writing yesterday’s post, I discovered the following report on the BBC News Wales website http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-north-east-wales-39178982

So Hugh Jones, ‘lead member for communities and partnership on Wrexham council’, admits that ‘there had been a significant increase in anti-social behaviour in the past two years’. Yet ‘we’re working in partnership with providers such as Cais and the Wallich to ensure people are directed towards recovery so we’re using both the law and the service providers to tackle the problem’. So Wrexham Council has a ‘partnership’ with CAIS – although the drug problem and the (presumably associated) anti-social behaviour problem is increasing. As the Tories once said about Labour, CAIS isn’t working. So why did Wrexham Council work very hard to ensure that CAIS were also given the contract to provide ‘service user/carer involvement’ for the whole of north Wales then, if they’ve completely failed to deliver on substance abuse services after decades of touting themselves about as ‘experts’ in this field? (Please see previous blog post ‘The Story Behind £1.5 Million’ for an account of the extraordinary procurement process which resulted in CAIS being awarded the contract for service user/carer involvement.)

Yesterday’s blog post also mentioned that Anglesey children’s services have been the subject of yet another damning inspection report. I forgot to mention that the father of a girl with learning disabilities from Anglesey came forward to talk to the Daily Post about the abusive behaviour that she had been subjected to whilst in the ‘care’ of Anglesey children’s services, after they had placed her in a residential school in Holywell, Flintshire. Whilst searching for the story for this post, I came across the original BBC News Wales report at the time of the incident http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-north-east-wales-18458803

So a girl of 12 with learning disabilities was locked in a bathroom at night – although Kinsale School, where this had happened, had recently been given the ‘highest accolade’ from Estyn and was awarded Autism Accredited status from the National Autistic Society. I note that two staff were suspended, that Anglesey Council described the allegations as ‘very serious’ and Anglesey Chief Exec Richard Parry Jones maintained that ‘the safeguarding of Anglesey children is our highest priority at all times’. An investigation was launched – and in 2014 North Wales Police reported that they undertook an investigation which involved social services and that no action was taken against either the school or any staff member. I note that the girl who was at the centre of this incident was unable to talk. So with her dad being miles away on Anglesey – who wasn’t even told about the incident when it happened – and her being only 12 years old, with learning difficulties, unable to talk and stuck in a residential school, I doubt that Kinsale School, Anglesey Council and the social services had to work very hard to ensure that no action was taken against any of them. Two and a half years later Anglesey children’s services are now mired in yet another scandal. It’s great being ‘safeguarded’ isn’t it.

Lastly, an almighty row has broken out over Hywel Williams’s pet project, the monstrosity of the prison in Wrexham, HMP Berwyn, that was opened a few days ago http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-wales-39208633

A wing has been named Bala and a big notice has been erected in the prison saying ‘Croeso I Bala’, with a picture of Llyn Tegid. The residents of Bala are not happy because they were not consulted and do not want part of a prison named after their town. Furthermore, one of the women from Bala went to Ysgol Berwyn in Bala and is sufficiently outraged to have started a petition to change the name of the wing and is calling for a meeting with Liz Saville Roberts MP. In response an MoJ spokesperson said that ‘the name was chosen to reflect the culture of the area’. The culture of the area?? Crime?? How much crime is there exactly in the Berwyn Mountains or in Bala? Although of course in the wider north Wales region there has been an awful lot of crime committed by people involved in ‘delivering’ the mental health services over the last thirty years – a lot of people have quipped that it should be them inside that prison, although I don’t think Hywel envisaged that when he begged for a prison in north Wales…