Behind The Scenes With Lord Wigley and Those Perfect Slaves

Some days ago I meant to let readers know of a Forthcoming Event, precisely a Public Lecture by Dafydd Wigley, MP for Caernarfon, 1974-2001; AM for Caernarfon, 1999-2003; Leader of Plaid Cymru, 1981-84 and 1991-2000. I saw an advert for Lord Wigley’s lecture in the Daily Post; it was an impressive advert, the best part of half a page, accompanied by a big pic of a smiling Lord Wigley. Image result for Dafydd WigleyUnfortunately I have so much reading to do and so much to follow up with this blog that I am having to forego many opportunities for taking the piss out of those we know and love and thus I didn’t advertise Lord W’s lecture on this blog as I intended.

I’ve seized the opportunity now, because Lord Wigley’s column in the Daily Post today is a plug for his Public Lecture, which he is giving tonight at 7 pm at the Llanberis Slate Museum. I note that entry is free, but by ticket only; I wonder why, does Lord Wigley fear that I might arrive unannounced?

I don’t mind if Lord Wigley gives a Public Lecture, I’ve been to two lectures given by Lord Wigley myself in the past, I enjoyed them and saw no reason to be rude or disrespectful. However, as with a few other recent events, I’ve been told that Lord W’s Public Lecture is part of the Fightback against this blog.

Lord Wigley’s column in today’s Daily Post tells us that he ‘will recall the fight for the compensation for slate quarrymen disabled by silicosis’. Lord W explains that his lecture is in the context of this year marking the 150th anniversary of Dinorwig Quarry’s Gilfach Ddu buildings, which ‘houses the outstanding Slate Museum’ and Gwynedd County Council’s bid to secure World Heritage Status for the Slate Landscape of North West Wales, which has gained UK Gov’t support; Westminster Ministers Helen Whatley and David Davies have offered their support for the bid.

Lord Wigley emphasises in his column today how hard he worked to fight for Gwynedd quarrymen to be compensated re the lung diseases that so many of them developed from their work. The Gwynedd quarrymen’s cause was certainly not as well-known or supported as the case for the compensating of the miners in south Wales who developed lung conditions. There were far fewer Gwynedd quarrymen than coal miners and Gwynedd is a rural sparsely populated region; furthermore the Labour votes of the south Wales valleys for many years were essential to keeping numerous Labour MPs in the Commons and underpinned the post-WW II Labour Gov’ts to a substantial degree.

If Labour lost south Wales they’d had it, which was one reason why the dreadful conduct of Westminster Molester George Thomas was tolerated and concealed by many Labour figuresSee the source image in south Wales who loathed him.

Of course there’d have been the domino effect if George Thomas’s serial sexual assaults on boys as young as 10 ever had become public knowledge; a great many people outside the Labour Party as well as outside politics completely would have fallen as well, but the rock-solid Labour vote in so much of south Wales which held up long after Labour was a busted flush in other parts of Britain was a major factor that made Thomas untouchable, no matter how often he offended and upset other people. I am very rude about a lot of people on this blog, but I have always acknowledged that most people really do not hold with sexually assaulting children and killing witnesses, even politicians. People certainly did not like what George Thomas, Gwynne, Dafydd Alun Jones et al were doing; I am not angry with those who colluded because I think that for one moment they liked that crew, but because those who colluded were weak, opportunistic and made the lives of people like me very difficult because we had dared complain…

It is true, as Dafydd Wigley tells us in the Daily Post today, that he did fight for the Gwynedd quarrymen to be compensated. However, what Lord W didn’t say, although I have discussed it in previous posts, is that his Brave Fight went rather quiet for a long while – I acknowledge that it was a difficult battle, Gwynedd per se was marginalised, Dafydd Wigley was marginalised in Parliament as all Plaid politicians were, it wasn’t easy for Wigley – and was only resurrected and then rewarded with PR and a bit more success in the 1990s after Dafydd Wigley quietly dropped any interest that he had previously shown in what was happening to me and to F at the hands of the Gang…

I suspected ages ago that a Deal had been done and then I received info via the blog. Once more I’ve been a bit slow; I thought that Lord W just had to keep quiet about me and people like me because of the numerous ramifications and the absolute necessity not to admit that there was serious criminality rampant in the NHS in north Wales. No, there’s A Clue in Lord W’s Daily Post column! It was because MEDICAL EVIDENCE was needed for the quarrymen’s compensation claim! The Top Docs complete co-operation was needed, they absolutely could not have their pints spilt by anyone for any reason.See the source image

Previous posts eg. ‘Successful Surgery On George VI!’ and ‘International Finance, With Thanks To Gwynne’ discussed Prof Jethro Gough from the Welsh National School of Medicine – George Thomas Central – who was one of the senior academics/Top Docs at Cardiff facilitating the organised abuse that spiralled out across so much of the UK and even into other nations, as well of course as propping up Gwynne and Dafydd’s empire. See the source imageJethro built his reputation on his Expertise in the industrial diseases of coal mining and Jethro bagged accolades and awards for this. See the source imageJethro was one of the Experts who helped the coal miners secure compensation when the Gwynedd quarrymen were being ignored.

Previous posts have discussed how in spite of Jethro’s efforts, there was little Expertise or indeed sympathy for the coal miners of south Wales and their Health Problems. One of Jethro’s fellow Experts at Cardiff even conducted research as to why the health of those in mining communities in the valleys was so much worse than those communities who lived in the Vale of Glamorgan; he concluded that the difference was in the psychological orientation of the two communities towards health. The ex-miners in the valleys coughing their lungs up and full of aches, pains and disabilities from former physical injuries were in that state because of, it was argued, psychosomatic reasons. Whereas those who lived in the Vale of Glamorgan, a far wealthier rural area, with lush countryside and some very desirable residences as well, had such a very much more positive outlook re Health that it Manifested Itself Physically.

Residents of the a south Wales coal mining community who just never stopped moaning:

Residents of the Vale of Glamorgan:

Sister Hutt, LSE alumnus, former social worker, Wimmin’s Champ, AM for the Vale of Glamorgan since May 1999:

See the source image

Professor Sir William Asscher, Top Doc and Dean of St George’s Medical School, 1988-96, after some 20 Years Of Service as a Top Doc in Cardiff:See the source image

My look at the difference! Sister Hutt and Sir William aren’t bringing out their dead!Image result for eat your five a day images

Who was the Top Doc who elucidated the reasons for the difference in Health Outcomes between south Wales valleys mining communities and the professional classes of the Vale of Glamorgan? It was Prof Kenneth Rawnsley, appointed as Chair of Psychological Medicine at the Welsh National School of Medicine in 1964. Kenneth was responsible for Upholding Standards of Care, Treatment and Training in psychiatry across the whole of Wales and cheerfully reassured the world throughout Ken’s time at Cardiff that Gwynne and Dafydd were doing such a great job up in the Denbigh Dungeon that the institution was suitable to Train Top Docs and Angels. Ken Rawnsley was President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1981-84, while Gwynne the Royal Lobotomist sat in the UCNW Student Health Centre and when the Gwynne Row erupted after I complained about him.

Ken Rawnsley’s wife was child psychiatrist Dr Elinor Kapp who worked in south and mid-Wales. Elinor was a founding Trustee of the George Thomas Society – now known as City Hospice, the name George Thomas no longer being a crowd-pleaser – one of George’s medical charidees. See previous posts.

One of Ken Rawnsley’s students who then worked for Ken as a junior doc in south Wales was Tony Francis. Tony Francis was a big fan of Dafydd Wigley and sung his praises to F and I. Tony was also passing on confidential documents about me – including inaccurate and forged documentation – to the Windbag’s office (Tony Francis had known the Windbag when Tony was a student in Cardiff) and the documentation was shared among many. Even if the many pretended to believe the contents, the many were fully aware of what Gwynne and the Gang were doing and why War had been declared on me. I’m not sure that so many realised that F had also been targeted because he had refused to keep quiet about the abuse of kids in care, police corruption and other serious matters, but even so people did know that much of what had happened to F was the handiwork of the criminality of the Gang’s Well Respected Men.Dr Dafydd Alun JonesImage result for chief constable philip myers imagesSee the source image

Kenneth Rawnsley had also been Head of the MRC Social Psychiatry Unit in south Wales. That Unit was associated with the MRC Pneumoconiosis Unit in south Wales. Both Units had grown from the staff of the Maudsley. Most members of the Units teams were laughable, except for Archie Cochrane who was a good scientist and understood robust research. As far as I can work out, Cochrane himself undertook high quality work, but his colleagues didn’t, including Rawnsley. Archie Cochrane became famous and revered and thus many hitched a lift on Cochrane’s reputation including Rawnsley.

Archie might have been a little too much of a robust enquiring scientist than many felt comfortable with. One of Archie’s pieces of research demonstrated that in south Wales, the mortality rates among younger adults actually decreased when the number of Top Docs in the area fell; for some reason, having Top Docs around was killing younger adults in south Wales. The work was never followed up. In the same vein, on Anglesey in the earlier decades of the 20th century, mortality rates of babies rose in the villages that were served by a midwife…  No-one dared dig deeper.

One of Archie’s MRC Units originals from south Wales years later found fame and fortune just as I was in the middle of much bad PR re my Mad and Dangerous ways; in Dec 1990 Archie’s former colleague published a Discovery in the field of Gastric Cancer Research, along with colleagues from Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University. The Discovery was such that it received high profile coverage on the BBC and on a global basis. Days later a much lower profile press release was issued explaining that ‘shortcomings’ in the research had been identified and the Discovery wasn’t quite such a Discovery after all. The ‘shortcomings’ in the research included a sample size of THREE for the control and the presence of some of the subjects in the study suffering from cancers other than gastric cancer. One of the authors of the paper was an elderly agricultural scientist who’s Expertise had been his research into cancer in pigs some 20 years previously.

How that journal article ever got past the peer reviewers I do not know. However, when I looked closely at the dates re the article being received, reviewed, returned for amendments etc, I suspected that, like Bodger and Malcolm Pearce’s big research fraud in 1994 at St George’s (see eg. ‘Now Then…’), it was a rigged process from start to finish and there was no peer review etc. The Editor of the journal was I suspect in on the scam and any old shite was submitted, safe in the knowledge that it would be published. The dummies who wrote the article were so clueless that it didn’t occur to them that within hours of publication someone who wasn’t a fraudster would read it and respond with

The authors of the daft article were colleagues/friends of Dafydd’s as well as known to Rawnsley; two of them remained at Bangor University for years afterwards, one teaching stats in the Dept of Psychology and one as Head of the Clinical Trials Unit at Bangor. In recent years they have established their own Scientific Consultancy.

The biggest mystery for me was that Sir Richard Doll no less was cited in the joke paper as having provided guidance on the research. Then I found out that Richard Doll had links with some of Archie’s old muckers and the Need To Shaft Sally Baker who had recently been working with some of Sir Richard’s Big Chums In Cancer Research and had witnessed what they had been doing was such that Sir Richard was be happy to help. Richard Doll has been involved in controversies himself – mainly over conflicts of interest – but surely when Sir Richard was carrying out his ground-breaking work on tobacco smoking and lung cancer, he didn’t rely on a sample of THREE?? I presume that Doll’s research participants all had lung cancer as well, rather than wandering wombs or other ailments as diagnosed by Dafydd et al…

See post ‘They Think It’s All Over – It Is Now’ for details of the Gastric Cancer Discovery that wasn’t and other posts for info on Archie Cochrane, Richard Doll et al. The Gastric Cancer Discovery was published in Dec 1990, the month in which I decided that most of Bodger’s crowd at St George’s were so crazy, dishonest and unpleasant that I really didn’t want to work with them any longer. In Dec 1990, the Drs Francis had me arrested, in London, after they perjured themselves yet again. I was transported back to Gwynedd by the police, charged with serious offences, appeared before Caernarfon Magistrates Court and was bailed to live in London until my next Court appearance. I was admitted to Springfield Hospital in Jan 1991 and was forced out of my job at St George’s. See eg. ‘The Price Is Right’ for details, including for extracts of the most incriminating documentation compiled by the Gang and their accomplices at St George’s, Springfield and Wandsworth Social services themselves.

What I want to flag up here is that Thatch was forced out as PM on 28 Nov 1990 by a group of disillusioned Tories led by Douglas Hurd, Heseltine and Geoffrey Howe who were ably assisted by Bodger and the Top Docs, particularly big wigs in the BMA with Dr John Marks leading the charge. The Drs Francis demanded my arrest and perjured themselves days after John Major became PM.

It is clear from my documentation that what was supposed to have happened was that once Thatch had been deposed, I was supposed to have ended up in prison or a secure psych unit and those on the ground in Bangor who didn’t have the status of Bodger et al were going to be constructed as Excellent Scientists as well…

After I had previously blogged quite extensively about research fraud in cancer research, Catrin Finch – who has held the position as Carlo’s Royal Harpist and doubles up as Lord Wigley’s daughter-in-law – tweeted the news that she had recently finished a course of treatment for cancer and Ah the Doctors they were wonderful and she was Now In The Clear. Catrin is still quite young and it is unfortunate that she developed cancer, but the Yah Boo Sucks bit to the blog was silly; Catrin is an excellent harpist but she knows nothing about oncology and she does not know how Excellent or otherwise her Treatment was. She’d know if the staff were friendly and chatty or whether they were rude, hostile and callous, but Catrin has no idea if the diagnostic tests were carried out as appropriate, no idea whether the test results were interpreted correctly, no idea if she received the best treatment regimes and no idea if she had been given misleading info because her clinicians weren’t up to scratch themselves or whether they had actively lied to her. Furthermore, Catrin does not know whether she is now In The Clear, the Clear is not established re the sort of cancer that Catrin developed until several years have passed.

Catrin does know how to play the harp however:See the source image

Catrin has know the Wigleys for years, her harp tutor when she was a girl was Lord Wigley’s wife, Gordon Bennett:

 

Prior to joining George Thomas’s friends at the Welsh National School of Medicine, Ken Rawnsley was based at Manchester University and was one of a large team who were er concealing the criminality of Gwynne and Dafydd. Ken went back even further with the Gang; Ken Trained at Manchester University and as a junior doc worked for Lord Robert Platt, a Giant Of Medicine who was deeply contemptuous of psychiatrists – although his wife was one – and advised all able students and junior docs never to take up psychiatry. However Lord Platt was happy to conceal the crimes of Gwynne et al. See the source imageLord Platt was not from a medical family, the Platts were Bohemian, Cultured and Arty; they were big wigs in Opera, Classical Music and Theatre and Lord Platt’s son became a Prof of Music in Oz. See previous posts.See the source image

After Training and junior posts in Manchester, Ken Rawnsley worked at the Maudsley, where Dafydd Alun Jones himself would soon Train; at the time the Maudsley was peopled by some splendidly mad Top Docs such as the violent and crazed Sir Aubrey Lewis and Top Docs who had close links to some of the Nazi Top Docs. Ken then returned to Manchester to work with the old crowd…

For an account of the small, mad circle of dangerous docs who migrated between the major hubs of psychiatry in the UK, who all knew each other and colluded with/assisted Gwynne and Dafydd, see eg. ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection’, ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’, ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy…’ and ‘The Case Of The King’s Sperm’.

Dafydd Wigley studied at Manchester University. I have no idea if Lord Wigley knew Rawnsley and his chums at Manchester but Manchester University was choc a block with people who weren’t Top Docs but nonetheless were colluding with Gwynne and Dafydd et al. There were friends of Bertrand Russell/Sir Clough/the Croesor contingent working at Manchester at the time as discussed in ‘Vested Interests Or Common Pool?’ One of Russell’s friends at Manchester was the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett who in 1964 published a famous community study of Cwm Croesor, ‘A North Wales Village’. Isabel published other very interesting pieces, such as one about youth culture in Blaenau Ffestiniog in the 1960s. She was a very good social scientist, Isabel would not have missed the excesses of Gwynne and Dafydd but she never mentioned it although there is a passing reference in her work to certain doctors and lawyers in north Wales of whom people lived in fear and who were so powerful that people would be ruined if they ever crossed them.

Isabel spent much time in Cwm Croesor and even married a local man from Croesor who was friends with the Welsh Speaking Social Worker, appointed in the late 1960s to Protect Patients’ Rights in the wake of concern that if English speaking social workers assessed first language Welsh speakers, patients would not be given a fair assessment and might be banged up in Denbigh when they should not have been.

This is a salient point, but a number of things were left unsaid by the (substantially) Plaid campaigners who pushed for the appointment of the Welsh Speaking Social Worker. Including: Gwynne and Dafydd both spoke Welsh fluently and routinely illegally incarcerated people so the presence of a Welsh Speaking Social Worker was neither here nor there. The Welsh Speaking Social Worker took orders from Gwynne and Dafydd; he had no clout at all. The loudest voice in psychiatry on a UK basis and in medicine in north Wales at that time with regard to Welsh Language Rights was one Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Dafydd Alun Jones had stood as the Plaid candidate for Denbigh in two General Elections, 1959 and 1964. Dafydd Wigley was touting himself around as a Plaid candidate at a similar time, as indeed was Ioan Bowen Rees, CEO of Gwynedd County Council, 1980-91, during Peak Paedophilia. Ioan served as an adviser to one Dafydd Wigley MP.

For further details on the farce that was the Welsh Speaking Social Worker who was going to Protect Patients’ Rights, see eg. ‘Theatre Of The Absurd’.

The Welsh Speaking Social Worker I’m fairly sure was (Thomas) Merfyn Hughes, who lived in Croesor and, shortly after he retired, was found dead in someone else’s garden near Croesor, in Nov 2010. Merfyn’s body had lain undiscovered for many hours because it was hidden from view behind a shed/greenhouse. Merfyn’s Inquest was one of the best that Caernarfon had ever seen, even by the standards of Coroner Dewi Pritchard Jones. Dewi concluded that Merfyn had been walking home from the Brondanw Arms drunk in the early hours, had fallen down a steep embankment into the other person’s garden, had decided to have 40 winks in the garden and then froze to death. Before presumably hiding his body.

See post ‘A Particularly Worrying Death’ for the details of Thomas Merfyn Hughes’ demise.

I encountered Merfyn Hughes in 2005. He was at the time Gwynedd County Council’s Senior Manager for the psychopaths and thugs of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who had not only over many years repeatedly perjured themselves in Court in attempts to have me imprisoned, assaulted me, lied constantly to and about me, but although they had always refused to have me as a Client – not that I had ever requested their Services- had accumulated a File On Me that they refused to Share with me. So I contacted Merfyn Hughes, who pissed me off by calling me a Service User, but to be fair to Merfyn when the thugs and perjurers of the Arfon CMHT refused to give my file to him, he went to their office and physically removed it from them.

Merfyn then sent me a copy and what a treasure trove it was. The Arfon Team had acquired copies of EVERY INTERACTION that I’d ever had with any Top Doc and not just psychiatrists; there were copies of blood test results in there, info about the few medical consultations that I’d had for non-mental health matters, the lot. There was press clippings about me, info about my Criminal Nature, info about my education, my career and even my future career plans, info about my friends and even family members in Somerset including those with whom I wasn’t in touch. No-one ever managed to explain what any of this was doing in the possession of the Arfon CMHT.

One Croesor resident who was friendly with Thomas Merfyn Hughes was Gio Bloor. She had been married to a surgeon in Manchester; her second home at Croesor had been acquired from her father, Lord Patrick Blackett, a Nobel winning mathematician who was Of Bertrand Russell, Gwynne and Dafydd. See eg. ‘The Two Cultures Of Organised Abuse’.

I have no idea how Gio Bloor felt about the Gang, I did meet her but I let her lead the interview. I was later told ‘Ooh you do know WHO she is??’ Of course I did, but I can’t assume that Gio Bloor or even her surgeon husband were Of The Gang, they might have hated Gwynne, Dafydd, Lord Platt et al, I have no idea. I have heard that she died recently….

This is why I don’t assume that people are Of The Gang unless I have very obvious evidence pointing to that. What I do know is that a lot of people were and are very frightened of them. So can dissenters stop telling me to make assumptions about people when I have insufficient evidence?

Thomas Merfyn Hughes had political ambitions himself and in 1979 stood as the Labour Party candidate for Lord Wigley’s own constituency. Mr Hughes subsequently Crossed The Floor, because when he was found dead in someone else’s garden what everyone knew about him was that he had been Elfyn Llwyd’s electoral agent. Llwyd was the Plaid MP for Dwyfor Meirionydd (the constituency that included Cwm Croesor), 9 April 1992 – 30 March 2015. Llwyd is a barrister who is widely spoken of as being a crook. Elfyn was President of Gwynedd Law Society, 1990-91. Elfyn Llwyd’s wife is a Welsh folkie, as of course is Dafydd Iwan, for years the Leader of Gwynedd County Council. Dafydd Iwan’s brother Alun Ffred also served as Leader of Gwynedd CC as well as the Plaid AM for Caernarfon, 1 May 2003-3 May 2007 and Arfon, 3 May 2007-4 April 2016.

Dafydd Wigley’s Daily Post article mentions that a successful coalminers case in 1967 led ‘to the 1975 compensation agreement between the Unions, the Coal Board and the Government. Successful court cases were fought for quarrymen by Bangor solicitor Sir Elwyn Jones, on behalf of the Unions.’

Sir Elwyn was a bundle of laughs, he has starred on the blog previously and is not to be confused with Elwyn Jones who became Lord Elwyn-Jones, Lord Chancellor, 1974-79 and People Trafficker In Chief. Sir Elwyn served briefly as the Labour MP for Conwy, 1950-51, the seat later occupied for decades by Lord Wyn Roberts. Sir Elwyn was, like Lord Elwyn-Jones, a crooked lawyer who was on board with the Gang, but a smaller fish. Sir Elwyn was the son of Calvinist Methodists who were living in Bootle when he was born. Sir Elwyn attended Bootle Secondary School, Ffestiniog Grammar School, UCNW and then London University.

Sir Elwyn qualified as a solicitor in 1927, was appointed Clerk to the Bangor Magistrates in 1934 and served as Town Clerk of Bangor, 1939-69.  Elwyn Jones was a member of the Caernarfonshire County Council, 1945-69. He served as a member of the National Parks Commission, 1966-68 and of the Countryside Commission for Wales, 1968-71 and was a member of the Court and Council of UCNW, Bangor from 1943.  Sir Elwyn served as Treasurer of UCNW from 1970 and then as Vice-President, 1977-82.

Sir Elwyn stood as the Labour candidate for Caernarfonshire in 1931 and 1935 and Caernarfon District of Boroughs in 1945, before securing election as the Labour MP for Conway in 1950. He was subsequently defeated in 1951 and 1955. Elwyn was knighted in 1978 and died on 4 July 1989.

A few observations: Sir Elwyn spent his entire life in the bosom of the Gang. When he was a Labour MP, Attlee was PM; Sir Elwyn knew Lord Gnome,Image result for William Piercy, 1st Baron Piercy my distant relative by marriage and indeed Lord Gnome’s emissaries. See ‘Lord Gnome, My Distant Relative By Marriage’. Sir Elwyn died when I was working at St George’s, some three/four weeks after Tony Francis had set out on his first Cunning Plan to rig a Secret Case Conference – held by someone of whom I had never heard, taking evidence from people of whom I had never heard in order to have me declared Dangerous and Insane and banged up. The first that I knew of any of this was some four years ago when I acquired the documentation. See ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’. Just days after Sir Elwyn’s death in July 1989, Gang associates Prof Robert Owen, Prof Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry covered up the Gang’s criminality when they ‘investigated’ my complaint. Robert Owen came from Pwhelli, lived in Colwyn Bay and spent years working as an orthopaedic surgeon in north Wales until he took up the Chair of Orthopaedic Surgery in Liverpool. Dafydd Wigley knew Robert Owen.

The Plaid MP who succeeded Dafydd Wigley in Wigley’s Westminster seat, Hywel Williams, See the source image comes from Pwllheli and is a former psychiatric social worker. Indeed Hywel is a Welsh Speaking Social Worker who is not that much younger than THE Welsh Speaking Social Worker; Hywel, a psychology graduate of Cardiff University, worked with Gwynne, Dafydd et al. Empowered Service Users loathe Hywel as an MP because not only did Hywel ignore the abuses which his former colleagues inflicted upon the Empowered ones, but Hywel also attended the jollies of the thugs and perjurers of the Arfon CMHT and was always happy to praise their work, share platforms with/be photographed with them. Comments of ‘What chance do we have when the local MP is friends with them?’ were common.

I’m gobsmacked that Hywel has got away with it; his work Helping People dates back to Gwynne the Lobotomist, it’s not as if Hywel can ever pretend that he was all about Talking Treatments and Mindfulness…See the source image

Sir Elwyn was Vice-President of UNCW when Gwynne was sitting in the Student Heath Centre, when UCNW was a vehicle for the trafficking ring. Sir Elwyn’s fellow Vice-President was O.V. Jones, a Bangor-based Consultant Obs and Gynae, who’s hands were covered in so much blood there won’t have been any skin visible: women denied NHS terminations for any reason yet illegal abortions on demand in return for payment, newborns abducted at birth in collusion with Dafydd et al and not just from teenagers or Unmarried Mothers, sexual assaults on patients, kids in care trafficked, it was one big laugh with Respected Top Doc O.V.See the source image

However O.V. was Supportive of Rebel UCNW students who were protesting over Welsh Language issues during the 1970s and were facing disciplinary action; one protest was led by Language Activist Dafydd Iwan, although he wasn’t a UCNW student. See eg. ‘Meet The Gwerin!’

Sir Elwyn was a small fish in comparison to Lord Elwyn-Jones, but a big enough fish in Gwynedd to be a pain in the butt and his son, also a bent solicitor called Elwyn Jones, inherited his dad’s solicitor’s firm as well as his dad’s Duties In The Community such as a place on the governing body of UNCW, the job of Treasurer of UCNW and I have been told, the instruction to Get Me.

Sir Elwyn was well-acquainted with Sir Idwal Pugh, the corrupt Civil Service mandarin who was of the Gang and served George Thomas at the Welsh Office before moving onto to serve the Gang’s City slicker Peter Walker when Walker was Grocer Heath’s Environment Secretary, before Idwal bagged the role of Parliamentary Ombudsman/Commissioner for Health Services, 1 April 1976-31 December 1978, under Sunny Jim as the Gang were busy Growing The Business. In retirement Idwal, a Calvinistic Methodist, See the source imagejoined Peter Walker and the biggest City slicker of all behind the Gang, Tiny Rowland, in a Career In Finance. Idwal was, among other things, Chairman of the Halifax and I have been told that Idwal was the cause of the Halifax suddenly withdrawing their offer of a mortgage that they had made me, thus preventing me from moving to the Isle of Ling when I had finally had enough of the Gang. Idwal was an alumni of St John’s College, Oxford, as was Tiny’s old mate and business partner Edward du Cann. See eg. ‘The Naked Civil Servants’ for info on Idwal Pugh.

Sir Elwyn’s son (Huw) Elwyn Jones died in 2009 and the Tribute that appeared on the Bangor University website was penned by His Honour Eifion Roberts QC DL, bent old judge of Gray’s Inn – the Inn of which so many of the Gang’s Big Mates were members, including Lord Elwyn-Jones and Sir William Mars-Jones – and the brother of Lord Wyn See the source imageRoberts:

‘Huw Elwyn Jones’ untimely death was deeply felt, not least at the University which he had served so loyally as a member of Council and, over the last decade of his life, as its Treasurer. A distinguished solicitor, a former President of The Gwynedd Law Society and a deputy District Judge, he was highly respected in the legal circles of North Wales and beyond. See the source imageAlways approachable, charming and good-humoured, he had an excellent rapport with everybody. His knowledge of Bangor, gained in legal practice over many years, was quite unequalled. The governance of the University benefited greatly from his able and informed contributions in debate. Being an accomplished advocate, he presented the annual accounts before Council and the Court with lucidity and gave a balanced interpretation of his own in the interests of the less financially literate among us. Close to his heart was the establishment of the new Law School. He watched its progress with pride and was always available to give advice and encouragement. Both Huw and Anna were pillars of the musical and artistic life of Bangor and ensured that a warm welcome awaited all who attended concerts at P.J. Huw is sadly missed by all his friends and colleagues. We extend our sincere sympathy to Anna and the family.’

The enormous problems at Bangor University’s School of Law from its very beginnings have been discussed in previous posts; the main problem being that again and again it was found that law students on the course had previous convictions for serious offences or had been arrested. It was a complete embarrassment, there were some five or so law students at Bangor who were jailed within the space of some four years. Everyone knew what the root was: the School of Law had been established by the bent lawyers of Wales who were Of The Gang and the children of their friends were bagging places on the law degree at Bangor, no matter how poor their academic record. Neither was anyone checking their previous criminal records. Then there was the flagrant rigging of the exam results that so angered academics at Bangor with standards. In one year, the PVC for Learning and Teaching, Prof Colin Baker – who’s wife Susan worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd so Colin Knew All About Me! – ordered that 30% should be routinely added to EVERY exam script from the Law School. Why? Because the results were so poor that most of the cohort would have failed if that had not have been done.

The Legal Beagle who was the first Head and Prof of Bangor Law School was Thomas Glyn Watkin.

The Reverend Professor Thomas Glyn Watkin QC (born 1952) is a Welsh lawyer and the first person to be appointed to the post of First Legislative Counsel to the Welsh Government,  taking up his post in April 2007. Working within the Office of the Legislative Counsel, part of the Welsh Govt, Professor Watkin had responsibility for the drafting of the Welsh Govt’s legislative programme following the implementation of the Government of Wales Act 2006.

Thomas Glyn Watkin was born in the village of Cwmparc in the Rhondda in 1952. He studied Law at Pembroke College, Oxford (1971-1974). Watkin obtained the degrees of BA (1974), BCL (1975) and MA (1977) from the University of Oxford and was called to the Bar by the Middle Temple (1976).See the source image

From 1975 until 2004, Watkin was successively Lecturer, Senior Lecturer, Reader and Professor in the Law School at the University of Wales, Cardiff, as well as acting as Legal Assistant to the Governing Body of the Church in Wales, 1981-98. He was appointed foundation Professor of Law at the University of Wales, Bangor in 2004.

Professor Watkin is a Council member of the Selden Society, Secretary and Treasurer of the Welsh Legal History Society and a member of the editorial board of the Journal of Legal History. Watkin was elected to the Academy of Private Lawyers of Milan and Pavia in 2002 See the source imageand is an ordained priest in the Church in Wales.

In 2019 Professor Watkin was appointed as Queen’s Counsel honoris causa. Upon his appointment the Lord Chancellor, David Gauke MP, referred to Professor Watkin’s role as the Welsh Government’s “…first principal Legislative Draftsman”, noting that he was “involved centrally in establishing and building the legislative drafting capacity of the Welsh Government – in both English and Welsh – in the initial years of primary legislative devolution for Wales”.

Watkin’s principal publications include The Nature of Law (1980), The Italian Legal Tradition (1998) and An Historical Introduction to Modern Civil Law (1999), and, as editor, Legal Record and Historical Reality (1989), The Europeanization of Law (1997), Legal Wales: Its Past; Its Future (2001), The Trial of Dic Penderyn and Other Essays (2003) and Y Cyfraniad Cymreig (2005). His book, Wales: An Introduction to its Legal History, was published in the autumn of 2005.

The admissions tutor who was so understanding when receiving applications from the children of his friends with criminal convictions and bugger all academic potential was the Buffet Slayer aka Aled Griffiths. See eg. ‘Are You Local?’ and ‘Local Accessories’ for details of the Slayer.

Briefly: the Slayer had graduated from UCNW in the late 1960s/early 1970s and had served as President of the Students Union there. The Slayer’s sister Gwenan Carrington was Director of Gwynedd Social Services; his wife Joanna Griffiths was Director of Conwy Social Services; his twin brother Huw was a grossly incompetent solicitor who used to work in Gwynedd back in the 1980s/early 90s and sit in the Courts – along with (Huw) Elwyn Jones and the Right Honourable David Jones MP – watching me and others being fitted up by the Gang. The Slayer’s dad had been a Nonconformist Minister on Anglesey in Gwynne’s era and Quite Someone. Us sociologists used to enjoy our discussions re the phenomenon of the Anglesey Big Man who’s children were utterly incompetent and dishonest but still felt entitled to the best jobs in the region.

The Slayer was the Dafydd Alun Jones of Bangor University, he just had no understanding of notions such as conflict of interest, nepotism, unprofessional conduct etc. Again and again colleagues would discover something utterly dreadful that the Slayer had done and new members of staff couldn’t understand why the Slayer’s response to their challenge would be to simply bluster at and bully them. ‘Doesn’t he understand what he has DONE??’ No, he didn’t. The Slayer grew up in Gwynne and Dafydd’s world, he had no idea of how he should have been behaving. His longstanding family friends See the source imagewere sitting on the Council of Bangor University,Image result for peter higson images in the County Councils of Wales, See the source image in Healthcare Dr Dafydd Alun Jones or indeed in the Welsh Assembly See the source image and Westminster. See the source imageThe Slayer’s role at Bangor was to train to the next generation of bent lawyers for the Gang. Things were so gross that it backfired; by 2010, such was the stench around Bangor Law School that the law grads found it very hard getting jobs, even, ironically, with Gang-friendly firms. The Slayer didn’t care that the entire University viewed him as a provincial crook but he didn’t realise that his proteges needed to be able to pass themselves of as competent law grads and most of them couldn’t. As with the social work degree, there were good students on the law degree, but guess which students in the School of Law encountered hostility and unpleasantness from the Slayer et al? See previous posts…

 

Sir Elwyn Jones was occupying High Office in UCNW when Dafydd had Mary Wynch, a secretary in the Agri Dept at UCNW, wrongfully arrested and unlawfully imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital for a year. No-one at all at UCNW showed any interest in Mary’s plight, not when she made legal history in 1985 when she won her Appeal before the Master of the Rolls and the Gang fessed up that they had been as guilty as buggery, not when she received coverage in the press and not when Mary was the subject of a TV documentary on 5 March, 1991, questioning why no-one at all would defend Mary Wynch although she had made legal history by winning a case against Top Docs only to encounter yet more law breaking from professional associates of those Top Docs…

Readers may remember that it was (Huw) Elwyn Jones who acted for the Predators who fleeced F, left F destitute in Dec 1992, then made fallacious allegations about him to ensure that he was denied all access to his own young baby, the baby being placed by Gwynedd Social Services with the Predators, of whom two were known child abusers.

None of this was a secret; WPC Jo Bott, the Gwynedd Child Protection Officer, admitted that she knew about the two abusers and her response was to threaten me should I be thinking of Harassing Them. Not that I had or ever even attempted to Harass Them, instead I paid roughly £1000 of bills that they had unlawfully run up in F’s name; it was Elwyn Jones who advised them to send the bills to F and me, explaining to the Predators that the bills were in F’s name and thus he was legally responsible. Elwyn didn’t mention the unlawful use of F’s personal data but then Elwyn didn’t mention a friend of the Predators trying to intimidate me into giving them yet more money when she met me in Rachub High Street or the Predators wheeling F’s baby past our house at weekly intervals waving at us as they did so. Elwyn’s Last Stand was to advise the Predators that as F had no money left, they could apply to have money extracted from me for the upkeep of F’s baby…

Previous posts have discussed the other parties in on the conspiracy with (Huw) Elwyn and the Predators, including the Bethesda GPs, Arfon CMHT, North Wales Police, Hergest Unit, Dafydd Orwig (a Gwynedd County Councillor and retired lecturer from the Normal College, Bangor) and the North Wales Housing Association (new builds of choice were offered to a number of Predators in return for lying about F, the deal being brokered by Dafydd Orwig and Gwynedd Social Services).

Dafydd Orwig served on the old Caernarfonshire Council before Gwynedd CC came into being. Orwig tried his luck as a Plaid candidate in the Olden Days when Dafydd (Alun Jones), Dafydd Wigley, Ioan Bowen Rees and the other funsters were trying to get into the Commons. See ‘Thought For The Day’ for info on Orwig’s many activities.

(Huw) Elwyn Jones must have been as Passionately Committed to the Gang as everyone in the NHS is to Patient Care and Safety, because he worked really hard for the Predators, yet was an utterly hopeless solicitor. I used to see Elwyn when I was in Court; Elwyn was sort of chinless, with very dark hair and he’d sweep in pompously two minutes before his clients were about to be fitted up and imprisoned and he’d be wearing a rather naff suit and he’d flounce up to them with a sort of sneer and a brief nod and say ‘Are you OK then?’ and the poor buggers wouldn’t have time to disagree. Minutes later they’d be in Court with Elwyn utterly failing to defend their corner…

The minute that Elwyn’s last case had finished, he’d race out of the Court, braying at the other solicitors as he went ‘Well I’m off for a round of golf now’. Then it was to Bangor Golf Club, a Conspiring Place for the Gang, including the abusers of the NHS and Social Services. Empowered Service Users used to see Hard Working NHS Staff on Bangor Golf Course – which spread over Bangor mountain, behind the town and was criss-crossed with footpaths for Plebs – mid-afternoon, enjoying a round of golf when they were supposed to be On Duty. Didn’t we Slob Ingham of Arfon CMHT?

The Gang used golf clubs a great deal, they were as valuable for networking purposes as were rugby clubs; I presume that was why Mr Bridgy Celeb received invitations to Celeb Golf tournaments – among those he met were Tiger Woods and Frank Butcher of East Enders fame… See previous posts.

Jimmie McAlpine, one of Lord Alistair’s family  who lived in Denbighshire, served as President of Wrexham Golf Club, of which molesting police officer Gordon Anglesea was a member. Boys at Bryn Estyn were forced to work as caddies for Anglesea and his mates at Wrexham Golf Club. See eg. ‘Edinburgh Wears Prada’ for details of Jimmie and his extended family, one of whom was Archibald Douglas McAlpine, a high profile neurologist who knew Gwynne – who crossbred with the Lloyd Georges as well as other Gang families – and ‘The Cash Box’ for details of Jimmie’s son Bobby McAlpine, who became Chairman of the McAlpine Empire and has spent his life living in Shropshire.

I have discussed in previous posts how in the 1990s, there was a craze among some quite young schoolboys in Bangor for golf. I found out that Bangor Golf Club was heavily promoting Dads and Sons Golf Sessions, the wonderful thing being that once the boys – who were as young as nine or ten – had Got Used To It at the Golf Club, they could go up there on their own and the tired old dad could chill out at home safe in the knowledge that his son was in the company of the worst bunch of small-town crooks, cheats, liars and sex offenders that one could ever imagine.See the source image

How I laughed when I was told that most of the defence solicitors in Bangor were not punitive re Court sentencing, except for Elwyn Jones who was ‘a real hang em and flog em’. What they needed was a Short Sharp Shock.

Indeed many people received rather more than a Short Sharp Shock, they were in receipt of quite a few of them.

In those Happy Days, one of the solicitors who shared Elwyn Jones’s practice was the Right Honourable David Jones MP, since 2005 the Tory MP for Clwyd West:

Sir Elwyn Jones and son Chinless Elwyn – who inherited his residence from his dad – lived in style at Glyn Garth, on the Menai Strait, along the strip of land between Menai Bridge and Beaumaris known as Millionaires Row. Most of the residences on Millionaires Row were occupied by Gang leaders, usually NHS Top Docs or local solicitors like Elwyn, the bulk of whose work was funded by Legal Aid.

What with Elwyn having Passed Over in 2009, Elwyn can no longer let us know if he knew anything about the unfortunate death of Martin, the young man who lodged with the Predators in 1992-93, as the Cunning Plan re F unfolded. Gwynedd Social Services attempted to remove Martin’s little girl from his care and place her with her mum who had injured her within a few weeks of her birth, but as she couldn’t even be bothered to turn up for the custody hearing the abusers of Gwynedd had no choice but to award custody to Martin. Martin was found dead in the road near Bethesda during the Waterhouse Inquiry; his little girl was subsequently brought up by Martin’s parents…

I wonder if The Right Honourable David Jones knows anything about Martin’s death, being a colleague and pal of the late Elwyn?See the source image

The last that I saw of one of the Predators was when he was doing the Sounds for Arthur Scargill when Scargill came to speak at Bangor University in 2011. The Predator’s new wife – he’s had a few, including an Angel at Ysbyty Gwynedd – had stood as a candidate for Arthur’s eccentric Socialist Labour Party and was sharing a platform with Arthur. See the source image

Arthur was mates with Michael Mansfield and MM donated £1000 to Arthur’s Socialist Labour Party just after Arthur established it. I wrote to MM in 1993 about Gwynedd Social Services; he sent me a one line reply but more importantly sent up the distress flare to all other Radical Lawyers should any of them be contacted by me. In 1996 MM represented Sara Thornton at her Appeal – it was a Test Case re domestic violence – and won. MM’s colleague St Helena had first taken Sara’s case to Appeal in April 1991 and was in action in the neighbouring Court to me at the Royal Courts Of Justice in The Strand, after the Drs Francis had perjured themselves yet again…MM and St Helena are both of Gray’s Inn. See previous posts.

Arthur Scargill’s daughter is a Top Doc which places her in a more powerful position than either her clapped out old dad or her Strong Woman Feminist Campaigner of a mother, Anne Scargill, Anne Scargill, Betty Heathfield and other members of WAPC outside Buckingham Palace, August 1984what with Arthur and Anne’s daughter being brought up on the location of the ring in Yorkshire See the source imageof which Jimmy Savile was the leader, who had an excellent relationship with Dafydd and the Gang as well as with other people.Women Against Pit Closures 1984-85 logoSee the source imageSee the source image Image result for jimmy savile and prince charles images

Someone must have been very keen for Margaret Scargill to become a Top Doc, because she has an unusual CV for a Top Doc of her vintage. Margaret completed a BSc at Sheffield Hallam University, 1981-85, which at the time was still Sheffield Poly. Then Margaret completed an MPhil in Animal Physiology, 1986-87, at Sheffield University, before undertaking pre-clinical studies at Bart’s, 1987-89 and completing her clinical years at Leeds University, Savile HQ, 1989-92. Places to read medicine as a graduate student in those days were few and far between and competition was fierce: I know because I secured one. One did not get a look-in without at least a 2:1 and med schools were so snooty that it was virtually impossible for a graduate from a poly to bag a place. I note that Margaret did her Masters in exactly the same year that I did my Masters at Hammersmith and Margaret’s thesis was on a subject very similar to the research interest of the people in Bodger’s team at St George’s…

A few more Interesting Facts: Sheffield University was on the turf of David Blunkett and pals and was of course also a player on Jimmy Savile’s manor; Blunkett holds – or held – a Chair at Sheffield University. My post ‘The Big Questions’ discusses links between Blunkett and Prof Linda Woodhead, who came from Taunton, went to Emmanuel College, Cambridge, a la Lord Tom King; I have been told that Linda knew people who knew me both in Somerset and in Bangor and made good use of that. In the first years of the 1950s Sheffield University was also home to Hans Krebs – the Nobel winning biochemist who discovered the Krebs Cycle – before Krebs bagged his Chair at Oxford. At Sheffield University, Hans Krebs was closely associated with people carrying out controversial WW II research, including DDT Champ Kenneth Mellanby, Director of the worrying Sorby Unit, who knew some of the Ancients in the Dept of Zoology at UCNW.

Hans is the father of John Krebs, an ornithologist who was nothing special until John went to work at the Dept of Zoology at UCNW in the mid-1970s and discovered a paedophile ring. John Krebs’s career was off like a rocket after that and Lord John Krebs is now a Top Gov’t Scientist and gets put in charge of all sorts of things that ornithologist Lord John Krebs knows sod all about. See ‘The Science Of Animal Behaviour’ and ‘The Big Questions’ for details of Hans Krebs et al and John Krebs’ rise to the top, particularly after the Gang killed my friend Anne, a keen ornithologist, when she was a PhD student in the Dept of Zoology at UCNW, in April 1986, as discussed in ‘A Trail Of Blood’.

Re Margaret Scargill’s further studies at Bart’s and then Leeds. Bart’s was the institution at which Lord Snowdon’s grandfather Robert Armstrong-Jones, who grew up in Caernarfonshire and studied at UCNW, Qualified as a Top Doc Lord; Lord S’s barrister dad Ronald Armstrong-Jones was a governor of Bart’s. Traditionally, many Top Docs from Bart’s worked in north Wales. Leeds was Savile Central and Savile and his mates dominated the NHS in Leeds in particular. Previous posts have discussed Jimmy Shroff, a junior doc who arrived to work in Bodger’s team very shortly after I began working at St George’s. Jimmy had Qualified at Bart’s, subsequently worked as a trainee GP in D.G.E. Wood’s practice, passed through with Bodger et al and then held senior posts on Obs and Gynae at Manchester and subsequently Leeds. Jimmy died suddenly of pancreatic cancer when still quite young in 2004. His widow works for the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Simon Leeson, a Consultant Obs and Gynae arrived to work in Gwynedd with the Gang in the mid-1990s, from Leeds. Simon’s colleagues were doing a great many things that they should not have and Simon knew about this, as discussed in previous posts and comments, including ‘The Price Is Right’. Bodger’s mate and partner in crime Malcolm Pearce trained at Leeds and Malcolm remained in excellent terms with his old muckers at Leeds, visiting them regularly. See previous posts.

Margaret entered Leeds University in 1989, the year that I began working at St George’s, the year of the Secret Case Conference, the year in which Robert Owen, Bluglass and Colin Berry did everything possible to conceal the Gang’s criminality…

Pauline Cutting is a long serving A&E Consultant at Ysbyty Gwynedd who in November 1985, volunteered to work in a Palestinian refugee camp in Lebanon and soon became Famous as a Humanitarian Hero from Bangor. In April 1987, Pauline’s dad Alan Cutting starred on TV, giving an interview after Pauline had returned to the UK following the breaking of a siege by Lebanese Shi’ite Amal gunmen in the Bourj Al-Barajneh Palestinian refugee camp in Beirut, Lebanon where Pauline had been trapped for five months. Pauline’s dad’s interview came hot on the heels of a TV report on a meeting between UK Foreign Secretary, Geoffrey Howe, and Amine Gemayel, President of Lebanon, at the Dorchester Hotel, London.

Pauline starred with Jimmy Savile on TV discussing her work. Here’s Thatch with her friend and hugely successful Tory Party fundraiser Lord Alistair McAlpine when Thatch was PM. See other posts eg. ‘The Price Is Right’ and ‘The Cash Box’ for discussion of McAlpine’s relatives – including Jimmie and Bobby McAlpine and Top Doc Archibald Douglas McAlpine – and their very close relationships with Gwynne, Dafydd and the Gang.

Before Savile’s death and the public exposure of his crimes, I asked Pauline Cutting what Jimmy Savile was like; she told me that he was ‘very, very odd’ but completely genuine with regard to his charidee work. In Jan 1988 Pauline published a book about her charidee Top Doc bit. There is a nice photo on the web of Pauline cuddling two children, accompanied by Savile. See post ‘The Price Is Right’.

Margaret Scargill would also have needed a great deal of money to qualify as a Top Doc via the route that she took, because funding wasn’t available for graduate medical students at the time; they had to self-finance, pay full fees and sustain themselves in an era when student loans were not available. There were often big problems with graduate students because even if they were hard working and took on paid work to help sustain themselves, once they began their clinical years they could not do that because they were working on the wards. Medical schools became very anxious because the only reason graduate students ever withdrew was because they ran out of money and there were rows about places being given to students who would not be able to complete the course if their dosh ran out. So someone gave Margaret Scargill many thousands of pounds to undertake pre-clin studies at Bart’s and then clin studies at Leeds.

When Margaret was busy at Bart’s, Bart’s was under threat of closure and a robust campaign was launched to Save Bart’s. Bart’s had a sort of partnership with the London Hospital and many Top Docs at Bart’s held joint appointments at the London Hospital. Many of Brave Wendy’s colleagues at the London Hospital when Dafydd’s partner in crime Brave Wendy underwent her trauma in 1985-86, Image result for wendy savage book images worked at Bart’s as well as at the London. Brave Wendy was of course a Socialist Feminist, active in leftist politics and her Support was entirely from the Left, from the Trade Unions, the Labour Party etc. Brave Wendy was tolerated by Tories because they were all in the same sewer, but it was lefties and Wimmin’s groups who loved Brave Wendy. See previous posts eg. ‘This Is A Nightmare For All Of Us’.

My post ‘The Science Of Animal Behaviour’ details Jimmy Shroff’s career – he held a senior post at Manchester before ending up at Leeds – as well as some more dodgy research published by N. G. Hodges, the Top Doc who wrote Jimmy’s 2004 obituary for the BMJ. N.G. Hodges, in 2016, published ‘Chronic Obstructive Pulmonary Disease in Welsh Slate Miners’: Reynolds C.J., MacNeill S.J., Williams J., Hodges N.G., Campbell M.J., Newman-Taylor A.J., Cullinan P. (2016) Occupational Medicine, Nov 2016 67 (1):20-25.

When N.G. Hodges co-authored that article, he hadn’t published anything since he wrote the obituary for his mate Jimmy for the BMJ in 2004. Before Jimmy’s obit, N.G. Hodges’ last contribution to medical science had been in April 1996. So N.G. Hodges suddenly published a paper about Welsh slate quarrymen in Nov 2016, the month that I first blogged about Jimmy Shroff and how he sought me out soon after I began working at St George’s, telling me that he’d heard that a girl from Bangor as working in Bodger’s Dept and did I know who she was…

When I wrote ‘The Science Of Animal Behaviour’, I presumed that N.G. Hodges probably hadn’t read my post about Jimmy by the time that he submitted that paper, but he could well have discovered that I had begun this blog a few months previously. Now I realise that from the day that I left my job at Bangor University in 2012 the Gang and associates were tracking my every move because they were so anxious about me writing a book or a blog about Gwynne, Dafydd et al and that they were even told as soon as I purchased the website for this blog, it may well have been that N.G. Hodges did get in there quickly with dodgy research; it seems to have been the response of the Gang on every occasion that they have become worried that someone might listen to what I say about them.

On his questionable paper, N.G. Hodges gave his affiliation as the School of Health and Related Research, University of Sheffield. Which is a little odd, because N.G. Hodges is a Top Doctor getting on in years who worked in Gwynedd back in the 1970s and 80s, specialising in respiratory illness…

N.G. Hodges’ co-authors who realised in 2016 that there was a sudden need to publish on obstructive pulmonary disease in Welsh slate miners were Carl Reynolds of the National Heart and Lung Institute, Imperial College London; S.J. MacNeill of the School of Social and Community Medicine, University of Bristol; J. Williams of the School of Health and Related Research, University of Sheffield; Michael J. Campbell of the University of Sheffield; A.J. Newman Taylor of the National Heart and Lung Institute, Imperial College and P. Cullinan of the National Heart and Lung Institute, Imperial College.

When I worked for Bodger, two of those who were most unpleasant to me worked in collaboration for the National Heart and Lung Institute and of course Hammersmith Hospital merged with Imperial not long after I completed my Masters at Hammersmith. Numerous big hitters in Gwynne and Dafydd’s circle were either Imperial graduates or had worked at Imperial, including Prof Wynn Humphrey Davies.

Wynn Humphrey Davies was born in Tufnell Park, London, but came from a high profile Liberal family in north Wales. Wynn’s father Richard Humphrey Davies came from Corris (now in Gwynedd) and served as Private Secretary to Lord Gladstone in the early 20th c and later worked closely with H.H. Asquith and Lloyd George in the Treasury and then in the Liberal Central Association.  Wynn studied at UCNW and after he retired returned to live in north Wales. Wynn lived to a great age so spent a very long retirement involved with UCNW, working closely with those we know and love, including Sir Elwyn Jones and (Huw) Elwyn Jones, as well as old favourites such as Gwynne etc. Wynn Humphrey graduated from UCNW in the 1930s and spent a short period as a member of staff before becoming a Lecturer, then Reader at Imperial College, and finally Professor of Electrical Engineering at Queen Mary College, London. Wynn became a member of the University Council in Bangor in the mid-1970s and served on it for 29 years, Chairing the University’s Finance Committee for 23 years. Wynn was instrumental in establishing the University’s Development Trust (for fund-raising purposes) during UCNW’s centenary in 1984, and he Chaired the Trustees for 16 years until 2000.

I have mentioned previously that while the Gang were scuttling about drawing up Cunning Plans to wreck my life, just after I graduated I received a letter from Wynn’s Development Trust asking if I’d donate, which I did and received an individual letter of thanks from Prof Sagar, Head of the School of Plant Biology and a standard issue letter of thanks from Prof Eric Sunderland, who had succeeded Sir Charles Evans as Principal in May 1984, because of Brown and me refusing to withdraw our complaint about Gwynne although I had no idea of that at the time. So all those people from UCNW in 1984 who told each other how dreadful I was and that I was a ‘prostitute’ have some explaining to do. As they do re them declaring my friend Anne to have also been a ‘prostitute’ (Anne and I were, I presume, keeping a disorderly house), while accepting the financial donation to UCNW from her parents after the Gang killed Anne. Obviously when the Depy of Zoology took Anne’s dad’s cheque no-one mentioned that his daughter had been murdered by a bunch of gangsters with whom they were in cahoots. See ‘A Trail Of Blood’.

Prof Wynn Humphrey Davies died on 24 June 2007.

 

Not only was there nothing new in the research published by N.D. Hodges et al, but I note that the work was based on a secondary analysis of MRC data. In 2016, there was not a great deal of slate quarrying going on in Wales any longer and the few quarrymen still working in the industry were well-protected, the deleterious effects of slate dust being well-known. So HOW OLD was the data used by N.G. Hodges et al? Donkey’s years old perhaps? Was it perhaps from the MRC Unit which was located in south Wales many years ago, run by Archie Cochrane, with which Dafydd and Tony Francis’s old mucker Professor Kenneth Rawnsley was involved?

N.G. Hodges is Neville Gittus Hodges who Qualified at the Welsh National School of Medicine in 1964. Neville has voluntarily relinquished his registration with the GMC! Gittus was until 1998 a Director of Gwynedd and Anglesey Hospice at Home; he job was stated to be ‘physician’. Many Top Docs of the Gang have been involved with Gwynedd and Anglesey Hospice at Home…

My post ‘The Science Of Animal Behaviour’ discussed details of Hodges ‘research’ in the 1980s – again flaky and based on old data – that he published in collaboration with other members of the Gang, both in Gwynedd and at other institutions, including the Welsh National School Of Medicine. I question in that post why Hodges et al were publishing questionable research on diseases of Gwynedd slate quarrymen, based on very old data, when the slate industry in Gwynedd was all but finished. Now I think I know; it was something to do with Lord Wigley et al and their campaigning for compensation for the slate workers… Any compensation paid will have to have been a result of the usual dodgy deals, the ‘research’ published by Hodges et al would never have been considered robust enough to stand as Expert Evidence in the face of genuine scrutiny. Some of their research was published in 1986, when the Gang were in full cry in pursuit of me, when the problems in Gwynedd Health Authority – at the time Hodges’ employer – were such that within three years, Wigley and his fellow Plaid MP for Anglesey Ieuan Wyn Jones were asking questions in the House as to the causes of the crisis and demanding answers from Wyn Roberts (see ‘A Visit to Gwynedd Archives’).

As if no-one knew what the problem was…Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

The havoc prevailing caused the Welsh Office to send in a Hit Squad of Management Consultants to Gwynedd Health Authority and David Hunt, then Peter Walker’s Minister at the Welsh Office, went up to Gwynedd to ‘discuss’ the matter with Noreen Edwards, the Chair of Gwynedd HA. The Noreen Edwards who was a long-standing Gang member – her name is all over my documents – as was her husband and indeed Noreen’s dad – Noreen was from the Gwynne Central, the Llandudno/Colwyn Bay area, but Trained as an Angel/midwife in Birmingham, passed through some of the London hospitals with Bodger’s crowd and then returned to north Wales as a Matron in various venues before rising through managerial ranks at Health Authority level. Not only were the ‘services’ provided by the NHS in Gwynedd non-existent but there was no dosh and indeed the HA was deeply in debt, despite bail-outs. The situation never ever changed and remains the same today.

Noreen Edwards sat on the Warnock Committee with Dafydd Wigley; Neither of them had a clue about the issues under scrutiny but as explained in previous posts, that didn’t matter because the only member of the Warnock Committee  who did know anything about fertility treatment was the Top Doc Dame Josephine Barnes who had previously been married to Grocer Heath’s personal physician and close friend Sir Brian Warren. Sir Brian and Dame Josephile were both facilitating the Westminster Paedophile Ring (see ‘Uncle Harry’s Friends…’). Josephile simply gave the orders to the rest of the ‘independent Committee’. Noreen occupied many senior roles in the NHS and nursing at a UK level; as she had no idea how to care for patients or run a Health Authority, one can only presume that Noreen was invited onto Committees for other reasons. Dr Dafydd Alun JonesNoreen was a Colonel in the TA…

See previous posts for info on Noreen, her husband who served as Town Clerk for Colwyn Bay and her dad, a clergyman.

Margaret Scargill is a GP at the Ashville Medical Practice, Sheffield. Margaret has hit the headlines on a number of occasions and sometimes in a Hollywood Gossip way.

On

The daughter of National Union of Mineworkers’ president Arthur Scargill is to marry the man who helped close down the last pit in the NUM’s South Yorkshire heartland, it was disclosed yesterday. Dr Margaret Scargill has announced her plans to marry former Grimethorpe Colliery under-manager James Logan. Mr Logan, 42, is now business manager at the Ashville Medical Centre, in Barnsley, where Dr Scargill works as a GP. See the source imageHe told yesterday how he first met his future mother-in-law, Anne Scargill, five years ago when she was involved in the Women Against Pit Closures protest. He arrived at the colliery to find he could not get into his office because someone had super-glued the door shut. He studied security videotapes and saw Mrs Scargill sneaking along a corridor with a tube of glue in her hands. The couple plan to marry later this year.

On 17 Feb 1998 The Mirror published the following article:

The man set to marry the daughter of miners’ leader Arthur Scargill was yesterday branded a love cheat – by his own daughter. Angry Stefni Logan revealed that her father James had dated his estranged wife Heather while romancing Dr Margaret Scargill. And Stefni warned Margaret’s parents that Mr Logan is a “sly, deceitful toe-rag”.  See the source imageStefni, 17, told The Mirror: “My dad’s the pits. If only the Scargills knew what they were taking on by letting him into their family . . . He really hurt us with his lying and I know he had two innocent women on the go for at least a month.”See the source image

Medical centre manager Mr Logan, a 42-year-old former pit boss, tried to patch up his marriage after falling for GP Margaret, 36. And while Margaret sat at home, he jetted away with Heather, 43. The Logans spent a week in Egypt cruising on the Nile. They shared a cabin, and were photographed arm in arm touring historic sites. See the source imageColleagues at the surgery See the source imagewhere Mr Logan and Margaret work had been told he was going to see Stefni, who was on an exchange visit in America. Then five days after returning to Britain, he jilted Heather and said to her: “I’m not coming back. I’ve fallen in love with Margaret Scargill.”  Asked how long he and Margaret had been having a relationship, he replied: “It’s about four weeks – but we’ve not been sleeping together.” See the source imageCollege student Stefni spoke out after being stunned to read in The Mirror that her father planned to wed Dr Scargill later this year.Image result for nigel dempster images

From the Yorkshire Post, 9 Oct 2006:

WHEN ex-pitman Jim Logan lost his job at a South Yorkshire colliery more than a decade ago he found himself at a loose end. But following an inspirational visit to Cuba and with the help of his GP wife – daughter of miners’ leader Arthur Scargill – he is about to open a pioneering 3m health centre in the former mining community of Kendray, outside Barnsley. The centre, which Mr Logan will manage, is dedicated to helping rebuild the mining community, devastated by the closure of numerous pits in the area. It will be the first of its kind in the country, and it is hoped it will pave the way for others to follow.

It will be the first of its kind in the country, and it is hoped it will pave the way for others to follow. Mr Logan was formerly in charge of hundreds of men as underground manager at Barnsley’s Grimethorpe colliery – famed for its brass band and as setting for the award-winning film Brassed Off.

The pit was the heart of the community, generations of men working there year after year. But when mine after mine began closing across the country in the 1980s and 1990s, the miners at Grimethorpe knew it was only a matter of time before they too were doomed. And 13 years ago the pit finally shut its doors, leaving Mr Logan, 51, and hundreds of other men out of work.

At first Mr Logan, whose wife is Dr Margaret Scargill, 43, daughter of Arthur Scargill, the man who led Britain’s miners in their strike against pit closures in 1984-85, transferred his management skills from the mining industry to the National Health Service. He carried out a number of projects for Barnsley Health Authority, including setting up a practice managers’ group and a management training project for Sheffield and Barnsley which is still in operation today.

He also became manager at Ashville Medical Centre in Barnsley, where he met his future wife.

They married, had two sons and live in a farmhouse between Barnsley and Wakefield, where Mr Logan farms 14 acres, raising a few animals including sheep and goats. See the source imageBut his passion was to build a health centre to help rebuild devastated mining communities. He said: “I am a 51-year- old Kendray lad who worked underground from the age of 15. I left school with no qualifications and worked my way through the NCB training programmes to finally achieve the position of underground manager at Grimethorpe colliery.

“The unfortunate and premature closure of the mining industry meant the end of my ambition to become manager of my own mine.” Working in primary health care led Mr Logan to develop a vision of how the needs of the former mining communities around Barnsley could be met. Many were, and are, in a desperate state. Social problems such as drug and alcohol abuse multiplied once the pits had been taken from the communities. Mr Logan knew there had to be changes, with health and social care being provided together, so he began to look at other models – including foreign countries.

He and eminent British cardiologist Walter Rhoden travelled to Cuba where its health care system is recognised as not only the best of any country in the third world, but also better in some aspects than some services in the developed world.

There the authorities had developed a network of “polyclinics”, or one-stop shops, an idea he brought back to Kendray. At the root of the project is a belief in the need to unite provision of health and social care. He took proposal to amalgamate the two care sectors to Barnsley Health Service and Barnsley Council Social Services Department. But this was turned down, department chiefs saying budgets must remain separate. Undeterred, he went ahead and drew up plans for such a centre, deciding to field the project himself. Throughout the development of the plan he worked closely with the six doctors and staff who were to work at the centre, including his own wife. Once it was complete he sought and won the funding.See the source image

Now it has turned been turned into a reality providing chiropody, dental services, ophthalmology, pharmacy, dietetics, midwives, community psychiatric services, and physiotherapy. It will open for the first time this Thursday, and will serve the populations of the former mining communities of Kendray, Stairfoot, Ardsley, and parts of Barnsley town centre, Worsborough and Lunwood.

On 9 April 2008, BBC News online reported this:

Funeral set for US crash doctors

Dr Kathryn Phipps and Dr Walter Rhoden

Books of condolence have been opened at Dr Phipps’ GP surgery

A date has been set for the funeral of a heart expert and his GP wife who were killed in a motorbike accident during a holiday in Florida.

Dr Walter Rhoden, 47, a consultant cardiologist at Barnsley Hospital, and Dr Kathryn Phipps, 45, died as they were thrown from the bike on 30 March.

The funeral service will be held at 1330 BST on Monday, 14 April at Wentworth Church.

It will be followed by a private cremation for friends and family only.

The couple’s three children, teenagers Jamie, Emily and Olivia, all under 17 years old, were at the hotel in Orlando where they were staying with their parents at the time of the accident.

This world has truly lost two wonderful people who were an inspiration to every one working in the medical profession
Jayne Dolman, colleague and patient

The couple, from Hoyland, Barnsley, died at the scene of the crash on the State Road A1A in North Volusia County after they collided with a truck which pulled out in front of them, according to Florida Highway Patrol.

A website, set up in memory of the couple by their families, features tributes left by more than 100 colleagues and patients.

Dr Andrew Mowat, who worked with Dr Phipps, said: “I can’t remember ever meeting anyone as enthusiastic and dynamic, and we are all – medicine, general practice, patients and people alike – the worse off for her loss.”

Jayne Dolman said she had worked with Dr Rhoden for “many years”, and he was also her cardiologist.

She said: “He saved my father’s life. For this I will be eternally grateful.

“This world has truly lost two wonderful people who were an inspiration to everyone working in the medical profession. My thoughts are with all the family at this very, very sad time.”

 

Brassed Off
BrassedOff G1 C234.jpg

Theatrical release poster
Directed by Mark Herman
Produced by Steve Abbott
Written by Mark Herman
Starring
Music by Trevor Jones
Cinematography Andy Collins
Edited by Michael Ellis
Production
company
Distributed by
Release date
  • 1 November 1996 (United Kingdom)
  • 23 May 1997 (United States)
Running time
107 minutes
Country United Kingdom
Language English
Budget £2.8 million
Box office £3 million

Barnsley is a seriously disadvantaged area and Grimesthorpe was in 2006 ranked as one of the very poorest districts in the UK. The MP for Barnsley, 1953-87, was Labour’s Roy Mason. I haven’t paid as much attention to Roy Mason on this blog as I should have; he features a lot in Richard Crossman’s Diaries, 1968-70, when Crossman was DHSS Secretary (and at the top of the security services) and doing everything possible to assist Gwynne and Dafydd. Mason was very close to Harold Wilson when Wilson was PM; Crossman grumbles about Mason and Harold having secret meetings from which other senior Labour figures were excluded.

Roy Mason, Baron Mason of Barnsley, was born in Royston, West Riding of Yorkshire and grew up in Carlton, Barnsley, also in the West Riding of Yorkshire. Mason went down the mines at the age of 14 and became a branch official of the NUM in his early 20s. Aged 26 Mason studied at the LSE as a mature student on a TUC scholarship. Thus Mason was part of the group of LSE graduates at that time who became active in politics, many of whom were advisers to the post-war Labour Gov’ts and involved with the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Lord Gnome was an LSE graduate and taught there at an earlier time, but remained involved with the LSE, as were some of Gnome’s family.

Roy Mason remained in the coal industry until he was elected as MP for Barnsley in 1953. Mason was Labour Party Spokesman on Home Affairs, Defence and Post Office, 1960–64; Minister of State at the Board of Trade, 1964–67. Minister of Defence (Equipment), 1967–68. Minister of Power, 1968–69. President of the Board of Trade, 1969–70. Secretary of State for Defence, 1974–76 and most famously Secretary of State for N Ireland, 1976–79, during some of the worst of the Troubles, while Kincora Boys Home was still open and being used by an elite paedophile ring directly linked to Gwynne et al and alleged to include Anthony Blunt, Lord Mountbatten and Enoch Powell.

Whatever the facts or otherwise re the VIPS involved with Kincora, Roy Mason presided over grim happenings, abuses of Gov’t power and miscarriages of justice in N Ireland. Kincora was closed in 1980 because of a series of scandals involving the staff, who definitely were grossly abusing the boys. One of Dafydd’s mates from the Maudsley was a Top Doc advising on the interrogation/torture of suspects in N Ireland and also doubled up as a Top Doc giving evidence re the trauma suffered by detainees, the detainees having no idea re the degree of dishonesty to which he had resorted to minimise the evidence of their injury.

In spite of all the guff talked about the Clever Psychological Methods used by this lot, there weren’t any; they simply facilitated the beatings, mock executions, sexual assaults and occasionally murders of targets. Experts they were not. When caught they forged documentation, perjured themselves and bribed or blackmailed other people to lie. I have 10,000 documents that demonstrate this but whoops no-one in authority will communicate with me now they know that I have these documents.

Roy Mason Moved On from the mess in N Ireland that was concealed by every effort possible ever after. Nothing near the truth has been told even today.

Mason’s appointment to N Ireland was unexpected and seemed to indicate a tougher response from the British Gov’t than that pursued by his predecessor, Merlyn Rees. Rees was born in south Wales and represented a Leeds constituency; he too was an LSE graduate of the same era as Mason. Rees was a school teacher before he went into politics. Rees was also Home Secretary and was at the centre of the cover-ups re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. When the Jillings Report was completely suppressed in 1996 on the advice of Cherie and Miranda’s friend Michael Beloff QC, acting as legal adviser for Municipal Mutual, the insurers of Clwyd County Council as well as the North Wales Police, one Lord Merlyn-Rees was a Director of Municipal Mutual.

Merlyn Rees’s name was never mentioned amidst the condemnation of Municipal Mutual’s activities in the Commons by Those Who Cared, including a Shocked Rhodri Morgan who tabled an Early Day Motion Condemning Municipal Mutual – which was signed by a great many others who were Shocked and Disgusted and Cared. See post ‘The Aftermath Of The Jillings Report – In Parliament’. NB. I wrote that blog post soon after I began this blog before I had put together much of the evidence that makes it overwhelmingly clear that every MP and peer in Parliament knew at least something about the Gang and their emissaries. I try hard not to make assumptions about people so although I was being told at the time ‘They ALL knew what was happening in north Wales’, when I wrote those early posts I did take the view that while some people eg. Ann Clwyd, were weak and silly on some matters, at least she’d tried to initiate discussion in the House on the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal… Looking at the dates of those attempts to discuss matters and the EDMs of the Shocked and Disgusted, sadly one thing is clear: that lot feared that the game was soon going to be up See the source imageand they were getting in there with the We Didn’t Knows before they were all covered in slurry…

I am intrigued as to why, now that this blog has built up a readership, there is still no discussion in the media about Denbigh. BBC News online has another feature today on Aston Hall Hospital in Derbyshire, re the appalling Mad Psychiatrist Kenneth Milne, who’s presence did much to assist the ring in Derbyshire. Milne was clearly dreadful, but I don’t think that he was quite as bad as Gwynne and Dafydd. Someone is letting us know about Kenneth Milne but not about Gwynne and Dafydd…

Ann Clwyd was so Shocked and Disgusted that she had tried to ask questions in the House on matters Jillings Report but was silenced by George Thomas’s mate Speaker Betty Boothroyd, which was probably just as well for Ann because she knew a great deal about the Gang. Ann was born at Denbigh (although her wiki entry now states Ruthin, until I began blogging about her Ann’s wiki entry always stated her place of birth to be Denbigh), grew up in Flintshire, went to Holywell Grammar School, the Queen’s School, Chester and studied at UCNW. Ann then worked for BBC Wales as a studio manager, before becoming Welsh correspondent for the Guardian and Observer See the source imagenewspapers during 1964–79. Norah Beloff, aunty of Michael Beloff QC, worked as a journo for Reuters and then for ‘The Observer’ for many years; Norah’s husband also worked for the ‘The Observer’. Norah’s brother Lord Max Beloff was a friend of both Thatch and Ioan Bowen Rees. Their sister biochemist Lady Anne Beloff-Chain was the wife of Nobel winning biochemist Sir Ernst Chain. In 1986, Lady Anne left Imperial College with her team to move to the University of Buckingham, which had been established by, among others, Lord Max Beloff. Thatch served as Chancellor of the University of Buckingham. See eg. ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ and other posts…

Lady Anne’s move to Buckingham University – she was asked to set up a new Biochem Dept there – was funded by the Clore Foundation, a charidee established by Sir Charles Clore, one of Christine Keeler’s customers. See the source image Sir Charles’s daughter Dame Viv Duffield inherited her dad’s huge fortune and took over the management of the charidee which became the Duffield Foundation. Dame Viv married John Duffield, a City financier who eventually became a tax exile; John was the son of John Elwes Duffield (1910-2009), a psychiatrist who knew the Gang. In later life, the Dame became the long-term mistress of Sir Jocelyn Stevens, See the source imagethe multiply Royal-connected owner of the Express. See previous posts for their extensive network and the many causes that have been bankrolled by Dame Viv.See the source image

The University of Buckingham has certainly had some interesting Chancellors; I have covered the Chancellor of the University of Buckingham in detail in previous posts, so I’ll just revisit the essentials here. Since 2014, the Chancellor of the University has been the Hon. Tessa, Lady Keswick. The immediate past-Chancellor is Sir Martin Jacomb, Chairman of Canary Wharf Group, and Share PLC (in Aylesbury), and the Director of other companies including Oxford Playhouse Trust. Jacomb was Chairman of Prudential from 1995 to 2000 and has retired from the Boards of Rio Tinto Group and Marks & Spencer.

Canary Wharf was built as a result of deals with the Borough Councils who had previously been in business with Gwynne and Dafydd and the ‘investors’ in Canary Wharf were the City financiers who had been the Big Bucks but behind the Gang’s international trafficking ring. See eg. ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’ and ‘International Finance, With Thanks To Gwynne’.

My post ‘The Price Is Right’ detailed my adventure with the Prudential in 1989, which I have been told was another Gang-backed event. Rio Tinto owned Anglesey Aluminium, for years one of the biggest employers on Anglesey; Liz Stables, the Angel who arrived in the UNCW Student Health Centre in 1983 and who was Wood, Gwynne and Dafydd’s partner in crime had been lured from her previous job as the Angel at Anglesey Aluminium; I was never quite sure why, because Liz spent a lot of time maintaining that her previous job at Anglesey Aluminium was a much better deal that that provided by UCNW and Wood was always doing battle with the authorities at UCNW on Liz’s behalf for extra dosh etc. Liz remained on very good terms with her old mates at Anglesey Aluminium, they were always dropping in, phoning her up at work etc…

M&S had a very cosy relationship with the Gang and even bankrolled the grand building in Belgravia that the Royal College of Psychiatrists acquired as their HQ when the Royal College was first established in 1972 with Ken Rawnsley as the first Dean,See the source imageSee the source image although it was Dafydd’s mate Sir Martin Roth who negotiated the deal with M&S. Lord Sieff must have been fond of the Gang because his widow became involved with a number of charitable ventures led by the Gang, as discussed in previous posts. I suspect that John and Vincent Marks, Leaders Of The Medical Establishment, may have been descended from the original Marks of M&S. See previous posts.

Two Role Models who have been happy to promote M&S Ladies Wear: I must warn Lady Sandra Howard not to wear this outfit anywhere near Gwynne and Dafydd; it was the penchant that Brown and I had for Black Leather when we were younger that gave the Gang ideas (or at least that was the excuse, but I doubt that the 12 yr old boys Taken Into Care and then gang-banged by George Thomas, Peter Morrison et al were wearing Black Leather) and resulted in them trying to murder me when I refused to join Gwynne’s Royal Brothel.

Former Chancellors of the University of Buckingham have included Thatch who retired in 1999, and Gang umbrella for his entire life, before passing on the Duties Of Gang Protection to his children and even grandchildren, Lord Hailsham of St Marylebone. Lord Tanlaw was appointed to succeed Sir Martin Jacomb as Chancellor in May 2010; he stepped down in 2013.

To return to Ann Clwyd. Ann was Vice-Chair of the Arts Council of Wales, 1975–79. She is a member of the NUJ and TGWU, as was Rhodri. The Gen Sec of the TGWU was Richard Crossman’s mate Lord Jack Jones, who doubled up as a mate of Gwynne and Dafydd’s and is alleged to have been a KGB double agent. See previous posts. Ann’s husband Owen Dryhurst Roberts was the son of a Headmaster at Newborough on Anglesey and also became a journo, ending up as a big wig in TV, in particular S4C. In 1970 Ann Clwyd stood as the Labour candidate for Denbigh, after being encouraged by Plaid’s Prof Hywel Teifi Edwards, Huw Edwards’s dad, who wanted to promote Wimmin MPs, but only Wimmin MPs who could be relied upon to keep schtum about the thousands of victims of the Gang – Wimmin and men – banged up in Denbigh.

Ann was another of the Labour Party’s Strong Women who championed women’s causes without ever mentioning the unlawful refusal to give girls/women in north Wales NHS terminations while the same Top Docs referred anyone on demand to the dangerous private abortionist in Chester for a fee (see ‘It’s Bachman Turner Overdrive – Not Arf!’), the unlawful abduction of newborns by the Gang, let alone the mass organised sexual abuse and associated criminality.

Ann served as the MP for Abercynon, 1984-2019 and the MEP for Mid and West Wales, 1979-84. When the coast was clear and the lid nailed down on the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal in terms of the North Wales Police investigation into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales and Cheshire having ended on 4 Sept 1992 ‘with criminal proceedings being over’ on that date, concluding that there was no evidence at all of any such ring, Ann went public on a number of statements she had in her possession from boys who had been in children’s homes in north Wales some years previously. Ann made her Disgust public at their accounts of being forced to have sex with animals and filmed for porn.

Indeed Ann, Dafydd joked to me about me having sex with animals Ann Clwyd winning her seat in 1984as well as with him, the security services were bugging my phone at the time and weeks later I was in the High Court because Dafydd’s colleagues the Drs Francis had perjured themselves again. Dafydd and Gwynne were having a Giggle over bestiality, gang rape et al while you were living down the road from Denbigh as a girl Ann, when you stood for Denbigh in 1970, all through those years when you and your husband didn’t report on any matters Dafydd and Gwynne at all, but constantly repeated your support for Wimmin, Socialism, the NHS, CND etc.

Among Ann’s many highlights included her membership of the Royal Commission on the National Health Service 1976–79, Chaired by nuclear physicist and Gang-associate Sir Alec Merrison. This Royal Commission was established by Battling Babs Castle and her side-kick Dr Death as a result of Babs’s battle with the Top Docs over pay beds in the NHS. Babs, being a Strong Woman who didn’t take any crap from Men or Supporters Of Private Medicine,  told the world that she would rid the NHS of pay beds (carefully not letting on that Babs had utilised the delights of private medicine herself) and thus Babs and Dr Death appointed Sir Alec Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission which as one of its tasks would review pay beds. Babs put the rumour around that she and Dr Death had selected Merrison as Chair because Merrison was sympathetic to the NHS. The truth was that Merrison was mates with Gwynne and Dafydd et al and there was no way that the Top Docs were going to allow their money-spinner to stop, so Babs timed the Royal Commission such that she knew that by the time Gwynne’s friend Merrison reported back with his recommendations, Sunny Jim would have been voted out See the source imageand it would be Thatch’s problem. This is what happened and the system of private practice within the NHS was twiddled but it certainly didn’t disappear.

Ann Clwyd is Vice-Chair of the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Coalfield Communities.

See previous posts for more details re Ann and her husband Owen.

An interesting gem:

This is allegedly ‘a letter from Meic Stephens to Ann Clwyd MP’. [There is also a Meic Stevens, a musician.] I know of Meic Stephens principally as the man who wrote toadying obituaries of Gang members/accessories for the Indie, flagging up the noble qualities and love of Wales for at least some deceased people whom I know to have been complete scumbags in the eyes of both Welsh people and Englishers. Here’s the gen on Meic as provided by his wiki entry:

Meic Stephens (23 July 1938-2 July 2018) was a Welsh literary editor, journalist, translator and poet. Stephens was born in 1938 in the village of Treforest, near Pontypridd, in Glamorgan. He studied at Aberystwyth University, Bangor University and at the University of Rennes in Brittany. From 1962-66 he taught French at Ebbw Vale in Monmouthshire. In Merthyr Tydfil he established the Triskel Press and in 1965 he began the periodical, Poetry Wales. He learnt Welsh as an adult, and became a member of Cymdeithas yr Iaith Cymraeg and of Plaid Cymru. From 1967-90, Stephens was literature director of the Welsh Arts Council. Before retiring he was Professor of Welsh Writing in English at the University of Glamorgan. He was a visiting Professor in the English department of Brigham Young University (USA). He wrote many articles about literature in Wales for the newspaper, the Western Mail, and obituaries of eminent Welsh people for The Independent newspaper. He took a particular interest in the life and work of Rhys Davies, the novelist and short story writer, and served as secretary of the Rhys Davies Trust, which promoted the writing of short fiction in Wales.

A few months before his death, he was awarded an honorary fellowship at his former university, Aberystwyth, whence he graduated in 1961. He and his wife Ruth had four children – Lowri, Heledd, Brengain and Huw. His son Huw Stephens is a radio presenter. Stephens is credited as the first person to create the Cofiwch Dryweryn graffiti near Llanrhystyd, Ceredigion. This has come to be regarded as an unofficial ‘national landmark’ commemorating Capel Celyn, a Welsh speaking village near Bala that was destroyed by the construction of the Llyn Celyn reservoir.

Re the document sent to Ann Clwyd written by Meic Stephens; it’s intriguing not only because Ann is not someone who is readily identified with the matters under discussion (Welsh language and identity as conceptualised by Meic and his crowd in the 1970s), but for other reasons as well. The document has a 1970s official ‘received’ stamp on it, yet the handwriting at the top provides a 1981 date; Ann did not become an MP until 1984, yet whoever has written the 1981 date has also written Ann’s name as the recipient and put the letters AS after her name (the Welsh language abbreviation for MP). So in 1981 someone sent Ann a document originally sent to somebody else in the 1970s, but addressed to her as an MP three years before she was an MP. See the source image

Is this document, like some of those sent to MPs and others about me, a forgery in some way? Because nothing about it adds up. A quick perusal of the internet however does demonstrate that Ann is quite a one for suddenly beginning a high profile campaign or Taking A Stand on matters that she has previously ignored for many years… Obviously if one does that, it would be helpful to refer to documents that one remembers receiving from Concerned People years ago, to demonstrate how tirelessly one has been concerning oneself with this matter…

Ann Clwyd received a kicking just a few years ago for daring to denounce the NHS re the dreadful circumstances under which her husband died in University College Hospital. I was very glad indeed that she did that. She then received another kicking when she accepted David Cameron’s invitation to review the NHS; I was one of those who wrote to Ann and thanked her for daring to publicly speak about how bloody dreadful the NHS often is. At the time, I was keeping a low profile after the guns at dawn business and the dear old NHS had made me destitute all over again. There was much on the internet about Ann Clwyd’s sumptuous lifestyle, her car, her materialism etc. I have no idea of her personal circumstances so I’m not going to comment. I maintain that I am still very glad that Ann spoke out about her husband’s death. But Ann, where were you for all those years when you knew what was happening to us? Does it only matter when the NHS is so bloody bad that it clobbers Nice People?

Once again I stress that I do understand that people may be frightened taking on a cartel of Top Docs who have metamorphosed into gangsters. It was the active and wilful slander and libel of my friends and I that I find inexcusable. Ann’s former boss the Windbag and his wife received forged documentation and tittle tattle about me from a Top Doc involved with serious crime. Come on then Labour Party oldies, you all seem to have known about this. Was there not one of you who wondered what sort of Top Doc was sending you confidential info about a patient – even if you were too dim to realise that it might have been forged or even just made up – and whether you should have raised concerns about his conduct?

This is why I am refusing to co-operate with police who are now begging me to make a formal complaint to Bring Them To Justice. Here’s my response Hypocrites Of The Nation:See the source image

YOU DIDN’T WANT TO KNOW. YOU INSULTED US, YOU LIBELLED AND SLANDERED US, YOU DROVE US OUT OF OUR JOBS, OUR HOUSES, YOU FLEECED US, YOU EVEN ATTACKED PEOPLE WHO DARED SUPPORT US.  Don’t pretend that you are now Sorry. The Pink Blancmange and the Sisters won’t even reply to e mails in which I have provided the names and details re Top Docs working in Wales right now who are guilty of serious offences. I was told yesterday that ‘the trouble is that Adrian Bell has not yet been arrested’. I couldn’t give a stuff. I needed someone to ask Bell what he thought he was doing in 1983 and 84, not now. I can’t quite understand why no-one else can understand that after all this, I really don’t want the Empathy, the Support, the Sympathy, of such vile, stupid, shallow people who now want to make capital out of me! I’d like my money though. Money for the porn and compensation for being knowingly left at the hands of gangsters and left to die… Brown was cheated out of his house, F lost everything, including his baby…

How about it Theo Huckle QC?? Reparation to every Empowered Service User who’s lives were ruined because they didn’t want to shag Gwynne and Dafydd?

If anyone wants to put Theo and his High Court Judge mates on trial I would be interested. But no-one wants that.

Ann’s predecessor as MP for the Cynon Valley was Ioan Lyonel Evans. Ioan Evans was born in Llanelli, as was Mandy Rice-Davies and Lord Elwyn-Jones. Jim Griffiths was Labour MP for Llanelli, 5 April 1936-18 June 1970. Griffiths was the corrupt old fart whom Harold Wilson appointed as the first Secretary of State for Wales, 18 October 1964-5 April 1966, after the Welsh Office was established. Previous posts discuss Jim Griffiths in details. The basics: Jim was born in the predominantly Welsh-speaking village of Betws, near Ammanford in Carmarthenshire; Prof Eric Sunderland came from Ammanford. Jim helped establish a branch of the ILP in Ammanford in 1908 and became its Secretary, subsequently becoming Secretary of the Ammanford Trades Council (1916–1919). Jim attended the Central Labour College, London at the same time as Nye and Morgan Phillips, the father of future Labour Party Strong Woman and Gang facilitator Gwyneth Dunwoody. Jim Griffiths worked as Llanelli Labour Party agent (1922–1925), before becoming an agent for the Anthracite Miners’ Association (1925–1936), and President of the South Wales Miners’ Federation – ‘the Fed’ – (1934–1936). Jim served in Atlee’s Gov’t and knew Lord Gnome, my distant relative by marriage. Jim introduced the Family Allowances Act 1945, the National Insurance Act 1946 and the National Assistance and Industrial Injuries Act 1948. Along with Nye, Jim Griffiths was one of the chief architects of the Welfare State. Griffiths served as Chairman of the Labour Party (1948–1949) and was Secretary of State for the Colonies, 28 February 1950-26 October 1951. In opposition, Griffiths became Deputy Leader of the Labour Party (1955–1959) and Spokesman on Welsh Affairs. Jim used his good relationship with Hugh Gaitskell to commit the Labour Party to a measure of devolution. At Wilson’s instigation, in 1964 Jim Griffiths established the Welsh Office and laid the foundations for the role until the 1966 General Election, whereupon Griffiths returned to the backbenches.

Ioan Evans was educated at Llanelli Grammar School and the University College of Wales, Swansea. Evans served on the West Bromwich Education Committee and in 1955 and 1959 acted as the Labour agent for the General Elections for the Birmingham Small Health Labour MP William Wheeldon, 1952-60. Ioan Evans was Secretary of Birmingham and District Co-operative Party.

Evans was first elected to Parliament in the 1964 for Birmingham Yardley. From 2 May 1966 to 26 September 1966, Evans was a substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. From 1968 to 1970 Ioan Evans was Comptroller of the Household in Wilson’s Gov’t. Evans lost his seat in 1970 to the Tory Derek Coombs

Derek Michael Coombs Devastated: Adam's father, former Tory MP Derek Coombs(12 August 1937-30 December 2014) was Tory MP for Birmingham Yardley, 1970-74, when he lost to Labour’s Sydney Tierney. Coombs married twice, first, in, 1959 in Sutton Coldfield, to the elder sister Patricia (b. Leeds North, 1930) of Peter O’Toole, by whom he had two sons, Sian (b. 1967) and Fiann (b. 1968.) Coombs is survived by his second wife, actress Jennifer Lonsdale, mother of his sons Jack and Adam, see below.

On 28 May 2010 Coomb’s son Adam, having just left Bryanston School, in Dorset died of an accidental drug overdose in India in the Himalayan village of Manali while on his gap year, before he was due to begin a degree at Manchester University.

For the last 11 years of his life, Coombs suffered from progressive dementia. Coombs was a very wealthy man and lived at Stepleton House, his estate near Iwerne Courtney in Dorset and in Chelsea.

When Paddy Pantsdown left his job with the security services in Geneva to move to the West Country Cunningly Disguised as someone who Wanted To Work With Yoof before becoming the Liberal MP for Yeovil, he was a youth worker in Dorset. Rob Evans, Lucille’s right-hand psychopath in Gwynedd Social Services from 1983/84, had previously worked as a Team Leader in Dorset, after Qualifying at Leicester University and then working in Northampton, a la Frank Beck. I always considered Dorset rather twee and full of affluent retirees in thatched cottages when I lived in Somerset, but it seems that there was a bit of action in Dorset.

Lisa Nandy’s granddad Lord Frank Byers who gallantly defended Mr Thrope and hurled abuse at Norman Scott when Norman raised the matter of Mr Thrope’s criminal activities with him was the MP for North Dorset, 1945-50. Other Interesting Facts about Lord Frank:  he was a Director of Rio Tinto Zinc, 1962–73 – think Anglesey Aluminium everyone – and he died from a heart attack on 6 February 1984. I encountered Gwynne either days before 4 Feb 1984 or days after. Or it may even have been on 4 Feb… But then Lisa’s dad Dipak Nandy was in the thick of those we know and love, including for a long time at Leicester University.

Lisa talks a lot in a northern accent about being an Asian Woman, but she never mentions that she had a Sir Bufton of a granddad with West Country connections. As did I, but I don’t pretend to be a Northern Asian Woman. I was listening to Lisa a few days ago on Radio 4 and she was banging on in her Northern way and said ‘Eeh up, we’re talking skin here’. And I thought Christ, Lisa is trying to appeal to a nation with millions of normal people who would just be utterly baffled by the phrase ‘talking skin’. The electorate aren’t Uncle Harry’s nephews Lisa! They won’t know what on earth you’re talking about if you use phrases like ‘talking skin’, even if you do it in a Northern Accent a la the ‘Not the Nine O Clock News’ spoof of Professional Northerners, ‘See All Hear All Say Nowt/Eat All Drink All Pay Nowt/And If Ever Thou Does Owt For Nowt/Do It On Prime TV In A Northern Accent’.Image result for michael parkinson images

Lisa and Ed are going to have to Call Out the Racial Bias of ‘The Goodies’. Remember Ecky Thump? See the source image

Or Black Pudding Bertha?See the source image

Lisa went to the Pink Blancmange’s Gala Dinner for Welsh Labour the other night. Who’d have thought 30 year ago Lisa would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas wi’t Mark Drakeford?See the source image

What did you eat at the Gala Dinner then Lisa, Tripe and Cowheel?

David Coombs, who once tried to buy the New Statesman, was Chairman of Prospect magazine founded in 1995 by Coombs and by former Financial Times journalist David Goodhart, who edited it. Coombs pumped £350,000 into the venture and had a regular column “Chairman’s Corner” until 2005. In 2008, George Robinson, a Director of hedge fund Sloane Robinson Investment Management, and Peter Hall, of boutique fund manager Hunter Hall, each acquired 26% of the title after Coombs, the magazine’s Chairman and largest shareholder, sold his 40% stake.

Following the mid-1990s Great War as declared by the Gang (assisted by ‘The Guardian’) on Graham Day at Bangor University, in which Nerys who subsequently married Merfyn was caught in the crossfire, Nerys wrote a couple of articles for ‘Prospect’. In one article she dared mention that there might be a problem at Bangor University with the sexual exploitation of students by staff. Nerys wasn’t over the top in the article, she was remarkably low key re her concerns and they were mentioned in passing in the context of an article about sexism in/the sexualisation of the workplace. The Gang Never Forgot…

See eg. ‘Badlands’, ‘Death Shall Have No Dominion’, ‘Lest We Forget’, ‘The Wizard War’ and other posts for the crap that rained down on the heads of Nerys, Merfyn and Graham for Ever After.

 

The Coombs family still owns the Bank and Insurance provider S & U plc, which specialises in pay-day loans and motor insurance for people with poor credit rating. Derek Coombs receives an estimated payment of around £120,000 per annum from the company in lieu of a pension arrangement. S&U operates under the LoansAtHome4U and Advantage Finance brands, and the Coombs family still has influence. The Coombs family further holds stakes in Metalrax.

Following his electoral defeat by Derek Coombs in 1970, Ioan Evans became Director of the International Defence and Aid Fund. Ioan re-entered Parliament in February 1974 for Aberdare. Ioan was appointed PPS to that key Gang member, Secretary of State for Wales John Morris (see previous posts for details of Morris’s facilitation of the Gang’s crimes over many, many years), but Ioan resigned in late 1974 due to his opposition to the Labour Party’s policy on Welsh devolution. Evans ‘feared that devolution would lead to the centralization of local gov’t authority in Cardiff, as well as the appointment of an additional 1300 civil servants’. Ioan’s chief objection, however, was to the additional costs of devolution. Unlike so many soothsayers who’s palms are crossed with silver, Ioan Evans’s worst fears were borne out.See the source image

Eventually, Ioan Evans was one of six Labour MPs to oppose devolution in the referendum of 1979, when the Gov’t proposals were heavily defeated; the others were Ifor Davies (the step great-uncle of AM Huw Irranca-Davies), See the source imageDonald Anderson, Alfred Evans, Leo Abse and the Windbag, as discussed in ‘News From Sicily’.

Leo Abse was a bent lawyer from south Wales, a valued Gang member and a close mate of George Thomas who bribed, blackmailed and threatened witnesses of Thomas’s crimes into silence. Abse’s brother Wilfred was a psychiatrist pal of Gwynne’s who emigrated to the US in the early 1960s and held senior academic posts in US universities; other brother Dannie was the Top Doc and poet. Dannie reigned over Ogmore, the constituency for which Irranca-Davies has served as MP and now serves as AM. Leo was the Brains behind the Cunning Plan to frame me for a serious offence and imprison me shortly after the June 1987 General Election, me having made such Wicked Allegations about his mate Gwynne and then Gwynne’s mates who decided that I could be intimidated, wrongly arrested, unlawfully detained in psych units… If the crooked old tosser was still alive I’d be happy to tell him that I don’t respond positively to such techniques. The result of Leo’s Cunning Plan and Tony Francis doing deals with Tories who knew people who knew my friends and I, while playing off the Labour Party as well and sending documentation – including forged – to the Windbag’s Office:See the source image

A Goal There For Leo And the Boys!!

Although the Windbag was on the No To Devolution side of the Labour Party in 1979, Windbags’ family friend Cledwyn Hughes, MP for Anglesey, 1951-79, was most enthusiastic about a Welsh Parliament. Cledwyn and his mate rotten egg Jim Griffiths See the source imagehad been begging for such an institution for years. While Rotten Jim was Welsh Secretary, rigging the new Welsh Office for the benefit of a gang of sex offenders, Cledwyn was serving as Harold’s Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations, considered to be “one of the Gov’t’s outstanding successes”. During Cled’s two years in post he was heavily involved with decolonization and represented the British Gov’t at the independence celebrations of Malta, Kenya and the Gambia. Cled’s negotiating skills were tested by conflicts within the Commonwealth, notably in Cyprus, Malaysia and the Indian sub-continent where Cled negotiated a cease-fire between India and Pakistan following a military conflict in the Rann of Kutch during June 1965. Cled was also involved in negotiations to avert a unilateral declaration of independence in Southern Rhodesia. In July 1965, Cled visited Salisbury for talks with Ian Smith, but these were unsuccessful and Smith declared UDI in November 1965.See the source imageImage result for peter hain images

In 1966, Harold appointed Cled as Welsh Secretary, in which role his Minister of State was George Thomas… GT was 100% hostile to the Welsh language and other matters that are usually embraced by enthusiastic devolutionists. Cled became a friend of the Windbag via the Windbag’s fruity wife’s family; the Windbag met Fruity Glenys when they were students at Cardiff – which was how Tony Francis knew the Windbag – and it was Cled who introduced the Young Thick Windbag to Labour big wigs, including Sunny Jim. How poor old Cled felt about the Windbag taking such a hostile view to devolution in the Big Referendum of 1979 I don’t know, but Cled was thrown overboard by the Labour Party in 1979. In late 1978 Cled had been again despatched as an envoy to Rhodesia, See the source imageseeking to accelerate the handover of power to the majority population, but as in 1965, Cled made little headway in persuading Ian Smith to co-operate; Cled also failed to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle. Cled was hugely disappointed by the decisive referendum vote on 1 March 1979 against devolution for Wales held on 1 March 1979. Weeks later, Cled stood down from his Anglesey seat and was succeeded as Labour candidate by his close ally, another loyal Gang member, Elystan Morgan.

Cled had suffered another big disappointment in 1968 when Harold moved him from the Welsh Office to become Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. Cled was disappointed to leave the Welsh Office, not least because he had done much preparatory work for the investiture of Carlo, scheduled for 1969, which included sending a monthly letter on Welsh affairs to Carlo, then at Trinity College, Cambridge. George Thomas took over as Welsh Secretary from Cled…

However, Cled will have been able to serve the Gang at MAFF; that post brought him into contact with the big landowners who were Of The Gang, including Tories Beata Brookes and Lord Kenyon, and the family of Bishop of Bangor/Archbishop of Wales, Gwilym Williams. An added bonus was that Gwilym Williams had been at Jesus College, Oxford, with Harold Wilson.

Another Trial For Cled was the 1970 General Election; Cled was heavily criticised by Plaid supporters and there were ‘unpleasant scenes’ at the count on Anglesey. I haven’t yet got to the bottom of this; everyone in the equation was on board with the organised abuse, they were all Of The Gang. The Plaid candidate was John Lasarus Williams (29 October 1924-15 June 2004), known as John L, who was born in Llangoed on Anglesey, but lived most of his life in nearby Llanfairpwllgwyngyll. In his youth, John L was a keen footballer and he also worked as a teacher. His activism started when he campaigned against the refusal of Brewer Spinks, an employer in Blaenau Ffestiniog, to permit his staff to speak Welsh. This inspired John L to become a founder of Undeb y Gymraeg Fyw, and through this organisation was the main organiser of Sioe Gymraeg y Borth (the Welsh show for Menai Bridge). John L was a long-serving Gwynedd County Councillor. Gwynedd CC ran the Social Services on Anglesey as well; it was under the old Local Authority structure, pre-1973/74, that Anglesey SS enjoyed different management from Caernarfonshire CC. This was used as a defence by the hopeless old offenders at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Ronnie Waterhouse didn’t mention that such was the nature of the Corrupt Incestuous Nepotistic Shithouse that they had all conspired and colluded for decades, played music chairs re jobs and responsibilities and some of them had migrated between different political parties. John L was twice Plaid’s candidate for Anglesey, in 1970 and 1979. The result in 1979 with Elystan The Great standing for Labour and John L standing for Plaid was a Tory win for Keith Best.

John L also worked at Bangor Normal College, an institution run by the Gang (see eg. ‘Thought For The Day’).

Corrupt Incestuous Nepotistic Shithouse stalwart Dafydd Iwan Image result for dafydd iwan albums images stood as the Plaid candidate for Anglesey in Feb and Oct 1974.

See ‘How Much Greater Is A Man Than A Sheep?’ for details of General Elections on Anglesey and the biographies of candidates from all parties.

Following Labour’s 1970 defeat at the hands of Grocer Heath, Cled was not elected to the Shadow Cabinet but kept the Agriculture portfolio. In 1972 Cled was dismissed by Wilson for voting in favour of entry into the Common Market. Cled remained a strong pro-European and was a Vice-President of the umbrella group Britain in Europe during the 1975 referendum. On Labour’s return to office in 1974, Cled was disappointed not to be offered a Ministerial post. However he successfully challenged Ian Mikardo – the hard left East End MP who wasn’t only a Gang member facilitating Gwynne and Dafydd’s partner ring operating out of the London Hospital Image result for wendy savage book imagesSee the source imagebut who also worked for the security services and was widely suspected to have been a double agent, possibly for the KGB  (see previous posts) – for the Chairmanship of the PLP, and held the post throughout the Parliament. In 1976, Wilson resigned suddenly and Cled was tasked as Chairman of the PLP with organizing the election of a successor. Cled was close politically to both Swinging Woy and Sunny Jim Callaghan, whom Cled had first met in 1949 at the home of Fruity Glenys’s parents in Holyhead.

In March 1977, Cledwyn was actively involved in the negotiations that led to the Lib-Lab Pact; it was that which propped up Mr Thrope and once the gaffe was blown on that front, propped up Cyril Smith in the face of an article published by an alternative newspaper in Rochdale about Cyril’s child molesting. David Steel utilised George Carman to ensure that not a word appeared in the national press because Mr Thrope’s Old Bailey trial was approaching and Steel feared that the Liberals would be finished if both matters became public. See previous posts and eg. ‘Man Of Steel’.

We should not forget that at the time, the Liberals were still a powerful force in Wales, Land Of David Lloyd George and of course David L-G’s daughter Megan had been the Liberal MP for Anglesey, 30 May 1929-24 October 1951, preceding Cled. Megan subsequently defected to the Labour Party and served as MP for Carmarthenshire, 28 February 1957-14 May 1966. Megan died in office on 14 May 1966, very unfortunately from cancer; Gwynfor Evans, yet another who’s biography suggests that he too was working for the security services (see previous posts) won the seat, becoming the first Plaid MP to be elected. Megan was MP for Carmarthenshire throughout the Profumo Affair and was one of the Insider witnesses who pegged out in the aftermath. Others included Lord Bill Astor (7 March 1966) and Dorothy Macmillan (21 May 1966). The by-election campaign following Megan death was a dirty fight, Gwynfor maxing out on the row over the flooding of the Welsh speaking village of Capel Celyn near Bala to create the Tryweryn Reservoir that provided drinking water for Liverpool.

Security Services Double Agent Dafydd Dr Dafydd Alun Jones as a med student in Liverpool in the 1950s was part of the Tryweryn campaign and popped over to Ireland to learn violent activist methods at the knee of Republicans. At Liverpool University, Dafydd also made friends with the Liverpool MPs and officials who were showing such insensitivity towards the angry Welsh who opposed Tryweryn and were insulted and abused when they staged a protest march through Liverpool. Just as the British security services supported Dafydd’s Training as a Top Doc to assist and eventually succeed Gwynne the Lobotomist, Dafydd’s MI5 brief was also to infiltrate Plaid AND the Irish Republican activists. It wasn’t the best idea that anyone ever had; here’s Ian Gow’s car after that bomb exploded:See the source image

Friend and adviser to Thatch Ian Gow, Tory MP for Eastbourne, 28 February 1974-30 July 1990, who doubled up as Thatch’s PPS, 4 May 1979-13 June 1983, was a  crooked solicitor who was facilitating (or he may have been active in) the Westminster Paedophile Ring, particularly the part in Brighton, the brothels owned by John Allen to where boys from the children’s homes in north Wales were trafficked  was killed by a car bomb on 30 July 1990. Irish Republicans were blamed but Gow’s assassination was something to do with his involvement in Gwynne and Dafydd’s activities and me. My post ‘An Ealing Comedy’ discusses the events shortly before Gow was killed: An extract from my post ‘The Bitterest Pill’: Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Energy, 11 June 1987-23 July 1990. On July 10 1990, Gwynedd Social Services took me to Court in Chester and attempted to have me imprisoned on numerous charges of breaching the High Court injunction that they had obtained against me in Feb 1990, on the basis of the perjury of two Gwynedd social workers, Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt. See ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ and ‘The Bitterest Pill.’ When I appeared at Chester Court, Fearns, Brandt and their social worker colleague Maggie Fookes, as well as their CPN colleague Bob Ingham [Ingham was a regular at Bangor Golf Club] perjured themselves to such an extent that something like 13 or 14 charges against me were thrown out. The Presiding judge, Justice John Roch – he later became Lord Justice Roch – helpfully asked if they would like more time to rewrite their statements, presumably in order to get their stories straight. Their barrister politely turned down the request, but why I have no idea. My post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ provides details of: the perjury; the forged documents, which included a forged letter from a Top Doc, Carl Littlejohns, who had previously been employed at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh; the collusion of the Welsh Office with Ron Evans, the bent lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council; and the [last minute] change of judge and Court of which my barrister Suzanne Evans was not told, she was sent to the wrong Court and arrived late and stressed for my case. [See eg. ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter the Arena’ for details of the degree of planning that my documents show was involved in the rigging of the Court and Judge; bent Gwynedd CC solicitor Ron Evans knew all about it and sent detailed instructions to the Four Perjurers to ensure that they arrived at the correct Court in advance to ‘acquaint’ themselves with their signed and sworn in affidavits, which the Four Perjurers had never seen before… Brown noted at the time that he wished that he had the power to nobble judges. No wonder Ron’s lawyer daughter (local talent, nurtured in Llandegfan on Anglesey,  attended Ysgol David Hughes with Aled Jones, D.G.E. Wood’s children, Tony Francis’s children and so many other offspring of the Gang) ended up as a Civil Service mandarin working as Mandy’s right hand aide by 2010. The injunction secured against me by Gwynedd CC in Feb 1990 had been obtained on the basis of the perjury of Gwynedd social workers Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt; Fearns had never met me and Brandt had met me at most three times; it was stated in the affidavits that I was a danger to Brandt’s life and the lives of her colleagues. See ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ and ‘The Bitterest Pill’. The injunction was issued at Leeds High Court although all parties lived and worked in Gwynedd/Anglesey, by Sir John Kay – later Lord Justice Kay – a well-known Liverpool based lawyer/judge/public figure, as discussed in previous posts.]See the source imageImage result for his masters voice imagesSee the source image

Suzanne Evans knew that there had obviously been an attempt to rig the trial; she was a young, unknown barrister and after it became clear that industrial scale perjury had been exposed, Roch became very angry with her, rather than the perjurers. He shouted at Suzanne and she was clearly intimidated; as was I, I realised that we were dealing with a madman who was ignoring the obvious lies of four witnesses. Suzanne Evans however has gone on to forge a nice career for herself in the Family Courts having rolled over for a gang of paedophiles (see previous posts), so it was clearly worth it.

On 23 July 1990, Peter Morrison was appointed as PPS to Thatch. On 24 July 1990, administrators at Clwyd Health Authority contacted Andrew Park (the crooked Welsh Office lawyer) Image result for his masters voice imagesSee the source imageSee the source imageOfficial portrait of David Hunt, Baron Hunt of Wirral crop 2.jpgclaiming that I had rung a Kay Hemsley at the North Wales Hospital and threatened an Angel. No-one could produce evidence that I had done this or that if such a call had been received it was me who had made it, so Park wrote to Clwyd Health Authority requesting that next time could Hemsley remember to explain how she knew that it was me calling. Kay followed orders, within a short while she had given a written account of another call supposedly from me and explained that she knew that it was me because she had spoken to me before and recognised my voice. Park had been busy anyway, informing Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities that he wanted as much information as possible, to build up a complete ‘dossier’ against me. The perjury and forging of documents continued apace. See ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

Six days later Ian Gow was killed. 

Gow, the son of Alexander Gow, a Top Doc of Harley Street and Bart’s ie. Armstrong-Jones Central See the source image– was MP for Eastbourne; Mary Wynch was in hiding at Eastbourne because after winning cases against the Gang she had still not had a moment’s peace. At some point in 1989, I went to Eastbourne and spent the day with Mary, where we exchanged Dafydd-experiences and Mary showed me some of her documents. We were trailed throughout the day by the security services but I didn’t realise that at the time. See ‘An Ealing Comedy’.

When Thatch was in opposition, Gow was brought onto the Conservative front bench in 1978 to share the duties of Opposition Spokesman on N Ireland with Airey Neave. The two men developed a Conservative policy on Northern Ireland which favoured integration of the province with Great Britain. Neave, like Gow, was a robust supporter of Thatch, worked as her campaign manager during the 1975 Tory Leadership contest (assisted by Peter Morrison) and worked for the security services. On 30 March 1979 Neave was killed by a car bomb a la Gow and Irish Republicans were blamed; again it has been admitted since that it was more likely that Neave was killed because of his role in Gwynne and Dafydd’s Gang. They both had knowledge of the VIP ring at Kincora Boys Home in Belfast as well as everything else.

Although later identified with the right-wing of the Tory Party, Gow took a liberal position on Rhodesia; he visited the country at the time of its Unilateral Declaration of Independence See the source image and was subsequently critical of Ian Smith’s white minority regime.

Just a reminder of some World Events during my St George’s Years/Years of numerous High Court cases, preceding and following Ian Gow’s murder:

In 1989, South African State President P.W. Botha suffered a stroke; although Botha would retain the state Presidency, he stepped down as Leader of the National Party, to be replaced by F. W. de Klerk . In a surprise move, Botha invited Mandela to a meeting over tea in July 1989, an invitation that Mandela considered genial. Botha was replaced as State President by de Klerk on 14 Aug 1989. Robert Owen, Robert Bluglass and Colin Berry held the rigged investigation into my complaint about the Gang in July 1989; Bluglass submitted his whitewash of a Report to the Welsh Office and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities in Aug 1989. Tony Francis had begun orchestrating the Secret Case Conference re me in June 1989, which would conclude in Nov 1989 that I was so murderously dangerous that I should be sent to live with Mr Savile in Broadmoor. In the autumn of 1989, there was a High Court case against me in Cardiff in which the only witness was Jeff Crowther, the Ysbyty Gwynedd Nursing Officer, during which Justice Cocklecarrot made very Mandy Rice-Daviesesque jokes; I was defended by Ian Murphy QC. All documentation and references to this case have disappeared from my files; after the case I went straight to Ysbyty Gwynedd where I attempted, once more, to gain answers. Ella Fisk, the Sister who ran the psych patients’ Day Centre repeatedly asked me if ‘the judge at Cardiff had said anything to me’ other than not jailing me. I was baffled but I remember another Angel saying quietly to Ella ‘they didn’t get it’. After I began this blog I was told that the Gang had submitted numerous Statements From People Who Knew Me – even when I was at school – testifying as to my Insanity and Dangerousness in support of an application to have me detained at Brenda’s pleasure, or at least the first steps towards that. At the time, Somerset Social Services were involved in a business arrangement with Mrs Brady; I have been told that at some point a murder took place that was concealed by Mrs Brady and Somerset Social Services. I have no idea who was killed or when, but I do know that the business arrangement was so obviously dodgy that Brown and I wondered what on earth Bridgwater Social Services were thinking of. These two can explain all:Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

The new State President of South Africa F. W. de Klerk believed that apartheid was unsustainable and released a number of ANC prisoners. Following the fall of the Berlin Wall in November 1989, de Klerk called his Cabinet together to debate legalising the ANC and freeing Mandela. Although some were deeply opposed to his plans, de Klerk met with Mandela in December to discuss the situation, a meeting both men considered friendly, before legalising all formerly banned political parties in February 1990.

Dame Amanda Yip, daughter of the late Lord Justice John Kay: See the source image

de Klerk also announced Mandela’s unconditional release. Shortly thereafter, for the first time in 20 years, photographs of Mandela were allowed to be published in South Africa.

Leaving Victor Verster Prison on 11 February 1990 – Keith Fearns swore his affidavit of lies re the Gwynedd CC High Court injunction against me on Feb 21 1990 (see ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) – Mandela held Winnie’s hand – don’t mention Stompie or the necklace killings!! – in front of amassed crowds and the press. Image result for his masters voice images See the source imageThe event was broadcast live across the world. Driven to Cape Town’s City Hall through crowds, Mandela gave a speech declaring his commitment to peace and reconciliation with the white minority, but made it clear that the ANC’s armed struggle was not over and would continue as “a purely defensive action against the violence of apartheid”. Mandela expressed hope that the Gov’t would agree to negotiations, so that “there may no longer be the need for the armed struggle”, and insisted that his main focus was to bring peace to the black majority and give them the right to vote in national and local elections. Staying at Desmond Tutu’s home – Desmond had excellent relations with Wales as a result of Peter Hain’s AAM activities, the 1970s Stop The Tour activism etc See the source imageSee the source imageSee the source image–  in the following days Mandela met with friends, activists, and press, giving a speech to an estimated 100,000 people at Johannesburg’s Soccer City.

Luthuli House in Johannesburg, See the source imageDr Dafydd Alun Joneswhich became the ANC headquarters in 1991. See the source image

Mandela proceeded on an African tour, meeting supporters Dr Dafydd Alun Jonesand politicians in Zambia, Zimbabwe, Namibia, Libya and Algeria and continuing to Sweden, where Mandela was reunited with Oliver Tambo and London, and where he appeared at the Nelson Mandela: An International Tribute for a Free South Africa concert at Wembley Stadium. Encouraging foreign countries to support sanctions against the apartheid gov’t, in France Mandela was welcomed by President François Mitterrand, in Vatican City by Pope John Paul II, and in the UK by Thatch. Thatch who with husband Denis See the source image had long had investments in apartheid South Africa and denounced Mandela as a terrorist for years before she suddenly came over all understanding. See the source imageIn the US, Mandela met President George H.W. Bush, addressed both Houses of Congress and visited eight cities, being particularly popular among the African-American community. See the source image In Cuba, Mandela became friends with President Castro, whom he had long admired. Mandela met President R. Venkataraman in India, President Suharto in Indonesia, Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad in Malaysia, and Prime Minister Bob Hawke in Australia. Mandela visited Japan, but not the Soviet Union, a longtime ANC supporter. Perhaps Mandela didn’t want to chuck a spoke in Thatch’s plans re the Soviet Union and Gorby…

In May 1990 – in May 1990 I was before Sir (later Lord Justice) Malcolm Pill Image result for sir malcolm pill imagesat the High Court in Cardiff, at the request of Gwynedd Health Authority (see ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ and ‘The Bitterest Pill’) – Mandela led a multiracial ANC delegation into preliminary negotiations with a Gov’t delegation of 11 Afrikaner men. Mandela impressed them with his discussions of Afrikaner history, and the negotiations led to the Groot Schuur Minute, in which the Gov’t lifted the state of emergency. In August 1990, Mandela – recognising the ANC’s severe military disadvantage – offered a ceasefire, the Pretoria Minute, for which he was widely criticised by MK activists. He spent much time trying to unify and build the ANC, appearing at a Johannesburg conference in December 1990 attended by 1600 delegates, many of whom found him more moderate than expected.  At the ANC’s July 1991 national conference in Durban, Mandela admitted that the ANC had faults and announced his aim to build a “strong and well-oiled task force” for securing majority rule. Oil being the operative word. See the source imageSee the source imageAt the conference, Mandela was elected ANC President, replacing the ailing Tambo, and a 50-strong multiracial, mixed gendered national executive – just like the present day Welsh Assembly Gov’t! See the source imageSee the source imageVaughan Gething 2016.jpg– was elected.

Mandela was given an office in the newly purchased ANC headquarters at Shell House, Johannesburg  and moved into Winnie’s large Soweto home. Their marriage was increasingly strained as Mandela learned of Winnie’s affair with Dali Mpofu, but he supported her during her trial for kidnapping and assault. See the source image Nelson gained funding for her defence from the International Defence and Aid Fund for Southern Africa and from Libyan leader Muammar GaddafiSee the source image but in June 1991 Winnie was found guilty and sentenced to six years in prison, reduced to two on appeal. On 13 April 1992, Mandela publicly announced his separation from Winnie. The ANC forced her to step down from the national executive for misappropriating ANC funds; Mandela moved into the mostly white Johannesburg suburb of Houghton. Mandela’s prospects for a peaceful transition were further damaged by an increase in “black-on-black” violence, particularly between ANC and Inkatha supporters in KwaZulu-Natal, which resulted in thousands of deaths. Mandela met with Inkatha leader Buthelezi, but the ANC prevented further negotiations on the issue. Mandela argued that there was a “third force” within the state intelligence services Image result for peter hain images fuelling the “slaughter of the people”See the source image and openly blamed de Klerk – whom he increasingly distrusted – for the Sebokeng massacre. In September 1991, a national peace conference was held in Johannesburg at which Mandela, Buthelezi and de Klerk signed a peace accord, though the violence continued.

I invite readers to refresh themselves re dates and events re the Gang and my friends and I as provided in eg. ‘The Price Is Right’. N.B. F’s mum was a white South African and F opposed apartheid. As well as organised abuse, the framing and murder of kids in care, psych patients, witnesses etc. Unlike Peter Hain, David Ennals and so many of Gwynne and Dafydd’s crowd on the left who just opposed apartheid. Sort of. Although they always found room for the moving of goalposts. As Meri Huws used to say, ‘Pick Up The Phone’.See the source imageSee the source imageSee the source imageSee the source image

‘Don’t ewe agree Merrrfyn?’See the source imageSee the source image

Lord Hain! While the criminal rats descended upon Bridgy en masse and intimidated father in his own house, you’ll be delighted to hear that my father, being the right wing old bloke that he was, never wavered from referring to Mandela as ‘The Elderly Terrorist’ even when Mandela had become a Global Hero. Brown caused a rumpus at an Amnesty conference as well when he asked Martin Ennals’ representative why Amnesty would not support the Birmingham Six but did support Mandela. Martin Ennals’ pal told Brown that the Birmingham Six had received a fair trial in a British Court. Brown came across a former Amnesty big wig years later, as his senior colleague; Brown told me that this Amnesty man really hated him and Brown wondered whether word had got around about the Conference years previously. Image result for michael mansfield imagesVery probably Brown, ALL Amnesty big wigs were mates with Gwynne and Dafydd! As well as other people who had a problem with you and I.See the source image

Re Fair Trials In A British Court, I had lots of them, as did many other targets of the bunch of gangsters with whom the whole Ennals family was in bed, in some cases literally…

Call Mr Mansfield of Gray’s Inn to overturn Miscarriages of Justice – by doing deals over me and others targeted by an INTERNATIONAL trafficking/paedophile ring…Image result for michael mansfield images

1990 and 1991 saw so many occasions that are worthy of being categorised as Dates For Your Diary as detailed in ‘The Price Is Right’ that I keep finding yet more Dates that I have failed to flag up sufficiently, or that I intend to discuss in detail in future posts but need to at least mention here. Consider this:

Donald Coleman, Labour MP for Neath, died on 14 Jan 1991, days after I had been charged with serious offences at Caernarfon Magistrates Court on the basis of the perjury of the Drs Francis and had been bailed to live in my shared house in Streatham. An application by the police was made for me to be held on remand in Risley; the bail application only seemed to have been granted because my housemates were Nice People, one being a junior doc at St George’s. My GP in London arranged a home visit for me from Robin Jacobson of Springfield Hospital on 15 Jan 1991 and Jacobson arranged for me to be admitted to Springfield on 16 Jan 1991. See eg. ‘The Price Is Right’ for details of the impressive conspiracy that was underway before I had even met Jacobson; the St George’s/Springfield contingent were part of the ring and had been working with the Gang for years. Independent Opinion from the Maudsley Dr Paul Bowden – a good mate of Bluglass and a man who had spent his entire career working with Gwynne, Dafydd’s and Tony Francis’s former colleagues – even managed to supply Alice Levinson, Jacobson’s junior doc, with his detailed assessment of me and accompanying diagnosis and Treatment Plan (ie. No Treatment, I was Dangerous, Nothing Would Work On Me and I would Use Therapy to inflict even more suffering upon the world) days before he had met me… I was discharged from Springfield on 7 Feb 1991, forced out of my job and refused all support except for an appointment with St Helena’s friend from St George’s/Springfield, Forensic Psych Prof Nigel Eastman, for, in Alice Levinson’s words, ‘containment’. Eastman told me to go back to north Wales because they knew me there and Dafydd was my doctor no less. At the end of Feb 1991, I obtained a letter written and signed by Jacobson to Eastman, telling Eastman that Dafydd had told Jacobson that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and that Jacobson suspected Tony Francis was as well. See ‘The Price Is Right’.

My friend who had stood by me in spite of the gangsters and threats (see ‘The Turn Of The Screw’) was forced out of her job at the Royal Television Society in Feb/March 1991. Her husband was forced out of his job at the BBC soon afterwards. One of my housemates from my student days at UCNW was forced out of his job with a drug company in Kent at the same time.

Peter Morrison bagged a K in Feb 1991.

I was the subject of another High Court case in London in Feb or March 1991; again the Drs Francis perjured themselves, again the MDU and the barrister acting for them, Sir Robert Francis QC, knew this.

Peter Hain was elected as the Labour MP for the safe seat of Neath – the location of the seriously grim Neath Farm School, where boys in care in north Wales were sent if they didn’t shut up about the beatings, the buggery and associated Giggles With Gwynne – on 4 April 1991. See ‘The Managers Of The Abattoir’.

Sir John Stradling Thomas, the Tory MP for Monmouth, died in office on 29 March 1991. Sir John was found dead in his flat in Dolphin Square. He was due to deliver a speech in the Commons on the allegations that politicians were involved with the abuse of children hours after his body was found. While Old Nick Edwards was Welsh Secretary, 1979-June 1987, Sir John was, along with Wyn Roberts and Keith Best, a member of Old Nick’s team in the Welsh Office. I intend to blog more about Sir John soon, but here’s the essentials as provided by the Dictionary of Welsh Biography:

Sir John Stradling Thomas was born on 10 June 1925, the son of Thomas Roger Thomas and Catherine Delahaye. He was educated at Bryntirion School, Bridgend, Rugby School [as was Tom King], London University (graduated B.Sc) and the Royal Veterinary College. He became an honorary associate of the Royal College of Veterinary Surgeons and the British Veterinary Association. He was called to the bar from the Inner Temple. He was a farmer, a company director and a broadcaster. He served as the chairman of the Carmarthen branch of the NFU, a member of the NFU Council and the NFU Welsh Council, 1963-70.

Numerous Gang members eg. Henry Brookes (Beata’s brother) and Bob Parry on Anglesey have held high office in the NFU.

Throughout his life he felt deep commitment to the cause of farmers.

Think Lord Kenyon and the Dept of Agriculture at UCNW, where Mary Wynch had been employed before the Gang ruined her life; no-one from UCNW ever showed any concern for Mary at all, even when she was making headlines. 

Thomas was a member of the Carmarthen Borough Council, 1961-64. He stood as the Conservative candidate for Aberavon in the general election of 1964, and for Cardiganshire in 1966. He was the Conservative MP for Monmouth, 1970 until his death. By 1987 he had built up his once slender majority to 9,350 votes. Though he rarely spoke in the House of Commons, he was highly regarded as a splendid member of the Speaker’s Panel of Chairman, chairing committees with unfailing flair and good humour. He served as a member of the Select Committee on the Civil List, 1970-71. He was Assistant Government Whip, November 1971-October 1973, Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, October 1973-March 1974.

Sir John was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury under the Grocer’s Chancellor of the Exchequer Anthony Barber, a key member of the Gang, dating back to Supermac’s Gov’t. Barber served as Douglas-Home’s Minister of Health just as Dafydd bagged promotion to Consultant rank. Barber was MP for Doncaster, 25 October 1951-25 September 1964; when he lost his seat, the Tories were so desperate to get Barber back in the Commons that the Tory MP for Altrincham and Sale, Frederick Erroll, stood down from the Commons ‘on Top Doc’s advice’, was given a peerage and thus made room for Barber to serve as the MP for that safe Tory Cheshire constituency, 10 June 1965-20 September 1974.

Frederick Erroll was a valuable member of the Gang, one of Sir Clough’s circle educated at Oundle, then at Trinity College, Cambridge. Under Harold Macmillan, Erroll was President of the Board of Trade, 1961-63. As Douglas-Home’s Minister for Power, 1963-64, Erroll rushed through the Continental Shelf Bill to allow Oil companies to speedily explore the North Sea and thus get in there before the Labour Party. See the source imageSee the source image

In the Lords, Erroll led the Tories in little-reported Lords economic, industrial and foreign trade debates Outside politics, Erroll was an even greater success as an industrialist. He was Chairman of paper producer Bowater and Consolidated Gold Fields See the source image -at Consolidated Gold Fields, See the source imageErroll fought off takeover attempts by South African billionaire Harry Oppenheimer – and Whessoe and [was] a leading figure in the CBI

Which brings us to John Davies, DG of the CBI, 30 July 1965-15 October 1969. As CBI chief, Davies had some quango appointments as a member of the British Productivity Council, the British National Export Council and the Council of Industrial Design. Davies was briefly a member of the Public Schools Commission.

John Davies’s early business career began when he joined the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company as an accountant in the marketing division. Davies worked for the company in London, Stockholm and Paris; the company renamed as British Petroleum in 1954. In 1956, Davies was promoted to be General Manager (Markets) for BP, and in 1960 he was Director of BP Trading. In 1961, John Davies was appointed as Vice-Chairman and Managing Director of Shell-Mex and BP Ltd, See the source imageDavies also became a Director of Hill Samuel Group. Due to his position he was made a member of the Grand Council of the Federation of British Industry and Chaired a committee on technical legislation. The Federation merged with British Employers’ Federation and the National Association of British Manufacturers in 1965 to form the Confederation of British Industry.

In 1969, John Davies was recruited by Grocer Heath to join his Gov’t once he won the next election. Davies failed to win the selection for the Conservative nomination at the Louth byelection of 1969 and for Cities of London and Westminster for the General Election. However, with Conservative Central Office support, See the source imageDavies was found a seat at Knutsford in Cheshire, which he easily won in the General Election on 18 June 1970. Knutsford was the former seat of an eccentric Sir Bufton Tufton of a Gang member:

Walter Bromley-Davenport
John Davies was succeeded as MP for Knutsford by Jock Bruce-Gardyne

In October 1970, John Davies was promoted to be Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, a new department set up by Grocer Heath.

John Davies served as Tory MP for Knutsford in Cheshire, 18 June 1970-6 November 1978. Davies was diagnosed with a malignant brain tumour in 1978,as matters Mr Thrope began to look worrying and swiftly stood down from the Shadow Cabinet and from Parliament. Davies was granted the position of Steward of the Manor of Northstead on 6 November 1978. In Brenda’s Birthday Honours list of 1979, Davies was awarded a life peerage, but on 4 July 1979 – Mr Thrope, an early supporter of the Anti-Apartheid Movement, had Walked Free From The Old Bailey on 20 June 1979 See the source image–  The London Gazette announced that “Gentle Davies [was] dead” from a relapse before the patent of creation passed the Great Seal. Peerage history was made when, by Royal Warrant bearing the date 27 February 1980, his widow Vera Georgina was granted the style and title of Baroness Harding-Davies of St. Mellons, indicating the title Davies had intended to take; his children The Hon. Francis William Harding Harding-Davies and The Hon. Rosamond Ann Metherell were given the rank of children of life peers.

Gentle Davies’s son the Hon Francis is better known as Frank Davies, the Canadian record producer, music publisher and founder of the Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame (Panthéon des Auteurs et Compositeurs Canadiens). Davies has been a major contributor to the growth of Canada’s music industry and its creative community for more than four decades. Frank is credited with discovering, producing, publishing, and developing the careers of many celebrated artists and songwriters, as well as being an advocate for their status.

Frank Davies started his music career in 1964 as a French correspondent to Billboard magazine. See the source imageSee the source imageHe later worked for both EMI Records and Liberty Records in London until the late 1960s, before migrating to Canada in 1970. There, Frank co-founded the independent record label Daffodil (named after the national emblem of Wales and as a symbol of hope and new beginnings), which became the first Canadian label to be distributed by a ‘major’ in that country, in the shape of Capitol/EMI. In 1978 alongside Daffodil Davies formed Partisan Music a production and publishing company that entered into an exclusive deal with a U.S record company (Capitol) to develop talent for that label worldwide. In early 1982 Davies put his label and production company on hold to become President of ATV Music Canada. In 1986, as a result of ATV’s purchase by Michael JacksonSee the source imageSee the source image Davies formed The Music Publisher (TMP) and built it into Canada’s largest and most successful independent music publisher over the next 14 years. Frank sold TMP to Alliance Communications Corporation and A&F Music in 1994 staying on as its President/CEO until the end of 1999 at which time he founded the music consultancy firm he currently operates – Let Me Be Frank Inc. In 1998 Frank Davies founded the non-profit Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame/Le panthéon des auteurs et compositeurs Canadiens (CSHF/PACC) serving as its Chairman until 2004. The Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame has inducted Canadian songwriters such as Gordon Lightfoot, Leonard Cohen, RUSH, Robbie Robertson, Joni Mitchell and Oscar Peterson.

On 1 June 1972 Frank Davies married the Canadian pop singer Lynda Squires, daughter of Ruth Mullen Squires. The marriage produced three children, Meghan Mae Harding Davies, now Ehrensperger, Emily Gwyneth Emerson Davies-Cohen, and Kate Theresa Georgina Davies.

Frank Davies received the Juno Awards 2014 Walt Grealis Special Achievement Award, recognizing individuals who have made a significant impact on the Canadian music industry. See the source image

See previous posts for further details of the Music Mogul who built his career on the back of the lobotomised victims of a gang of old sex offenders.See the source image

[Erroll] was a leading figure in]the Institute of Directors and the London Chamber of Commerce. He led successful trade delegations to south-east Asia and Latin America, and penetrated the Iron Curtain, meeting Nikita Krushchev and Chou En-lai. It’s incredible what one can achieve if one is friends with the Royal Lobotomist.See the source image

When Barber was the Grocer’s Chancellor, Maurice Macmillan served as his Chief Secretary to the Treasury.

Barber had two brothers: Noel, who became a well-known journalist and novelist, and Kenneth, who became Secretary of Midland Bank.  

Stradling Thomas was an opposition whip, 1974-79, and Treasurer of the Royal Household and government deputy chief whip, 1979-83. This was the happiest and the most successful period in his political career. He was also a member of the Select Committee on Trade and Industry, 1979-83, and of the Commons Service Committee, 1979-83. He was Minister of State for Wales, 1983-85, having reluctantly agreed to take the position after the death of Michael Roberts MP in February 1983.

Michael Roberts was the Tory MP for Cardiff North who died a slapstick death in action in the Commons. Michael Hilary Arthur Roberts (6 May 1927-10 February 1983) was the first Headteacher of the Bishop of Llandaff Church in Wales High School when it opened in 1963. Roberts contested Aberdare in 1954 and unsuccessfully fought Sunny Jim in Cardiff South East in 1955 and 1959, in 1959 losing by only 868 votes. Roberts was MP for Cardiff North from 1970 to February 1974 and thereafter for Cardiff North West. He became a junior Welsh Office Minister when Thatch came to power in 1979.

At 9:44 PM on 10 February 1983, Roberts collapsed and was taken ill while speaking at the despatch box in the House of Commons (he was replying to an adjournment debate) and was pronounced dead, aged 55, on arrival at hospital. He had suffered a fatal heart attack. Ordinarily there would have been a by-election to succeed him but none was called due to the impending 1983 General Election, in which boundary changes abolished his Cardiff North West seat.

Michael Roberts died exactly as the Gang moved in on us big time; Brown began receiving murder threats in Jan 1983 and Adrian Bell at UCNW simply ignored that and pressurised me into seeing D.G.E. Wood, who also ignored what was happening to Brown… It was in Feb 1983 that the undercover officer Patricia Margaret Edwards aka Trishles moved into our shared house in Llandegfan and caused havoc. Other crazy people whom I now know to have been undercover then began bothering us as well. eg. Leslie Gore the toxic Therapist, Naomi Grunfeld the Stoke Newington Orthodox Jewish teacher who fell in love with Brown, a whole host of Germans … See eg. ‘They Got On Their Bikes And Looked For Work’.

In 1983, Tiny Rowland purchased ‘The Observer’.

For info on others who held Michael Roberts’ seat of Cardiff North – a seat that it is impossible to win if one does not ignore the crap pouring out of institutions such as the University Hospital Cardiff, Cardiff Social Services etc – see ‘The Paedophiles Friends Of Cardiff North’. The Ale Twat’s wife Julie held Cardiff North, 1997-2010 – THINK WATERHOUSE INQUIRY AND DEATH OF GEORGE THOMAS as detailed in ‘The Price Is Right’!! – but then Julie was so committed to the cause of Sunny Jim, George Thomas et al that as a student at King’s College, London, Julie returned to Cardiff to campaign for Sunny Jim. A career in social work in Wales, as Deputy Director of Barnardo’s and as the wife of an Ale Twat was inevitable.

Tory Ian Grist succeeded Michael Roberts in the seat, Feb 1974-1983 and Grist repeatedly was confronted with the results of Gwynne and Dafydd, only to make silly excuse after silly excuse. Grist served as PPS to Old Nick, 1979-81 and then Thatch appointed Grist as junior Minister at the Welsh Office in June 1987, under Old Nick’s successor Peter Walker (one of the Gang’s money men, friend and business colleague of Edward du Cann as well as Nigel Lawson) just as the Cunning Plan re my fitting up and imprisonment fell apart. Image result for lord tom king imagesGrist was considered a truly safe pair of hands; after losing his seat Grist was appointed Chairman of South Glamorgan Health Authority, a post he held until 1996, ‘when he retired due to ill health’.

Another episode of ‘Friends’. Or ‘Sex In The City’?

See the source image

[Stradling Thomas] readily admitted thereafter that he missed the whip’s office sorely. In 1985, Nicholas Edwards, the Secretary of State for Wales, replaced Stradling Thomas with Mark Robinson (Newport West) at the Welsh Office.

Mark Robinson was one of those who replied to my communications with the Welsh Office re the Gang when Robinson was a junior Welsh Office Minister, 1985-June 1987, under Old Nick, telling me that there was just nothing that he could do. Mark Noel Foster Robinson (born 26 December 1946) was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret. Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975. John Robinson’s family ran ES&A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. The Robinsons were famous for cricket: Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucestershire; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Robinson was educated at Harrow a la Lord Wyn Roberts, Gang stalwart in the Welsh Office and Christ Church, Oxford.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the United Nations: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal. Dodgy lawyer Sonny Ramphal (see previous posts) has been an excellent friend to the Gang and was most helpful to Lord Elwyn-Jones, People Trafficker In Chief; Sonny served as Chancellor of Warwick University, place of many sins as discussed in ‘Vichy Warwick’.

Robinson was/is: Chairman of the Commonwealth Organisations’ Committee on Zimbabwe; the UK Chairman of the Commonwealth Consortium for Education; a Council Member of the Winston Churchill Memorial Trust; Hon. Treasurer of the Commonwealth Round Table: the Commonwealth Journal of International Affairs; and a Trustee of Concordia UK.

Robinson was elected Conservative MP for the notionally safe Labour seat of Newport West in 1983. Because of his background at the UN and Commonwealth Robinson was appointed to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch appointed him Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office. Despite achieving an increase in his share of the vote, Robinson lost his seat at the June 1987 General Election to Labour’s Paul Flynn. Flynn will have been one of those who knew about Leo Abse’s Cunning Plan re me in 1987; then there were the documents that Tony Francis was sending to the Windbag’s Office. In the 1990s, Flynn used to appear on TV in the Vincent Kane Debates with Dafydd; Flynn robustly argued with Dafydd re Dafydd’s nonsense about Reefer Madness, but Flynn had a long and glorious history re Gwynne and Dafydd and I still haven’t got to the bottom of it. Flynn (see previous posts), a Roman Catholic from south Wales, stood as the Labour candidate for Denbigh in Oct 1974; all candidates for Denbigh knew that they would be facilitating butchers. As with working as a Top Doc in north Wales, most people would just not do it. Flynn’s daughter killed herself when she was 15 which suggests something terrible, but I haven’t been able to find out more.

Robinson was re-elected in 1992 for the Somerset seat of Somerton and Frome. He was PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Chalker, one of the Gang’s emissaries who held a Merseyside seat (see previous posts) and one of the Gang’s men in the security services with a hotline into UCNW, Douglas Hurd, (see eg. ‘Our Man In Llandegfan) but was defeated at the 1997 General Election by David Heath. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

From 1987–1995 Robinson was a Director of Leopold Joseph, the Merchant Bank and from 1988–92 he was a Member of the Board of the Commonwealth Development Corporation.

[Stradling Thomas] was a member of the Bow Group, and was elected president of the Federation of Conservative Clubs in 1984. He was a member of the General Advisory Council to the BBC See the source image and a trustee of the Parliamentary Pension Fund. Stradling Thomas suffered a serious fall in 1987 which almost killed him and thereafter deprived him of his powers and energy. During the last years of his life a conspicuous waning of his powers and his general inactivity in parliament had led to some dissatisfaction in his constituency. His conspicuous absence from a parliamentary debate on the Severn Bridge tolls had greatly irked his constituency party which then refused to endorse Stradling Thomas as their candidate. After an initial display of defiance, he announced his intention to stand down at the next general election. He was knighted in 1985. Thomas married in 1951 Freda, the daughter of Rhys Evans, and they had one son and two daughters. The marriage was dissolved in 1982. He died at London on 29 March 1991.

Peter Hain was elected as the Labour MP for the safe seat of Neath on 4 April 1991.See the source image

I appeared at the Royal Courts of Justice at the Strand in April 1991; all documentation and references to the case have disappeared from my files. See the source imageI don’t know the exact date and I can’t remember the name of the judge, but St Helena was in a neighbouring Court representing Sara Thornton in her first (unsuccessful) appeal against conviction in a Wimmin’s Abuse test case. See the source imageI can’t retrieve any info from the Royal Courts re my case unless I know the date; I have e mailed St Helena to ask if she could provide me with the dates that she appeared for Sara in April 1991, but St Helena has not replied. St Helena’s colleague in Tooks Court Chambers Michael Mansfield represented Sara at her second successful appeal in the autumn of 1996. In the latter part of 1993, I wrote to MM about the abuses of Gwynedd Social Services; MM sent me a one-line reply. I have been told that MM sent up the distress flare to all Radical Defenders and it was agreed that none of them would agree to act for me if I asked them. See the source imageThey needed the Top Docs’ co-operation to win their Famous Cases which were building their reputations… Image result for medical defence union imagesImage result for general medical council logo imagesSee the source imageSee the source image

Ian Gow was on good terms with his cousin Tory MP Nicholas William Budgen (3 November 1937-26 October 1998), aka Nick Budgen. Named after St. Nicholas Church in Newport, Shropshire of which his grandfather was priest, Budgen was baptised at Lichfield Cathedral by his grandfather, who had also baptised Enoch Powell, as well as marrying his parents. It was Budgen who succeed Powell as the Tory MP for Wolverhampton South West.

Nicholas Budgen was educated at St Edward’s School in Oxford and Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. Budgen was raised by his grandfather after his father had been killed during WW II. Budgen carried out his National Service in the North Staffordshire Regiment; in 1959 he transferred to the Staffordshire Yeomanry. Budgen became a barrister at Gray’s Inn in 1962. Gray’s Inn contained the best as far as Gwynne and Dafydd were concerned, because of the presence of William Mars-Jones in a senior capacity there.

Nick Budgen was also a very keen amateur rider under National Hunt rules and in the spring of 1971. In 1974, Enoch Powell left the Tory Party and resigned from his seat over their policy on the EEC, only six weeks before the 1974 General Election and Budgen was selected to stand for the Tories in Powell’s old seat Wolverhampton South West.

Previous posts have discussed how Enoch Powell Cunningly Assisted Gwynne and Dafydd while making a public display of Being Determined To Put A Stop to their Giggles. Powell was a very strange man in many ways but him being famously offensive re matters Skin (as Lisa Nandy would say) has eclipsed discussion about the many other aspects of him. In recent years, Powell has been named as a Westminster paedophile. I have no idea if he was, but Powell was dysfunctional re personal relationships even by the standards of those men of his era and class who had often been brutalised. He experienced enormous levels of survivor”s guilt after his mates had nearly all been killed during their war service, used to become incredibly depressed and openly state that he wished that he had died as well. Powell’s wife found this hard to deal with and Powell believed that was because she was a Woman. His relationships with the young men who had been killed were very close, obviously emotionally romantic but no-one dared to ever confirm whether Powell had been sexually involved with his male friends.

Powell’s famous defection from the Tory Party to the Ulster Unionists and him urging people not to vote Tory wasn’t for the reasons usually assumed. I haven’t had time to dig properly yet, but I have received info that it was something to do with the havoc bubbling under in the West Country about Mr Thrope’s ‘immoral’ behaviour and Edward du Cann being a crook…

In 1975 Nick Budgen voted to remain in the Common Market. In 1981 he was appointed a Conservative Whip, but on 8 May 1982 he resigned as a Whip over his opposition to the creation of a Northern Ireland Assembly. To compensate, The Spectator magazine selected Budgen as their 1984 Backbencher of the Year. It was allegedly Budgen’ speeches in 1985 against the Anglo-Irish Agreement that persuaded his cousin Ian Gow to resign as a Minister from Thatch’s Gov’t.

According to Michael Brown, who was at the time a Gov’t Whip, Nick Budgen was the only critic of the 1988 Budget, which contained many “giveaways” and led to high inflation and the 1990 recession. Brown described the situation in the Commons tea room after the budget as one of congratulatory atmosphere until Nick Budgen entered and proceeded to tell those present, “It is the most irresponsible budget I have ever heard, it will be downhill from now on. In one fell swoop Mr Lawson has squandered five years of responsible economic management”.

Budgen’s denouncement was only the Gang scrapping among themselves again; Lawson’s City career included business with Edward du Cann’s mates, including business partners of Gwynne and Dafydd loyalist Peter Walker. Greville Janner’s mate Frank Beck, the Leicestershire social worker was arrested at his home on 14 April 1990.

Cardiff High Court, May 1990: See the source image By the time that I appeared before Malcolm Pill, David Hunt was the Brand New Welsh Secretary; my documentation shows that all the ground work re conspiracy, perjury, forged documentation etc had been carried out under Hunt’s predecessor as Welsh Secretary, one Peter Walker. Thatch whipped Walker out of the Welsh Office days before I appeared in the High Court in Cardiff. On 26 Oct 1989 – days before the Secret Case Conference Chaired by Dr Chris Hunter (see ‘The Night Of The Hunter’), by then based at the Caswell Clinic in south Wales, was held about me in Nov 1989 that concluded I should be sent to live with Mr Savile – Fatty Lawson had retired as Chancellor. Fatty lingered on the backbenches – ‘I know nuzzing’ – until he retired in April 1992, days before the Brighton Firebomb killed five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. See ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’. 

On 29 Nov 1991 Beck received five life sentences plus an extra 24 yrs for the violent physical and sexual abuse of more than 100 kids in care, including rapes. Beck served as a Liberal Councillor for Blaby, Lawson’s constituency, from 1983.

Jimmie McAlpine, a keen cricketer who lived at the family seat in Denbighshire, died on 6 Nov 1991; in 1985 Jimmie had handed over the Chairmanship of McAlpines to his son Bobby, who featured in ‘The Cash Box’. Geoffrey Howe, Deputy PM and Lord President of the Council (and therefore visitor to UCNW), resigned from Thatch’s Gov’t on 1 Nov 1991; Howe began life as a bent south Wales lawyer assisting the Gang and the assistance became increasingly effective as the old git rose up through Gov’t; Howe’s dad assisted the Gang in Gwynne’s early era. On 13 Nov 1991, Howe’s resignation speech led to Thatch being deposed by the end of Nov 1991. It was the Top Docs wot did it, but whether they blackmailed Howe over his many previous crimes re Gwynne’s Giggles  or whether Howe was only too happy to stick the knife in I don’t know.

There are allegations that Frank Beck and two others murdered one boy, although the death was explained away as the boy having run away from a children’s home only to ‘kill himself’. There were direct links and exchanges of staff – including Top Docs and social workers – between the ring in Leicestershire and the Gang in north Wales. Lawson’s daughter Nigella when at Oxford was mates with the Dangerous Sports Club tossers who befriended Mr Bridgy Celeb early in 1987…

By 1987, Brown was in Leicester doing his PhD and I shared his house there from May/June 1987 until Feb 1988. In June 1987, the constituency in which we lived elected a new Labour MP, who more recently has forged out a career in selling washing machines:

 

Mr Charles Moore described at Budgen’s memorial service how he once rang Budgen pretending to be a racist constituent. He said that Budgen said he supported a firm immigration policy, but when pushed to agree that all immigrants should be sent home, he forcefully defended their right to be in Britain. “His distaste was palpable. I can think of many more liberal-minded MPs who might have given less firm answers to someone they thought might vote for them,” he said. In the 2019 release of Gov’t papers it was revealed that Budgen avoided Blacks and Irish people in his constituency.

Ken Clarke was at Cambridge with Budgen and invited Budgen (who had at the time lost the Conservative Party Whip) to his 50th birthday party at 11 Downing Street. Ken Clarke the dodgy old geezer who has been at the thick of so much wrongdoing for so many decades…

Budgen’s real prominence came in the 1990s when he was one of the Whipless Eight; the Maastricht Rebels. The Whipless Eight had taken to having their own policy meetings, leading Grocer Heath to describe them as “a party within a party”.

Leolin Price was one of the lawyers who provided legal advice to the Maastricht Rebels. Leolin was married to Lindy, daughter of Lord Brecon. Lord Brecon aka David Vivian Penrose Lewis, a Councillor from Talybont-on-Usk, took High Society by storm when in December 1957 he was appointed Minister of State for Welsh Affairs by PM Harold Macmillan and then in Jan 1958 was raised to the peerage as Baron Brecon. No-one could understand why this bumpkin who very obviously did not have the knowledge or experience for a Gov’t position had suddenly been plucked from obscurity, or at least no-one who didn’t know about Gwynne the Royal Lobotomist. Lord Brecon was admitted to the Privy Council in 1960 and remained Minister of State for Welsh Affairs until 1964, from 1963 to 1964 under PM Sir Alec Douglas-Home. Lord Brecon died just before matters Mr Thrope became horribly public; Mabel, Lady Brecon, outlived her husband by decades and made herself useful by serving as a JP.

It was Lord and Lady Brecon’s daughter Rosalind aka Lindy who really benefited from her dad’s elevation on the basis of Gwynne and Dafydd’s crimes. Lindy was Raised As A Lady and spent her adult life in Good Works, in particular Prison/Penal Reform, especially in the direction of Delinquent Girls, Women Prisoners and other people who were likely to have been victims of Gwynne et al. Lindy was among many things a member of the Police Complaints Board (1983-85).

Lindy and Leolin were based in Camden but in the early 1980s, relocated to mid-Wales. Lindy was mates with Old Nick, so inevitably it was roles in NHS governance for Lindy. Lindy became a member of the Maternity Services Advisory Committee (1981-84) and then a lay member of the Midwifery Committee of the UK Central Council (1983-88). In 1986, Old Nick appointed Lindy Chairman of the Powys District Health Authority, which in 1992 became Powys Health Care NHS Trust and Price continued to Chair it until 1996. Lindy was a member of the Social Security Advisory Committee set up by the Department of Social Security and a number of other similar committees. Geoffrey Howe’s wife Elspeth ‘served on committees’ with Lindy and rated her; Lindy was a Tory and as a young woman had worked for the Tories. In 1996, Lindy Price was appointed by the Welsh Office William Hague (cropped).jpg as Chairman of the Gwent Health Authority (1996-98). Lindy was highly effective at keeping a lid on the most appalling malpractice in the NHS (and of course in Penal Reform, as well as in so many organisations that Help) but at Gwent HA, one of the shitbombs blew up splattering Lindy. The excuse was the existence of a ‘serious management problem’ in Gwent HA of which everyone knew nuzzing. Lindy herself sadly passed over on 8 June 1999, very soon after she was splattered by the Gang into which she was born.

The anti-EU Bastards who famously caused so much trauma for John Major were associated with Prof Richard Howarth, an agricultural economist from UCNW, who bagged a job as Thatch’s adviser shortly after I arrived at UCNW, registered for a degree in Howarth’s Dept of Agriculture and then (along with many other students) changed course because Howarth et al were so hopelessly incompetent. The Dept of Agriculture became notorious when the UCNW-subsidised farm that the Dept ran went bankrupt – twice – as a result of the gross mismanagement. Howarth was an economic adviser to Thatch and busied himself contributing to Bruges Group publications. Howarth’s star fell with Thatch and he was last heard of in the 1990s running a B&B in north Wales.

Howarth was mates with anti-EU Tory politician Sir Richard Body, MP for Billericay, 1955-59, for Holland with Boston, 1966-97, and for Boston and Skegness from 1997 until he stood down at the 2001 General Election. Body doubled up as ‘Old Muckspreader’ in ‘Private Eye’. Body’s wife, Lady Body, the former Marion Graham, was a friend and Bletchley Park colleague of Valerie Middleton, Kate Middleton’s grandmother. Howarth and Body were chums with another similar character to them, Lord Richard Livesey, the Liberal MP for Brecon and Radnorshire, 4 July 1985-9 April 1992 and 1 May 1997-14 May 2001. Livesey’s CV (see previous posts) suggests that he had a great many connections with UCNW, Aber University and people who knew me in Somerset, as well as Gang members in north Wales.

Livesey succeeded Tom Hooson in the Brecon and Radnorshire seat. Tom was the (Tory) cousin of (Liberal) Emlyn Hooson, bent barrister of the Gang, the Hoosons being a Denbighshire farming family. Tom died suddenly in office ‘from a heart attack’ on 8 May 1985, See the source image shortly after Tony Francis went weird on me for the first time and went weird on a friend of mine from Bangor at the same time, which led to the big row between Francis and me in Aug 1985 over him telling bare-faced porkies. Anthony Eden’s son Nicholas Eden, a Minister in Thatch’s Gov’t who had used the services provided by Gwynne and Dafydd, was at the time dying from AIDS. Eden resigned from his job as Minister at the Dept of Environment on 27 March 1985 and died on 17 Aug 1985, virtually to the day that Francis challenged me to complain about him to the Welsh Office for all he cared; he had already contacted the Welsh Office to let them know that I would be coming…See the source image

As well as being Legal Adviser To Bastards, Leolin Price was also Legal Adviser To The Fundraisers For Great Ormond Street. Sunny Jim’s wife Audrey for years was a governor of GOSH and Chaired the fundraising vehicle. Sunny Jim as PM used his influence to raise dosh. Sunny Jim and Audrey Image result for jim and audrey callaghan imageswere good friends with Leo Abse. As Wilson’s Home Secretary, Sunny Jim gave Leo all the powers that he needed to stage manage every part of a new Children Act – eventually the Children Act 1975 – that would result in huge numbers of kids being passed over to the Gang and linked rings… Leo relied entirely on Gwynne, Dafydd and their accomplices at every stage to provide the Expert Advice to the tame Houghton Committee that was established by Sunny Jim (ie. Leo) to review the law. There was a brief interval when Grocer Heath was PM, but as soon as Wilson returned to power in 1974, Dr Death offered the use of his Private Member’s Bill to get the Act on the statute books asap. The molesters running the ‘child protection services’ Image result for jimmy savile and thatch imageshad a continuous supply of kids… See previous posts.

See previous posts for info on Leolin and Lindy, Howarth, Body, Livesey, the Hoosons et al and Nicholas Eden…

To Nick Budgen, the European question was an issue far more important than Party loyalty. Budgen had a contemptuous attitude towards both Party and his leaders, having the second most rebellious voting record in the Commons, 1979-97. He is quoted as saying, “you know, this is a government you can push” and was aware that John Major‘s Gov’t was reliant upon the right wing of its Party because of its small majority in the Commons. To this end, Budgen helped lead a hardcore of approximately 50 right-wing Tory MPs to influence Gov’t policy on N Ireland and Europe among other things. His hard line on the N Ireland situation ‘was perhaps stiffened by the IRA murder of his cousin Ian Gow MP’.

The day after a conciliatory article in The Times by Budgen, John Major returned the whip to the rebels. Additionally, of the Whipless Rebels, Budgen was the only one to vote with the Gov’t on VAT on fuel in November 1994; the Gov’t were, however, defeated, forcing the then Chancellor Ken Clarke to return to Parliament with a “mini budget”, an unprecedented event.

On 4 Nov 1994 Liverpool High Court gave Dafydd his injunction against F and I on the basis of Dafydd’s ludicrous affidavit in which Dafydd discussed his own anus, complained about F blowing a raspberry down the phone at him months previously and a fallacious allegation that I had thrown a brick through his glass door in the early hours of the morning. The brick was planted and the MDU were contacted in Spring 1994 immediately after F and I met with the Mental Health Act Commission and told them that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients Image result for medical defence union images and that serious complaints against him were not being investigated. See ‘The Price Is Right’ and other posts.

Due to Budgen’s support for a referendum on the question of European integration, James Goldsmith‘s Referendum Party decided not to run a candidate against Budgen. (Lord Alistair McA joined Sir Jams’s Referendum Party after John Major became PM.) Budgen had in fact suggested to the seatless former Conservative Gov’t Minister and relentless sexual harasser/exploiter Alan Clark that he should stand for the Referendum Party. Budgen had said that the Tories “in the West Midlands will be running on alternative manifesto”, presumably meaning with other local Maastricht Rebels, Christopher Gill (Ludlow) and Richard Shepherd (Aldridge & Brownhills).

Previous posts have discussed the ring in Shropshire directly linked to the Gang – John Allen owned and managed a children’s home in Shropshire – that involved the Ormsy-Gore family ie. the Lords Harlech. David O-G aka the 5th Lord Harlech was British Ambassador to the US and in post when JFK was assassinated. Lord H subsequently had a romance with Jackie K, although she turned down his offer of marriage in 1968 to marry Aristotle Onassis, a rich Greek …

Previous posts have discussed the O-Gs at length, in particular the myth of the Curse Of The Harlechs, a tabloid construction in the face of so many of David Harlech’s immediate family dying young and/or in unfortunate circumstances. The Curse Of The Harlechs is as impressive as the Curse Of The Onassises, although The Curse Of The Harlechs only manifested itself once Lord David H had served as US Ambassador. Prior to that, the Harlechs were much as any other aristocratic family who supported the Gang.

William Ormsby-Gore, 4th Baron Harlech, was Tory MP for Denbigh Boroughs, 1910-18, then for Stafford, 1918-38, after which he entered the Lords after inheriting his father’s peerage. Stafford was the site of another big longstanding ring linked to the Gang, concealed by all the region’s politicians, including Jennie Lee aka Mrs Nye Bevan, Labour MP for Cannock, 5 July 1945-18 June 1970.

It is alleged that William Ormsby-Gore by 1916 had become a convert to Judaism; he was one of the primary figures in the British Gov’t who favoured the creation of a Jewish homeland in Palestine. He was recalled to England in 1917 to serve as PPS to Lord Milner and as Assistant Secretary in the War Cabinet headed by PM David Lloyd George and to Sir Mark Sykes. Mark Sykes is the great-granddad of Model Plum Sykes, who is married to Toby Rowland, son of Tiny. See previous posts…

Zionist leader Chaim Weizmann, a personal friend of William Ormsby-Gore, took refuge in Ormsby-Gore’s London home while Weizmann was in London for the Cabinet approval of the Balfour Declaration. With Weizmann’s approval, Ormsby-Gore was the British military liaison officer with the Zionist mission in the Holy Land (then lately liberated from Ottoman Turkish rule) during March to August 1918. After the armistice, William O-G was part of the British delegation to the peace conference at Paris in 1919.

William O-G served as Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies, 1922-29 (with a brief interruption during the short-lived Labour Gov’t of 1924). He was British representative to the Permanent Mandates Commission of the League of Nations, 1921-22. In the 1927 New Year Honours, O-G was sworn of the Privy Council. William the 4th Baron Harlech also held office in the National Government as Postmaster-General in 1931, as First Commissioner of Works, 1931-36 and as Colonial Secretary, 1936-38, resigning, eight days after he entered the House of Lords, in protest re the partitioning of Palestine. O-G was also a firm protester against Nazi Germany at that time. During WW II, O-G was Civil Defence Commissioner for the North-East of England and then High Commissioner to South Africa, 1941-44.

After retiring from politics William O-G served on the Board of Midland Bank, owner of a banking house founded by his family, and was Chairman of the Bank of West Africa. O-G also held the honorary post of Lord Lieutenant of Merionethshire, 1938-57. Sir Clough Williams-Ellis of the Welsh Bloomsbury Set (see ‘The Village’) who used Gwynne and Dafydd’s services was only able to build Portmeirion after he received a loan from the Midland Bank. Portmeirion not only considerably boosted Sir Clough’s income, but because it became famous after it was used as the setting for the 1960s cult TV series ‘The Prisoner’, Portmeirion brought Gwynedd to the attention of a whole cohort of young people of that time who were keen on alternative lifestyles, rock music, recreational chemicals etc. Portmeirion is a mainstream tourist attraction these days but Portmeirion and all that came with it used to be viewed as much more off-beat. The success of ‘The Prisoner’ and the international fame of its Star Patrick McGoohan led to a whole world of film, media and celebs… See ‘Mr Fawlty, I No Want To Work Here Anymore…’

Described as having “a deep interest in the arts”, Lord Harlech was Trustee of the National Gallery (with a brief interval) from 1927 and of the Tate Gallery from 1945 to 1953, Chairman of the Advisory Committee to the Victoria and Albert Museum and of the Standing Commission on Museums and Galleries from 1948 to 1956. O-G had an extensive library at his Shropshire home, Brogyntyn near Oswestry, which he downsized after moving out of the mansion in 1955. Lord Kenyon’s family seat was in Shropshire and Lord K had the same sort of cultural interests as William O-G and sat on very similar committees. They knew each other well.

William O-G served as President of UCNW 1940-45; Charles Paget, 6th Marquess of Anglesey 1945–47; Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, 5th Baron Kenyon 1947–82; William Mars-Jones 1982–95; Cledwyn Hughes 1995–2000.

William’s son and heir David O-G had a standard High Society life until he served as US Ambassador. On 9 February 1940, Lord Harlech married Sylvia Lloyd Thomas, daughter of Hugh Lloyd Thomas, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary to France, 1935-38, and Hon. Guendaline Ada Bellew.

In 1950, David O-G was elected Tory MP for Oswestry, in which role he remained until 1961. Under PM Anthony Eden O-G served briefly, from November 1956 to January 1957, as Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; and under PM Harold Macmillan he was from 1957 to 1961 Minister of State for Foreign Affairs. After the election of U.S. President John F. Kennedy David Harlech was appointed British Ambassador to the United States on 18 October 1961. He took the Chiltern Hundreds on 1 June, so that he could resign from the House.

David Ormsby-Gore knew Kennedy well from his time in London, where JFK’s father Joseph P. Kennedy had served as American Ambassador. Like Macmillan, David Ormsby-Gore was distantly related to JFK, but had a closer relationship than did Macmillan with the President-elect and his brother Robert. Six months after JFK took office, David Ormsby-Gore was in Washington, D.C. Referred to under the Kennedy administration as “our kind of Ambassador”, David O-G was almost a resident at the White House, being more a friend of the family than a mere ambassador.

After JFK’s assassination there were rumours of a romance between David Ormsby-Gore and Jacqueline Kennedy. In 1968 he proposed marriage to her, but, she did not accept. Ormsby-Gore was one of the pallbearers at Robert Kennedy’s funeral along with Robert McNamara, John Glenn, W. Averell Harriman, C. Douglas Dillon, Kirk Lemoyne Billings (schoolmate of John F. Kennedy), Stephen Smith (husband to Jean Ann Kennedy), David Hackett, Jim Whittaker and John Seigenthaler Sr.. Under the Lyndon B. Johnson administration relations were more formal but remained excellent; and Ormsby-Gore maintained his position after the Labour Gov’t took power in Britain in 1964.

The extent of David Harlech’s influence over the Kennedy administration is disputed. Unable to persuade the American Gov’t to agree with the British line over Yemen and the Congo, or to proceed with either a negotiated settlement with Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev over Berlin or the Skybolt ballistic missile programme, he nevertheless played a significant role in the Cuban Missile Crisis and ensured that Britain’s views were taken into account by the American Gov’t.

Bertrand Russell was one for firing off telegrams to World Leaders telling them what to do; I understand that the telegrams were sent from Penrhyndeudraeth Post Office and local teenagers with a wicked sense of humour were suitably entertained at the orders being despatched across the globe from Penrhyndeudraeth PO… One of Russell’s most famous orders from Penrhyndeudraeth PO was despatched during the Cuban Missile Crisis; in an exchange of telegrams with Nikita Khrushchev, Khrushchev assured Russell that the Soviet Gov’t would not be reckless. Russell sent this telegram to JFK:

YOUR ACTION DESPERATE. THREAT TO HUMAN SURVIVAL. NO CONCEIVABLE JUSTIFICATION. CIVILIZED MAN CONDEMNS IT. WE WILL NOT HAVE MASS MURDER. ULTIMATUM MEANS WAR… END THIS MADNESS.

Jump to it Kennedy. See the source image

A film made by the residents of Cwm Croesor has appeared on You Tube and explains that one of the famous telegrams containing Orders From Penrhyndeudraeth – I think the one that I have reproduced above to JFK – wasn’t written and sent by Russell at all but by one of those who worked for him. It is alleged that Russell only found out about it later. If telegrams were being despatched to World Leaders in Russell’s name without his knowledge, were I a teenager in Cwm Croesor at the time, I would have seen great scope for er Giggles but not quite as Gwynne conceptualised Giggles…

YOUR ACTION DESPERATE: ON-GOING GIGGLES. NUKE DENBIGH NOW!

The friendship of David Ormsby-Gore and Macmillan with JFK helped secure the first Test-Ban Treaty in 1963. Macmillan and Ormsby-Gore had been attempting to achieve a test-ban treaty with the Russians for the past ten years, and won Kennedy over through letters from Macmillan and frank discussions between Ormsby-Gore and Kennedy. They ‘convinced him to act like a statesman’ and conclude Test-ban treaties with Russia and not fear being branded as an appeaser by political opponents in the United States.

Ormsby-Gore was a participant in what is referred to as a “twenty-five year conversation to do with the role of a leader in a democratic society”. He encouraged Kennedy to remain focused on issues relevant to the world and the future, rather than attempting to protect himself politically. According to the Duchess of Devonshire, who travelled with the British delegation to Kennedy’s funeral in November 1963, Macmillan’s successor as PM Alec Douglas-Home had wanted to appoint Ormsby-Gore as Foreign Secretary, but R. A. Butler had insisted on having this post as a condition of serving under Home.

David Ormsby-Gore retired as Ambassador in 1965, a year after his father died and took his seat in the House of Lords as Lord Harlech, briefly also holding the position of Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. He also had a successful career as a TV executive, founding HTV, and served as President of the British Board of Film Classification. Harlech had an active interest in the avant-garde, and for nearly ten years, beginning in 1969, was Patron of the Institute for Research in Art and Technology.

Lord Wyn Roberts’ years in TV broadcasting were something to do with David Harlech’s TV ventures.

The first indication of any Curse was Lady Harlech’s death in a road accident on 30 May 1967; Lord and Lady Harlech already had five children, many of whom were clobbered by The Curse:

  • Hon. Julian Hugh Ormsby-Gore (1940–1974), who died of gunshot wounds, ‘an apparent suicide’.
  • Hon. Jane Teresa Denyse Ormsby-Gore (b. 1942), who was said to have had an affair with Mick Jagger during the 1960s; some consider the Rolling Stones song “Lady Jane” to be about her.
  • Hon. Victoria Mary Ormsby-Gore (b. 1946)
  • Hon. Alice Magdalen Sarah Ormsby-Gore (1952–1995), who became engaged to rock guitarist Eric Clapton in 1969. Alice and Clapton lived together for five years, but did not marry. Alice subsequently died from a heroin overdose in April 1995, on the day before her 43rd birthday, ‘the syringe was still in her arm’ when her body was discovered. In April 1995, Hefin Davies, the Chair of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, was writing to Welsh Office Official portrait of John Redwood crop 2.jpglawyers as well as to Tony Lane, a Caernarfon-based solicitor acting for the Trust, asking them if there was anything at all that they could prosecute me for. See eg. ‘The Price Is Right’. Alice’s death occurred in a year that saw the deaths of numerous Insider witnesses including Peter Cook, Viv Stanshall, David Ennals, Bing Spear, Peter Morrison, Sir Charles Evans…Image result for exodus bob marley images
  • Francis David Ormsby-Gore, 6th Baron Harlech (1954–2016), who married Amanda Jane Grieve (b. 1959), daughter of Alan Grieve a Director of the Jerwood Foundation and his first wife, Anne Dulake. Before Lord and Lady Harlech were divorced on 31 August 1998, they had a son and a daughter:
  • Lord Francis Harlech was not a celeb, he was a farmer who’s biography had all the signs of someone under attack from the Gang; Francis was sectioned and not long afterwards was found dead in his farmhouse on 1 Feb 2016 on the family estate near Harlech, Gwynedd.

See previous posts for discussion of the obliteration of David Harlech’s family, the possibility that some of these deaths were murders and the serious difficulties encountered by so many of them, most obviously Francis. When David Harlech’s children were in their teens, they were befriended by a disreputable High Society dodgy geezer with Royal Links who it seems was procuring young people for an organised abuse ring. This surely could not have been unconnected to Gwynne and Dafydd…

Lord David Harlech was seriously injured in a car crash at Montford Bridge near Shrewsbury on the evening of 25 January 1985 and died at the Royal Shrewsbury Hospital the following morning, aged 66. Senator Edward Kennedy, Jacqueline Onassis and other Kennedy family members attended his funeral in Llanfihangel-y-traethau. David was succeeded in the barony by his second and only surviving son, Francis.

The other UCNW student whom Tony Francis became suddenly unpleasant with in May 1985 was Ros Purkis, a girl from Shrewsbury, who’s mum was an Angel at Shrewsbury Hospital. Ros had been referred to Gwynne approx. one year before I was; after a disastrous encounter with Gwynne – although they were the only sort – she attempted suicide the next day and there was an almighty row, with her mum subsequently complaining to UCNW. Ros was then referred to Tony Francis, who did exactly what he did to me; reassured them that it Would Never Happen Again, that Gwynne had been reined in and that this would not affect Ros’s future ‘care’ with the NHS. It did. Ros continued to struggle with her health and never, ever received appropriate support, even by the standards of the mental health services. Ros’s mum was desperate but got nowhere. By the early 1990s, Ros was living in Manchester where she was pretty much abandoned by the psych services. I don’t know if Ros realised that they were Francis’s former colleagues… After a suicide attempt that nearly killed Ros via an o/d of antidepressants known to be very toxic in overdose, her mum expressed serious concerns that if more were not done, this would happen again. More prescriptions of the same drug were issued with no other support. Ros killed herself on 29 Sept 2010.

One reason why I was so reluctant to see Gwynne was because I knew what had happened to Ros, I had been very friendly with her in the first year in hall. Wood and Liz Stables ended up having a screaming row with me after I complained about Gwynne AND mentioned Ros when I was told that there had been no other complaints. ‘She was ill’. Yes Ros was, but nothing could justify what was going on. Exactly the same excuse was made about me: you were ill. Well I HAD been seriously depressed for months, gangsters were threating to murder Brown, he looked after me when Wood refused to do anything for months, I began functioning again and suddenly there were demands that I should see the wonderful ‘psychotherapist’ who had enjoyed such success. A lobotomist running a trafficking Gang. With added Giggles…

After his first wife’s death, Lord Harlech married again on 11 December 1969 to American socialite Pamela Colin, daughter of a Manhattan corporate lawyer. Pamela was a London resident editor of Vogue and then food editor of the British Vogue. The wedding was attended by Ma’am Darling, the Duke and Duchess of Devonshire, the Earl and Countess of Drogheda, the Earl and Countess of Airlie, The Countess Gowrie, Lord and Lady David Cecil, Sir Fitzroy Maclean, J. J. Astor and The Hon. Michael Astor.

Pamela and David Harlech had one daughter, the Hon Pandora Ormsby-Gore (b. 1972).

The Ormsby-Gores bred with the Macmillans when Lord David Harlech’s sister Hon Katherine Margaret Alice Ormsby-Gore, (born 4 January 1921, died 22 January 2017), married Maurice Macmillan, Viscount Macmillan of Ovenden, son of Harold Macmillan, 1st Earl of Stockton and Lady Dorothy Cavendish

Maurice’s son and heir Alexander Macmillan married several times, including to celebs who had also married several times. Alexander’s shag-relatives as it were include Britt Ekland, Peter Sellers, Rod Stewart and many more. Peter Sellers was mates with Lord Snowdon, who seems to pop up with great frequency when one maps those who are linked to Gwynne and Dafydd. Alexander’s son Daniel, Viscount Ovenden, is a British fashion designer and has cavorted with Kate Moss and Jade Jagger. See ‘Mr Fawlty, I No Want To Work Here Any More’ for more names, details and links…

John Biffen succeeded Lord David Harlech as the Tory MP for Oswestry; Biffen who went to school with my father and who’s parents continued to live some three miles down the road from father even after their son was in the Cabinet… Biffen and Tom King were able to co-ordinate a great deal of criminality in collusion with the Gang.

Previous posts have discussed the presence of playwright John Osborne in Shropshire after he relocated there in the 1980s. Osborne had as many shag-relatives as Alexander Macmillan. One of Osborne’s wives was Penny Gilliatt, who’s first husband was Roger Gilliatt, friend of Gwynne and Lord Snowdon’s best man…

The reason why I have introduced the subject of Gwynne and Dafydd’s activities and pals in Shropshire here is because the only part of the ring in Shropshire that ever resulted in a substantial police investigation was the abuse of boys at Castle Hill School, which resulted in the Headmaster, Ralph Morris, being imprisoned. Ralph Morris was well-known in the Ludlow area in terms of businesses, local officials etc. Although other institutions for ‘troubled’ young people in Shropshire – including in the Ludlow area – were employing staff who also worked in children’s homes in north Wales and Gwynne, Dafydd and John Allen’s paw prints were everywhere in Shropshire, Ralph Morris and Castle Hill School were the only recipients of media and police interest.

On 12 April 1991 at Shrewsbury Crown Court, Ralph Morris the ‘Head’ of Castle Hill School, run under the guise of an independent school for young boys with behavioural and learning difficulties, was sentenced to 12 years in prison, on specimen charges of rape, indecent assault and physical, sexual and emotional abuse, from 1984. Twenty five local authorities placed children at Castle Hill, at a cost of over £19,000k per child per year.

31 boys were placed there by Harrow Social Services
At least 40 children were sent by Warwickshire Council
8 were sent by Somerset Council

Castle Hill was opened in 1981 and Morris and other staff abused hundreds of boys; there was of course a paedophile ring in operation. Morris was jailed for 12 years. Morris’s qualifications were bogus and although 25 Education Departments used his services, not one checked that he had 60 children in his care, when only licenced to ‘teach’ 39, and ‘no-one discovered’ that for over years he was systematically and violently abusing children in his care. One of Morris’s colleagues who worked at Castle Hill was also jailed for abusing kids.

April 1991: Ralph was at Shrewsbury Crown Court. I was at the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand Image result for the royal courts of justice images because of the perjury of the Drs Francis, Image result for medical defence union imageswhile St Helena was busy in a neighbouring Court.

It was Justice Desmond Fennell who presided over Ralph Morris’s trial, which was the result of an investigation begun after a meeting on 12 April 1989 between Shropshire Social Services, West Mercia Constabulary and the local authorities who were placing boys at Castle Hill. The investigation was led by Det Super John McCammont. After Ralph Morris was jailed, everyone was so pleased with themselves that Chris Brannan, Rob Jones and John D. Murch of the Child Protection Unit of Shropshire Social Services published ‘Castle Hill Report: Practice Guide’, which was commended by the Dept of Health and Dept of Education.

When was the Practice Guide following the Castle Hill School scandal written by Brannan et al published? Er, Jan 1993. F had just moved in with me and was under attack from the Gang and within a few weeks, F and I would be arrested and charged on the lies of Gwynedd social worker Jackie Brandt… The Depts of Health Official portrait of Baroness Bottomley of Nettlestone crop 2.jpg and Education  who commended the Practice Guide knew all about Jackie and her colleagues.

Sir Desmond Fennell was a member of Inner Temple who Chaired the Public Inquiry into the Nov 1987 King’s Cross Fire; Des published his Report in Nov 1988. Image result for sir desmond fennellSir Des died on 29 June 2011. Sir Des became well-known when he presided over the trials of the Shrewsbury Pickets in 1973, one of whom was Ricky Tomlinson, who later became known as the actor who played Jim Royle. The trial was considered overtly political, Grocer Heath’s Gov’t wanting to shaft the striking pickets. Ricky had a hard time but his fellow jailbird Dessie Warren was ruined by being forcibly dosed up with huge quantities of anti-psychotics when he was in prison. See ‘My Arse – It’s Tatifilarious’.

Exactly the same method used by Gwynne and Dafydd to Help those who refused to shut up about the Giggles. Everyone in the Bryn Golau Peep Show was prescribed what had destroyed Des Warren, before any Top Doc had even seen them. I refused to take it when I was told that ‘medication’ was available for me. I’m not sure why but none of the Angels ever forced it on me. That inappropriate medication was one of my key complaints that was investigated by Bluglass et al. Bluglass concluded that it was entirely reasonable to unlawfully abduct a young woman, illegally imprison her and plan to load her up with anti-psychotics before any Top Doc had made any meaningful ‘assessment’ and that Dafydd could not be criticised on any level re that prescription for ‘medication’.

But then MI5 filmed children being gang raped by that lot, so why should we be surprised at Bluglass’s conclusions?

Here comes the next Report of the Public Inquiry following the latest scandal to reassure us all that it Can Never Happen Again… See the source image

The media interest in Castle Hill School had an interesting history. In June 1989, Yorkshire TV approached Alison Taylor re a film about abuse in North Wales. It was in June 1989 that Tony Francis began orchestrating the Secret Case Conference about me and in July 1989, Bluglass et al conducted their whitewash of an ‘investigation’ of my complaint about the Gang. I began working for Bodger at St George’s in May 1989. Bodger and friends were still publishing with Ollie Brooke and Ollie was giving his address on journal articles as the Dept of Paediatrics at St George’s, although the world was told that Ollie had long gone, in disgrace, A Broken Man, His Life Ruined. See ‘Too Many Pills’.See the source image

On 12 Sept 1989, Alison Taylor was filmed extensively for Yorkshire Television. It was about that time that I appeared in Cardiff High Court with Ian Murphy defending me, Jeff Crowther having been called as a witness by Gwynedd Health Authority – who had brought the case against me – and Justice Cocklecarrot making Mandy Rice-Davies style jokes.

On 4 Oct 1989, Zany Python Graham Chapman died in a ‘posh hospital’ in London, the Bridgy contingent heard all about it…

In Feb 1990 Yorkshire Television abandoned their Gwynedd child abuse film in favour of the Castle Hill documentary. In Feb 1990, Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt were perjuring themselves in affidavits in order for Gwynedd County Council to secure a High Court injunction against me from John Kay in Leeds High Court to prevent me from even writing to Gwynedd CC to pursue my complaints re unlawful imprisonment, assault etc…

Dame Amanda Yip, Lord Justice Kay’s daughter, who as a barrister worked in Atlantic Chambers in Liverpool, as her dad did before her:See the source image

At the end of 1989/beginning of 1990, such was the state of chaos, collapse and missing funds prevailing at Gwynedd Health Authority that Plaid MPs Dafydd Wigley and Ieuan Wyn Jones were asking questions in the House. See the source imageReplies were supplied by Lord Wyn Roberts, who before entering the Commons, worked for the security services and in TV broadcasting… Gang member Lord Wyn explained to Gang members Dafydd Wigley and Ieuan Wyn Jones that Gang member David Hunt, See the source imagea Minister from the Welsh Office, at that time headed by Gang member Peter Walker, would be meeting Gang member Noreen Edwards, See the source imageChair of Gwynedd HA to Discuss The Problems and that a hit squad of Management Consultants See the source imagefrom the Welsh Office would be sent in to Gwynedd HA to Provide Support.See the source image

Lord Tom King: N Ireland Secretary,  September 1985-24 July 1989; Defence Secretary, 24 July 1989-11 April 1992.

The Crisis Meeting between Shropshire Social Services and West Mercia Police that kicked off the criminal investigation into Castle Hill School was in April 1989. I began working for Bodger in May 1989; my job with Bodger was a Trap and the advert for the job was placed in April 1989.

The activities in Ludlow will not have escaped the attention of the constituency MPs.

Christopher John Fred Gill (born 28 October 1936) was the Tory MP for Ludlow, 11 June 1987-14 May 2001. Gill was known as the “Butcher from Ludlow” because of his family company being a meat processing firm; he retired as Chairman of his family’s sausage-making business F.A. Gill Ltd., in 2006.

Gill was born in Wolverhampton, where he later became a local Councillor, and was educated locally at Birchfield Preparatory School, then at Shrewsbury School a la Sir Charles Evans, Michael Heseltine and the founders of ‘Private Eye’. Gill’s National Service was in the Royal Navy, serving aboard HMS Modeste and HMS Birmingham.

Gill had the Conservative whip withdrawn over the EC Finance Bill on 28 November 1994.

As a constituency MP, Gill fought against the closure of local cottage hospitals. Gill was also known for being an expert on areas of European Union legislation and he was a notable Eurosceptic. During the course of Parliamentary sessions up to 2001, Gill voted in favour of giving greater autonomy to schools, against removing hereditary peers from the House of Lords and against equal rights for homosexuals.See the source image

Shortly before leaving Parliament in 2001, Gill resigned his membership of the Conservatives. In 2006, Gill announced that he had joined the UK Independence Party (UKIP), having endorsed the Party’s policies at the 2004 European Parliament election. Gill was a member of UKIP’s National Executive Committee, 2007-10. Gill stood for Ludlow as a UKIP candidate at the 2010 General Election, coming fourth and losing his deposit. At the time of the General Election, Gill stated that his reasoning for standing was: “I am standing against ‘call me Dave’s’ Tories because I cannot tolerate their utter contempt for the concerns of voters on matters of immigration, economy, individual liberty and the broken promise of a referendum on the Lisbon Treaty.” Gill served as Chairman of The Freedom Association from 2001, before becoming its President in 2007.

Christopher Gill was preceded as MP for Ludlow by the Tory Eric Paul Cockeram (born 4 July 1924). Cockeram served as MP for Bebington, 1970-Feb 1974. Bebington was on Dafydd’s Merseyside branch’s territory; the constituency had previously existed as ‘Birkenhead East’. Geoffrey Howe held Bebington, 1964-66. Cockeram was MP for Ludlow, 1979-87, suddenly retiring weeks before the 1987 General Election following allegations of multiple share applications for British Telecom and British Gas.

 

Nick Budgen was a keen huntsman and had hunted in 29 of the UK’s counties; he will have had good connections in Somerset, Devon and Leicestershire. Budgen wrote regularly for Horse and Hound and occasionally for the Wall Street Journal, The Times, Daily Mail, Glasgow Herald and The Irish Times. He took great joy in continuing Wolverhampton South West’s feud (begun by Enoch Powell) with Grocer Heath, heckling him at any opportunity. Budgen served as MP for Wolverhampton South West until 1 May 1997.

Budgen died from liver cancer at Stafford General Hospital on 26 October 1998. Tiny Rowland had died on 25 July 1998. Budgen’s funeral service was near his Lichfield farm at Lichfield Cathedral, where his grandfather had been Dean. The eulogy was given by his close friend and fellow Maastricht rebel Richard Shepherd, at his memorial service at St Margaret’s Church, Westminster and another close friend, Mr Charles Moore, gave a eulogy.

Previous posts have discussed James Loesche, a particularly unpleasant agri student who was at UCNW when I was; Loesche was the son of a wealthy farming family from Lichfield and he pissed off so many people that he was the subject of vigilante action in his (very civilised) hall of residence. After I began this blog I was told that Loesche had supplied ‘evidence’ about me and my ways to the Gang. I could believe that, James Loesche was deeply unpleasant and very unscrupulous. Most students at UCNW were basically friendly and quite good spirited; Loesche was so toxic and did so many unpleasant things to people that by the end of the first year even the most tolerant would not go near him.

On supporting Douglas Hurd in the 1990 Conservative Leadership contest Budgen stated “it is the Conservative worker’s fate to be betrayed by his leader, so we may at least be betrayed elegantly.”See the source image

Dafydd Wigley knew Ian Gow; they were either at school or Manchester University together.

Megan L-G was a close friend of Mr Thrope’s mum Ursula; Megan was Mr Thrope’s godmother and as a boy, Mr Thrope played with the Carey Evans children (David Lloyd-George’s grandchildren). As a young man, Mr Thrope had greatly admired David L-G and used him as a role model. Menai Williams, who worked at the Normal College for decades from the 1950s and ended up as Deputy Principal, was a Liberal and knew Megan; Menai was also a pal of Gwynne and Dafydd. See ‘Thought For The Day’. The Lloyd George family were still massively influential in Wales, particularly the north, when Gow was murdered.

The L-G’s married into the McAlpine clan (see ‘Edinburgh Wears Prada’), the most high profile being Lord (Robert) Alistair McAlpine, Thatch’s close friend who served as Tory Treasurer and fundraiser while Thatch was PM. Image result for margaret thatcher and alistair mcalpine imagesLord Alistair McA was wrongly named in the media as molesting boys at Bryn Estyn and a big See the source image and litigation followed. It was actually far more likely to have been Lord McA’s close relative James aka Jimmie McA who was doing that; Jimmie was President of Wrexham Golf Club, an organisation full of those who used the services of Gwynne and Dafydd… One of the Gang’s networking vehicles were Golf Clubs. Jimmie McAlpine died in hospital in Wrexham on 6 Nov 1991, when I was a patient on the psych ward in Ysbyty Gwynedd, as another Cunning Plan had been hatched by the Gang after Tony Francis pretended that peace had broken out and the series of High Court cases throughout 1990 and 91 had all been a terrible misunderstanding. See post ‘The Price Is Right’.

(Archibald) Douglas McAlpine was a neurologist who Trained at Glasgow University and worked at the Middlesex Hospital a la Lord Snowdon’s best man/Mr Thrope’s close friend Roger Gilliatt (who also became a neurologist) and Gwynne. Douglas became a big name in neurology and trained even bigger names, including Paul Sandifer, the Father Of Paediatric Neurology in Britain. Sandifer founded paediatric neurology at Great Ormond Street and was part of Ollie Brooke et al’s circle. All roads led to Bodger et al at St George’s, Brave Wendy et al at the London Hospital, Uncle Harry’s colleagues at Guy’s, Hugh Bentall and Lord Bob Winston’s crowd at Hammersmith, Savile HQ in Leeds etc and back to Gwynne and Dafydd. See previous posts. Those Trained by these giants migrated across the globe and became Eminent in other nations…

Lord (Robert) Alastair McA’s brother David was married to Welsh actress Angharad Rees of 1970s Poldark fame; Angharad was the daughter of Gwynne and Dafydd’s mate psych Linford Rees, who came from south Wales, spent much of his career at Lord Snowdon Central Bart’s and became Prof of Psychological Medicine there. Angharad’s first husband had been Dynasty actor Christopher Cazenove; after they spilt up, Angharad discussed Uganda with Alan Bates, most famous for wrestling in’t nude with Ollie Reed, Famed For his Drunken Violence And Sexual Exploitation. Linford enjoyed holding At Homes for the Stars at his place in Purley and had a sideline in passing around pics of his patients in the nuddy. They will have been rather more impressive than Ollie, but it was Ollie who made the millions.

How did that work out then Dafydd??

Ollie Reed famously keeled over and died while pissed in a drinking hole in Malta on 2 May 1999, another year that waved goodbye to many Insiders, including William Mars-Jones (10 Jan 1999) and Ioan Bowen Rees (4 May 1999).Image result for exodus bob marley images

There was a good reason for the Exodus in 1999; precisely that a far more significant Movement Of Jah People took place on 6 May 1999 when Jah People Moved straight into the newly created National Assembly for Wales. Just take a look at the biographies of the Jah People who were part of that Movement. The legacy remains, even if Lisa Nandy was delighted at her invitation to the Jah People’s Gala Dinner; that Senedd has become a laughing stock in Wales albeit a twisted laughing stock. The gang are so bloody ruthless that Jah Person Ioan Bowen Rees, former CEO of Gwynedd CC, Expert On Local Democracy and adviser to Dafydd Wigley and Gwynfor Evans, snuffed it two days before the other Jah People took their seats as AMs in the Assembly upon who’s establishment Ioan had advised. One Jah Person came unstuck just before he was about to be Consecrated As First Minister Rondavies1998.jpgbut his ex-wife, a Jah Person See the source imagewho doubles up as a barrister and who was married to the Jah Person who came unstuck on Clapham Common throughout all those years that he was Looking For Badgers in gay massage parlous and cottaging, has now herself moved into the Commons as MP for er Neath…

A few links. Tiny Rowland was mates with Sir Jams Goldsmith’s crowd who frequented the Clermont Club. They included Lord Lucan who found St George’s Hospital most useful when Lady Lucan turned up with head injuries alleging that Lord L had tried to kill her. St George’s treated her as though she were Insane – Lady L had been Seeing A Psychiatrist (paid for by Lord Lucan, who was, according to Lady Lucan, conspiring with The Psychiatrist to have her denounced as Insane) – while a dead nanny lay in the basement, giving Lord L time to scarper never to be seen again. See previous posts. Bobby McAlpine (see ‘The Cash Box’) hung out with the Clermont Club, as did Victor Lownes.

Victor Aubrey Lownes III (April 17, 1928 – January 11, 2017) was an executive for HMH Publishing Company Inc., later known as Playboy Enterprises, from 1955 through the early 1980s. Soon after he met Hugh Hefner in 1954, Hefner founded Playboy magazine; Lownes eventually joined his publishing company, serving as Vice President. Lownes was a close confidant of Hefner and gained a reputation for dating Playboy Playmates. Lownes headed Playboy Europe and the UK Playboy Clubs from the mid-1960s until his dismissal in the early 1980s. Lownes oversaw Playboy Enterprises’s move into casino gambling in the UK in the 1960s, which became Playboy’s most successful business other than its publishing until the advent of cable television. Lownes’ oversaw the most successful part of Hefner’s attempt to diversify out of publishing and into motion pictures, hotels and casino gambling. During his time as Head of Playboy Europe, Lownes was Britain’s highest paid executive, drawing a large salary and eventually becoming Playboy Enterprises’s second biggest shareholder. Lownes is credited with creating Playboy Clubs in the United States.

Victor Aubrey Lownes III was born on April 17, 1928 in Buffalo, New York, the elder son of Victor Aubrey Lownes Jr. and Winifred (née Mark) Lownes. At the age of 12, Lownes accidentally shot and killed his best friend, which resulted in his forced enrollment at the New Mexico Military Institute in Roswell. While there, he met Nicky Hilton, Conrad Hilton‘s son, who became a friend.

Lownes matriculated at the University of Chicago in 1944 under the experimental “Chicago Plan” undergraduate program developed by then-Chancellor Robert Maynard Hutchins. In 1946, at the age of 18, Lownes wed fellow University of Chicago student Judith Downs. They had two children, Victor “Val” Aubrey Lownes IV and Meredith Lownes.

After several jobs, Victor Lownes found employment at Yale, the company owned by his grandfather. Following his father’s death, after seven years of marriage, Lownes rebelled against the middle class American dream and decided to abandon his family. Following the dissolution of his marriage, Lownes returned to Chicago, where he lived for several months entertaining young women. At a party in 1954, Lownes met Hugh Hefner, who had recently created Playboy magazine. Lownes was asked to write a couple of articles and in November 1955, he was offered a full-time job with the company as Promotions Director; he set about drumming up advertising for the pariah publication.

Advertising for a club called Gaslight in Chicago, Lownes saw an opportunity to diversify the Playboy brand and suggested to Hefner that Playboy should open a club of its own. Hefner immediately saw the commercial and promotional benefits. Plans for a Playboy Club began in 1959. Lownes’ then girlfriend suggested to Hefner the idea of dressing the hostesses in the image of the tuxedoed Playboy Bunny character. Hefner took some persuading as he had always viewed the rabbit as a male character but once he saw a prototype of the outfit he changed his mind.Image result for male rabbit mating behavior images

Under Lownes’ management, the first Playboy Club opened in downtown Chicago on 116 E Walton Street. It was essentially a bar with entertainment featuring Lady Playboy Bunnies serving drinks and performances by some big names in entertainment. The doors opened for the first time on February 29, 1960 and it was an immediate success. More clubs followed in other cities in the US.

In 1963, Lownes asked Hefner to send him to London to open the first British Playboy Club. He placed an advertisement in The Times’ personal columns that read: “American millionaire seeks a flat in the most fashionable part of London. Rents up to £100 a week.” He found a house at 3 Montpellier Square, opposite Harrods.

Gambling had recently been legalized in the UK and Lownes realized there was an opportunity to add the attraction of a casino to the nightclub. A Playboy Club was opened in the heart of the capital, at 45 Park Lane overlooking Hyde Park, on July 1, 1966 and was an immediate success. It was nicknamed the “Hutch on the Park.” Image result for male rabbit mating behavior imagesSee the source image

The Krays had control of much of the gambling world in London at the time and they were joined in that business by the Mafia, the Maltese Mafia included. The Gang’s protectors Richard Crossman and Lord Jack Jones were both friends with Dom Mintoff, the PM of Malta, who was also a Maltese Mafia don. Gwynne and Dafydd’s friend Lady Juliet Bingley, a key figure in MIND, as was her son William – William went on to become CEO of the Mental Health Act Commission, hold roles in NHS Trusts, academics posts at UK universities, run a charidee in South Asia and run his own management consultancy which he commissioned in his role as Chair of an NHS Trust – was a good friend of Dom Mintoff and Lady Juliet ‘built hospitals in Malta’. Lady J’s dad was Reginald Vick, Bart’s surgeon See the source imageand she married NATO commander Sir Admiral Alec Bingley. See previous posts.

“UK One”, as Lownes became known, slid easily into the feverish atmosphere of “Swinging London”. Regular parties were thrown at his house; attendees included such London Playboy Club habitués as The Beatles, George Best, Warren Beatty, Michael Caine, Judy Garland, Sean Connery, Terry Southern, Roman Polanski and Sharon Tate. In 1967, Lownes moved to 1 Connaught Square, which had previously been the London residence of Mary Augusta Ward, the novelist. A massive Francis Bacon painting acquired by Lownes during this time was so hideous that it was exiled to hanging in the hall, while a grandfather clock inside the property was painted by Timothy Leary.

In the 1970s, Playboy magazine encountered competition from a new generation of rival periodicals (most notably Penthouse and Hustler), precipitating a gradual decline in overall profitability. Gaming profits from the London casino kept rising, making future expansion into gaming very attractive. The Clermont Club in Berkeley Square, known for its celebrity clientele, was purchased in the spring of 1972, while the Manchester and Portsmouth Casino Clubs were opened in 1973.

Prior to his successful defence of Mr Thrope at the Old Bailey in 1979, George Carman QC was based in Manchester. Carman was involved with serious crime as well as with Gwynne, Dafydd, Jimmy Savile et al, had a major alcohol problem and was what would be categorised as a problem gambler. It was where Carman’s money went, even when he became very famous and very rich. Carman’s gaming debts were such that he retained the goodwill of the casinos by giving them legal advice, helping them acquire licences etc. Carman continued gambling when he relocated to London, even when he was a neighbour of Bodger and Lord Michael Havers in Wimbledon. See the source image

St George’s had a thriving Wine Society, run by Bodger’s Chief Lab Technician, corrupt MSF rep David Hole:See the source image

In London, Miranda was Carman’s pupil and Cherie shared Chambers with him until 1988.

A large rural property a few miles from London was added to the Playboy organization in 1972: Stocks House, a Georgian mansion located outside Aldbury, Hertfordshire. As well as being Victor Lownes’ residence the mansion was used as a training camp for Playboy bunnies and was well known for hosting extravagant parties, including the 1978 25-hour party (to celebrate the 25th anniversary of the founding of Playboy magazine), when guests and Bunny Girls who were given green dots to wear, and were allowed upstairs to Stocks’ many bedrooms. Parties at Stocks House were attended by a number of celebrities of the day including Peter Cook, John Cleese, Christopher Reeve, Jack Nicholson, Keith Moon and Tony Curtis. Some shots in the music video for the 1982 song “Our House” by Madness were filmed at Stocks House. The house and swimming pool also featured on the cover of the 1997 Oasis album, Be Here Now.

Despite rowdy celebrations at Stocks, Lownes became popular with villagers for his support for local charities.

Stocks House was on the border of Buckinghamshire, near Stoke Mandeville Hospital. Bodger’s mate Cilla lived in Buckinghamshire and the Bingley family home was in Hertfordshire. These were people who liked entertaining, holding At Homes etc.

With the gaming license approval for the Victoria Sporting Club in February 1981, Playboy Enterprises became the largest and one of the most profitable gaming operators in the UK. They had three London casinos, two provincial casinos, interests in two others, 72 off track betting parlours, and six bingo parlours.

By 1975, Hefner’s penchant for becoming involved in various ventures (including the film-oriented Playboy Productions, Playboy Records and the Playboy Press) before losing interest had exacerbated the lack of profitability in many areas of Playboy Enterprises. Lownes was briefly recalled to Chicago by Hefner as a hatchet man. He was given virtually unlimited powers; on the job, Lownes was so dedicated to cutting expenses that he was known within the company as “Attila” or “Jaws”.

Under the auspices of the fledgling Playboy Productions unit, Lownes was the Executive Producer for And Now For Something Completely Different (1971), the first Monty Python film. Lownes was a fan and proposed the idea of a film specifically designed to introduce Python to a U.S. audience. According to Terry Gilliam, Lownes insisted on getting an animated Executive Producer credit equal in size to those of the group members. Gilliam refused and so Lownes had the credit made elsewhere at his own cost. Gilliam then created a different style of credit for the Pythons so Lownes’ credit is the only one that appears in this way. In their later film, Monty Python Live at the Hollywood Bowl (1982), Gilliam burlesqued the incident by giving one Python a credit name three times the size of anyone else’s: “MICHAEL PALIN – as the man with the biggest credit”.

Lownes was out partying with Roman Polanski when Sharon Tate was murdered by the Manson family in August 1969. Later, Lownes persuaded Hefner to provide $1,500,000 to finance Polanski’s film Macbeth (1971) through Playboy Productions when no other movie studio would touch it. Polanski proceeded to go $600,000 over budget and then mock Playboy’s generosity. Lownes terminated his friendship with Polanski over his behaviour. Angrily, he returned a cherished gift to Polanski, the life-sized gold penis Polanski had modelled for during happier days. Lownes wrote that “I’m sure you’ll have no difficulty finding some friend you can shove it up”.

By 1981, Lownes was back in London, serving as Senior Vice President at Playboy Enterprises with a portfolio encompassing the profitable casinos. He was leading the effort to open up Atlantic City, New Jersey for gambling from his London base. Work was started on the future Atlantic City casino building. Lownes was accused of irregularities by the Gaming Board for Great Britain as the project progressed. Hefner panicked, firing Lownes before his scheduled meeting with the committee in an obvious attempt to save the New Jersey deal. Without him, the company’s British gaming license was revoked and Playboy lost their most valuable assets. Additionally, Playboy’s temporary gaming license in Atlantic City was not renewed.

Playboy, which made $31 million in the year ending June 30 1981, lost more than $51 million in the year ending June 30 1982. With the loss of its gaming assets, Playboy barely survived. In 1990, Hefner and Lownes reconciled after a nine-year estrangement.

Lownes had accumulated a fortune during his years as Britain’s highest paid executive and he still had his wife, Marilyn Cole, whose affections he and Hefner had both attempted to gain. Marilyn was the first full frontal Playboy Playmate of the Month, in January 1972, and the Playmate of the Year 1973. Marilyn continued to pose for Playboy until 1984 and became a journalist who has written for The Observer, Esquire and GQ. During this period, Lownes invested in several successful West End theatre productions, including Other People’s Money See the source imageand Stomp

Lownes reconciled with Polanski following his dismissal. During the Roman Polanski libel case against Vanity Fair in July 2005, Lownes was ill and could not attend the trial, so wife went in his place. Lownes died on January 11 2017 at the age of 88 from a heart attack in London.

Marilyn Cole (born 7 May 1949) was Playboy magazine’s January 1972 Playmate of the Month. Marilyn was the magazine’s first full-frontal nude centrefold. Marilyn also became 1973’s Playmate of the Year. Her original pictorial was photographed by Alexas Urba.

Marilyn Cole worked at a Post Office punched card unit in Portsmouth Central Telephone Exchange, before working for £12 weekly at the Portsmouth Co-op Fuel Office when she was interviewed to be a Playboy Bunny at the London Playboy Club. Marilyn worked as a bunny from 1971 to 1974 and within a few days of starting work there was noticed by Victor Lownes and test photographed for the magazine.

Marilyn appeared on the cover of the Roxy Music album StrandedSee the source image having been noticed by Bryan Ferry after winning Playmate of the Year. Marilyn had previously appeared on the covers of various Top of the Pops albums. Marilyn now works as a journalist and among the subjects that she writes about is professional boxing, which she began covering in 2000. Marilyn Cole’s interests include the tango, which she studied under Paul Pellicoro, and she has partnered with actor Brian Cox.

Here are the essentials re Marilyn as provided on her wiki entry:

Marilyn Cole
Playboy centerfold appearance
January 1972
Preceded by Karen Christy
Succeeded by P. J. Lansing
Playboy Playmate of the Year
1973
Preceded by Liv Lindeland
Succeeded by Cyndi Wood
Personal details
Born 7 May 1949 (age 70)
Portsmouth, England[1]
Measurements Bust: 36 in (91 cm)[1]
Waist: 24 in (61 cm)
Hips: 35 in (89 cm)
Height 5 ft 8 in (173 cm)[1]
Weight 119 lb (54 kg)

*I note that the most crucial info of all is missing from this chart: the length of Marilyn’s Bunny Ears. I do apologise.*

Here’s another even more famous Marilyn, to remind me of the Good Old Days during F’s Dafydd Period in terms of art; F created an entire Marilyn Jones Series of drawings of an unmistakable Dafydd face on a Marilyn body and one of his best was ‘Marilyn Jones – Confesses All, Reveals All’ with Marilyn’s dress blowing up and as I remember a pair of frilly undies down around his ankles: See the source image

 

See the source image

See the source imageBryan Ferry’s ex-wife Lucy died on 23 July 2018, aged 58, of a ‘self-inflicted’ gunshot while on holiday in the Republic of Ireland. Her husband Robin announced her death in a statement, released in conjunction with her children: “On Monday Lucy Birley (nee Helmore) passed away whilst on holiday in Ireland, surrounded by her beloved dogs, Daisy, Peg and Daphne. Her husband Robin, and her sons – Otis, Isaac, Tara and Merlin – are understandably devastated and request that their privacy be respected during this difficult time”. In an obituary posted on his blog, sometime friend Duncan Roy wrote of Lucy’s addiction, stating: “Every addict wants to die sooner than God planned.”

Lucy Margaret Mary Birley (formerly Ferry; née Helmore; 18 September 1959 – 23 July 2018) was a British model and London socialite, who was divorced from Bryan Ferry and married to Robin Birley. Robin’s dad Mark Birley was a mate of Lord Wyn Roberts See the source imageand knew many of the Gang, as does Robin’s mum, Annabel Goldsmith, Sir Jams’s ex-wife… See previous posts.

Robin Birley
Born
Robin Marcus Birley

19 February 1958 (age 61)

Education Eton College
Occupation Businessman
Spouse(s)
Lucy Ferry
(m. 2006; died 2018)
Children 1
Parents
Relatives India Jane Birley (sister)
Loulou de la Falaise (cousin)

Robin Marcus Birley (born 19 February 1958) is an English businessman, entrepreneur and political donor. He had a brother, Rupert, who disappeared and is presumed deceased, and has a sister, India Jane Birley. Robin Birley owns and runs 5 Hertford Street (5HS), a private members’ club in Mayfair. Having found a dilapidated block of buildings in Shepherd Market, Mayfair, he raised £30 million to refurbish them lavishly – fashion designer Rifat Özbek was commissioned to design the interiors – and duly opened 5 Hertford Street in June 2012 with a spectacular launch party attended by Mick Jagger, Kate Moss, and Daphne Guinness. The basement nightclub was named Loulou’s after Birley’s late cousin, Loulou de la Falaise. Over the following five years, 5HS became a staple of London’s social scene and is where Prince Harry and his fiancée Meghan Markle had their first date. The success of 5HS emboldened Birley to launch new membership-based venues.

Oswald’s, a club for wealthy oenophiles (wine lovers), See the source image in a townhouse on Albemarle Street, is due to open in February 2018. It has also been reported that Birley has secured an option on two adjoining townhouses in Berkeley Square – almost next door to Annabel’s – to launch a business-focussed club. Meanwhile, in November 2017, Avenue reported that Birley is close to finalising a deal to commence work on a major new club, akin to 5HS but with bedrooms for members as well, near Union Square, Manhattan.

Lucy Birley was born in the Shropshire of Lord David Harlech See the source imageand John Biffen Image result for john biffen imagesLucy’s father worked for many years at the Lloyd’s of London insurance corporation. Lucy was photographed by photographer Robert Mapplethorpe, and was a London socialite for years, attending parties and fashion shows. “She was making an impact on the fashion world too, beyond her modelling assignments. Designers such as Christian Lacroix, Manolo Blahnik and Philip Treacy have cited her as an influence on their work”.

Birley (then Helmore) posed as the cover model for Roxy Music’s album Avalon (although Lucy is not really visible because the photo on the album cover is substantially of a weird helmet that Lucy is wearing). Lucy was 22 yrs old and Ferry 14 years her senior when they married on 26 June 1982, at the Church of St Anthony and St George at Duncton, West Sussex. The couple have four sons: Otis, Isaac, Tara, and Merlin.

The Ferrys divorced on 31 March 2003; Lucy was reportedly paid £10 million in the settlement. In October 2006, Lucy married Robin Birley, the 48-year-old son of Lady Annabel Goldsmith and Mark Birley.

 

In the autumn of 1978, when Sunny Jim did not have a majority in the Commons, Cled persuaded the three Plaid MPs to support Sunny Jim’s Gov’t in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to workers suffering from silicosis as a result of working in the slate quarrying industry. See the source imageSee the source image

Previous posts have discussed how Alun Davies, the thick as a brick crook who ended up at the very top of NHS senior management in Gwynedd, arrived at Gwynedd Health Authority as a lowly pen pusher in the early-mid 1980s, was kicked about by the Top Docs, including Tony Francis. I have a copy of a real hissy fit of a letter written to Davies from Francis in the mid 1980s because Davies had dared write a note to another minion in which he said that he would ‘chase him on this’ ie. follow a matter up with Francis. Francis saw the note, went apeshit that Davies had used such a disrespectful phrase and received a grovelling apology from Davies. These were people charged with running an NHS…

Alun Davies hated north Wales and north Wales people; he had relocated from George Thomas HQ in the Rhondda and I now realise that Davies was part of the Gang’s Rescue Plan after Mary Wynch caused such a sensation. I was only told the other day that Glenys Windbag of Holyhead was the key to Davies’s arrival in Gwynedd and probably his rise to the top of NHS management as well, although he can barely string together a coherent sentence. It could only be described as Grotesque Chaos.

See the source image

From 1977 until 1982 Ioan Evans was Secretary to the Welsh group of Labour MPs and active on an array of Labour backbench committees. In 1982 he was appointed as an opposition spokesman on Europe, serving under Gwynne and Dafydd’s accomplice Eric Heffer. The following year Ioan was appointed as a junior spokesman on Welsh Affairs.

The Aberdare constituency was abolished in 1983, but Evans was elected for the new Cynon Valley constituency which had very similar boundaries to the previous seat. He died the following year, aged 56, in Hillingdon, and Ann Clwyd was elected as his successor at the subsequent by-election.

Ioan is immortalised in the Dictionary of Welsh Biography, which tells us more:

Ioan Evans…was educated at Llanelli Grammar School and the University College of Wales, Swansea.

Swansea University has been dominated by the Ale Twat’s family for many decades, as discussed in ‘A Bit More Paleontology’. Swansea University provided the Ale Twat and others with many useful connections, some of which are discussed in ‘A Bit More Paleontology’, but I haven’t flagged up one who has featured on the blog previously as much as I should. So let’s hear it for Lord John Fulton, mate of Asa Briggs, one more time.

The Lord Fulton
Personal details
Born
John Scott Fulton

27 May 1902
Dundee, Scotland

Died 14 March 1986 (aged 83)
Thornton-le-Dale, North Yorkshire, England
Nationality British
Occupation University administrator, public servant

John Scott Fulton, Baron Fulton (27 May 1902-14 March 1986), served as Vice-Chancellor of the University of Wales and of the University of Sussex, and was Chair of the Universities Central Council on Admissions between 1961 and 1964. Fulton became a Governor of the BBC, serving as Vice-Chairman, led the Committee on the Civil Service which reported in 1968, and was Chairman of the British Council, 1968-71.

Fulton was born in Dundee in 1902 and attended the High School of Dundee. He then studied at the University of St Andrews, and at Balliol College, Oxford. Fulton became a lecturer at the LSE, before returning to Balliol College in 1928 as a fellow and tutor in philosophy. Fulton’s title was changed to ‘politics’ in 1935 and he remained at Balliol until 1947 and was there while Balliol hosted Grocer Heath, Woy, Denis Healey et al. During WW II, Fulton worked for a time in the Mines Department and in the Ministry of Fuel and Power; during this time Fulton became a friend and colleague of Harold Wilson

Between 1947 and 1959, Fulton was Principal of University College, Swansea; he served as the Vice-Chancellor of the University of Wales, 1952-54 and 1958-59. At the time much of the University of Wales was facilitating the embryonic trafficking ring facilitated by Gwynne in the years immediately preceding the Profumo Affair. Image result for male rabbit mating behavior imagesPrevious posts discussed how many then undistinguished academics – eg. physical chemist Sir John Meurig Thomas, a Swansea graduate himself See the source image and his colleague physicist Sir Gareth Gwyn Roberts, See the source imagea UCNW graduate – who were working in UCNW during that time found their careers blossoming once the Gwynne Row blew up and then hitting stratospheric levels of success during/after the Waterhouse Inquiry and subsequent times of anxiety for the Gang.

Between 1952 and 1955, John Fulton was Chairman of the Universities’ Council for Adult Education and the Council of the National Institute of Adult Education.

In 1959, Fulton was appointed Principal of the University College of Sussex, which became the University of Sussex (and Fulton the Vice-Chancellor) when students started in 1961. Fulton left in 1967, to be succeeded by Asa Briggs. During his time as VC of Sussex, Fulton played a large part in the formation of the Universities Central Council on Admissions, serving as Chairman, 1961-64. It was the UCCA database that was one of the many that were being misused by the Gang to target victims and witnesses…

Fulton was a member of the Planning Committee of the Open University, 1967-70. The OU was Harold Wilson’s Proud Achievement, but like everything Wilson, it was under the control of rotten eggs; Nye’s widow Jennie Lee and Wilson’s crooked lawyer and close friend Lord Arnold Goodman – himself a friend of Lord Bob Boothby, both of them being Of The Gang – were appointed to establish the OU, assisted by Fulton, Asa and others, mostly from Sussex University.

Sussex didn’t just host John Allen’s Brighton brothels to which kids in care from north Wales were trafficked, but it had long been the favoured area for the country homes of the Bloomsbury Group. Image result for male rabbit mating behavior images

John Fulton became involved in university policy making overseas, Image result for male rabbit mating behavior imagesincluding in Malta, Sierra Leone, Nigeria and Hong Kong. In 1962 Fulton Chaired the committee that established the new Chinese University of Hong Kong. John Fulton served as Chairman of the Inter-University Council for Higher Education Overseas from 1964 until 1968. What better idea than to appoint a man who was facilitating Gwynne and Dafydd’s trafficking ring at a senior academic level to advise on University Policy at an International Level?

From 1962 to 1965, Fulton was Chairman of both the BBC and ITA Committees on Adult Education. He served as a BBC governor, 1966-71, serving twice as Vice-Chairman (1966–1967 and 1968–1971). Hugh Carleton Greene was DG of the BBC, 1960-69 and was famously held responsible by Mary Whitehouse for the Filth On The BBC. Greene was a rather unsavoury man, but Whitehouse was on board with Robert Bluglass, Gwynne, Dafydd et al and thus was not really in a position to throw stones. Greene was a pal of Richard Crossman; Greene was the brother of Graham Greene as well as Raymond Greene, a Top Doc and mountaineer who knew Sir Charles Evans and all of them worked for the British security services.

Because of the bad PR for the BBC that Wilson felt emanated from Greene as DG – the bad PR was created virtually entirely by Mary Whitehouse, Lord Longford and their associates – Harold Wilson appointed a Safe Pair Of Hands as Chairman of the BBC in 1967; Gwynne and Dafydd’s very good friend Top Doc Lord Charles Hill aka Charlie Corkscrew of the BMA, Helping Nye Create The NHS and ‘I Was Winston Churchill’s Doctor You Know’ fame (see ‘BMA Calling, BMA Calling’) who had been kicked out of the Cabinet by Supermac in the Night of the Long Knives in July 1962 because of the trouble that Hill and his mates were causing. See previous posts.

The influence of Jimmy Savile in particular at the BBC rapidly increased once Charlie Corkscrew became Chairman. Charlie Corkscrew worked for the security services as well, he had been employed by the BBC to broadcast propaganda during the 1940s in the guise of the Radio Doctor, as discussed in ‘BMA Calling, BMA Calling’.Image result for male rabbit mating behavior imagesSee the source image

So Harold Wilson played a blinder; to reassure the nation that the Filth at the BBC propagated by the too-liberal Swinging 60s Greene had been stopped, he placed the BBC in the safe hands of a Square who spouted hypocritical nonsense about We Doctors whilst he worked with a gang of paedophiles who produced child porn with added bestiality. See the source imageLittle wonder that the BBC developed a substantial problem with molesting children’s entertainers in the 1970s.

The Hugh Carleton Greene Filth that so traumatised Mary Whitehouse included That Was The Week That Was, Z Cars, The Wednesday Play, Cathy Come Home, Doctor Who, Top of the Pops, Horizon, Tomorrow’s World, Dr Kildare, Omnibus.

The Filth that emanated from Charles Hill included the threats, forged documentation, lies, unlawful arrests and imprisonment, assaults and the murder of witnesses, including my friend Anne, that followed the Gwynne Row, Charlie Corkscrew being alive and kicking until 22 Aug 1989; think Bluglass et al, Bodger, Ollie Brooke and co at St George’s…See the source image

Zany Python Graham who was one of the stars of Greene’s era at the BBC died two months after Charlie Corkscrew.

I was entertained by the Scary Dr Who creation, the Weeping Angels:

Weeping Angel
Doctor Who race
Doctor Who Weeping Angel from The Time of Angels.JPG

A Weeping Angel as seen in “The Time of Angels
First appearance Blink” (2007)
Information
Home world Unknown
Type Winged humanoids

The Weeping Angels are a race of predatory creatures resembling stone statues. They were introduced in the 2007 episode “Blink“, making repeat appearances in the two-part story, “The Time of Angels” and “Flesh and Stone” (2010), and “The Angels Take Manhattan” (2012) as well as cameo appearances in “The God Complex” (2011), “The Time of the Doctor” (2013) and “Hell Bent” (2015). They also feature in the spin-off series Class, in the first series finale “The Lost” (2016). Since their initial appearance, they have been persistently nominated as one of the most popular and frightening Doctor Who monsters.

The Weeping Angels are better than the Ice Warriors or the Silurians which was the worst that Dr Who threw at us when I was a kid. I knew someone when I was a child who wrote to the BBC and asked for a picture of an Ice Warrior; the BBC wrote a nice letter back but refused to provide a pic of an Ice Warrior. I never knew why because they must have had hundreds of pictures of Ice Warriors… I suspect that the BBC might have noticed that request because of the surname of the school boy who was writing in.

Wilson invited Fulton to Chair the Committee on the Civil Service in 1964. Reporting in 1968, it found that administrators were not professional enough, in particular lacked management skills, and included the creation of a Civil Service College Image result for male rabbit mating behavior imagesas one of its 158 recommendations.

In 1968, Fulton’s international work continued as he became Chairman of the British Council, serving until 1971.

Fulton became a Knight Bachelor in 1964 and a life peer on 19 January 1966 as Baron Fulton.

Fulton’s parents were Angus Robertson Fulton, who was Principal of University College, Dundee and his wife, Annie Scott. He married Jacqueline Wilkinson in 1939 and they had three sons and one daughter.

In terms of the medical students/Top Docs at St Andrew’s University, Bluglass’s alma mater, there is a close relationship with Dundee. The students and Top Docs at St Andrew’s undertake placements at Dundee as well.

John Fulton died at home in Thornton-le-Dale in North Yorkshire on 14 March 1986. My friend Anne was killed in April 1986.

Never mind an Ice Warrior, here comes Zany Python Graham and the son of the Governor of the Bank of England to make friends with everyone in Bridgy…

 

[Ioan Evans] earned his living as a clerk for the Midland Bank, 1943-45, served in the army, 1945-48, and was a lecturer under the auspices of the WEA and the National Central Labour College from 1948-50. Evans was secretary to the Birkenhead Co-operative Party, 1950-53,

Birkenhead, turf of the Gang.

and to the Birmingham Co-operative Party, 1953-64. He held a large number of public offices including serving as chairman of the Labour League of Youth from 1948 until 1950. He also served as the director of the Birmingham Printers Ltd, a co-operative venture… He was a JP for Birmingham, 1960-70, and for Middlesex from 1970.

He…[was] the successor to Arthur Probert MP, for Aberdare, 1974-83, and the re-named Cynon Valley constituency from 1983 until his premature death. From 2 May 1966 to 26 September 1966, Evans was a substitute member of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe. He served for two years, 1964-66, as parliamentary private secretary to Tony Benn as Postmaster-General… In 1966 he became an assistant government whip, achieving promotion to chief whip and Controller of the Household in 1968.

Following his defeat at the polls in June 1970, Ioan Evans became the Director of the International Defence and Aid Fund. Immediately upon his return to the House of Commons in February 1974, he was chosen as secretary of the Welsh Labour group of MPs. At the end of 1974 he resigned as parliamentary private secretary to the Secretary of State for Wales, John Morris…

From 1977 he returned to his work as secretary to the Welsh group of Labour MPs, and continued in this position until 1982 and was most active on an array of Labour backbench committees. In 1982 be became a Labour front-bench spokesman on the EEC, and in 1983 was appointed Junior Welsh Affairs spokesman working alongside Barry Jones MP.

Lord Baz was a school teacher from north east Wales who became the President of the Flintshire branch of the NUT, served as the Labour MP for East Flintshire which evolved into Alyn and Deeside, 18 June 1970-14 May 2001 and has been of great assistance to the Gang, serving as the Windbag’s Shadow Secretary of State during the Paedophile Years. Lord Baz was well-rewarded; the peerage followed as well as roles with charidees, NEWI/Glyndwr University, the Deeside Business Forum, Army Cadets of Wales and as High Sheriff…

At the June 1983 general election he was returned by a majority of more than 13,000 votes over his Liberal Democrat opponent. Throughout his period at Westminster he also chaired a number of parliamentary committees and groupings. He was considered an authority on Welsh issues and Welsh affairs. Evans was also much interested in European affairs, and thus served on a number of committees associated with the Consultative Assembly of the Council of Europe, the Western European Union and the Parliamentarians for World Order. In 1982 he returned to the front bench of the House of Commons, after twelve years on the backbenches, now as number two to Eric Heffer, the opposition spokesman on European and Community affairs.

Ioan Evans was always viewed as a conscientious and hard-working constituency MP and a staunch supporter of the Labour Party and the labour movement. Although a front bench spokesman for much of his parliamentary career, he never allowed this commitment to restrict his frequent, and often telling interventions in the House, sometimes during Prime Minister’s question time. At the time of his untimely death, he was secretary of the Tribune group of left-wing Labour MPs. During the last week of his life, Evans had spared no effort to attempt to ensure that Wales should be excluded from the government’s controversial new Rates Bill in standing committee and also made a major speech in the House of Commons during a debate on the Welsh Rate Support Grant Settlement.

In 1949 he married Maria Griffiths JP and they had one son and one daughter. They lived at 169 Eastcote Road, Ruislip, Middlesex. Evans died at Hillingdon, 10 February 1984, at the age of 56. His funeral service was held at St Elvan’s church, Aberdare.

The Heidi Koseda Scandal was a Child Protection Failure as a result of the Failures of Hillingdon Local Authority. Heidi’s death in Nov 1984 was the cause of particularly dreadful tabloid headlines re Wicked Parents and Heidi’s mum Rosemary was sent to Broadmoor, what with her being Evil. Take a close look at the details of the Koseda case; this was a matter of two terrified young parents who for some reason refused to have anything to do with Top Docs after Rosemary, who suddenly metamorphosed from a competent and caring young mother into an Evil Monster, had an unspecified bad experience in hospital. There were numerous lies told about the Kosedas and the alleged circumstances of Heidi’s death. The Serious Case Review that followed the death of Heidi and the conviction of her parents was carried out by accomplices of those who had Failed. It was the Gang again, THEM, goodness knows what really went on but it was not as was reported. See previous posts…

And so it came to pass that Wimmin’s Champ Ann was elected as Labour MP for the Cynon Valley on 3 May 1984. Ann Clwyd winning her seat in 1984

I’ve been told that a Little Bird Told Ann about the leftie UCNW student who’d made a complaint about Gwynne, had refused to back down when threatened, that Brown had joined in as well and that things were spiralling. Little Birds would indeed have told Ann, she was a UCNW graduate, she and her husband were from north Wales, they were journos, Ann had previous re Denbigh and the Gang, what better than a Nice Young Labour Feminist as the MP for the Cynon Valley, which was also a recipient to kids in care from north Wales who wouldn’t keep quiet? Then there was the George Thomas link, not to mention the Windbaggery. By the time that Ann had been elected, the C&A Hospital had given me a blood transfusion with infected blood but as they couldn’t do anything properly at all, I didn’t contract HIV or Hepatitis no matter how they tried.

Eric Sunderland arrived as Principal of UCNW in May 1984; that was because Sir Charles Evans had been given a push as a result of me as well. Sunderland had been headhunted from a senior post at Durham University but was an old lag of the Gang, having grown up in the Ammanford area and completed his BSc and MSc at Aberystwyth University. Eric had worked for the NCB as a young man and I was always told that Mrs Sunderland was the daughter of a family from the North East who either owned or managed coal pits.

Because of the 1984-85 NUM strike there was a great deal of networking and joint activism between coal areas, including south Wales, Yorkshire, Nottinghamshire, Durham and Fife. Each area had an excellent supply of MPs who were prepared to sell-out as well as faux sympathetic Top Docs who could wear worried expressions and express deep concern over the Effects Of The Strike On Our Communities. Meanwhile Thomas Jones aka Lord Maelor, the cross-dressing former teacher and Labour MP for Bertrand Russell’s constituency, 1951-66, spontaneously combusted on 18 Nov 1984 at his home near Wrexham. See the source imageLord Maelor’s brother Idwal Jones (who died on 18 Oct 1982) served as the Labour MP for Wrexham, 1955-70. Thomas and Idwal grew up in the coal mining area near Wrexham.

See post ‘Slaves Perfect Slaves’ for details on Lord Maelor, his brother and others who served as MPs for the constituency that embraced Bertrand Russell/Cwm Croesor.

In late 1976, Roy Mason told the Labour Party conference that “Ulster had had enough of initiatives, White Papers and legislation for the time being, and now needed to be governed firmly and fairly”. He rejected both military and political solutions in favour of “justice for all; with equality before the law; and, crucially, with republican terrorism treated as a security problem, and nothing else”

While Secretary of State for Defence Mason had been responsible for the introduction of SAS units into the ‘bandit country’ of South Armagh. At Stormont Mason was responsible for the tougher role taken by the security forces and authorised an increase in British Army covert tactics with the SAS allowed to operate throughout Northern Ireland. Mason’s time in Northern Ireland was characterised by a reduction in violence; “in 1976 there were 297 deaths in Northern Ireland; in the next three years the figures were 111, 80, 120. In 1977 he stood up to militant loyalists attempt to repeat their successful Ulster Workers Council strike tactic of 1974. In the same year he twice attempted to get some movement towards a political settlement from the local political parties but both attempts failed.

Mason’s policies in Northern Ireland earned the ire of Irish nationalist MPs. This played a part in the March 1979 vote of no confidence, which the Labour Gov’t lost by one vote, precipitating the 1979 general election. Nationalist MP Gerry Fitt abstained in the vote of no confidence, stating that he could not support a government with Mason as its Northern Ireland secretary.

After Labour’s election defeat in 1979 Mason came under increasing pressure from some on the left in his constituency party and from Arthur Scargill but did not countenance joining the SDP. Mason received full police protection, over 30 years after leaving office. In 1982 the then Energy Secretary Nigel Lawson suggested to Thatch that she should make Mason the next Chairman of the NCB, but Thatch refused, saying that Mason was “Not one of us”. Instead, Ian MacGregor was appointed.

After Mason’s retirement from the House of Commons at the 1987 General Election, he was created a life peer on 20 October 1987 taking the title Baron Mason of Barnsley.

On 18 Nov 1987, the King’s Cross Fire killed 31 people. I’ve been told that this was an attempt to kill me; I was due to be there at the time of the fireball but I’d changed my plans. See the source imageDr Dafydd Alun JonesSee the source imageIn July 1987, the Leo Abse inspired plan to have me fitted up and imprisoned unravelled when not enough people told not enough lies, shortly after that Dafydd told me over the phone that if I dropped my complaints about him he’d get me a place at Liverpool Medical School; Brown was listening into the call and we subsequently told Alwyn Jones, my solicitor in Bangor and complaints were made to Gwynedd Health Authority. No action was taken at any point.

Shortly before Dafydd tried bribing me, he told me that if I didn’t withdraw my complaints about him, he’d have me arrested and ‘detained in Risley Remand Centre’. I told him not to be so bloody ridiculous. Hot on the heels on that conversation came a High Court injunction from Tony Francis, secured on the basis of perjury, courtesy of Hempsons and the MDU, with the initial threat to apply to have me jailed. Hempsons dropped that part of the bollocks when I confronted them.

In Oct 1987 DATE?? Brown’s brother and I went to Denbigh to confront Dafydd; we were told by an unidentified administrator that Dafydd wasn’t there and no-one knew when he would be. We went into the main building and we found Stephen Bagnall, a former kid in care from Wrexham with whom I’d been friends when I’d been in the Bryn Golau Peep Show, Dec 1986-Jan 1987. Stephen looked terrible, he was skeletal, his face and head were covered in bruises and cuts and his hands were raw and bleeding because he couldn’t stop chewing them. He told me that as soon as I’d left the Peep Show, Dafydd had sectioned him for a year. See the source imageAngels saw us talking to Stephen and broke up the chat… As Brown’s brother and I left the premises, we were tailgated down the drive and onto the public road by Alun Davies. After I began this blog I was told that Stephen was murdered by Angels days after we met him. Someone tried to murder Brown’s brother shortly afterwards; further serious attempts on Brown’s brother’s life followed. See eg. ‘Hey, Hey DAJ, How Many Kids Have You Killed Today?’

Roy Mason lived in the same semi-detached house with his wife Marjorie from their marriage until he was aged 84. Mason died at Highgrove Nursing Home, Barnsley, of cerebrovascular disease, one day after his 91st birthday, on 19 April 2015. He was survived by his wife and his two daughters.

Roy Mason was succeeded as MP for Barnsley by Eric Illsley:

Eric Illsley
Member of Parliament
for Barnsley Central
In office
12 June 1987 – 8 February 2011
Preceded by Roy Mason
Succeeded by Dan Jarvis
Personal details
Born
Eric Evlyn Illsley

9 April 1955 (age 64)
Kendray, West Riding of Yorkshire, England

Nationality British
Political party Labour (1987–2010)
Independent (2010–2011)
Spouse(s) Dawn Illsley[1]
Alma mater University of Leeds

Eric Evlyn Illsley (born 9 April 1955) was suspended from the Labour Party after being charged with false accounting as part of the Parliamentary expenses scandal and then sat as an Independent. When Illsley pleaded guilty to three counts of false accounting on 11 January 2011, he became the first sitting MP to be convicted of a criminal offence in the scandal. Illsley resigned from the Commons on 8 February 2011 and was sentenced to 12 months’ imprisonment on 10 February 2011.

Illsley was born in Kendray, West Riding of Yorkshire and educated at Hunningley Lane Junior School, Barnsley’s Holgate Grammar School for Boys and the University of Leeds, where he graduated in Law in 1977. Illsley was an official for the NUM for ten years, including during the 1984–1985 NUM. In the NUM, Illsley was a compensation officer from 1978-81, Assistant Head of General Department, 1981-84 and Head of General department and Chief Administration Officer, 1984-87.

When Roy Mason announced his retirement in October 1986, Illsley was nominated by the NUM in the selection of a Labour candidate for Barnsley Central. Illsley was viewed as being on the left of the Labour Party while his main opponent was Ronnie Fisher, a Barnsley Borough Councillor identified as a moderate. The General Secretary of the Yorkshire NUM, Sam Thompson, wrote to NUM members encouraging them to attend the selection meeting in January 1987. Illsley was selected and then easily elected to the Commons in June 1987. Dr Dafydd Alun JonesSee the source image Illsley was on the frontbench while Labour were in opposition, See the source imagebut was a backbencher after they won power in 1997. Illsley voted against the privatisation of the National Air Traffic Services (NATS).

On 11 March 2003, Illsley claimed in a speech to the House regarding possible military action in Iraq: “The report states that any military action must be on the basis of UN resolutions. I fully agree: as a Committee member, I stand by that statement, and believe that there must be a second resolution before any military action is taken against Iraq”. One week later he voted in favour of military action against Iraq, despite the failure of the US-led coalition to secure the second UN resolution. Illsley voted in favour of the introduction of identity cards in the UK.

Illsley voted against a bill proposing transparency in MPs’ allowances and the publication of a list of allowed expenses, otherwise known as the John Lewis List. Illsley claimed £149,700 in expenses including £90,000 staff costs.

On 19 June 2009 Illsley was one of dozens of MPs identified by the Daily Telegraph as having made “phantom” claims for council tax on his parliamentary expenses, receiving thousands of pounds more than he was entitled to. Illsley was thought to have made the highest phantom claim – over £6,000. Illsley claimed over £10,000 for council tax in four years although he was charged £3,966 for his Band C property in Lambeth, south London, in this period. Illsley regularly submitted claims for £200 a month, which meant that he did not have to submit receipts.

Shortly after re-election as a Labour MP in the 2010 General Election, on 19 May 2010, Illsley was charged with three counts of false accounting. He was suspended from the Labour Party and had the Labour whip withdrawn in the House of Commons. On 11 January 2011, Illsley pleaded guilty at Southwark Crown Court to three charges. He was to be sentenced in February 2011 and if he received a prison sentence of more than 12 months, he would have been automatically disqualified as an MP under the Representation of the People Act 1981, causing a by-election at Barnsley Central. Illsley stated his intention to resign as an MP before sentencing, and on 8 February he was formally appointed Steward of the Chiltern Hundreds, vacating his seat. A by-election followed on 3 March 2011. Illsley was sentenced to 12 months imprisonment on 10 February 2011 and was released on 13 May 2011 after serving three months. Illsley wore an electronic tag for the remainder of his term.

On 13 October 2011, Illsley appeared on BBC Newsnight on which he described his inflated expenses claims as “an allowance for living in London”. He also revealed that he receives a Parliamentary pension, although he refused to disclose the amount.

Grimethorpe, the poorest part of the UK…

See the source imageSee the source imageSee the source imageDr Dafydd Alun JonesImage result for male rabbit mating behavior images

 

Dafydd Wigley states in his Daily Post column that between 1974 and 1979 he campaigned ‘vigorously for slate quarrymen’s compensation, as did the Anglesey MP Cledwyn Hughes, Union District Organiser Idwal Roberts, the Wales TUC and many others. Facing Parliamentary defeat in 1979, Labour negotiated Plaid support by finally introducing the 1979 Pneumoconiosis Bill. It passed in the Labour government’s dying days – largely thanks to Michael Foot, Labour’s Leader of the House, with whom we negotiated the deal’.

Footie from the extensive House Of Foot in Plymouth, bent lawyers and Liberal as well as Labour Party politicians (see eg. ‘The Bay Of Pigs Invasion’). Footie who dated back to the 1940s, KGB double agents in the British security services, Lord Beaverbrook – for whom Footie worked and got on with very well – Footie who had exotic sexual tastes himself and kept the dirt out of the press by reminding journos when they did threaten to publish that he had the dirt on Lord Beaverbrook and Rothermere… I quite admire Footie for doing that, but I’d admire him more if he’d had his priorities right and had brought down the whole lot of them See the source imageinstead of pursuing the blood of my friends and I.

It was in 1979 that Mary lingered in Denbigh for a year. 1979 also saw the action with Mr Thrope at the Old Bailey  and it was in the first part of 1979 when Shirl was still Education Secretary that Dafydd Wigley asked her to hold a Public Inquiry into the mismanagement of UCNW by Sir Charles Evans, the Principal. Shirl refused, as Wigley knew that she would, because the havoc presiding at UCNW was a result of the Gang, See the source imageof which Sir Charles was a member,  but not one who was liked by the other members.

Lord Wigley explained in the Daily Post that ‘In the first year the Act paid compensation to some four thousand applicants – former slate quarrymen and their widows and workers in other dust ridden industries such as cotton and foundry workers. Sadly some cases failed – for lack of medical evidence… the Act remains in force, paying out significant sums. Tonight’s lecture will recall ‘behind the scenes battle’ to secure the act. The slate communities social history is central to Gwynedd’s World Heritage Bid.’

Boris Johnson has now lent his support to Gwynedd’s World Heritage Bid, so Lord W is in good company!See the source image

Boris: the slate landscape is truly impressive and Gwynedd deserves so much better than it has had but sadly I know what will happen if the World Heritage Bid is successful. Those we know and love who have demonstrated quite clearly for decades now that they are incapable of organising the proverbial piss-up in a brewery will colonise the project and completely screw it up. It is what they have done with everything that has arrived in Gwynedd, no matter how grand or Flagship it is. When Merfyn was VC of Bangor University the Great Hope was Pontio, the huge multimillion arts centre; Pontio finally arrived after much scrapping and infighting and it is not what it should be. Nepotism and fuckwittery won the day because it always does in Gwynedd and that is what will happen with a World Heritage Unesco site. There are plenty of rational, capable people in Gwynedd but they do not get a chance; the region is totally dominated by the Gang who cannot do anything but cheat, lie, bully and embezzle, they won’t sod off and no-one will kick them out…

So I’ll stand back and watch the show as more millions are pissed up against the wall in the name of the World Heritage Centre.

Dafydd Wigley’s Daily Post column just a few weeks ago was little more than a diatribe about how people had been confronting him re matters in Bethesda and how this was his fault he did not know because Bethesda was never in his constituency. Lord Wigley penned that column immediately after I blogged details about some of the criminality and lawlessness that prevailed in Rachub and Bethesda in the 1990s when I lived there. It is indeed true that Bethesda was never in Lord Wigley’s constituency, but as I have discussed on the blog, people in the Bethesda area tended to look to Lord Wigley and Plaid as the Voice Of The People, because it was considered ridiculous that Bethesda was part of Wyn Roberts’s constituency of er Llandudno. It was a standing joke that our interests were lumped in with those of the retired bungalow dwelling petit bourgeoisie from Manchester.

People from Bethesda contacted Lord Wigley because they’d never have wasted their time with Wyn Roberts; the Bethesda officials/Councillors tended to be Plaid, including Dafydd Orwig the most high profile Cllr, the Ogwen Valley Labour Party existed but it was dying on its feet and only about six people attended meetings (see previous posts)… Furthermore, one Ioan Bowen Rees, Plaid-supporting Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council and adviser to Dafydd Wigley, lived in Llanllechid on the outskirts of Bethesda. Ioan lived in a grand Plas down a lane hidden from us plebs by beech trees, but he was most definitely there.

Furthermore, the comments of mine to which Lord Wigley was reacting in his column were written in the context of criminality facilitated by bent Councillors, Top Docs, Angels, police officers, social workers, magistrates and judges. That was my point: I will not blame the Riff Raff for what was happening because I knew that the network of corrupt local professional people were behind it… I do know that my former neighbours shouldn’t have succumbed when bribed or threatened, but if bent Judge Huw Daniel in his Plas in another set of trees just a bit further down the road than Ioan was in the thick of the criminality – Huw’s dad being Prof J.E. Daniel, Theologian, Schools Inspector and early member of Plaid, both JE and Huw being mates with Gwynne and Dafydd – then the mess on the ground was not entirely the fault of the lawless ones who lived on low incomes in the quarry terraces…

Lord Wigley’s battle to obtain compensation for quarrymen with lung disorders was aimed at the elderly in the Bethesda area, there wasn’t a Penrhyn Quarry in Llandudno, that was why Bethesda people knew Dafydd Wigley!

Dafydd Wigley stated in the Daily post that ‘the suffering of the quarrymen should be remembered. For it is on their backs that the slate industry was built’. Should anyone wish to read what is acknowledged to be the best account of the Gwynedd quarrymen, their industrial action, development of their union and the way in which they were literally enslaved by the Anglicised gentry, most famously Lord Penrhyn aka George Sholto Gordon Douglas-Pennant, 2nd Baron Penrhyn (30 September 1836-10 March 1907), they need to acquire a copy of the 1982 volume ‘The North Wales Quarrymen 1874-1922’ by R. Merfyn Jones.

The quarrymen were enslaved to such a degree that Lord Penrhyn told them who to vote for and there was trouble if they didn’t follow his advice. In 1866 George Douglas-Pennant was elected Conservative Member of Parliament for Caernarvonshire and held the seat until 1868. Following this defeat his father sacked 80 quarrymen for failing to vote for him. George was again elected in 1874, but was defeated in 1880 by the Liberal Watkin Williams, QC, a Top Doc as well as a judge from a high profile Denbighshire family, who sat in the Commons, 1868-80, . Watkin Williams was the eldest son of Peter Williams, Rector of Llansannan, Denbighshire – the Mars-Jones family are from Llansannan –  and his wife Lydia Sophia Price, daughter of the Rev. James Price of Plas-yn-Lysfaen, Denbighshire. Henry Wynn-Williams was Watkin’s younger brother. After leaving Ruthin Grammar School Watkin studied medicine under John Eric Erichsen at UCH, where he also worked for a time as house-surgeon. Watkin Williams became the lifelong friend of Sir Henry Thompson and Sir John Russell Reynolds a well-known neurologist which meant that he used the services of places like the North Wales Hospital… Watkin Williams abandoned medicine for law and became a member of Middle Temple.

Between 1868 and 1880, Williams served as the Liberal MP for the Denbigh Boroughs. Although himself a churchman, on 24 May 1870 Williams moved a resolution in the Commons in favour of the disestablishment of the Anglican Church in Wales. The motion was opposed by William Gladstone and was lost by 209 against 45 votes. In 1880 Williams was elected for Caernarvonshire.

In November 1880, on the promotion of Sir Robert Lush to a lord-justiceship, Watkin Williams, who was Lush’s son-in-law, was appointed to the vacant puisne judgeship, even though Williams had recently made a public declaration that he would never accept such an office. Williams played a key role in some famous cases, including in the upholding of the conviction of Most in connection with the murder of Alexander II of Russia.

Williams died suddenly of heart disease at the age of 55 at Nottingham, ‘suddenly of heart disease’ euphemistically describing his demise in one of the town’s brothels on Forman Street. A contemporary Nottingham memorial card reported that he ‘departed this life suddenly at Mrs. Salmands’ and noted that ‘in eight feet deep of solid earth Sir Watkin Williams lies. He lost his breath, which caused his death, ‘twixt Nellie Blankey’s thighs’. 

Denbighshire traditions continued ie. politicians, judges, Top Docs who were friends with others in those professions enjoying themselves between other people’s thighs, safe in the knowledge that there was the North Wales Hospital available for anyone who refused to keep quiet.

Families like the Pennants and Williams’s persisted in north Wales, holding political office, calling the shots, intermarrying with each other as well as with families with even more power (Alec Douglas-Home’s son and heir David married Jane Williams-Wynn in 1972, the Gang’s cup will have runneth over) and I’ve been impressed with how they all were closely connected to the North Wales Hospital. There were a great many influential people including those who were rational in other spheres yet really did not want that place under scrutiny yet alone closed.

For a detailed account of those who have held and stood for Lord Wigley’s former constituency in its various manifestations, see ‘Slaves, Perfect Slaves’. The title of the post was taken from an article written by the ‘Herald Cymraeg’ columnist on Bethesda affairs, as discussed in Merfyn Jones’s 1982 book ‘The North Wales Quarrymen, 1874-1922’:

Does Wales know I wonder, that the workers of Chwarel y Cae are slaves, perfect slaves? Ever since the election of 1868 they slip further every year into the hold of servility, until most of them have by now lost the last grain of independence…they will have to be squeezed almost to death before they will shout.’

This comment was made in the context of Tory George Sholto Douglas-Pennant comfortably regaining his Parliamentary seat in 1874. In a region dominated by the Liberal Party:

In Bangor and Bethesda, however, areas under direct Penrhyn influence, Pennant had a majority. In Bethesda the number of Liberal votes was particularly small, 47 out of 359… Those brave enough to be public Liberals in Penrhyn’s domain were soon made to pay the price…Penrhyn sacked and intimidated many prominent Liberals. In 1870 he purged his quarries of agitators, dismissing “over 80 quarrymen, most of them among the best men in the quarry in character and work…without any reason being given”.

Condemned by the Welsh press, this action was accepted by the Penrhyn quarrymen, who held an apparently well-attended meeting in June 1870 to “protest against the slur cast upon the respected stewards and generous and kind proprietor”. They resented especially the words of a local radical columnist who had castigated them as “white slaves”. On the contrary, the men protested, the sackings had been perfectly justified by the downward turn in the slate trade and even one of the dismissed men maintained that this was so and that he was no radical and had helped with the plans for a union (in 1865) against his own will. Such was Penrhyn’s power, the fear of victimisation and a genuine sense of obligation toward their master demanded a vote, not necessarily for Toryism, but for the Pennant family…Even prominent nonconformist figures…and a host of deacons sat on Penrhyn’s platform and spoke on his behalf…’

The dominance over the economy in north Wales of families such as the Pennants has been substantially eroded, but a craven fear of and loyalty to the Gang remains, manifested in particular by the obligation to maintain that there is no serious problem with the NHS, Social Services or Local Authorities in north Wales. People are allowed to state that the schools are not what they should be, but no-one is permitted to say a critical word about the NHS other than that all would be well if only it were given more dosh. The NHS in north Wales is dreadful, very dangerous and has been for many years; the problem stems from the criminality that can be traced back to Denbigh acting as repository for influential abusive people. So many lies are told about the NHS, in north Wales and elsewhere, that it is very difficult for the uninitiated to work out how big the problem is and what is the cause. Every politician knows but no-one will admit it. Local people are dying needlessly because of this.

As with so many constituencies in north Wales, if a candidate for Caernarfonshire was not a lapdog to the Gang, they stood no chance of being elected. Although the fortunes of the old families have declined somewhat and the power dynamics are not perhaps as simple as they used to be, it is still a case of My How Things Haven’t Changed. The Gang have long been in partnership with the National Trust – Lucille Hughes now works with the NT, so the partnership has become overt, as opposed to the summer Manpower Services Commission scheme run by Wing Commander Ian Panton for ‘disadvantaged local people’ ie. victims of the Gang who were quietly pumped for info and then disappeared into the underclass as discussed in previous posts – which is interesting because the ancestral seats of the families who were using the services of Gwynne and Dafydd to dispose of awkward customers are often now in the possession of the NT, on terms that are advantageous to those families.

Antoinette Sandbach who until the last General Election was Tory MP for Eddisbury is the barrister daughter of a Gang family from north Wales who are related to the 2nd Baron Penrhyn. Antoinette’s dad Ian Lawrie Mackeson-Sandbach was a leading Mason, Provincial Grand Master of North Wales 1990-2004. Just look at what was happening during those years; Ian I think succeeded Lord Kenyon in that role. Hefin Davies of Gwynedd Community Health Trust was a leading Mason in north Wales. Ian’s mum Geraldine Sandbach – she’s the descendant of Lord Penrhyn -was President of the Royal College of Midwives Denbigh branch, held office in the Anglican Church etc. See previous posts for a fuller account of the Sandbach family’s previous and Gang-related activities.

Here’s a bit more info about Ian Mackeson-Sandbach that I don’t think I included in previous posts:  Lt Welsh Guards Emergency Reserve 1952-57; MD of France Fenwick Ltd, 1969-75; Director of Demerara Co Ltd 1969-76, Chief Exec of Ernest Notcutt Group Ltd, 1976-82; Chairman of Crown Estate Paving, 1983-2004; Liveryman of Worshipful Company of Grocers.

Ian Mackeson-Sandbach died on 26 Sept 2012. It was in the autumn of 2012 that someone e mailed me to say that Tony Francis had ‘committed suicide’ but they weren’t sure when and no-one was saying anything at all officially about the matter.

 

Merfyn made a lot of people very cross when he wrote ‘The North Wales Quarrymen 1874-1922’, not because his book didn’t have any pictures in it or was historically inaccurate, but because Merfyn argued that the quarrymen were not only oppressed by Lord Penrhyn and the Anglicised gentry who owned the quarries, but also by the Welsh middle classes who wielded a political and cultural domination over the region via in those days the Liberal Party and Nonconformist religion. Then Merfyn traumatised everyone even more by theorising that Plaid grew out of that dominant Welsh middle class and that was Plaid’s electoral and power base.

Did Dafydd Wigley ever take on the cause of kids in care and psych patients illegally imprisoned/assaulted/fitted up in Court/slandered and libelled? Or did Dafydd Wigley Befriend Top Doctors, Defend the NHS, Sit On The Warnock Committee with Dame Josephine Barnes a Top Doc who was married to Ted Heath’s close friend and personal physician See the source image– Dame Josephile and her husband Sir Brian Warren were both facilitating the Westminster Paedophile Ring – and repeatedly maintain that he Knew Nuzzing about the organised abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales, although I was not the only person who contacted him about it?

 

Merfyn bagged a CBE a few years ago and when I witnessed someone ask him if he was going to go to the Palace and he tactfully didn’t say yes or no, I had a good snigger. Lord Wigley bagged rather more than a CBE and his daughter-in-law sort of worked for the Palace. As I suppose did/does Lord Wigley.See the source image

See the source image

Anyone for a vicious murderous paedophile ring run by a Royal Lobotomist, the hub of which was Gwynedd, although it was Clwyd that received the worst publicity? The kids who were supplied to Dolphin Square were from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor. See the source imageAs Lord Wigley kno, Ty’r Felin wasn’t in his constituency, it was in Lord Wyn Robert’s constituency. However, Gwynedd County Council and Gwynedd Health Authority were the machinery of the ring and nearly all of the key players from those bodies were based in Caernarfon, just around the corner from Lord Wigley’s office. Including the Arfon CMHT until the late 1980s. Some of the most guilty were Lord Wigley’s neighbours…

Lord Wyn Roberts was bestest friends with the Gang and the hub of his constituency was Llandudno, the town in which Gwynne originated. If Lord Wigley was, as he has admitted, passing letters about the abuse of kids in Ty’r Felin that he was receiving onto Thatch’s Welsh Office Minister Wyn Roberts, when no action was taken why did Lord Wigley not follow it up? It wasn’t a matter of a request for an extra street lamp, it was a matter of an international trafficking ring targeting kids as young as eleven years old, some of who were later found dead or simply disappeared…

So when is someone going to recover the bodies?See the source image

 

More Antonin Artaud

My post ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’ discussed some aspects of the Theatre of Cruelty in north Wales that Ronnie Waterhouse detailed in his Report that Ronnie either dismissed with a few throwaway comments or decided not to worry about anyway. I explained in that post that there were so many horrors detailed in the Waterhouse Report that I do not have the capacity on this blog to reproduce most of them, but I did promise to revisit the Theatre of Cruelty in a follow-up post.

So here are a few more details directly related to some of the actors who starred in the Theatre of Cruelty as discussed in ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’ and a few other aspects of the Theatre of Cruelty that blows out of the water the notion that Top Docs and other people of far higher status than bottom feeding, minimally qualified (or unqualified), care workers ‘didn’t know’ what was happening in the Theatre of Cruelty.

‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’ – introduced the home known as ‘Tanllwyfan’, which like so many children’s homes in north Wales was the site of organised abuse and employed a senior member of staff who later went to prison for assaults on children.

Tanllwyfan was a former farmhouse at Old Colwyn. It was opened as a children’s home in 1916 by the Boys and Girls Welfare Society, whose HQ moved from Manchester to Cheadle. Under the Children and Young Persons Act 1969 Tanllwyfan was categorised as an ‘assisted community home with education on the premises’ ie. a ‘CHE’ and it was operated by the Boys and Girls Welfare Society with Denbighshire County Council and then Clwyd County Council. Obviously there was a very long-standing association between the Boys and Girls Welfare Society and the Gang in north Wales.

Tanllwyfan was located near the children’s and adolescent mental health unit Gwynfa, in which children were raped, buggered, battered, dropped out of the window on their heads, made to wear dog collars and led around on leads… Gwynfa Unit was managed by Nigel Mannering Berry, a former North Wales Hospital Denbigh Angel and the Top Doc responsible for Gwynfa Unit was Dr Barry Kiehn, a mate of Dafydd’s.  Although Gwynfa Unit was located in Clwyd, most of the young patients were referred from Gwynedd. Tony Francis and his colleagues will have been doing the referring. The abuse of the children at Gwynfa was known about by teachers, social workers and clinical psychologists. They all ignored complaints. See eg. ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’.

Tanllwyfan was designated in 1971 as a special home available for use of all  the North Wales counties. Some children were also admitted from English Local Authorities in the north west, ie. the Liverpool and Manchester region. The Top Docs in those cities had for years colluded with Dafydd and Gwynne’s criminality, as had the politicians.

Denbighshire Education Committee at that time provided teaching facilities on the premises at Tanllwyfan, but some children attended local schools. ‘Psychiatric oversight and treatment were provided at a nearby child guidance clinic and a psychiatric social worker attended weekly.’ I presume that this is a reference to the notorious Gwynfa Unit.

Gwynfa was so indefensible that it was closed not long before the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced, no doubt because events at Gwynfa would never have withstood scrutiny. There was not even the excuse that the Gwynfa kids were ‘delinquent children in care’; most of the kids at Gwynfa were not in care, they were kids with childhood depression, eating disorders etc…

In the 1979 Regional Plan, Tanllwyfan was available for the use of all Local Authorities within the Welsh region. The educational provision was one teacher and one classroom and there were re-stated provisions for psychiatric, psychological and medical services. However, the future of the home was not very clear from the document because a note stated that it was to close as a CHE in 1980-81, whereas another section of the plan showed it as continuing to be a community home intended to accommodate up to 18 mainly older boys and girls with the same educational provision as before and available to Gwynedd as well as Clwyd. In the event it seems to have accommodated children in the age range of six to 16 years and it eventually closed on 31 December 1984.

So like Bryn Estyn, Tanllwyfan was a children’s home that was closed in the wake of Brown and me refusing to keep quiet about Gwynne during 1984.

On 18 Nov 1984, Lord Maelor aka Thomas Jones, who had served as the Labour MP for the constituency containing Bertrand Russell and Clough’s set at Cwm Croesor, 1951-66, spontaneously combusted in a fire at his home. Lord Maelor was a former schoolteacher who had trained at the Normal College in Bangor, an institution run by Dafydd and Gwynne’s mates; when he was off-duty Lord Maelor relaxed by wearing ladies’ clothes. One longstanding member of Coleg Normal staff from the 1950s, who ended up as Deputy Principal, was Menai Williams, who was a personal friend of Megan Lloyd-George. Menai was also mates with Dafydd et al. See eg. ‘Thought For the Day’. Lord Maelor’s brother Idwal Jones served as the Labour MP for Wrexham, 1955-70. Both Thomas and Idwal grew up near Wrexham. See previous posts…

The 1979 Regional Plan epitomises the confusion that pervaded the welfare services in north Wales; even the official documentation produced by Gov’t was unclear and contradictory, so little wonder that the Gang used any facility for pretty much any purpose that suited them. Hence Dafydd’s ‘Young People’s Personality Disorder Unit’ at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was a chaotic ward of young people unlawfully detained who were encouraged to have sex with each other while Angels watched the live floor show. See ‘Include Me Out’.

Although Bryn Estyn and Tallwyfan were closed in 1984, kids and staff were relocated to other homes in the region and the abuse of the kids continued in the same vein as before. The world was thus told that the theatre of cruelty had closed down…

I have been told that it was Prof Eric Sunderland, Principal of UCNW, who was responsible for beating the jungle drums and ensuring that a cosmetic exercise was undertaken to ‘clean up’. All senior staff at UCNW were facilitating the ring in north Wales. The Rev Prof Alwyn Roberts, a former Methodist missionary (see previous posts eg. ‘Meet The Gwerin!’ and ‘There’s Methodism In This Madness’), was a member of Gwynedd County Council and numerous members of staff at UCNW were training ‘professionals’ in eg. teaching, social work, psychology, theology, who joined the Gang after graduation. Dafydd pulled the strings in the Dept of Psychology. Gwynne sat in the Student Health Centre and his accomplice Dr DGE Wood was married to a Senior Lecturer in the Dept of Plant Biology. In 1984, Nice Young Doctors Dr Evans, Dr Chris Tilson and Dr Lyndon Miles arrived to work in the Student Health Centre; they were all on board with the Gang but were not as grotesquely obvious as Gwynne.

Professor Eric Sunderland:

Antonin Artaud:

See the source image

Management of the day-to-day running of Tanllwyfan was vested in a local Committee (managers), including three Local Authority (Clwyd) members, which met monthly at Tanllwyfan. A representative of Clwyd Social Services Dept attended these meetings: Veronica Pares  – Veronica starred in my post ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’ as being one of those staff identified by senior officials in Clwyd who was so hopeless that managers of children’s homes were not expected to follow her instructions – attended in the early years when she was Principal Residential and Day Care Officer and later Gordon Ramsay (Principal Social Worker, Children) attended regularly. Gordon Ramsay was a very culpable man re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. A great many things escaped Gordon’s notice, even violent sex offenders whom Gordon knew of old being promoted or given excellent references to get the hell out of Clwyd and work in senior roles with children in other regions.

The General Secretary of the Boys and Girls Welfare Society also attended the monthly management meetings.

The managers were responsible for the appointment of staff at Tanllwyfan and they reviewed admissions and discharges of children (it was usual for two or three members of the Committee to attend case conferences). It was the practice for a member of the Committee to make a separate visit to Tanllwyfan each month. There was also an ‘independent visitor’ living locally, who was appointed by the General Secretary of the Boys and Girls Welfare Society. An independent visitor living locally would be a member of the Gang, no-one else would have been allowed to occupy that role and there was no shortage of local people happy to help the Gang, it was the only route to success in north Wales. Dafydd was the only game in town.

The Officer In Charge (Warden) of Tanllwyfan when Clwyd County Council took over its part of the shared responsibility for Tanllwyfan was Mr D. Shepherd, whose wife was the housekeeper. The Shepherds resigned in July 1976 and were succeeded by Mr and Mrs Groome with effect from 7 August 1976.

Richard Francis Groome was introduced in ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’ as someone who was eventually jailed for child abuse, but only after he had left Tanllwyfan and worked in a very senior position at Clwyd Hall School.

Groome was 36 years old when he took over as Warden of Tanllwyfan, with four years’ experience of full-time social work. Before that Groome had served as a musician in the Royal Marines for 13 years and had then had also served with the NAAFI in South America. Groome had done some part-time work with youth clubs before working as an RCCO (Residential Child Care Officer) for Northamptonshire County Council from June 1972 and served subsequently as manager of a children’s home in Kingston-upon-Thames and then Team Leader for two years at an assessment centre in Hertfordshire. He had also attended the prequalifying in-service training at Ewell College in 1973 and qualified for the CRCCYP ( Certificate in Residential Child Care and Young People) in 1976 at Havering College.

The Leicestershire social worker Frank Beck who was a mate of Greville Janner’s and who received several life sentences in Nov 1991 for the rape and abuse of hundreds of kids in his care had previously worked in Northamptonshire. Beck, with others, is also suspected of having murdered a boy in care; the boy’s death was officially attributed to ‘suicide’ after he ran away from care, but the circumstances of his death suggest that suicide was an unlikely explanation. See previous posts.

Rob Evans spent years during the 1980s and 90s as a senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services. Rob Evans was initially a senior manager of children in care and was then given domain over community mental health teams. Wherever Rob Evans went, clients were abused and found dead. Rob Evans was a graduate of Leicester University and also worked in Northamptonshire. See eg. ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ At one point Evans worked in the Aberconwy social work team with Terence James. In 1986, Terence James was the social worker who arrived in the North Wales Hospital without letting me know who he was or what he wanted. I was being held unlawfully at the time and the next day I was due to appear at Bangor Magistrates Court after a junior doc lied to the police about me attacking him. When I arrived at the Court, I found that the charges against me had been dropped but I was taken straight back to the secure unit at Denbigh because James had sectioned me the day before, either 30 or 31 Jan 1987.

Harold Macmillan, who’s son Maurice swindled and bankrupted my father the year that I was born, died on 29 Dec 1986. I was suddenly released from Denbigh days after Mac’s funeral. I had no access to newspapers in Denbigh and the TV usually was tuned to soaps and I don’t remember hearing that Macmillan had died when I was in there.

I’ve been told that Tom King had something to do with letting the Gang know that I had to be kept under lock and key until Mac’s funeral and the Tributes were out of the way. Tom King was Secretary of State for N Ireland at the time, so he had Kincora and all that depended on Kincora being concealed to think about.

Terence James sectioned me in collaboration with a deeply unpleasant, aggressive Top Doc called Ramiah Ramiah. No-one told me his name either, I discovered their names by sneaking a look at paperwork. I made a note of Terence James’s name and Ramiah’s and also jotted down dates, quotes and other facts on a bit of paper and left it on my bed. It disappeared. When my lawyer finally obtained my medical files in 2005, there was a copy of my piece of paper with notes re the wrongdoing in there.

Re Groome managing a children’s home in Kingston-upon-Thames; Kingston was ruled by Hammersmith surgeon Hugh Bentall. Bentall was a very rich man who owned Bentall’s, the posh department store in Kingston. Brown’s aunty worked in Bentall’s and she and her family (Brown’s mum’s brother Barry Dent and their daughters Katie and Gabrielle) lived in Kingston-upon-Thames. Katie went to Tiffin Girls’ School, was rejected for a place to read law at Oxford in the 1980s and was instead offered a ‘reserved place’ that the school had to read theology at Pembroke College, Oxford. Oxford denied that reserved places still existed in those days. I have more recently been told that Katie’s place at Pembroke was a deal for keeping quiet about my encounters with the Gang. At Oxford, Katie became an official for the Lesbian and Gay Soc and caused a scandal in Kingston when she had a relationship with one of her former teachers from Tiffin. After graduation Katie worked for Gay Switchboard, Centrepoint and the last I heard she was working for Merlin. Katie seems to have changed her name, Brown and I have not heard of her for a long while. Gabrielle went to Bristol University and became a teacher.

Hugh Bentall’s son Richard is a clinical psychologist who trained with Dafydd’s Gang at UCNW and was working there in the 1980s. Richard was married to the daughter of Eifion Jones, the Dean of Science at UCNW. She did her degree in the School of Plant Biology and then trained as an Angel.

Hugh Bentall was perpetrating research fraud himself and only secured his Chair at Hammersmith Hospital after a colleague of his was found dead in the hospital in questionable circumstances and Bentall made a generous financial donation to Hammersmith. Bentall’s secretary doubled up as his mistress and in return she received a degree and a PhD in anatomy and then a lecturing job. See eg. ‘Interesting Facts’.

Adrian Bell, my former tutor in the School of Plant Biology at UCNW, did his degree at Kingston Poly.

Ollie Brooke pleaded guilty to child porn offences at Kingston Crown Court on 18 Dec 1986, four days after Dafydd had me wrongfully arrested and unlawfully imprisoned. The Court at Kingston were not told of the enormity of Ollie’s offending and they were told lies about his academic record and status; the Court knew that they were being lied to as well. See eg. ‘Oliver!’ and ‘Too Many Pills’.

Norman Lamont served as the Tory MP for Kingston-upon-Thames, 1972-97. Lamont was the Minister for Defence Procurement when Ollie was jailed. Ollie’s appeal against the length of his sentence (he didn’t appeal against his conviction, he pleaded guilty) was heard by Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane in May 1986 and Ollie’s sentence was reduced; Lane ordered Ollie’s release and Ollie was quietly let out of prison in June 1987. There was of course a General Election held in June 1987 and Thatch won with a landslide. The Windbag had convinced himself that he was going to win and Dr Death believed that his chances were excellent as well. No polls predicted the extent of Thatch’s victory.

Most promotions for Tory Ministers were made immediately after Thatch won once more in June 1987. Yet Norman Lamont was appointed Financial Secretary to the Treasury – it eventually led to Lamont becoming Chancellor under John Major, in which role Lamont crashed the economy – on 21 May 1987. Some two weeks before the General Election that no-one expected Thatch to win, yet the Tories themselves always seemed to approach in a very blasé manner.

Norman Lamont grew up in Shetland, he was the son of the islands surgeon. Lamont and his family knew Sir Douglas Black, who also grew up in Shetland. Black spent much of the middle years of his career in Manchester, working as a Top Doc with the Docs who throughout the 1950s, 60s and 70s, concealed the crimes of Gwynne the Lobotomist. Manchester was a real centre of rot but a far more powerful one than was made public. People know about the London and Edinburgh medical elbows, but not many people talk about those in Manchester, which were lower profile but packed a punch because, I suspect, of Gwynne. Lord Robert Platt ruled supreme in Manchester medical circles for decades; Platt wasn’t from a medical family, Platt’s relatives were influential in High Culture, opera, music, theatre etc…

The surgeon husband of Dame Isabel Graham Bryce worked in Manchester until he retired in the 1960s and they relocated to Oxfordshire. Dame Isabel had held senior roles in NHS governance in Manchester, including of the children’s hospital there, but after they moved to Oxfordshire, Dame Isabel became Richard Crossman’s right hand woman re keeping the lid on the NHS abuses and the VIP abuse ring in Oxfordshire. It brought Dame Isabel great influence and was a highly effective method of keeping a great deal of wrongdoing among the dreaming spires quiet. See previous posts…

Dame Isabel was the daughter of Prof James Lorrain Smith (1862–1931), a Professor of Pathology in Belfast and his wife, Isabella. Dame Isabel’s father knew the father of Sir Donald Acheson, Gwynne and Dafydd’s mate who served as Chief Medical Officer, 1985-90, having been appointed, I am told, because I refused to shut up about the Gang…

The daughter of Bertrand Russell’s and Clough’s mate Patrick Blackett who had a second home at Croesor was married to a Manchester surgeon. They knew Eric Hobsbawm who was batting for the Windbag. The Windbag was pandering to Tony Francis; Tony Francis had worked with the Manchester crowd immediately before relocating to north Wales in 1983. His wife Sadie had trained at Manchester Medical School.

Douglas Black publicly wore his Socialism on his sleeve, but an austere Scottish learned Socialism. He was appointed the Gov’ts Chief Scientist at the DHSS in the 1970s and in that role Black Chaired the Black Inquiry into Inequalities. Thatch was PM by the time that the Black Report was finished and she literally threw it straight in the bin. The Top Docs and a lot of social scientists were seething that Thatch had ignored the Great Man’s words of wisdom, but she didn’t give a stuff. See previous posts…

Douglas’s son Andrew is a psychiatrist who has worked with many whom we know and love as discussed in previous posts.

Previous posts eg. ‘Hey, Hey, DAJ How Many Kids Did You Kill Today?’ discussed some of what happened to me during 1986-87, including the Gang’s Cunning Plan to frame me for a serious offence and imprison me shortly after the June 1987 General Election. The documentation in my possession demonstrates that the elaborate plan was hatched in early 1987 and involved Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities, the police, the Home Office (Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary), Risley Remand Centre, the Mental Health Act Commission and many people who worked with these organisations… The Leaders of the Tories, Labour and Plaid and Dr Death’s crew knew about it and all hoped to benefit at the polls from Keeping Quiet About The Gang. The one person apart from Thatch who did win from the arrangement was Ieuan Wyn Jones, who got his big break and became the Plaid MP for Anglesey. Ieuan was a bent solicitor who was friends with my solicitor. Ieuan was born in Denbigh where his dad had been a Methodist Minister; he married a girl from a village on the outskirts of Denbigh who worked as an Angel and midwife… It couldn’t have been better for them really could it??? See previous posts for further details of Ieuan, his now deceased wife and their cesspit.

I can work out pretty much what happened at Gov’t level during the first six months of 1987 after Ollie was jailed, but I’m confused as to how the other Party Leaders didn’t realise that only Thatch was going to benefit from the Silence re the Top Docs and the Cunning Plan to frame and imprison me. I think that it was in 1987 that the polls were proved to be completely wrong re predictions of the election results.

I am wondering if the polls were rigged; I am fairly certain that the word went out, but quietly, to all senior Top Docs and others who desperately needed the criminality of the Gang and Ollie’s mates not to unravel to vote for Thatch no matter what they told other people they were voting, but I’m impressed that the pollsters completely missed what was going on. I suspect that the polls must have been rigged; June 1987 was famous for the ‘people too ashamed to admit they voted for the toxic Tories’ effect but pollsters somewhere must have realised what was happening…

It Woz The Trafficking, Murdering Top Doctors Wot Won It!

With a little help from their friends:

 

June 1987 saw the influx of Loony Left MPs into the House, at least in constituencies that returned a Labour MP, although there weren’t many of them… The Loony Left MPs had all previously been Councillors in Local Authorities that were sending kids to children’s homes in north Wales or were hosting rings linked to Dafydd and the Gang…

Brown believes that the security services worked very hard to ensure that the Labour Party remained unelectable throughout the 1980s and much of the 1990s. The security services were keeping a lid on the Gang and the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Eric Hobsbawm worked for the security services, as did many others in what had been Bertrand Russell’s crowd.

Well that went well didn’t it Windbag.

See the source image

Uncle Harry’s nephew understandably became very upset when the Daily Mail published this a few years ago:

Which newspaper found fame for metamorphosing into what Brown described as an ‘abuse sheet’ directed at the Windbag in the run-up to June 1987? Er, the Daily Mail.

The Daily Mail should be writing thank you letters to Uncle Harry’s nephew and paying tribute to his security services-linked old dad and his mates, because their desperation to conceal the horror that was Gwynne and Dafydd, with whom so many on the left had colluded kept Thatch in Gov’t, enabling the neoliberal revolution that has done so much damage to so many but not the Daily Mail…

Meet one of the movers and shakers behind Soho’s famous Partisan Coffee House, hub of the New Left:

See the source image

Gwynne’s mate Sir Donald was so influential that Miranda recovered him from the tomb in which he had lain after that embarrassing business re the lies to the general public about BSE and gave Sir Donald Health Inequalities to play with. Health Inequalities have widened since Donald was let loose on them. Donald lied about HIV/AIDS as well… Donald knew that many of the victims of the Gay Plague had contracted HIV from the NHS knowingly using infected blood products on them, rather than their Loose Ways With Rampant, Unprotected Sex. Thus were so many witnesses to Gwynne and Dafydd’s crime empire exterminated, blamed for their own deaths but the Top Docs who killed them enjoyed acres of good PR re their Non-Judgemental Compassion for the dying degenerates. It did wonders for Big Pharma in the long term though, all those lovely expensive drugs that powerful lobbying groups demanded should be made available on the NHS, including Prep….

See eg. ‘Captain Swing and His Crew’, ‘Life In Cold Blood’ and ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’ for details of how the Radicals ensured that the medico-legal complex remained 100% toxic, dominated by serious organised crime and global capitalism prevailed.

 

Richard Groome’s time working at an assessment centre in Hertfordshire took him to the county that was home to Gwynne and Dafydd’s mates Admiral Sir Alec and Lady Juliet Bingley. Lady Juliet was the daughter of Bart’s surgeon Reginald Vick and had trained as a social worker at the LSE. After a career as a Posh Man’s Wife, Lady Juliet felt the call of Good Works once more and became a leading light in MIND. The Bingley’s son William was appointed Legal Director of MIND while his mum was Chair and William later went on to become Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission, Chair of NHS Trusts in the north west of England and Prof of Mental Health Law and Ethics at the University of Central Lancashire. Bingley also worked for Cumbria University, ran a consultancy  and set up a charidee helping Oppressed Wimmin in the Pakistan/Kashmir region. Bingley died in a fell walking accident in 2011, some three weeks after he was obliged to resign as Chair of an NHS Trust when it was found that his consultancy had been flogging its services to the Trust of which he was Chair. William ran his consultancy and the charidee with his wife, a former psychiatric Angel.

Not to worry, Lady Juliet was a personal friend of Dom Mintoff, who served as PM of Malta but was also a senior figure in the Maltese Mafia. Juliet was mates with Gwynne and Dafydd’s pal Richard Crossman, who was also friends with Dom. As was the trade unionist Lord Jack Jones… See previous posts.

Lord Balniel was a big figure in MIND and a pal of Dafydd and Gwynne’s when Lady Juliet first entered the MIND arena. Lord Balniel served as a Hertfordshire MP. His seat was succeeded by Dr Death’s friend Shirl. Shirl covered up Gwynne and Dafydd’s crimes for years, as a Home Office Minister, as Education Secretary and of course as part of the Gang Of Four. Shirl’s first husband Bernard was an Oxford don who worked for the security services, as of course did Dafydd. See previous posts.

The Groomes remained at Tanllwyfan until 11 November 1982 and continued to live in Colwyn Bay until April 1984. From Tanllwyfan, Richard Groome went immediately to work at Clwyd Hall School as Head of Care and then Principal but he left in or about April 1984. It was in April 1984 that I had the operation under general anaesthetic that didn’t need the general anaesthetic at the C&A Hospital, weeks after complaining about Gwynne, as discussed in comments following recent posts. I have been told that I was deliberately given a blood transfusion to infect me with Hep B/HIV. It’s OK, it’s the Gang that we are talking about here, I didn’t become infected. Although knowing how the world works, other people will have instead…

Clwyd Hall School was discussed in my post ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’ Kids were abused there…

After leaving Clwyd Hall School, Groome’s next venture was to found a ‘therapeutic community’ for young people, Milverton Court at Ludlow, Shropshire which occupied Groome from 1984 to 1990. Milverton Court is mentioned in a number of blogs and internet discussions re organised abuse in Shropshire. There was an exchange of staff between Milverton Court and the Bryn Alyn Community. Yet the Shropshire child abuse scandal that received media coverage was that of Castle Hill School, not Milverton Court; the Headmaster of Castle Hill, who played a substantial role in public life in Ludlow, was imprisoned in the 1990s for abusing boys at the school. See eg. ‘The Mentor’.

In June 1989 Yorkshire Television approached Alison Taylor with regard to making a documentary on child abuse in Gwynedd. On 12 Sept 1989, Yorkshire TV filmed Alison extensively for the proposed documentary. In the autumn of 1989, Tony Francis worked very hard to arrange a Case Conference while I was at work at St George’s. I knew nuzzing about this until some four years ago when I obtained yet more documentation that had been withheld from me for decades. The Case Conference was held by Dafydd’ mate Dr Chris Hunter of whom I had never heard until four years ago and evidence about my Dangerousness was provided by people of whom I had never heard as well as Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns, two Gwynedd social workers. Brandt had unlawfully detained me in the autumn of 1986. Brandt and Fearns went on to perjure themselves repeatedly from 1990 onwards in their attempts to have me imprisoned. Dr Chris Hunter concluded, by November 1989, that I was Extremely Dangerous, Homicidal and he offered to write a Court Report saying this. I was not facing any charges when Hunter made that offer, although I was arrested not long afterwards after the Gang perjured themselves. See post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’.

In Feb 1990, Yorkshire TV abandoned the Gwynedd documentary for a documentary about Castle Hill School, which was broadcast on 7 May 1991. Castle Hill was bad, but it was not a patch on what happened to kids in care in north Wales.

In Feb 1990, Gwynedd County Council obtained a High Court injunction against me after Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt perjured themselves. The case was heard at the High Court in Leeds, although all parties concerned lived in Gwynedd. Sir John Kay issued the injunction. See eg. ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ and ‘The Bitterest Pill’.

Think Yorkshire, Leeds and TV stars.

Re Groome setting up a ‘therapeutic community’. The Gang loved the idea of therapeutic communities. In 1990/91, Dafydd told Dr Robin Jacobson of Springfield Hospital that he had treated me in a ‘therapeutic community’. When I told Brown that Dafydd had told a barefaced lie to Springfield and they had never checked it out with me (Springfield refused to treat me on the grounds that ‘everything that can be tried has been tried, she even had a place in a therapeutic community’), Brown, as usual, was ahead of me and commented that Dafydd WILL have been referring to Bryn Golau (the locked ‘medium secure’ unit at Denbigh), he’ll have been telling people for years that it is a Therapeutic Community and furthermore they will know that it is a grim facility without the basics yet alone a therapeutic community, but no-one will bother to admit it…

The Therapeutic Community that was Bryn Golau had been subjected to a very damning inspection report just before I was enjoying the Therapeutic Atmosphere there, a report so damning that it was suggested that the Therapeutic Community should be closed asap. The Therapeutic Community was still there 10 years later…

John Allen banged on about Bryn Alyn being a therapeutic community and of course Frank Beck, the senior social worker in Leicestershire who received five life sentences in Nov 1991 for the abuse of over 100 kids in his care, used Therapy as his cover. Beck did truly bizarre things to kids in the name of Therapy and was viewed by colleagues as a charismatic man who was ahead of the game and Could Get Through To Those Kids. I noticed in north Wales that the most extraordinary things could/can be done in the name of Therapy and Professionals never question it. Members of the public do if they get to hear about it, because they haven’t been immersed in the insanity of the world of Therapy and they will ask aghast ‘How on earth is doing that to them ever going to help?’

The Good Old Days:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

Ooh it’s All Different Now, people think we still use straitjackets!

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Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

Ronnie’s Waterhouse Report stated that ‘Since 1990 Richard Groome has been a volunteer worker for SSAFA and director of a leisure company and he has also served as a member of the complaints committee of a regional health authority. We have not investigated the short period of about two years following the Groomes’ departure from Tanllwyfan until it closed because we have not received any complaint in respect of that period’…

The SSAFA referred distressed people to Dafydd for ‘treatment’ for PTSD. See post ‘Feet In Chains’. Field Marshal Lord Edwin Brammall was/is Patron of the SSAFA. Edwin Brammall’s brother Ashley Brammall was a Labour politician who for years held various leading roles in ILEA, while ILEA was sending children on placement to children’s homes in north Wales. See previous posts.

Ronnie’s Report commented that there was some anxiety on the part of Welsh Office inspectors about conditions at Tanllwyfan at the time when it became an assisted community home and there were three inspections between 17 September 1973 and 19 November 1975. The first inspection was triggered by a request by the Boys and Girls Welfare Society for a grant towards the cost of work done on the home, but Welsh Office Social Work Inspector O’Brien was critical of the condition of some of the toilet facilities, ground floor accommodation and bedrooms. Other concerns were “breaches of the corporal punishment regulations” and the need to increase the number of care staff.

‘Breaches of corporal punishment regulations’ will have meant severe on-the-spot violence, often unprovoked. At various points in the Waterhouse Report, when Ronnie was forced to admit that kids had been subjected to the most appalling violence resulting in injury, Ronnie used the phrase ‘corporal punishment’. I always interpreted ‘corporal punishment’ to mean ‘six of the best’, ‘the slipper’, ‘the cane’, or in Scotland, the ‘tawse’. I am not aware that even Dr Rhodes ‘Whacko!’ Boyson translated ‘corporal punishment’ as giving a 14 year old girl two black eyes or smashing a kid’s head against a hard surface, sustaining injury.

Peter Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales, 19 June 1970-5 March 1974.

Peter Thomas, Welsh Secretary 1970-74

Peter John Mitchell Thomas, Baron Thomas of Gwydir (31 July 1920-4 February 2008) served as Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1970-72 and the first Conservative politician to serve as Welsh Secretary.

Thomas was born in Llanwrst, where his father was a solicitor. Llanwrst was a hub of the Gang and also Masonic activity. I have no idea why Evil reigned at Llanrwst, it is a lovely town in a lovely valley, but there was much Gang activity there. Peter Higson and his sister Ruth Hussey both grew up in at went to school at Llanwrst. Higson was Dafydd and Gwynne’s ‘research psychologist’ at Denbigh, until he became manager of the North Wales Hospital, shortly after my complaint had not been investigated. Documents in my possession written and signed by Peter acknowledge that Dafydd was flouting the law but no, Peter didn’t get to the bottom of it. Peter was then promoted to regional manager of the North Wales psychiatric services and a few years later Peter became Chief Exec of HIW, Health Inspectorate Wales. Peter was the first and only CEO of HIW and when it was deemed as not being fit for purpose after years of Peter being at the helm, Peter was appointed Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Why was there a vacancy? Because Merfyn Jones had been forced to resign after Peter had written a report condemning Merfyn. While Peter was Chairman of the Betsi, the mortality rate soared, the Board was placed in special measures, there was scandal after scandal, the Board sank deeper and deeper into debt, litigation went through the roof and the Board would have been declared bankrupt if it wasn’t a Health Board that was bailed out with millions of taxpayers money every time the Top Docs screamed ad screamed until they are sick. In Jan 2019 Peter was appointed as a member of the Solicitors’ Regulation Authority. Peter also runs a psychology consultancy.

Peter’s sister Ruth Hussey is a Top Doc who trained at Dafydd’s alma mater, Liverpool University. Ruth worked as GP and then as a Public Health Doc. Ruth spent years as the Senior Public Health Doc responsible for the North West of England as Dafydd and the Gang drowned the region in Class A drugs and ran the ring there, sending kids and psych patients to abusive homes in north Wales. Ruth’s reward for overseeing that was a job in Whitehall with the Dept of Health. Ruth then became the Welsh Gov’ts Chief Medical Officer and was touted about as a role model for Wimmin. Ruth was recognised with, among other things, a honour from Bangor University. Peter was on the governing body at the time of her nomination.

See eg. post ‘Topsy and Tim’ for more details re Peter and Ruth. I didn’t write that post THAT long ago, but Peter and Ruth do so many disgusting things so often, that there have been yet more Peter and Ruth-related events since I finished that post…

Lord Peter Thomas was educated at the village school in Llanwrst and then Epworth College in Rhyl before reading law at Jesus College, Oxford. Many senior Gwerin studied at Jesus College, Oxford, it was their HE institution of choice eg. Archbishop of Wales Gwilym Williams, corrupt judge Huw Daniel, Huw’s dad theologian Prof JE Daniel, Prof Gareth Roberts who was Principal of the Normal College, an advisor to Gwynedd Education Authority and then Prof of Education at Bangor University and many more…

The Gwerin were particularly fortunate in that Harold Wilson studied at Jesus College, Oxford. Harold was there when Gwilym Williams was at Jesus College and Peter Thomas followed hot on the heels of Gwilym and Harold.

Peter Thomas joined the RAF on the outbreak of WW II. He spent four years in prisoner-of-war camps in Germany, moving from Stalag Luft VI to Stalag Luft III and then at Stalag XI-B.

After WW II, Thomas became a barrister and was called to the Bar in 1947 at Middle Temple. Ronnie Waterhouse and Greville Janner were both members of Middle Temple. Thomas practised on the endemically corrupt Wales and Chester Circuit. He became Deputy Chairman of Cheshire Quarter Sessions in 1966 and then of Denbighshire Quarter Sessions in 1968, serving in both offices until 1970. Thomas was a Crown Court recorder, 1974-88 and also sat as an arbitrator on the Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce in Paris.

Peter Thomas was an enthusiastic Eisteddfodwr, using the bardic name Pedr Conwy. Lord Maelor who spontaneously combusted in Nov 1984 was an Eisteddfodwr during Peter’s era.

In 1947, Pedr Paedophilia married Tessa Dean, the daughter of actor and film and theatrical producer Basil Dean and his wife, Lady Mercy Greville. Tessa died in 1985 and Pedr Paedophilia outlived both of their two sons; he was survived by his two daughters upon his death in February 2008 at the age of 87.

Pedr Paedophilia was elected as MP for Conway in 1951, winning a narrow majority in the marginal seat over the Labour incumbent Sir Elwyn Jones. Sir Elwyn was a bent solicitor who had a practice in Bangor, who’s son Elwyn was also a bent solicitor who took over his father’s practice.

When Sir Elwyn’s son died some years ago, High Court judge Eifion’s Roberts Paid Tribute to Sir Elwyn’s son, (Huw) Elwyn Jones, in Bangor University’s newsletter. Eifion Roberts was a member of Gray’s Inn, along with the Gang’s Big Mate, Ronnie Waterhouse’s former pupil master, senior colleague and friend, High Court judge Sir William Mars-Jones. Mars-Jones was President of UCNW, 1982-94. Eifion Roberts was the brother of Lord Wyn Roberts, one of the bestest friends of the Gang, who served as Tory MP for Conway, 1970-97 and was Thatch’s poodle in the Welsh Office. See eg. ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

I have only just realised that Gwynne and Dafydd’s friend Lord Wyn was appointed Minister of State for Wales after the June 1987 General Election, while the Gang were busy re their Cunning Plan to frame and imprison me. Even more intriguingly, Wyn succeeded Sir John Stradling Thomas as Minister of State for Wales. So Sir John knew about the serious criminality of Dafydd and the Gang. Sir John Stradling Thomas was found dead in his apartment in Dolphin Square on 29 March 1991. Sir John made it known that he intended to give a speech regarding some aspect of the Westminster Paedophile Ring; he died hours before he was due to give his speech.

The Drs Francis took me to the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand in April 1991. The MDU represented them, although the MDU and their solicitor Ann Ball, knew that the Drs Francis had perjured themselves. Ann Ball was present at the Court case, although she said nothing to me or anyone else. I was unrepresented in Court and I have explained in a comment after a recent post that two people who had swindled someone out of thousands had their case heard before me. They were unrepresented as well and the judge explained many points of law to them and allowed them to leave the Court free people in order to prepare further for a future appearance. The judge did not explain any points of law to me, although I was later told by Alwyn Jones, my solicitor in Bangor that they are legally obliged to do that if a defendant is without legal representation. However the judge didn’t roar and bellow at me a la John Roch or Huw Daniel. He didn’t imprison me although it was clear that lies had been told about me by the Drs Francis.

On 7 May 1991 not long after my guest appearance at the Royal Courts of Justice, the Castle Hill School documentary was screened.

On the day that I appeared at the Royal Courts of Justice, St Helena Kennedy, a friend of Prof Nigel Eastman – one of the Top Docs at St George’s/Springfield who had conspired with Dafydd and the Drs Francis AFTER Eastman had received a letter from his colleague Robin Jacobson stating that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and Jacobson thought that Francis probably was as well – was taking a test case re Domestic Abuse and Wimmin in the neighbouring Court to me. St Helena is a member of Gray’s Inn, as was one of Gwynne and Dafydd’s bestest friends, William Mars-Jones.

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Nigel Eastman is a barrister as well as a Top Doc. So which Inn are you in then Nigel? Who was your pupil master?

I have many documents in my possession from that time, including letters that Ann Ball had written to the Drs Francis telling them that they did not have the evidence for their allegations against me and advising them to drop their case, causing Sadie to write an angry letter back reminding Ann that they were Experts and were all agreed that I was Extremely Dangerous. The MDU and Ann Ball went ahead with the case nonetheless. What I cannot find anywhere is a copy of any documentation related to the hearing at the Royal Courts, although St Helena will remember events at the Royal Courts of Justice on that day, St Helena and the Wimmin supporting her via that protest outside the Royal Courts when St Helena was trying to set a legal precedent.

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St Helena lost the case that day, but being St Helena, she went back to Chambers and had a bit of a think. St Helena took exactly the same case back to the Court at a later date and St Helena won! Consolidating her reputation as a Champ for Oppressed Wimmin!

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Here is an extract from the wiki entry for the Sara Thornton case:

Thornton appealed the conviction, but it was rejected in 1991. The original trial had been largely ignored by the media, but Thornton’s case was taken up by Justice for Women, who were pressing for a change in the way cases of domestic violence are dealt with by the courts; the group, founded by Harriet Wistrich and Julie Bindel, began life as the “Free Sara Thornton campaign”.

[It was Justice for Women who stopped me, on my way out of the Royal Courts of Justice, if I would support their cause. Being me, I wished them all the best because I had heard a bit about the case. Let me know why you never managed to utter a word about Dafydd and the abuses in north Wales when you’re good and ready then Harriet and Julie!]

Following the high-profile campaign, Thornton was eventually granted leave to appeal. At a hearing at the Court of Appeal in December 1995, lawyers argued she was a victim of “battered woman syndrome” as a result of her husband’s repeated violence, something which had resulted in her losing control and killing him. Her murder conviction was quashed, and a retrial ordered for the following year.

[In Dec 1995, Nicola Davies QC announced that after reviewing the matter, a Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would not be in the public interest. This was part of a charade; Ronnie Waterhouse knew by then that he would be Chairing an Inquiry into that very matter. Nicola making that statement allowed The Hague to give the impression that public concern had caused him to have a think and Wise William had realised that an Inquiry leaving no stone unturned was needed. Nicola is now Dame Nicola. I have been told that Nicola and St Helena knew each other and had a little chat…]

Thornton faced her second trial in May 1996, and the twelve-day hearing took place at Oxford Crown Court. The prosecution presented evidence that Thornton had talked of killing her husband to a colleague, but psychiatrists successfully argued that Thornton suffered from dissociation – a personality disorder that causes an individual to react inappropriately to events.

[It was in May 1996 that The Hague stated that there would be a Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. The Hague named Ronnie Waterhouse as the Lucky Lady who would be Chairing the Inquiry in the autumn of 1996. BTW, Tony Francis loved the idea of people dissociating, but he did not use the notion in any way that benefited the patients.]

She was convicted of manslaughter, and sentenced to five years imprisonment. However, she was released from custody as a result of time already served. Speaking shortly afterwards, Thornton said that she believed her sentence was fair. “I am not saying that every woman should be sent to prison, but for me it was fair. I took a life at the end of the day”.

Which was far more than many of those incarcerated for life or lobotomised by Gwynne and Dafydd did.

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Despite the high-profile campaign, the verdict at Thornton’s trial did little to resolve the issue of how the courts should deal with such cases. However, in 2008 the Labour Gov’t of Gordon Brown put forward proposals to look at the issue as part of a planned reform of the laws governing murder.

Jennifer Nadel‘s acclaimed non-fiction book about the Sara Thornton case, Sara Thornton: The Story of a Woman Who Killed (1993) [the year that I wrote to St Helena’s friend Michael Mansfield with whom she shared Took’s Court Chambers!] ,highlighted the ways in which the legal system discriminates against victims of domestic violence. Nadel’s book was subsequently adapted into the film, Killing Me Softly (1996), which aired on BBC 1 within six weeks of Thornton’s release in July 1996.

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

The drama, written by Rebecca Frayn and starring Maggie O’Neill and Peter Howitt, appeared under the Screen One strand. The case inspired the song “Woke Up This Morning” by the British band Alabama 3. The song was later adopted as the theme song to The Sopranos.

Meet The Strong Wimmin:

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There is no reference on any of my documents to the name of the Judge who presided at the case at the Royal Courts of Justice. I don’t know at what point the info was removed from my file or whether it was never placed in there.

Because of the nature of the case, it will have needed the approval of the Attorney General to proceed. The AG at the time was Paddy Mayhew, who was a member of Middle Temple, as was Ronnie Waterhouse.

Nicola Davies grew up in Wales, is a member of Gray’s Inn and practices medical law. Nicola has defended some pretty disgusting Top Docs, including Harold Shipman. In 2018, Nicola was promoted to the Court of Appeal. It’s amazing what being named on this blog can do for one’s career, Mark Drakeford became FM.

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Re Sir John Stradling Thomas being found dead at Dolphin Square hours before his proposed speech about the Westminster Paedophile Ring, kids from Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were trafficked to Dolphin Square, as well as to other venues. Nefyn Dodd, the thug who was the officer in charge of Ty’r Felin, used to boast that he was friends with Dafydd. Ty’r Felin was on the Maesgeirchan estate, Bangor and the kids there were registered with local GPs, including D.G.E. Wood.

During the North Wales Police 1991-93 investigation into the abuse of children in care, there were over 100 complaints about the abuse of kids, most of them relating to Ty’r Felin. The CPS sent a file to the DPP, but there was not one prosecution mounted re Ty’r Felin. Nefyn Dodd and his wife June were appalling, their violence towards children was well-established yet they never faced any sanctions. The Waterhouse Report makes reference to a forged letter in support of the Dodds purporting to have been written by a former resident who had complained about them; the letter was sent from Risley. Ronnie declared that he accepted that it was a forgery, so the Inquiry ignored it and made no further comment. Obviously I should just forget about the forged letter purporting to be from me that was found in the possession of the GMC and the many other forged documents that were present in my files, they’re of no consequence at all.

Nefyn Dodd had previously worked at Bryn Estyn and in spite of serious concerns about his mistreatment of kids and staff at Ty’r Felin was appointed as oversight manager of other children’s homes run by Gwynedd County Council as well as Ty’f Felin.

Dame Babs Mills was DPP at the time that nobody felt it worth their while bringing any prosecutions re Ty’r Felin or the Dodds.

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The Gang and their accomplices always used distraction techniques, such as the Shock Horror TV expose re Castle Hill School, where abuse was serious but nothing as compared to north Wales. In the same spirit, there were many Inquiries into asylums but never one into Denbigh. I have speculated before that because so much attention was focussed on Clwyd when north Wales did come under the spotlight that the real action will have been in Gwynedd. Ron Evans, the bent solicitor who worked for Gwynedd County Council, was definitely the lawyer behind the ring in north Wales. As an adult, Ron’s daughter became a lawyer, a civil servant and by 2010 was Peter Mandelson’s right hand aide.

Is it possible that the kids from north Wales being procured for the elite were not in any of the Clwyd homes, but were in Ty’r Felin? It is known that the kids there were sold at local venues and at Dolphin Square; were they also transported abroad? It might be why the dodgiest estate agent in Bangor, Tony Myers, ‘very English and ex-Navy’, took to selling over-priced houses in France in the late 1980s. Ironically, the only people in north Wales I knew who had second homes in France were Gwerin involved with that Gang.

At about the same time, social workers of the Gang began making links with their mates at Bangor University who were conducting collaborative projects with European academics. I knew those social workers, they were abusive, ignorant and had no interest in academic study. Sadie Francis also managed to become involved with the European scholars…

Dafydd was popping over to France to ‘hold clinics’ and he presented at European psychiatry conferences…

Previous posts have discussed the very inappropriate people who had been employed at Ty’r Felin, who suddenly couldn’t remember anything when the Waterhouse Inquiry opened and who then found themselves leading lifestyles of affluent professional people after decades of benefit-level subsistence. Splendid opportunities came the way of their young adult children as well. Keith Fearns, the highly abusive Leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team who terrorised colleagues and Empowered Service Users alike, decided that his true vocation was in social work when he was still living on Maesgeirchan and working as the milkman there. Fearns for years now has been the manager of a Ladies Football Team in Bangor; the Ladies are nearly all social workers or probation officers and the Team travels to unlikely parts of the world, including the former Eastern Europe. The Bangor Ladies Football Team are known locally as ‘Fearns’s Harem’.

In the wake of all the bellyaching over the VIP paedophile ring in north Wales that never existed, Ty’r Felin eventually closed and business came to an end. The Gang never stop completely, they simply move business to another location under a different guise. Could this be the explanation for so many members of the Gang becoming involved in Wimmin’s Charidees in South Asia and the Stahns when those kids homes closed? The Gang are heavily involved with rescuing very poor Wimmin from Prostitution and Trafficking these days. Call me old fashioned but the Gang haven’t got a very strong track record in that area…

Then there’s Meri Huws, the barking mad former Gwynedd social worker who’s patch covered Maesgeirchan who, as the years passed by, bagged senior job after senior job that she simply could not do. It’s amazing where one ends up after a stint with Ty’r Felin in the 1980s. But then former Gwynedd social worker Anne Coffey ended up as Miranda’s PPS.

It was just before my case at the Royal Courts of Justice that Alwyn, my solicitor in Bangor, looked through the huge amount of paperwork that was accumulating re the attempts of the Gang to imprison me and said rather disapprovingly, ‘This is costing the CPS a fortune’. Alwyn, I knew. I could not understand why no-one was asking why the same people were being allowed to repeatedly perjure themselves in Court and be exposed doing that, yet there was never an investigation mounted. They would simply do it all again a few months later, making even more florid allegations.

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Where were the CPS? Where were the NHS and Social Services accountants? What was the MDU doing? Why were there never any questions asked at any time re the constant perjury on the part of ‘trusted’ professionals in senior positions and the conduct of the MDU? As for the AG…

Alwyn’s wife was married to a lawyer who worked for Gwynedd County Council. His father-in-law was a retired policeman who was a Freemason in Bangor. Alwyn was active in the Round Table; the Round Table carried out charidee work with the kids from Ty’r Felin…

Mrs Mills was part of the Camden New Labour crowd. She was married to John Mills, a very rich businessman who was one of New Labour’s biggest donors. John’s brother was David Mills, the lawyer who was convicted of accepting a bribe from Miranda’s mate Silvio. David was married to Tessa Jowell. Tessa was a social worker who in her mid 20s was Chair of Camden Social Services Committee. Tessa worked as a child care officer for Lambeth and then as a psychiatric social worker at the Maudsley. Tessa also served as Deputy Director for MIND. Wherever Tessa was, there were Dafydd and Gwynne’s partners in crime. See eg. ‘The London Connection’, ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’ and ‘Baroness Tessa Jowell – A Tribute’.

St Helena is a Labour peer who married surgeon Iain Hutchison in 1986, the year that Ollie Brooke went to prison. St Helena bagged her seat in the Lords in 1997, the year that Ronnie began his Inquiry.

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One of Camden’s finest was President of the BMA, 1985-86, when Tony Francis began writing furious letters about my Insanity, my Dangerousness and the BMA helpfully provided Francis with free advice as to how to ensure that none of my complaints were investigated and to have me arrested for offences that everyone, including the BMA, knew that I had not committed. Meet Lord David Pitt; he featured in an earlier post, but I didn’t realise when I wrote that post how crucial to the Gang their partners in Camden were.

David Thomas Pitt, Baron Pitt of Hampstead (3 October 1913-18 December 1994) was a Labour Party politician, a GP and political activist. Born in Grenada, Pitt was the second peer of African descent, to sit in the Lords.

Born in St David’s, Grenada, Pitt won a scholarship in 1933 to study medicine at Edinburgh University where he was an active member of Edinburgh University Socialist Society. In 1936, Pitt joined the Labour movement.

Pitt returned to the Caribbean to begin his medical career, founding his own practice, and in 1943 married (Lady) Dorothy (née Alleyne). In Trinidad in 1941, Pitt had been elected to the San Fernando Borough Council and then in 1943, he became a founding member and leader of the West Indian National Party (WINP), a socialist party whose main aim was to deliver political autonomy across the Caribbean. Under Pitt, the WINP demanded self-government for Trinidad and Tobago, constitutional reform and the nationalisation of commodities industries such as oil and sugar.

After decades of campaigning, the people of Trinidad and Tobago were granted universal adult suffrage by the British Parliament in 1945. The first elections took place in 1946. WINP and others formed the United Front with Pitt as one of the candidates. He was not successful but he continued his activism and in 1947 led a group of WINP members to Britain to lobby the Attlee’s Gov’t for Commonwealth status for a Federation of the West Indies.

In 1947, Pitt again travelled to Britain and settled in London. He opened a medical practice in Euston, London. In the 1959 General Election, Pitt was the first person of African descent to be a Parliamentary candidate, standing for the Labour Party for constituency of Hampstead. From the mid-1950s, Pitt had become involved in local politics. After delivering a speech at the 1957 Labour Party Conference, Pitt was asked by Roy Shaw OBE, the then Treasurer of Tribune, if he would stand for Parliament. Footie worked for Tribune for years and some of the Tribune crowd were working for the security services, sometimes as double agents. Pitt was defeated by the Tory candidate, Henry Brooke.

Henry and his wife Baroness Barbara Brooke (Barbara was the daughter of a Minister from south Wales and was a Posh Lady who ran swathes of the NHS and social care system in Hampstead and in other parts of London) gave rise to a Tory dynasty, one of whom was Peter Brooke. Peter Brooke was a loyal lackey of Thatch and served in various capacities, including as Chairman of the Tory Party, 13 July 1987-24 July 1989 and then as Secretary of State for N Ireland, 24 July 1989-10 April 1992. Peter Brooke succeeded Tom King in the N Ireland Office and preceded Patrick Mayhew.

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Take a look at the dates that Brooke served as Chairman of the Tory Party and then as N Ireland Secretary and compare them to what was happening to me at the hands of the Gang. It was when Brooke was Chairman that the Bridgwater contingent found themselves bumping into the Rich n Famous (see eg. ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’), including friends of Graham Chapman. Chapman who abused boys for years, regularly stayed in Snowdonia and knew them at the C&A Hospital, who trained as a Top Doc at Bart’s and for years worked closely with John Cleese, who grew up in Weston-Super-Mare, as did Tuppence Archer.

Tuppence won damages for libel against the Daily Star after the July 1987 trial. Tuppence and the Fragrant Lady Mary perjured themselves – Tuppence was jailed in 2001 for that perjury, although the Fragrant Lady Mary was never charged. – Monica Coghlan due to give evidence at Tuppence’s trial for perjury but Monica died one month before the beginning of Tuppence’s trial after a stolen car driven by an addict hit her car. Monica died in a hospital in Jimmy Savile Central in Leeds after the Top Docs did their best. My post ‘Tuppence and His Fragrant Wife’ details Tuppence and Mary’s many links with Dafydd’s network, as well as the underlining in ink by an unknown hand of a joke that I made about one of the witnesses at Tuppence’s 1986 trial who had been one of the many to whom my correspondence to Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authority was passed.

Image result for Helena Kennedy

Cleese is a friend of Top Doc Robin Skynner. Robin and his Top Doc Prue facilitated organised abuse for decades. Prue was good friends with the St George’s/Springfield crowd. Springfield named their therapy unit after Prue. Dr Death is of course to be found in this toxic brew, both as a Top Doc who knows the Gang but also as the former leading light in the SDP, of which Cleese was an enthusiastic member. Cleese was so dedicated to Dr Death’s cause that he featured in party political broadcasts for the SDP.

I have long wondered whether Ollie Brooke was one of Peter Brooke’s relatives; Peter Brooke’s sister married a Top Doc from St George’s…

See previous posts for further details of the Tory Brooke dynasty.

 

During the course of the election campaign against Henry Brooke, David Pitt received racist death threats, as did his family. Pitt subsequently founded the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination. Two years later, in 1961, Pitt was elected to the London County Council (LCC) as member for Stoke Newington and Hackney North and served on the LCC and its successor, the GLC, until 1975. Pitt was the first minority candidate to be elected to this position in local government. Pitt was Deputy Chair of the GLC, 1969-70 and in 1974 he was the first black person to become Chair of the GLC. The GLC were willing partners to numerous kids from Inner London boroughs being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.

Pitt’s second attempt to be elected as an MP came in 1970 when he was the Labour Party candidate for Clapham. This had been seen as a Labour safe seat for Labour, but the Conservative William Shelton was elected. Racism was considered a factor in this election defeat as well, with an anonymous leaflet circulated during the campaign featuring the slogan: “If you desire a coloured for your neighbour vote Labour. If you are already burdoned [sic] with one vote Tory.”

In 1975, the PM, Harold Wilson, recommended Pitt’s appointment to the Lords as a life peer and he was created Baron Pitt of Hampstead on 3 February 1975, the second peer of African-Caribbean heritage after Sir Learie Constantine. (See previous posts.) As a member of the Lords, Pitt played a leading role in campaigning for the Race Relations Act 1976.

Pitt was a leader in the movement against apartheid in South Africa, with protest meetings being organised from the basement of his surgery in North Gower Street, London. Pitt’s surgery was located close to the Middlesex Hospital, Gwynne’s alma mater, from which a sex abuse ring was run, encompassing Soho before Soho became cool and trendy. Pitt was described as a black radical for suggesting that more ethnic minorities should apply to become police officers; this, ironically, angered many in the black community who felt that the police were institutionally racist. Lord Pitt is quoted as saying: “Some black people regard me as an Uncle Tom, while some whites regard me as a Black Power revolutionary. So I imagine I got it about right.”

Pitt described his Presidency of the BMA as his most valued honour.

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

See the source image

In 2004, Pitt was named as one of “100 Great Black Britons”, as part of Black History Month.

In 2009, the annual “Lord David Pitt Memorial Lecture” at City Hall in London was initiated by Jennette Arnold in collaboration with the British Caribbean Association. A plaque at 200 North Gower Street in Camden, London, commemorates the building where Pitt worked as a doctor from 1950 to 1984.

David Pitt died on 18 Dec 1994, the month after Dafydd secured that High Court injunction against F and me from Liverpool High Court on the basis of an affidavit truly bizarre even for Dafydd; the MDU knew that perjury had been committed yet again…

See the source image

A Tribute to David Pitt, accomplice of the gang of criminal sex offenders in north Wales and his friends, appeared in the ‘Camden New Journal’ in June 2009:

Camden New Journal – FORUM: Opinion in the CNJ
Published: 25 June 2009

Nelson Mandela unveiling the plaque to Ruth First and Joe Slovo in Camden Town, as Frank Dobson looks on

Gut politics key to defeating the evil of apartheid regime

To mark the 50th anniversary of the founding of the Anti Apartheid Movement, Frank Dobson explains how Camden provided its birthplace and inspiration for the struggle

TOMORROW, Friday June 26, it will be 50 years to the day that the Anti Apartheid Movement was founded here in Camden at a public meeting in Holborn Hall (since demolished) on the corner of Gray’s Inn Road and Clerkenwell Road.
The main speaker was Julius Nyerere, later President of Tanzania, together with Tennyson Makiwane representing the African National Congress, Vella Pillay, representing South Africa’s Indian Congress, Michael Scott and Trevor Huddleston.
Only the wildest optimist that day could have believed they were present at the inception of the most effective moral and political campaign in modern British history.
Opposition to apartheid had been building up for more than a decade.
In Britain the Committee of African Organisations (CAO) worked in collaboration with the Movement for Colonial Freedom, National Council for Civil Liberties (now Liberty), Christian Action, trades unions, the Labour Party and the Communist Party.
The Holborn Hall meeting called for a boycott of South African goods. The very first pickets and petitions were at Camden Town Tube station in conjunction with St Pancras & Holborn Trades Council and at Hampstead Tube station with the Hampstead Peace Committee organised from the CAO office in the basement of Dr (later Lord) David Pitt’s GP surgery in 200 North Gower Street.
The AAM was forced to leave North Gower Street after it was fire-bombed by right-wing extremists when everybody was out demonstrating against South African Prime Minister Hendrik Verwoerd.
It found a temporary home in Endsleigh Street, Bloomsbury, and then operated for many years from Charlotte Street in Fitzrovia before moving finally to Selous Street, renamed Mandela Street, in Camden Town.
Ruth First, murdered by South African state terrorists, and Joe Slovo, later in Mandela’s first cabinet, lived in Camden Town.
Our area set an early example of “Think Global, Act Local”.
Throughout 1959 and early 1960 the boycott campaign was building up with a lot of financial and organisational help from trades unions.
The Labour Party nationally stepped up its involvement after the 1959 general election defeat.
In February 1960 Labour leader Hugh Gaitskell addressed a rally in Trafalgar Square which was harassed by Oswald Mosley and his blackshirts – the forerunners of the BNP.
Then on March 21 1960, South African police shot dead 69 unarmed protesters at Sharpeville.
This shocked public opinion and galvanised the campaigners.
How come the British establishment and big business were propping up such a murderous regime and allowing them to remain part of the Commonwealth?
For the next 35 years the Anti Apartheid Movement organised up and down this country to do everything possible to build up what proved to be an unstoppable campaign to bring about the overthrow of the racist regime.
This was all done in collaboration with the African National Congress and others in South Africa who were impoverished and denied their basic rights as citizens and exposed to harassment, imprisonment and death when they demanded a fair deal in their own country.
The Anti Apartheid Movement organised boycotts, marches, protest meetings, publicity campaigns and petitions all over the country with particular help from trade union and Labour Party branches who organised leafleting.
Many, including a Glasgow union branch organised by Michael Martin (later Speaker of the House of Commons) raised funds to help their fellow workers in South Africa.
Some of this money was shifted to South Africa by the Defence and Aid Fund led by Canon John Collins – by devious means which would now break international rules against money laundering.
As time went by more and more people became involved and public opinion shifted.
By the time international and internal pressure forced the South African government to release Nelson Mandela and his colleagues it had become difficult to remember just how widely accepted the apartheid regime in South Africa had been 30 years before.
That consensus acceptance of apartheid hadn’t drained away of its own accord.
It had fallen victim to the stoicism and heroism of black, coloured and Asian and white people in South Africa and the support of decent people the world over, organised by the Anti Apartheid Movement here and similar, though less significant, organisations in other countries.
Having been involved on and off in the campaign since I attended protest rallies about the Sharpeville massacre as a student, I sometimes wondered whether we were doing any good.
Boycotting Outspan oranges, Cape apples and South African wine, getting wet through on marches, sweltering in the crowd at big rallies, shouting protests outside South Africa House, delivering petitions to 10 Downing Street, attending protracted planning meetings or going to New York to address the UN Special Committee on Apartheid. Did it help?
Did anyone notice?
Since apartheid was overthrown, I have had the privilege of talking about such things with Nelson Mandela and other heroes of the struggle.
They all say they knew what we were doing. That it helped sustain their hope.
That it chipped away at the edifice of apartheid.
That it helped make possible their bloodless revolution.
So to be in Westminster Hall with my wife when Nelson Mandela addressed both Houses of our Parliament as President of the new, democratic, non-racial South Africa was one of the proudest and happiest moments of my life.
The Anti Apartheid Movement harnessed the spontaneous outpouring of disgust at the horrors being perpetrated in South Africa. It involved all sorts of people – decent people.
Trade unions, human rights and political activists, students, people of all religions and no religion.
It wasn’t the politics of triangulation or of think tanks of compromise or consensus. It wasn’t the politics of big business or press barons.
It was gut politics – the politics of right and wrong.

• Frank Dobson is Labour MP for Holborn and St Pancras

Dobbo has a long and glorious history of colluding with Dafydd and the Gang’s network. See ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The Word – Part IV’.

Lord David Pitt’s pal Ruth First (4 May 1925 -17 August 1982) was born in Johannesburg. She was killed by a parcel bomb addressed specifically to her in Mozambique, where she worked in exile from South Africa.

Ruth First’s Jewish parents, Julius First and Matilda Levetan, emigrated to South Africa from Latvia in 1906 and became founding members of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA), the forerunner of the South African Communist Party (SACP). Ruth First, like her parents, joined the Communist Party, which was allied with the ANC.

First attended Jeppe High School for Girls and then the University of the Witwatersrand in 1946. She was involved in the founding of the Federation of Progressive Students, also known as the Progressive Students League and got to know, among other fellow students, Nelson Mandela, and Eduardo Mondlane, the first Leader of the Mozambique freedom movement FRELIMO.

After graduating, Ruth First worked as a research assistant for the Social Welfare Division of the Johannesburg City Council. Ruth First then became the Editor-in-Chief of the radical newspaper The Guardian, which was subsequently banned by the state. In 1949 she married Joe Slovo, a South African anti-apartheid activist and Communist, with whom she had three daughters, Shawn, Gillian and Robyn.

In addition to her work with The Guardian and its successors, in 1955 Ruth First assumed the position of editor of a radical political journal called Fighting Talk. However, journalism was not the only outlet for her political activism against apartheid. First and her husband Slovo were also members of the African National Congress, in addition to the Communist Party. She also played an active role during the extensive riots of the 1950s.

Ruth First was one of the defendants in the Treason Trial of 1956-1961, alongside 156 other leading anti-apartheid activists who were key figures in the Congress Alliance. After the state of emergency that followed the Sharpeville massacre in 1960 she was listed and banned. In 1963, during another government crackdown, she was imprisoned and held in isolation without charge for 117 days under the Ninety-Day Detention Law.

 Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

In March 1964 First went into exile in London, where she became active in the AAM. Many of the leftist network around Gwynne and Dafydd were members of the AAM, including Gwynne and Dafydd’s mate David Ennals, who facilitated organised abuse for decades in his capacity as a Labour MP, Gov’t Minister, campaigner and senior figure in MIND and as Callaghan’s Secretary of State for the DHSS. David Ennals was Chairman of the AAM, 1960-64; Ennals’s brother John was Chairman of the AAM, 1968-76. Ruth was a Research Fellow at Manchester University in 1972, and between 1973 and 1978 she lectured in Development Studies at Durham University.

Manchester University, including the parts of Manchester University that were not of the Medical School, hosted many of the Gang’s network, including a number of Bertrand Russell’s friends, such as social anthropologist Isobel Emmett – Isobel married a man from Croesor – and Dorothy Emmet, a philosopher. See post ‘Vested Interests Or Common Pool?’ Durham University was a stronghold of Dafydd’s partner ring in the North East. Eric Sunderland spent most of his career at Durham University; Eric was an anthropologist who was also mates with the anthropologists at Manchester University…

Two substantial figures who worked at Manchester University with Gwynne and Dafydd’s mates during the 1950s, until they left for the US in 1962, were Top Docs Mervyn Susser and his wife Zena Stein. Susser and Stein were South African and had been founders of the anti-apartheid movement in S Africa. See previous posts…

Ruth First also spent periods on secondment at universities in Dar es Salaam and Lourenço Marques (Maputo).

In November 1978, First took up the post of Director of Research at the Centre of African Studies (Centro de Estudos Africanos), Universidade Eduardo Mondlane in Maputo, Mozambique. She was assassinated by order of Craig Williamson, a Major in the South African Police on 17 August 1982, when she opened a parcel bomb that had been sent to the University. Bridget O’Laughlin, an anthropologist working with First, was in First’s office when she was murdered and testified to the Truth and Reconciliation Commission.

First’s book 117 Days is her account of her arrest, imprisonment and interrogation by the South African Police Special Branch in 1963. It was first published in 1965. The memoir provides a detailed account of how Ruth endured “isolation and sensory deprivation” while withstanding “pressure to provide information about her comrades to the Special Branch”.

Ruth’s daughter, the writer Gillian Slovo, published her own memoir, Every Secret Thing: My Family, My Country, in 1997. It is an account of her childhood in South Africa and her relationship with her activist parents. The film A World Apart (1988), which has a screenplay by Ruth’s daughter Shawn Slovo and was directed by Chris Menges, is a biographical story about a young white girl living in South Africa with anti-apartheid activist parents. The film Catch a Fire (2006), about the activist Patrick Chamusso, was written by Shawn Slovo and Ruth First is portrayed in the film by another daughter, Robyn Slovo, who was also one of the film’s producers.

In March 2011, Gambia issued a postage stamp in Ruth First’s honour, naming her as one of the Legendary Heroes of Africa.

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

Now I am so aware of how close so many AAM activists were to Dafydd and the Gang and how they seek to influence the cultural landscape whenever that Gang looks like it might be in difficult, I have just remembered the film ‘Cry Freedom’ that swept the UK in 1987 and mentioned many high profile anti-apartheid activists, including Ruth First.

Cry Freedom
Cry Freedom.jpg

Theatrical release poster
Directed by Richard Attenborough
Produced by Richard Attenborough
Screenplay by John Madera
Starring
Music by George Fenton
Jonas Gwangwa
Cinematography Ronnie Taylor
Edited by Lesley Walker
Production
company
Marble Arch Productions
Distributed by Universal Pictures
Release date
  • 6 November 1987 (United States)
  • 26 November 1987 (United Kingdom)
Running time
157 minutes
Country United Kingdom
South Africa
Language English
Afrikaans
Xhosa
Zulu
Budget $29 million
Box office $5.9 million[1]

Cry Freedom is a 1987 British-South African epic drama film directed by Richard Attenborough, primarily shot on location in Zimbabwe and in Kenya due to political turmoil in South Africa at the time of production. It was nominated for multiple awards, including Academy Award nominations for Best Actor in a Supporting Role, Best Original Score and Best Original Song. It also won a number of awards including those from the Berlin International Film Festival and the British Academy Film Awards.

A joint collective effort to commit to the film’s production was made by Universal Pictures and Marble Arch Productions. It was commercially distributed by Universal Pictures cinematically, and by MCA Home Video for home media. Cry Freedom premiered in cinemas nationwide in the United States on 6 November 1987 grossing $5,899,797 in domestic ticket receipts. The film was at its widest release showing in 479 cinemas nationwide. It was generally met with positive critical reviews before its initial screening in cinemas.

South African authorities unexpectedly allowed the film to be screened in cinemas without cuts or restrictions, despite the publication of Biko’s writings being banned at the time of its release.

‘Following a news story depicting the demolition of a slum in East London, South Africa, liberal journalist Donald Woods (Kevin Kline) at the advice of a black medicine doctor a woman who presents to him as Dr. Ramphele saying to him that Steve Biko was one of the few people who could still save South Africa…’

Just don’t mention Gwynne or Ollie Brooke…

On 18 Nov 1987 the fireball ripped through King’s Cross Station that resulted in a great many deaths, for which the cause was never identified. I was due to pass through the station at the time of the fire but I was delayed. It was after I began this blog that I was told that the fire was supposed to have killed me. I had read on an internet site before that there was a suspicion that the fire was an attempt to kill ‘a witness to a paedophile ring’ but I didn’t realise that it was me.

A black and white photograph of King's Cross underground station during the fire with billowing smoke, station lights and fire engines.

See the source image

See the source image

Ruth’s husband Joe Slovo (born Yossel Mashel Slovo; 23 May 1926 -6 January 1995) was a Marxist-Leninist, a long-time leader and theorist in the South African Communist Party (SACP), a leading member of the ANC and a commander of the ANC’s military wing Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK).

A South African citizen from a Jewish-Lithuanian family, Slovo was a delegate to the multiracial Congress of the People of June 1955 which drew up the Freedom Charter. He was imprisoned for six months in 1960, and emerged as a leader of Umkhonto we Sizwe the following year. Slovo lived in exile from 1963 to 1990, conducting operations against the apartheid régime from the UK, Angola, Mozambique and Zambia. In 1990 Slovo returned to South Africa, and took part in the negotiations that ended apartheid. After the elections of 1994, Slovo became Minister for Housing in Nelson Mandela‘s Gov’t. He died from cancer on 6 Jan 1995.

David Ennals died from pancreatic cancer on 17 June 1995. Dafydd’s mate Bing Spear the corrupt Home Office Drugs Branch mandarin died on 9 July 1995 and Peter Morrison was found dead in his house on 13 July 1995. Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University at the end of July 1995. The world was told that Denbigh closed down in the summer of 1995 but it didn’t. Neither did Dafydd ‘retire’ in July 1995; he agreed to retire as an NHS consultant in return for none of the complaints about him being followed up. Dafydd’s Brucie Bonus was that he was given the contract to provide Substance Abuse Services for the whole of north Wales; that expanded to most of Wales. See eg. ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’ Then there were Dafydd’s PTSD clinics, the care homes that he owned, the Expert Witness work and his later move into the supported accommodation sector, employment support, work placements, sex education for children. Dafydd is nothing if not creative.

Virginia Bottomley was Health Secretary at the time, so she’ll be able to explain this unique retirement of Dafydd’s.

Other 1995 deaths of witnesses included Peter Cook, Viv Stanshall and in December, Sir Charles Evans…

Slovo was born in Obeliai, Lithuania  to a Jewish family that emigrated to the Union of South Africa when he was eight. Slovo left school in 1941 and found work as a dispatch clerk. He joined the National Union of Distributive Workers and, as a shop steward, was involved in organising a strike.

Slovo joined the South African Communist Party in 1942. Inspired by the Red Army ‘s battles against the Nazis on the Eastern Front of WW II, Slovo volunteered to fight in the war. He served as a Signaler in combat operations for the South African forces in North Africa and Italy, and on his return to South Africa he joined the Springbok Legion, a multiracial radical ex-servicemen’s organization. Between 1946 and 1950 Slovo completed a law degree at Wits University and was a student activist. He was in the same class as Nelson Mandela and Harry Schwarz. In 1949 he married Ruth First.

In 1950, the SACP was banned and both First and Slovo were listed as communists under the Suppression of Communism Act and could not be quoted or attend public gatherings in South Africa. He became active in the South African Congress of Democrats (an ally of the ANC as part of the Congress Alliance) and was a delegate to the June 1955 Congress of the People organised by the ANC and Indian, Coloured and white organisations at Kliptown near J’burg, that drew up the Freedom Charter. Slovo was arrested and detained for two months during the Treason Trial of 1956. Charges against him were dropped in 1958. Slovo was later arrested for six months during the State of Emergency declared after the Sharpeville massacre in 1960.

In 1961, Slovo and Abongz Mbede emerged as two of the leaders of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK), the military wing of the ANC, formed in alliance between the ANC and the SACP. In 1963 Slovo went into exile and lived in Britain, Angola, Mozambique and Zambia. In his capacity as Chief of Staff of MK Slovo codetermined its activities, like the 1983 Church Street bombing. In 1982, Ruth First was assassinated in Maputo. In 1984, Slovo, an ANC and SACP member, was forced to leave Mozambique in terms of the Nkomati Accord between the Marxist People’s Republic of Mozambique and apartheid South Africa. In 1984, Slovo was elected  General Secretary of the SACP in Lusaka, Zambia, and in 1985, he became the first white member of the ANC’s National Executive.

Slovo was a leading theoretician in both the SACP and the ANC. In the 1970s he wrote the influential essay “South Africa: No Middle Road”, which argued that the apartheid Gov’t would be unable to achieve stability, co-opt significant sections of the small but growing black middle class, or democratise: the only choice was between an insurrectionary overthrow of apartheid, centred on MK, or ever greater repression.

At the time the SACP’s orthodox pro-Soviet and two-stage view of change in South Africa – “national democratic revolution” first, socialism later – was dominant in the ANC-led liberation movement. Slovo’s 1988 “The South African Working Class and the National Democratic Revolution” defended the two-stage conception, insisting that “national democratic revolution” would “implement economic measures which go far beyond bourgeois-democracy” and so “erect a favourable framework for a socialist transformation but will not, in themselves, create, or necessarily lead to, socialism”.

In 1989, Slovo wrote “Has Socialism Failed?” which acknowledged the weaknesses of the socialist movement and the excesses of Stalinism, while at the same time rejecting attempts by the left to distance themselves from socialism. Slovo insisted on having a “justified confidence in the future of socialism and its inherent moral superiority”, and pointing to “the failures of capitalism”, although he now rejected the one-party state model.

In 1990, Slovo returned to S Africa to participate in the early “talks about talks” between the Gov’t and the ANC. Ailing, he stood down as SACP General Secretary in 1991 and given the titular position of SACP chairperson. Slovo was succeeded by Chris Hani, who was assassinated two years later by a white right-winger. Slovo was a long-demonised figure in white South African society, widely misrepresented as a KGB Colonel or Russian secret agent and attracted a great deal of press after his return. He was in fact one of Dafydd’s network and Dafydd did deals with anyone.

See the source image

In 1992, Slovo secured a major breakthrough in the negotiations to end apartheid in South Africa by presenting the “sunset clauses” developed by the ANC/ SACP leadership: a Coalition Gov’t for five years following democratic elections, guarantees for civil servants, including the homelands and armed forces, and an amnesty process. These were intended to head off right-wing coups and destabilisation. However, Slovo specifically rejected any compromise on full majority rule, and any agreement that “constitutionally prevented permanently” a new government “from effectively intervening to advance the process of redressing the racially accumulated imbalances in all spheres of life”.

After the elections of 1994, Slovo became Minister for Housing in Nelson Mandela‘s Gov’t, until his death in 1995.

Slovo’s funeral was attended by the entire high command of the ANC, and by most of the highest officials in the country, including both Nelson Mandela and Thabo Mbeki, and he was buried in Avalon Cemetery, Soweto.

In 2004 Slovo was voted 47th in the Top 100 Great South Africans.

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

Joe Slovo appears as a character in two films for which Shawn Slovo wrote the screenplay. In the award-winning 1988 movie A World Apart, he is depicted as “Gus Roth” (played by Jeroen Krabbé). He is played by Malcolm Purkey in the 2006 film Catch a Fire. A song in tribute to him was written by Scottish singer-songwriter David Heavenor and appeared in 1993 on the album Private The Night Visitors.

 

(Huw) Elwyn Jones was, like his dad, a bent solicitor in Bangor. Elwyn Jones acted as the solicitor for the predators who fleeced F of his property, money and child in Dec 1992/93. Elwyn Jones spent most of his time at Bangor Golf Club socialising with other members of the Gang. He served as Treasurer of UCNW/Bangor University for years and no-one ever thought to ask Elwyn where the millions were going; Bangor’s coffers were permanently empty no matter what was flogged off to bail the institution out. See previous posts.

I used to see Elwyn in action in Bangor Magistrates Court and he really did treat his clients with contempt. He could barely bring himself to speak to them. Elwyn was known as a hanger and flogger among the solicitors in Bangor.

 

Pedr Paedophilia served as PPS to Sir Harry Hylton-Foster a barrister who was a member of Inner Temple and served as Solicitor General, 1954-59 and as Speaker, under Macmillan, Douglas Home and Wilson.

Pedr was a member of the Council of Europe from 1957 to 1959, and sponsored the Private Member’s Bill that became the Eisteddfod Act 1959.

Pedr Peadophilia served as Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Labour, 1959–61, taking charge of the measures that abolished the requirements for employees to be paid in cash and the maximum wage for professional footballers (£14 per week in November 1960).

My how things have changed:

Beckswimbledon.jpg

Pedr Paedophilia was a junior Minister at the Foreign Office in 1961, travelling to Moscow with Alec Douglas-Home in 1963 to sign the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. Alec’s son David, who succeeded his father as Earl Home, married into the Gang in 1972, when he was spliced with Jane Williams-Wynne. See previous posts.

Pedr was promoted to  Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in 1963 and was sworn of the Privy Council in Brenda’s Birthday Honours of 1964, but left office when the Tories lost the 1964 General Election.

At the Foreign Office, Pedr worked under Foreign Secretaries Alec Douglas-Home and then Rab Butler, both of whom concealed Dafydd and Gwynne’s criminality and organised abuse. Rab Butler used his position as Mr Tory Party for decades to do this and then his role as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge, 1965-77. When Carlo was a student at Trinity College, Cambridge, Rab was his Special Mentor/Counsellor. Rab was friends with Trumpers who served as Mayor of Cambridge (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’) and after her arrival in the Lords thanks to Thatch and then elevation to the post of Health Minister, appointed Jimmy Savile to the general management task force for Broadmoor Hospital in 1987, thus enabling Savile to be appointed as Broadmoor’s general manager the following year. See ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’ and ‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’.

Rab and Trumpers were also of Tuppence’s and Lady Mary’s circle, Tuppence and Lady Mary being part of High Society in Cambridge. See eg. ‘Tuppence and His Fragrant Wife’ for details of the Archers’ links to the Gang.

Rab is credited with doing liberal and compassionate things, such as reviewing the legislation re attempted suicide and with regard to psychiatric patients, but he pushed at an already open door re suicide attempts and all his ‘liberal suggestions’ re mental health legislation were ignored; Rab didn’t mention this to anyone. Rab established the Home Office Research Unit that funded junior researchers in Dafydd’s network, some of whom became Profs of Criminology and other disciplines at Oxbridge, when they studiously ignored the criminality of Dafydd et al as they repeatedly tripped over it during their research. See post ‘Rab, High Table and the Founding Fathers’.

Dafydd was promoted to the level of consultant in 1964, the year that Pedr was sworn of the Privy Council, but lost his place in Gov’t. The deed itself ie. Dafydd’s promotion might not have occurred until Harold Wilson became PM in October and appointed Dafydd’s mate Sir Kenneth Robinson as Health Minister, but Dafydd and Gwynne were mates with the previous Health Minister as well, Anthony Barber, who was every bit as toxic as Kenneth Robinson and a good deal more powerful. Barber ended up as Grocer Heath’s disastrous Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1970-74. See previous posts.

The recommendation for Dafydd’s promotion will have been made before Wilson and Robinson arrived in office. Dafydd was supported through Liverpool Medical School by the security services anyway, they spotted his potential as a suitably dangerous idiot who would do anything at all and therefore would make an excellent accomplice and eventually successor for Gwynne. Lord Charles Hill aka Charlie Corkscrew almost certainly had something to do with Dafydd’s promotion. Charlie Corkscrew was a Top Doctor who had worked for the Gov’t as a propaganda merchant during WW II, under the cover of the ‘Radio Doctor’ who dispensed Good Advice to housewives. See eg. ‘BMA Calling, BMA Calling…’

Charlie Corkscrew became a Gov’t Minister but was kicked out of Macmillan’s Cabinet in July 1962 in the Night Of The Long Knives, along with other friends of Dafydd and Gwynne who were causing havoc (see previous posts). Unfortunately Charlie Hill had been given so much power and being the Charlie Corkscrew who had squeezed Nye Bevan’s knackers until Nye took orders from him re exactly what the Top Docs wanted before they agreed to work in the NHS, Charlie was therefore also a Saint who had Helped Bring The NHS Into Being and Macmillan was obliged to give him a peerage as soon as he’d kicked him out of the Cabinet.

Harold Wilson subsequently appointed Charlie Hill Chairman of the BBC to Clean Up The Filth, in which role Charlie ensured that the organised abuse at the BBC expanded. See previous posts. Jimmy Savile thrived at the BBC once Charlie became Chair, Jimmy with his numerous Top Doc friendships and Voluntary Work for the NHS.

Charlie Corkscrew lived until Aug 1989, so he was very much alive when Jimmy Savile became a member of the Atheneaum in 1984, after being nominated by Cardinal Basil Hume. The Atheneaum is the club favoured by Top Docs and Vice Chancellors. Basil came from a medical family in Newcastle-upon-Tyne; they were members of Dafydd and Gwynne’s partner ring in the North East run by Lord John Walton, who in 1984 was Chairman of the GMC and refusing to investigate my complaint about Gwynne.

Basil’s brother John Hume had been the Top Doc who permanently damaged Anthony Eden’s health as a result of such a basic and serious error that it was almost certainly deliberate. Hume did that when Eden was Foreign Secretary, but Brenda had the knives out for Eden (literally) even then; the damage inflicted by Hume contributed to Eden’s later resignation as PM, allowing him to be succeeded by Brenda’s choice, Macmillan. See previous posts.

Basil Hume’s sister Madeleine’s first husband was Sir John Charles, who served as the Gov’ts Chief Medical Officer. Her second husband was Cabinet Secretary, 1973-79, Lord John Hunt of Tanworth, who came from Minehead and went to school near Bath. John Hunt was Cabinet Secretary in the run up to the case that resulted in Mr Thrope Walking Free From The Old Bailey. David Hole, the crooked MSF rep who worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School for Geoffrey Chamberlain, grew up in Minehead and still had family down there long after he settled in London. See previous posts.

John Hunt was Cabinet Secretary for the last half of Ted Heath’s time as PM. Hunt was I am fairly sure, Cabinet Secretary when Thatch had that lunch at the Clarence in Bridgwater…

Charlie Corkscrew will have built his security services links during WW II if not before.

Pedr Paedophilia narrowly lost his Conway seat to Labour’s Edfyned Hudson Davies at the 1966 General Election. Edfyned, like Pedr, had celeb friends and relatives. Edfyned was one of those in the Labour Party who ran into the arms of Dr Death in 1981, although by then Edfyned had relocated to Caerphilly, land of Ron ‘I was looking for badgers’ Davies. See previous posts.

Pedr returned to the Commons as MP for Hendon South at the 1970 General Election, holding the seat until he retired in 1987.

Pedr Paedophilia succeeded Sir Hugh Vere Huntly Duff Munro-Lucas-Tooth, 1st Baronet (13 January 1903-18 November 1985), (born Hugh Vere Huntly Duff Warrand and known as Sir Hugh Vere Huntly Duff Lucas-Tooth, 1st Baronet, from 1920 to 1965), as the Tory MP for Hendon South. I can’t quite work out why Welsh Pedr Paedophilia was selected as the candidate for Hendon South. I’ve never been to Hendon but it seems to be a rather dull part of North London and Pedr’s constituency included Golders Green. Golders Green is just a bit further down the road from Thatch’s former turf of Finchley; I always knew of Golders Green as an affluent Jewish area. A Jewish relative of a friend of mine mentioned a few years ago that Golders Green has a lot of Israelis resident there. The only even vague direct link between another Gang member and that part of London that I have spotted is that Archbishop Gwilym Williams was born in Finchley, although his family were wealthy landowners in north Wales.

Hugh Lucas-Tooth was Scottish with aristocrats on all sides of his family. Lucas-Tooth was a barrister, having been called to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn in 1933. Lord Denning (born in 1888) became a member of Lincolns Inn in 1923.  Because of Lord Denning’s presence in Lincoln’s Inn, it was an even better Inn to be a member of than Gray’s Inn. I don’t know how barristers end up in which Inn, but there must have been some good fights to get into Lincoln’s. George Carman was a member of Lincoln’s and he was the most seriously criminal barrister in the UK; Carman’s junior colleagues Cherie and Miranda are also members of Lincoln’s Inn.

Hugh Lucas-Tooth was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department  February 1952-December 1955, so his time in that office saw Brenda’s coronation. The Home Secretary, 1951-54, was Gwynne and Dafydd’s mate David Maxwell Fyfe aka Lord Kilmuir.

Lucas-Tooth held his post in the Home Dept jointly with Sir David Treharne Llewellyn (17 January 1916-9 August 1992), the third son of the Welsh industrialist Sir David Llewellyn, 1st Baronet. Sir Rhys and Sir Harry Llewellyn were his elder brothers. Sir David Treharne Llewellyn sat as the Tory MP for Cardiff North, 1950-59. Sir David married Joan Anne Williams OBE (1916-2013), who was head of the wartime Cabinet Office cypher office. They had two sons and one daughter. See ‘The Paedophiles Friends Of Cardiff North’ for further details of Sir David and his family, as well as other posts for info on his sons Roddy – who famously partied away on Mustique with Ma’am Darling, Mick Jagger, David Bowie and others – and Roddy’s dreadful brother Dai, ‘the seducer of the valleys’.

Cardiff North is a constituency hosting many affluent professional people employed in Cardiff University and other jobs in which facilitating or concealing organised abuse and criminality in an essential part of the job and thus all candidates for the seat, as with eg. Conwy, will be paedophiles’ friends. Anyone who isn’t doesn’t get a look in. It is why Julie Morgan, Rhodri’s wife, managed to get in there. See ‘The Paedophiles Friends Of Cardiff North’.

Julie the former social worker and Assistant Director of Barnardos goes back years with the Gang. As a first year student at King’s College, London, Julie returned to Cardiff to campaign for one of the granddaddies of organised abuse in south Wales, Sunny Jim. Sunny Jim’s success depended upon George Thomas being allowed to have his wicked way with boys unhampered. Sunny Jim’s wife Audrey was Chairman of Guv’nors of Great Ormond Street Hospital for years, while Jimmy Savile dropped in at will to ask 4 year old girls if they would be his girlfriend. Not that anyone saw through Clever Manipulative Savile, who would persist with his line of questioning as the kids curled up with embarrassment and didn’t know what to say, so just laughed.

There had been organised abuse at GOSH stretching back decades, Savile just brought Celeb Glamour and Sunny Jim’s reputation as a PM Who Cared was sealed when he publicised his Fund-Raising Efforts for GOSH. As Home Secretary, Sunny Jim did all that he could to assist George Thomas’s mate the crooked lawyer Leo Abse to rewrite the legislation re kids in care with the ‘advice’ of Dafydd and his mates, that resulted in thousands of kids after the mid-1970s being ‘taken into care’ by the Gang and linked rings. See previous posts eg. ‘Cry, Beloved Country’.

Here’s the link everyone: Glenys from Holyhead who’s mum and dad were mates with Lord Cledwyn who as the MP for Anglesey had spent years colluding with Dafydd and Gwynne, including with the organised abuse that they oversaw on Anglesey, was married to the Windbag from south Wales who’s mum was a district Angel, the Top Docs and Angels in south Wales keeping a lid on George Thomas specifically but also George’s pals in north Wales who were expanding the ring. It was Lord Cled who introduced Glenys’s new boyfriend to Sunny Jim, the Windbag didn’t have the sort of connections to the Labour Party big wigs in south Wales that Glenys did. There was longstanding serious organised abuse on Anglesey, including in the children’s homes there, one of which was in Holyhead.

See the source image

Blogs with interests in politics are dishing a great deal of dirt Ancient and Modern on the Windbags. I knew that the Windbag was hated in north Wales, but he doesn’t seem to have been too popular in south Wales either. None of this dirt which would have been enough to have sunk the Windbag back in the 1980s ever appeared or appears in the right wing press that hated/hates the Windbag. Perhaps Mr Charles Moore can tell us why. Or indeed the Digger and Kelvin MacKenzie.

Alexander David Frederick Lloyd, 2nd Baron Lloyd (30 September 1912-5 November 1985), was another who shared the position of junior Minister in the Home Dept with Lucas-Tooth. Lloyd was the only son of George Lloyd, 1st Baron Lloyd, and his wife, Blanche Isabella (née Lascelles). He succeeded his father in the barony in 1941 and took his seat on the Conservative benches in the Lords. Lloyd served under Winston Churchill (a close political associate of his father) as a Lord-in-Waiting (Gov’t Whip in the Lords), 1951-52 and as Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department from 1952 to 1954, and under Churchill and later Sir Anthony Eden as Under-Secretary of State for the Colonies from 1954 to 1957.

Lord Lloyd married Lady Victoria Jean Marjorie Mabell Ogilvy, daughter of David Ogilvy, 12th Earl of Airlie, in 1942. They had one son and two daughters:

  • The Hon. Davinia Margaret Lloyd (b. 13 March 1943)
  • The Hon. Charles George David Lloyd (4 April 1949 – 1974)
  • The Hon. Laura Blanche Bridget Lloyd (b. 7 March 1960)

Lord Lloyd died in November 1985, aged 73. As his only son had predeceased him, the barony became extinct upon his death. Pedr Paedophilia also had two sons predecease him, there’s a lot of prematurely dead heirs around.

The Lord Mancroft also got a look in at the Home Dept, 1954-57.

The Lord Mancroft
Lord Mancroft in 1963.jpg

Lord Mancroft in 1963
Minister without Portfolio
In office
11 June 1957 – 23 October 1958
Prime Minister Harold Macmillan
Preceded by The Earl of Munster
Succeeded by The Earl of Dundee
Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Defence
In office
10 January 1957 – 11 June 1957
Prime Minister Harold Macmillan
Preceded by The Earl of Gosford
Succeeded by Office vacant
Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Home Affairs
In office
18 October 1954 – 9 January 1957
Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Anthony Eden
Preceded by The Lord Lloyd
Succeeded by Patricia Hornsby-Smith
Lord-in-waiting
Government Whip
In office
15 December 1952 – 18 October 1954
Prime Minister Winston Churchill
Preceded by The Lord Lloyd
Succeeded by The Lord Fairfax of Cameron
Member of the House of Lords
Lord Temporal
In office
15 August 1942 – 14 September 1987
Hereditary Peerage
Preceded by The 1st Baron Mancroft
Succeeded by The 3rd Baron Mancroft
Personal details
Born 27 July 1914
Died 14 September 1987 (aged 73)
Political party Conservative

Stormont Mancroft Samuel Mancroft, 2nd Baron Mancroft (27 July 1914 – 14 September 1987), born Stormont Mancroft Samuel, was the son of Arthur Michael Samuel, 1st Baron Mancroft, and Phoebe Fletcher. He was educated at Winchester College, Christ Church, Oxford, obtaining a law degree and Bonn University, where he studied music. In 1938 Mancroft became a barrister at the Inner Temple. Mr Thrope was a member of Inner Temple as were/are the Havers clan – Sir Cecil, Lord Michael and Lady Elizabeth Butler-Sloss – who between them did an excellent job of assisting Dafydd and Gwynne and the Westminster Paedophile Ring, as discussed in previous posts. Mancroft served in WW II in the British Army.

After the war, Mancroft served in the Tory administrations of Churchill and Eden as a Gov’t Whip, 1952-54 and as Under-Secretary of State for the Home Department from 1954 to 1957. When Harold Macmillan became PM in January 1957, Mancroft was appointed  Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Defence, Duncan Sandys, a post he held until June 1957 and was then Minister without Portfolio, 1957-58.

Duncan Sandys was Churchill’s son-in-law. His place in Gov’t was widely viewed as the result of shameless nepotism. Sandys was friend and patient of Stephen Ward, the osteopath who was a welcome addition to the excesses at Cliveden but was scapegoated (and died as a result) by everyone when the Profumo Affair blew up in 1963. Gwynne and Dafydd were involved in the Profumo Affair, but their names were kept out of it completely. Sandys himself dropped Ward like a hot cake as the scandal unfolded. Sandys was mate of Edward du Cann, they both served as Directors and Chairman of Lonrho, including during the time that it was dogged by scandal and branded as the unacceptable face of capitalism by Grocer Heath. See previous posts.

 

Lord Mancroft married Diana Lloyd, daughter of Lieutenant-Colonel Horace Lloyd, on 8 May 1951. They have three children:

  • Hon. Victoria Lucinda Mancroft (7 March 1952), married Prince Frederick Nicholas of Prussia (son of Prince Frederick of Prussia) on 27 February 1980.
  • Hon. Jessica Rosetta Mancroft (10 May 1954), married Simon Dickinson on 15 October 1983.
  • Benjamin Mancroft, 3rd Baron Mancroft (16 May 1957), married Emma Louisa Peart on 20 September 1990.

As a young man Benjamin Mancroft ended up in serious scraps from which his dad extracted him with the help of Ronnie Waterhouse and his mates. Benjamin also developed drug problems and subsequently ‘worked for addiction organisations’. Benjamin Mancroft tried to raise concerns about poor NHS care in a hospital in the West Country some years ago. He was drowned out by loud shouts about him being a Tory Toff and a former addict. See previous posts. I have witnessed Angels behaving exactly as Benjamin Mancroft alleged…

Benjamin made the speech about the mediocre NHS staff when I was beginning to publish on the excesses of the NHS myself. I wondered at the time whether Benjamin had been set up by mischievous ‘advisers’ because the point that he was making was an important one but the way in which he did it left him very vulnerable to attacks from Those Who Care And Oppose The NHS Cuts. They really went for Benjamin’s jugular and I wondered what was going on…

Benjamin’s mother Diana Lloyd was previously married to Richard Bridges St. John Quarry. They have a daughter Miranda, Countess of Stockton (b. 1947), who married Alexander Macmillan, son of Maurice Macmillan, son and heir of Supermac, the Maurice Macmillan who swindled my father which resulted in his bankruptcy shortly after I was born, as discussed in previous posts.

Alexander – previous spouses – takes Alexander into the heart of Dafydd’s posher and celeb network

Alexander – West Country politician

See previous posts for details of Alexander Macmillan

 

Pedr Paedophilia served as Welsh Secretary – although he was by then MP for an English constituency, Hendon South – throughout the whole of Grocer Heath’s premiership.

Bryn Estyn saw much action while Pedr was Welsh Secretary, above and beyond the routine abuse of the boys there. In 1971, an inquiry was held after a complaint was made about David Ursell, the Headmaster’s methods of upholding discipline. In 1972, Ursell was suspended over those methods. Peter Burton took over as Head. In March 1973, Burton, his wife and his 7 yr old son were all killed in a car accident in Cheshire. The Deputy Head of Bryn Estyn also died in the crash.

Matt Arnold was appointed Head of Bryn Estyn in May 1973. Bryn Estyn became a ‘Community Home With Education’ in Oct 1973, rather than an Approved School. Peter Howarth appointed to the staff by Arnold in Nov 1973. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked at the Axwell Park Approved School, Gateshead and were part of the ring in the North East facilitated by Gwynne and Dafydd’s partners in crime led by Lord John Walton. Miranda’s pal Ernest Armstrong concealed the abuse at Axwell Park when he was a Sunderland Borough Councillor and then a Labour MP in County Durham. Ernest’s daughter Hilary succeeded him in his Commons seat and became one of Miranda’s inner circle. See previous posts.

Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth met at Ruskin College in the mid-1960s; Arnold worked as a part-time tutor there and Howarth was one of his students. Two Jags was at Ruskin at the time and was President of the Ruskin Students’ Union, so I’m sure that Prezza noticed Arnold and Howarth. See post ‘A Study In Tyranny’.

With regard to David Ursell and his alleged shortcomings and suspension as Head of Bryn Estyn, I have not found any details re the accusations, but even if I had, this is the Gang at work, we cannot assume that there really was a problem with Ursell’s methods of upholding discipline. Matt Arnold was Head of Bryn Estyn from 1973 until 1984 and what went on under him was appalling, yet suspension was never mentioned.

What can be concluded is that in the early 1970s, someone wanted two of the key paedophiles of the North East ring facilitated by Gwynne’s friend Lord John Walton at Bryn Estyn. John Allen had opened the Bryn Alyn Community in the late 1960s and the production line for child sex workers in north Wales had begun in earnest.

Dr Neil Davies and Dr Bob Woods are a psychiatrist and clinical psychologist who both followed Arnold and Howarth to join the Gang in north Wales after Davies and Woods worked in Newcastle. Neil Davies and Bob Woods were two of the big players in north Wales, but they both had much nicer manners than Dafydd and Gwynne. I always found Neil Davies very pleasant but I have some very damning documentation in my possession now written and signed by Neil Davies. He was fully on board with Dafydd’s criminality and I know that Mr Nice Guy Lay Preacher Bob Woods was as well. Bob Woods’ function in Bangor University was to get rid of clin psy students who looked as though they would blow the whistle on the neglect and criminality in the mental health services while pretending to be supporting them. I have been told that the teacher training tutors at Bangor University filled the same role re schools.

If someone in Heath’s Gov’t was in a position to ensure that Dafydd and Gwynne could expand their business in north Wales unhampered, Pedr Paedophilia in the Welsh Office was that man. Thatch was Heath’s Education Secretary at the time, so she took care of the schools as it were. Heath’s close friend and personal physician Sir Brian Warren was a Top Doc and Westminster Councillor who was facilitating the Westminster Paedophile Ring; Warren was married to Dame Josephine Barnes, a obstetrician and gynaecologist at Charing Cross, who was also facilitating the Ring, but unlike Sir Brian, Barnes agreed to undertake NHS work. Barnes was a leading light in Wimmin’s Doctors Organisations and she also called the shots on the Warnock Committee later in the 1980s. See eg. ‘Uncle Harry’s Friends’.

Keith Joseph at the DHSS took care of the rings in England facilitated by the NHS and Social Services and was ably assisted in this by his Expert Adviser on children’s social work Barbara Kahn, who had spent years concealing organised abuse in Oxford along with her husband, Top Doc Vladimir Kahan. Babs didn’t go when Joseph plummeted, Babs remained very influential in social work for more than another 20 years. See ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’.

Pedr Paedophilia was Secretary of State during a period of ‘violent Welsh language activism’, including bombings and a campaign by the Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg to remove English road signs and whenever Pedr is discussed, much is made of this, Ooh the poor man. Regular readers will know that many of those involved in that activism were of the very Gang that Pedr was and it served as a useful distraction to the organised abuse that so many people were facilitating, no matter what their political hue.

It was Saunders Lewis who’s Feb 1962 radio broadcast ‘Tynged yr Iaith’ led to the formation of Cymdeithas a few months later. Who was mates with Saunders and recorded his lecture and was a language activist? Dafydd. Who stood as the Plaid candidate for Denbigh in the late 1950s and in 1964? Dafydd. Who was one of the early members of Plaid and was mates with Saunders and Dafydd? Prof J.E. Daniel, father of the corrupt judge Huw Daniel, who worked as a barrister and then a judge on the Chester and Wales Circuit with Pedr. See ‘Tan yn Llyn’.

Dafydd was selected by the security services to work for them because of his credentials as a Welsh speaking Bethesda boy, an educated man but of the common people, not the English elite, who could infiltrate Plaid and violent Welsh activists. MI5 needed someone to get close to Saunders et al; in the mid-1930s, Saunders Lewis, Lewis Valentine and D.J. Hughes CHECK NAME had set fire to a bombing school on Pen Llyn and the British establishment became even more concerned when there was huge public support in north Wales for The Three after they were released from Wormwood Scrubs. They were not the stereotype of Thugs, they were three literary gents with much credibility among a certain sort of Welsh speaking middle class person. Saunders Lewis was, even his allies admitted, a snobbish elitist with rather extreme views on some matters, but Lewis Valentine was a Methodist Minister and COMPLETE HERE

I have been told that the panic re Saunders et al in the 1930s was directly related to the Abdication Crisis. For some reason the anxieties of those around Brenda et al went through the roof just before Brenda was crowned and as discussed in previous posts, the early 1950s saw Churchill’s Gov’t doing everything possible to provide armour plating for Gwynne the Royal Lobotomist at Denbigh and into the bargain MI5 trained up Dafydd to assist and eventually succeed him. Dafydd ended up ratting on everyone for whom he was working and running a massive crime syndicate. I presume that Dafydd was Chosen because of his proximity to Lord Patrick Blackett et al of Bertrand Russell’s/Sir Clough’s set at Croesor, but I don’t know how Dafydd migrated over from the Bethesda  underclass to Patrick Blackett’s circle in the first place.

J.E. Daniel died on 11 Feb 1962 as a result of a car crash in rural Flintshire; Daniel died two days before Saunders and Dafydd did their Tynged yr Iaith bit…

During the years of the cottage burning in north Wales, it was often alleged that most of the fires were the work of the security services, acting as agent provocateurs. I suspect that was indeed true. It was a serious mess in north Wales, with members of the security services facilitating that sex abuse ring because of the involvement of people like Lord Snowdon, Peter Morrison and Bertrand Russell. Dafydd and others were posing as Defenders Of The Common Welsh People while they lobotomised, banged up or killed the victims of celebrity sex offenders. There were and are people who are committed to and passionate about the Welsh language, but Dafydd and his mates were/are not among them. As a medical student in Liverpool, during the Tryweryn campaign, Dafydd popped over to Ireland and learned violent activist methods at the knee of Republican terrorists.

What did Churchill, David Maxwell Fyfe aka Lord Kilmuir and other people responsible for overseeing MI5 (see previous posts) think was going to happen when they let Dafydd into the hallowed circle? DUH!!! How fucking stupid could the Intelligence Services have been? Hey, Dafydd’s joined the Secret Services! Not that Dafydd can keep a secret, the mad old bugger has no confidentiality or principles at all…

So when Grocer Heath’s Gov’t was torturing interned terrorist suspects, as approved by Lord Carrington and using one of Dafydd’s psychiatrist colleagues to advise on torture methods as discussed in previous posts, Dafydd was mates with some of those who definitely were terrorists. Not that anybody stopped Dafydd because of that, I mean there was the ring at Kincora Boys’ Home to prioritise, because Anthony Blunt, Lord Mountbatten and a few others Who Could Not Be Touched were enjoying themselves there and the Kincora ring was linked to the Gang in north Wales…

Paddy Mayhew was the MDU barrister who, in the early 1970s, ensured that the paedophile child psychiatrist Dr Morris Fraser who was involved with Kincora was not struck off the Medical Register. Fraser then relocated to mainland Britain and worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCL, before running a children’s charidee in Cornwall offering sailing adventures. See previous posts. Paddy Mayhew was the Attorney-General who authorised the prosecutions of me in the High Court during 1990 and 91 requesting that I be jailed, on what Paddy knew was the perjury of members of the Gang. The MDU lawyers documented themselves that there was not the evidence for the very serious allegations against me, yet went ahead with the cases. See ‘The Bitterest Pill’.

On 10 April 1992, Mayhew’s time as AG ended when John Major appointed him as Secretary of State for N Ireland; Mayhew remained in that post until 2 May 1997.

Lord John Hunt – Sir Henry Cecil John Hunt, Baron Hunt, (22 June 1910-7 November 1998) – had a considerable influence on British policy in N Ireland, particularly with regard to policing. Hunt was best known as the leader of the successful 1953 Everest expedition; his Deputy was Sir Charles Evans, Principal of UCNW, 1958-82, Gwynne and Dafydd’s mate. Hunt was a Military Intelligence officer.

After Everest, Hunt returned to active duty in the British Army, being posted as Assistant Commandant of Sandhurst. Following his retirement from military service in 1956, Hunt became the first Director of the Duke of Edinburgh Award Scheme, a post he held for ten years. In Brenda’s 1966  Birthday Honours, Hunt was created a Life Peer for his work with young people, he and his friends having so successfully facilitated an international trafficking ring  that murdered young people who were witnesses.

Hunt was also the first Chairman of the Parole Board, which by the 1990s was choc full of the Top Docs who had concealed the criminality in north Wales after I complained about Dafydd et al. Every key player was on that Board: Robert Bluglass, Colin Berry, David Mawson, Chris Hunter, as well as other people who’s names I recognised as having been involved in their capacity as leading colluding organisations.

John Hunt’s advisory work on policing in N Ireland led to the Hunt Report with its recommendation for the disbanding of the B-Specials and creation of a purely military reserve force, which was created as the Ulster Defence Regiment. In 1974 Hunt was appointed to the Royal Commission on the Press. Lord Hunt died on 7 November 1998 aged 88 in Henley-on-Thames, Oxfordshire.

 

MAC (Mudiad Amddiffyn Cymru, Movement for the Defence of Wales) was a Welsh nationalist direct action group that carried out the bombing during Tryweryn campaign – overview – Owain Williams’s book ‘Tryweryn: A Nation Awakes’ – members of MAC were drawn substantially from south Wales, very few people from north Wales among them – according to Owain, MAC had virtually died a death by 1959. Owain’s book has morsels of info about MAC that I didn’t know about before; I’ll be following a few things up and hope to blog more about some of those involved.

What I have known for a number of years is that as a medical student Dafydd was involved with the Tryweryn Campaign and travelled to Ireland to learn direct action at the knee of Republican activists. They won’t have realised that Dafydd was working for the British security services and was ratting on everyone…

I have received info suggesting that Tony Francis might have been playing exactly the same game as Dafydd; in which case I can only marvel that the security services chose two such dangerous, mad, ultimately disastrous Top Docs to work for them. One would have thought that they had learnt their lesson after the Dafydd Experience. If Tony Francis did have security services links – presumably via Dafydd – one can only wonder who was using the Windbag and his wife and how. Francis knew the Windbag from their days at Cardiff University and maxed out on that, but then Francis was also using Dafydd Wigley, Dr Death and goodness knows how many other unscrupulous, vain, daft politicians.

During their bombing campaign, MAC received free legal advice from Bronwen Astor’s dad, High Court judge Sir Alun Pugh, who had grown up in Carmarthenshire. Sir Alun kept his advisory role to MAC quiet for years because he knew that he’d be finished socially as would his family if this became known. Neither did MAC boast about receiving free legal advice from Sir Alun, it would have rather damaged their credibility. However the matter is discussed in ‘Bronwen Astor, Her Life and Times’, the biography of Bronwen written by Peter Stanford.

Bronwen was married to Lord Bill Astor and was the chatelaine of Cliveden during the Profumo Affair. As well as Gov’t Ministers, Russian spies and the call girls, Bronwen and Bill Astor entertained Royalty. In her autobiography, Trumpers describes being a regular at Cliveden in the run-up to Profumo – Trumpers’s friend Sarah Norton was Bill Astor’s first wife – and meeting Brenda there at a dinner. Trumpers discusses unsavoury guests having to be hidden from Brenda; the unsavoury guests included cockney teenaged girls who were swearing…. See ’95 Glorious Years!’ Phil the Greek’s name has been constantly mentioned as someone who had been a regular at Cliveden and who’s name had to be kept out of the Profumo scandal…

Bronwen was of course abandoned by Bill Astor in the wake of the Profumo Affair. She was kicked out of Cliveden by the Astors, along with her small children and began a new life in Surrey, as discussed in previous posts.

Bronwen went to boarding school at Dolgellau, the home town of Ioan Bowen Rees, CEO of Gwynedd County Council during the excesses of the Dafydd and Gwynne’s ring. Ioan’s dad was a Master of the Grammar School in Dolgellau and there was only a difference of one year between the ages of Ioan and Bronwen.

Although Bronwen boarded in Dolgellau, the family home when she was growing up was in Hampstead, among so many of those we know and love, including those who had second homes in Cwm Croesor or were friends with those who did.

During the 1950s, Bronwen Pugh followed the standard route of many young women like her who wanted to build on their looks, have a career as a model and then make a good marriage, but Bronwen was much more successful than most of her contemporaries. Bronwen really hit the big time and ended up hanging out with the best in Paris and even became a BBC TV presenter. What was particularly interesting about Bronwen’s career was the PR that accompanied it. Bronwen was ruthlessly promoted as ‘Our Bronwen from Wales’; there was shades of Our Cilla from Scottie Road in Liverpool there. Bronwen’s Welsh roots and The Common Touch was emphasised. While it was true that her dad was Welsh, that he taught Bronwen Welsh and she boarded at Dolgellau, the Pughs were not plebs, they were a family that were so posh that they had almost left the Welsh elite. Then Bronwen married Bill Astor, which rather outdid anything that Ioan Bowen Rees’s family got up to and they were privileged compared to their neighbours…

While Bronwen was joining the Anglo-American Seriously Rich Upper Classes, Ioan Bowen Rees went to Queen’s College, Oxford, made powerful contacts and became a solicitor. Ioan soon returned to north Wales and worked as solicitor for Denbighshire County Council, the HQ of the Gang at that time (late 1950s/early 60s). The key players of the 1980s all cut their teeth in that era. Lucille Hughes and Beata Brookes were social workers from north Wales of a similar vintage who both did degrees at UCNW; Peter Walker was busy in the Young Conservatives with Beata and met Edward du Cann’s mates there; Dafydd went to Liverpool University to study medicine at pretty much the same time as Lucille was at Liverpool doing her social worker training; Mervyn Phillips, who became CEO of Clwyd County Council, was at Liverpool University studying law at much the same time.  David Hunt, who grew up in Denbighshire, joined the Young Conservatives when Beata and Walker were leading figures in that organisation, Hunt being a bit younger than them. Then Hunt studied law at Bristol University, after having been to public school in Liverpool. Thatch was busy on the Young Conservatives circuit at the same time and made her first splash at a conference in Llandudno. Bill Deedes was active in the Tory Party and a contemporary of Thatch and became very friendly with her and Denis. Nigel Lawson was a friend of some of Walker and du Cann’s friends and business partners…

This was the ruthless inner circle re the Gang who scratched each other’s backs during the 1970s and 80s and protected very serious criminals in the process. The hangers-on and others who vied for power were often barristers or businessmen who had grown up in Wales and had knowledge of the enormity of the criminality eg. Michael Howard, Geoffrey Howe, Heseltine.

Ioan Bowen Rees went into circulation after his early stint with Denbighshire County Council, he dropped in all over Wales (as well as into Lancashire), making contacts, until he arrived back in Gwynedd to run the Council in the early 1980s. Huw Thomas, the crook who served as CEO of Gwynedd Health Authority when Ioan ran the County Council, followed the same path in NHS management; after graduating from an elite university, Huw worked as an NHS manager in a whole variety of places that involved concealing crime that could prove embarrassing, including in the West Country, before returning to Gwynedd to put all that experience to good use…

Ioan’s parents were both UCNW graduates; his father was President of the Students’ Union and his mother was one of the first women graduates from UCNW. That will have set Ioan in good stead, his parents will have known many of the people who ran the region.

Someone drew my attention a few days ago to Debra Bowen Rees who is now CEO of Cardiff Airport. My informant assumes that Debra is one of THE Bowen Rees’s, of Ioan, who grew up in Llanllechid, where I lived during the 1990s. Here’s the spiel that accompanies Debra’s photo on Cardiff Airport’s website:

Deb retired from her role as Group Captain within the Royal Air Force in 2012 after a successful 28 year career, during which time she headed up the Air Traffic Control operation and was held in high regard as one of the RAF’s notable senior female officers. She joined Cardiff Airport as Operations Director in May 2012 where she held the position until September 2014, before stepping in as Interim Managing Director for just over one year. In December 2015 Deb was announced as Cardiff Airport’s Managing Director and Chief Operating Officer. In February 2017 Deb was announced as Chief Executive Officer (CEO).

Deb is a member of the Board of the Airport Operators’ Association, Vice Chair of the Regional and Business Airports Group (RABA); Councillor of CBI in Wales; a Fellow of the Royal Aeronautical Society and a Member of the Institute of Directors.

Cardiff Airport is owned by the Welsh Gov’t. I note that Deb was promoted to CEO six months after I began this blog. Being a Bowen Rees from Wales and having held high rank in the RAF, I presume that Deb bumped into Prince William when he lived on Anglesey and got to know the Great Guys at Ysbyty Gwynedd through his work with the Mountain Rescue team, a leading light of which for many years was Tony Jones, a Bangor University  marine geologist who was Bangor’s answer to Ollie Reed and a big mate of the Gang, including corrupt police officers.

Deb will have known the mad and violent Andy Jones who worked at RAF Valley in the 1980s and bagged himself a place at Guy’s and Tommy’s medical school, thanks to assistance from the Gang. Andy was my neighbour in Rachub and like me, he lived in the terrace next to the hall where Ioan Bowen Rees’s son Gruff Rhys used to practice with his rock band that became the Super Furries. Andy’s craziness and domestic violence were well-known. One partner of his fled and stopped him seeing their son because of Andy’s violence; Andy remarried and had two more children. His wife was sectioned for her own safety and his two kids were taken into care because of serious neglect. Andy continued to work as a psychiatrist in the Hergest Unit throughout it all. Then there were Andy’s violent attacks on animals that resulted in serious injury and a threat from a vet to prosecute him and Andy’s sex with colleagues on Ysbyty Gwynedd premises during working hours.

Other Top Docs and NHS staff knew about all this, as did the police. So how exactly was Andy able to terrorise two successive partners and present a substantial risk to three children over a period of years while continuing to work as a psychiatrist at the Hergest Unit? Andy was friendly with the Rev Wynne Roberts, the former vicar who was sacked for having an affair with a parishioner while they were both married to other people, who then found an opportunity as a chaplain at Ysbyty Gwynedd, where he told everyone what an excellent doctor Andy was, on the grounds that Andy has been a ‘service user’ himself and ‘understands schizophrenics’. The Rev Wynne sat on Mental Health Review Tribunals, Ethics Committees at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University, on the Service Users Consultation Committee, was then promoted to senior management level and given a role with regard to international links with developing countries. The Rev Wynne was also described as a music therapist after he began impersonating Elvis. Should readers unacquainted with the ways of the NHS in north Wales find this difficult to believe, read my post ‘Music Therapy Anyone?’ for the full extraordinary story of the Rev Wynne.

In 2002 the GMC refused to act on my complaint about Andy Jones after Andy had written on my medical records that I had ‘set fire to the hospital’ and done a number of other unacceptable things. Keith Thomson, the CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, wrote to the GMC telling them that I had made ‘outrageous allegations’ about NHS staff. Andy remained working at Hergest until his wife and kids were rescued from him by the emergency services, at which point he left north Wales but continued working as a Doc elsewhere and remained on the Medical Register. Andy only finally disappeared from the Medical Register after I confronted a rather better GP than many in north Wales and reminded him of exactly what I knew Andy had done and named all the Top Docs whom I knew had witnessed Andy’s excesses but had not acted.

 

Trefor Beasley was in the MAC, the organisation that secretly received legal advice from Bronwen Astor’s dad. Trefor, who with his wife Eileen, became revered as True Welsh Freedom Fighters.

Elieen Beasley with her husband Trefor

This is what wiki says about Eileen: Eileen Beasley (4 April 1921-12 August 2012) was a Welsh teacher who, along with her husband Trefor, conducted a campaign of civil disobedience in the 1950s against the Rural District Council of Llanelly in a demand for council rate bills in the Welsh language. Her stand has led Welsh language campaigners to describe her as the “mother of direct action” and her protest helped to lead to the creation of Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg

Catherine Eileen James was born in 1921. She was one of two children, she being the youngest. She attended University College Cardiff and became a teacher. She met Trefor Beasley at Plaid Cymru gatherings and they were married on 31 July 1951. The couple moved to Llangennech near Llanelli in 1952.

Eileen and her husband Trefor became leading campaigners in the right to use Welsh in the 1950s, as at that time the Welsh language had no official status in Wales: no forms by public bodies were issued in the Welsh language and there were few bilingual road signs. The Beasleys refused to pay their tax bills until they were written in Welsh, as at the time they were written only in English. This refusal led to the couple being taken to court 16 times over the course of eight years, along with many personal belongings being taken by bailiffs. Trefor spent a week in prison. After numerous court appearances the couple won their battle in 1960, at which point Llanelli district council agreed to print tax bills bilingually in Welsh and English Both Eileen and Trefor were elected as local councillors in 1955 for Plaid Cymru on Llanelli district council. Eileen Beasley is known as the “mother of direct action” in Wales and the “Rosa Parks of Wales”. In April 2015 Llanelli Community Heritage unveiled a commemorative Blue Plaque at the Beasley Family home in Llangennech.

In 1962 Saunders Lewis a prominent Welsh nationalist and a founder of Plaid Cymru, gave a radio speech entitled Tynged yr iaith (The Fate of the Language) in which he predicted the extinction of the Welsh language unless action was taken. This speech led to the creation of Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (the Welsh Language Society). During this speech he directly praised the actions of Trefor and Eileen Beasley for their campaign for Welsh language tax bills.

May I call your attention to the story of Mr. and Mrs. Trefor Beasley? Mr. Beasley is a coal-miner. In April 1952 he and his wife bought a cottage in Llangennech near Llanelli, a district where nine out of every ten of the population are Welsh-speaking. All the councillors on the rural council which controls Llangennech are Welsh-speaking: so too are the council officials. Therefore when a note demanding the local rates arrived from ‘The Rural District Council of Llanelly’ Mrs. Beasley wrote to ask for it in Welsh. It was refused. She refused to pay the rates until she got it. She and Mr. Beasley were summoned more than a dozen times to appear before the magistrates’ court. Mr. and Mrs. Beasley insisted that the court proceedings should be in Welsh. Three times did the bailiffs carry off furniture from their home, the furniture being worth much more than the rates which were demanded. This went on for eight years. In 1960 Mr. and Mrs. Beasley received a bilingual note demanding the local rates from (Cyngor Dosbarth Gwledig Llanelli, the Welsh on the bill being just as good as its English. It is not my right to say what was the financial cost of all this to Mr. and Mrs. Beasley. Friends, including solicitors and barristers, were very loyal. Their trouble became the subject of the country’s attention, and the newspapers and radio and television plagued them continually. The court cases were interesting and important. For example, the rating officer’s reply to Mr. Wynne Samuel: ‘The Council is not under any obligation to print rate demand notes in any language except English.’

Saunders Lewis, “Tynged yr iaith

Lewis took the Beasley case as a model for future action, but significantly added “this cannot be done reasonably except in those districts where Welsh-speakers are a substantial proportion of the population”. He proposed to make it impossible for the business of local and central government to continue without using Welsh”. “It is a policy for a movement”, he said, “in the areas where Welsh is a spoken language in daily use” it would be “nothing less than a revolution”.

Eileen Beasley died on 12 August 2012 of pancreatic cancer. Language campaigners have said that Eileen and Trefor’s courage inspired a generation to take up the fight and led to crucial milestones in the protection of the Welsh language, such as the creation of S4C and bilingual road signs.

Bronwen in her modelling days and then getting hitched to Bill Astor:

See the source image

See the source image

Bill Astor’s son, the present Lord William Astor, is now married to Samantha Cameron’s mum:

For all the Astors¿ glittering provenance, it is Annabel, the current Viscountess and Samantha Cameron¿s mother, who has in many ways the most romantic past. Above, Annabel with her husband, Viscount Astor

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us.’

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

‘Touch us and we’ll do you.’

Meet Prof Robert Owen, humble farmer’s son from Chwilog on the Llyn, who became Prof of Orthopaedic Surgery at Liverpool University, consultant at Alder Hey and Broadgreen Hospital, Liverpool, who extracted Dafydd, Tony Francis and others from deep crap in 1989:

Bob Owen worked in the hospitals on the north Wales coast until in mid-career, the poor dear was ‘called to work in Liverpool’. Bob was loathe to leave Dafydd and Gwynne’s mates behind but it was just as well that Prof Bob did decide to join the Big Wigs in Liverpool, because Dafydd and Gwynne had vastly expanded their crime syndicate, Mary Wynch and others were causing problems and all political parties were staking their hopes on the barrel of crap being concealed. So Prof Bob nipped over to Liverpool, where he could be of most help, occupying a prestigious Chair and the position as Welsh Office Ombudsman, duping people like me into believing that he had standards and was a cut above Dafydd and Gwynne, when he was mates with them and had spent years working with them until he was needed to go under cover as an Honest Competent Prof in the face of complaint.

Prof Bob was Honoured by Brenda in 1990. By Nov 1990 it was obvious that I was going to be forced out of medical research by the Gang’s mates at St George’s, just as Thatch was deposed by her previously-loyal henchmen. Prof Bob was only given an OBE, memorably described by Michael Winner as the honour for those who clean public toilets. Which I suppose is what Prof Bob did. See eg. ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’.

‘Now don’t you worry my dear, we’ll look after you.’

Prof Bob died not long after I began this blog. I didn’t think that the two events might be related at the time, but I have noticed that those Professionals who Lied To Protect Dafydd have all began dropping since this blog was born. They weren’t young, but they did vary in their ages and health status, yet scores of them have suddenly been overwhelmed by serious illness that their colleagues have been able to do so little for…

The Top Docs are now eating each other.

Wynne Islwyn Samuel (1912–5 June 1989) was born in Ystalyfera, and became an orphan at an early age. He studied at Ystalyfera Grammar School and then became a deacon and lay preacher in the Baptist Church. In the 1970s, Dafydd addressed the Welsh Baptist Union and explained that learning Bible verses in Welsh as a child can save one from a ‘serious moral collapse’ in later life. See ‘A Serious Moral Lapse’.

These two Persons Of Low Morals (to use the term employed in an FBI report about them) obviously went to the wrong school and indeed Church; Uncle Dickie and Edwina on their wedding day:

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Although Samuel was given an opportunity to play with Glamorgan County Cricket Club, he was dissuaded by his aunt and instead became a clerk for Swansea Town Council. In WW II, he was a conscientious objector.

Samuel joined Plaid Cymru in the early 1930s and became active in the Party when he lost his job, following its policy of neutrality in WW II. He was the party’s South Wales organiser from 1940 until 1950, also editing The Welsh Nation, its English-language magazine, and gaining election to Pontardawe Rural District Council. He established a base in Ystalyfera, recruiting sufficiently that it was home to the Plaid’s largest branch in South Wales, and he was the Party’s first Parliamentary candidate in the south, taking second place in the 1945 Neath by-election. Samuel stood unsuccessfully for Plaid on several further occasions, including in Neath at the  1945 General Election, Aberdare at a 1946 by-election and in 1950 and Pembroke in 1970.

In 1954, Samuel was the Secretary of the National Eisteddfod in Ystradgynlais In 1960/1, he was President of the Baptist Union of Wales.

In later life, Samuel studied law with the University of London External System, and then obtained a doctorate from the National University of Ireland, following which he became a barrister and law lecturer at Chester Technical College. The rot was already rooted in legal circles in Chester and Wales by that time. Samuel also set up Cymdeithas Bro a Thref Cymru, an organisation bringing together the town and community councils of Wales.

Wynne Samuel was Vice-President of Plaid, 1962-64 –  who was Pres??

The Welsh Dictionary of Biography provides the following info for Samuel:

Name: Wynne Islwyn Samuel
Date of birth: 1912
Date of death: 1989
Gender: Male
Occupation: local government officer, Plaid Cymru activist and organiser
Area of activity: Politics, Government and Political Movements; Public and Social Service, Civil Administration
Author: John Graham Jones

He was born at Ystalyfera in 1912, orphaned and then brought up by his maternal grandfather, the Revd William Jones of Soar Baptist chapel, Ystalyfera, and his aunt. He received his education at Ystalyfera Grammar School. He became a deacon at the age of twenty-two and was a prominent local lay-preacher. He joined Plaid Cymru at the beginning of the 1930s at a public meeting at Ystalyfera at the same time as a group of committed local coal miners and tin-plate workers. He was offered a position with the Glamorgan Cricket Club, but his aunt was opposed to his accepting the post, and he had then become an audit clerk at Swansea town hall in about 1928. Samuel was a committed pacifist, and after the outbreak of the war he was responsible for organising a great public meeting to oppose military conscription, a meeting addressed powerfully by Samuel himself and the miners’ leader, Arthur Horner. He was dismissed from his post in 1940 as a result of his refusal to sign a statement declaring complete support for World War II. He consequently appeared before the South Wales Conscientious Objectors Tribunal in September 1940 and then registered unconditionally as a conscientious objector. For the next ten years, until 1950, he worked as an organizer for Plaid Cymru and also acted as the editor of the party’s English language monthly publication The Welsh Nation; he also contributed regularly to Y Ddraig Goch. In these positions he helped to shape the Plaid Cymru of later years, and his undoubted gifts as an organizer helped to sustain Plaid Cymru during the difficult days of World War II when many party stalwarts believed that Wales should stand aside totally from the conflict. Using the Plaid Cymru branch at Ystalyfera as a base, he arranged a large number of public meetings in the area and was unfailingly a captivating and powerful speaker. The Ystalyfera branch became the largest in the whole of south Wales. During the war Samuel called for opposition to the movement of Welsh workers to munitions factories east of Offa’s Dyke. He was to organise and spearhead a number of important nationalist campaigns during the post-war years, not least the campaign to keep open the coal mine at Cwmllynfell on which so many local families depended.

Wynne Samuel was one of the first Plaid Cymru councillors in the whole of south Wales. He was a member of the Pontardawe RDC for a large number of years. He also stood as the Plaid Cymru candidate for Neath in the 1945 by-election, winning 6,290 votes (16.2 per cent of those cast, and thus saving his deposit), and the 1945 general election (thus becoming the first ever Plaid Cymru candidate in south Wales), and for Aberdare in the 1946 by-election and the general elections of 1950 and 1951. At Aberdare in 1946 he won twenty per cent of the vote, a respectable poll for a nationalist in one of the Labour Party’s rock-solid seats. Samuel was also the Plaid Cymru organiser in the Ogmore by-election of June 1946 when the party candidate Trefor Morgan polled an impressive 5,684 votes (29.4 per cent of the total poll). These spirited campaigns proved invaluable to Plaid Cymru in helping to put down roots in the south Wales valleys which had previously proved rather impenetrable. He also contested Pembroke in 1970. His six (all inevitably unsuccessful) attempts to win a seat at Westminster bear witness to an extraordinarily persistent and tenacious character. He had also been chosen Plaid Cymru candidate for Merthyr Tydfil in the general election of 1964, but he was compelled by ill-health to withdraw his name.

Dafydd Wigley and Ioan Bowen Rees both unsuccessfully stood for Plaid for Merthyr in that era. Merthyr was considered by Plaid to be a Labour rotten borough and Plaid targeted the seat.

He was the secretary to the Ystradgynlais National Eisteddfod, 1952-54, playing a leading organisational role.

So Samuel will have got to know many an Eisteddfodwr across Wales, including all those mates of Gwynne and Dafydd.

Samuel was in the employ of the Pontardawe UDC, 1947-56. He studied, too, for an external Diploma in Public Administration and also gained external law degrees (Ll.B. and LL.M.) from the University of London) in middle-age. He was awarded a doctorate by the National University of Ireland for a thesis on the native Welsh laws of Hywel Dda, a subject which had attracted his attention since his youth. He gave a number of public lectures on the standing of women in the Welsh laws.

The laws of Hywel Dda are considered by many to be far fairer in many ways that much present day legislation. Sadly Wynne Samuel’s mates didn’t act within the spirit of the laws of Hywel Dda.

He was called to the bar from Grays Inn in 1956,

So Wynne Samuel joined William Mars-Jones at Gray’s Inn.

and was offered a post with the UNO at Geneva. He was appointed lecturer in law at Chester Technical College in 1964 and became town clerk of Tenby, the unofficial capital of Pembrokeshire, in 1965. He served, too, as legal adviser to the South Pembrokeshire County Council.

The longstanding ring in West Wales linked to Gwynne and Dafydd’s Gang included on its turf Pembrokeshire. The Gang members circulated around Wales – as well as regions of England – and many leading lights in the Gang in north Wales in the 1980s and 90s had passed through Pembrokeshire.

He was president of the West Glamorgan Baptist Association in 1950 and of the Baptist Union of Wales in 1960-61, the youngest person ever to hold this position.

I know Baptists who are absolutely OK, but the Gang infiltrated most Churches, including the Baptists.

He worked as a legal advisor to the Dyfed County Council from its inception in April 1974 until his retirement.

Ioan Bowen Rees held a senior role in Dyfed County Council before moving north to run Gwynedd County Council. Mark Drakeford, Wales’s FM, was a social worker in Dyfed. The Labour MP Nia Griffith was married to a Dyfed social worker.

He was also a member of the Welsh Council of the BBC.

The Gang had a good supply of members in the BBC, at all levels.

He was also a founder member of Cymdeithas Bro a Thref Cymru (The Society of Welsh Town and Community Councils) where he successfully co-ordinated the activities of hundreds of mini-parliaments in the Principality, a role which some considered his prime achievement. It became an enduring monument to his work and energy. He was married with one daughter. Samuel died at his Cardiff home on 5 June 1989 and was cremated at Thornhill Crematorium, Cardiff. He had made an immense contribution to local government in Wales and to the development of Plaid Cymru.

Nearly everyone in Wales agrees that local gov’t in Wales is rotten through and through. I don’t have the experience of local gov’t in England (or Scotland) to know whether local gov’t in those nations is any less corrupt than in Wales. I suspect that as with the NHS and Universities, the corruption in English local authorities is simply carried out by much more powerful people than Wynne Samuel et al and is more effectively denied or concealed. After all, the bent Councillors in English boroughs end up as MPs, even if they have been caught red-handed in close proximity to serious crime. As Little Nell and Jack Straw know.

 

On 29 Sept 2012 the Indie published an obituary for Eileen Beasley written by the man who has written many hagiographies of the Gang’s friends and relations, Meic Stephens

The Rosa Parks of the language movement in Wales was a polite but steel-willed housewife who, with her husband, refused to pay rates on their house in Llangennech, Carmarthenshire, while Llanelli Rural District Council issued demands in English only.

In this Eileen and Trefor Beasley had, at first, the support of nobody but themselves. They reasoned that as they lived their lives through the Welsh language, and their village was Welsh-speaking, as were the majority ofCouncil members, it was reasonable that they should be able to use the language in their dealings with officialdom.

 But the Council, like most others in Wales in the 1950s, had never thought of providing services in Welsh. They flatly refused to comply with the Beasleys’ request, continuing to communicate with them in English only. In this they greatly underestimated the couple’s strong wills. Bailiffs began calling at their home and removing household goods such as chairs and tables, and then the family’s piano, the carpets, the bookcases and even food from the larder, distraining goods to the value of the rates that remained unpaid. Having bailiffs in the house was, for the law-abiding Beasleys, a distressing experience, especially as they would arrive without warning and, without consultation, take items of furniture that had been wedding presents.
 
 Legal proceedings for the non-payment of rates were taken against theBeasleys on 12 occasions but still they would not accept demands in English. They could hardly afford to pay the fines, especially as they lived on a coal-miner’s wage and had two small children, and they stoutly refused to do so as a matter of principle.

The campaign that had begun in 1952 came to an end in 1960 when the Council grudgingly issued a Welsh form and the Beasleys promptly paid their rates.

The Beasleys’ campaign began the year that Churchill made MI5 answerable to the Home Secretary, Dafydd and Gwynne’s friend David Maxwell Fyfe aka Dai Bananas aka Lord Kilmuir. Maxwell Fyfe was a lawyer who was happy to act for Gang members in petty local disputes even after he had occupied roles such as Home Secretary and Lord Chancellor, lest anyone forgot their place in the pecking order… People in north Wales quaked at the idea of taking on Dai Bananas, Gwynne and their mates, they knew that it would lead to ruin.

In 1958 Eileen was elected as a Plaid Cymru member of the same District Council, where she continued to press for a degree of official status for the language.

MI5’s eccentric and excessive plant Dafydd qualified as a Top Doc in 1957…

Bertrand Russell made his permanent home near Cwm Croesor in the mid-1950s and senior positions across north Wales were rapidly filling up with Safe Pairs of Hands. The landscape was being prepared for north Wales to become the organised abuse capital of the UK and the main production line for child sex workers, particularly boys.

Meanwhile, Our Bronwen was becoming an international star!

In 1962 their determination proved a stimulus to the activities of Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (the Welsh Language Society), especially as Saunders Lewis, in his famous radio broadcast of that year, Tynged yr Iaith [The Fate of the Language], singled out the Beasleys for praise and urged supporters to emulate their civil disobedience.

By Order Of The Pinnacle Of The British Establishment.

The challenge was taken up instead by the Cymdeithas which, over the last half-century, has played a leading role in the achievement of many important goals in such areas as broadcasting, education, the law, and local government, while Plaid Cymru has been left free to concentrate on its political agenda. Today the language is much more visible and used in an ever-increasing variety of contexts.

It’s called Cultural Domination. Merfyn Jones levelled that accusation at the  Welsh Nonconformist Elite of the 19th century, who, Merfyn claimed, reconstructed the image of Wales by their control of published material. Merfyn maintained that although that cohort never operated the economic levers, they exerted a very strong influence on exactly the fields listed above as being influenced by Cymdeithas.

My how things haven’t changed.

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Don’t you agree Merfyn?

Look at who occupies the senior jobs in those fields; it is not the plebs or children of plebs… Furthermore, many of those jobs are filled by people who find less than perfect Welsh, or indeed simply forms of Welsh used by young people, very distressing. They alienate many young or less privileged Welsh speakers by banging on about their ‘terrible Welsh’. There are roles in which it is necessary to know grammatically correct Welsh to a high standard, but watching the ‘purists’ berating young Welsh speakers reminds me of people who would bellow at me when I was a teenager ‘To whom does that belong?’ if I said ‘Who’s is that’s?’

The Beasleys’ stand inspired a generation of young Welsh Nationalists tochallenge the law, for which many were fined and some imprisoned, and they remained heroes of the movement ever after. Trefor spent a week in prison for refusing to acknowledge an English-only fine for the non-payment of road tax. Like her husband, who was the very type of a cultured miner, widely read, politically aware and radically inclined, Eileen was highly literate; she published a selection of her short stories as Yr Eithin Pigog (The prickly gorse) in 1997.

The Rosa Parks of Wales hit the bookshelves the year that the Waterhouse Inquiry opened then. There was indeed a great flurry of activity at that time to remind everyone that Wales was a nation of artists, poets, novelists, harpists, even rock musicians (think Gruff Rhys, son of Ioan Bowen Rees; Cerys Matthews, daughter of a Top Doc from West Wales; Huw Bumford, a teacher from a school in Pontypridd who’s colleague drama teacher John Owen spent years sexually abusing the pupils and who was found dead just before his trial opened…). See eg. ‘Feet In Chains’ and ‘The International Language Of Screaming’.

At the recent National Eisteddfod, held near Cowbridge in the Vale of Glamorgan, there was an empty stall representing the Beasleys’ living room stripped of its furniture, which was meant to be a tribute to the courage and dignity of a couple who were well-liked and generally admired. It was a poignant reminder of what sometimes has to be done to persuade officialdom on a point of principle whenever it is a question of the public use of the Welsh language.

Catherine Eileen James, teacher and Welsh language campaigner: born Henllan Amgoed, Carmarthenshire 4 April 1921; married Trefor Beasley (died 1994; one son, one daughter); died Henllan Amgoed 12 August 2012.

BBC News Wales: 13 August 2012

Eileen Beasley
Mrs Beasley was described as the “mother of direct action”

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Tributes have been paid to a woman credited with leading the way in fighting for the right to use Welsh in the 1950s. Eileen Beasley, who died at the age of 91, refused to pay council rates until she received a demand in Welsh. Many of her possessions from the family home in Llangennech near Llanelli were removed by court bailiffs as a result.

She has been described as the “mother of direct action” by Welsh language campaigners. Teacher Mrs Beasley and her husband Trevor took on the fight with the Rural District Council of Llanelly after it refused to issue them with a bill in the Welsh language. The language society said at the time 90% of the local population near their home spoke Welsh, as did councillors on the local council, and council officials.

When a letter arrived from the council, Mrs Beasley wrote to ask for it in Welsh. It said the couple appeared before magistrates dozens of times, and insisted the court proceedings should be in Welsh.

Former chair of Cymdeithas yr Iaith (Welsh Language Society) Angharad Tomos said Mrs Beasley’s fight “persevered for a decade at a time when such action was unheard of in Wales. Alone, the Beasleys lit the flame of hope,” she added. The society said the family’s stand was the first such act of “civil disobedience” in Wales in support of the Welsh language.

The family won their battle for a Welsh language rate demand in 1960. The couple can be heard speaking about their experiences on a Welsh-language BBC resources for teachers web site.

Mrs Beasley recalls the time saying: “The bailiffs came 10 times. In 1959, in particular, they cleared the parlour of the carpet, the piano, the oak bookcase, and a mirror. Some of them were wedding presents.” Mr Beasley added: “We’d started the fight so we had to see it through.”

Cynog Dafis was a family friend, and a founding member of the Welsh Language Society.

Cynog Dafis won his Commons seat on 9 April 1992 after doing a deal with the Green Party; Dafis tried to construct himself as a Plaid Green but soon both Plaid and the Greens began denouncing him as unprincipled. The seat had previously been held by Liberal MP Geraint Howells, who had been one of the MPs who had signed an Early Day Motion in support of Mary Wynch. That MP fared rather less well than the others who signed the EDM who all suddenly stopped raising concerns about Mary, only to find themselves in the Lords when they forgot about her. Geraint did get his peerage, but Cynog’s dealing with the Gang caused a bit of bother. David Bellotti, the Liberal MP who tabled the EDM, lost his seat at the next election, never returned to the Commons and was not given a peerage. See previous posts…

Geraint Howells’s daughter Gaenor is a newsreader with BBC World Service. She’s never read any news out about the Gang, although her dad was mates with some of them, while being tripped up by others.

 

[Cynog Dafis] said the Beasley’s stand had been an “extraordinary confrontation” with the district council. Mr Dafis said the couple had won their case “partly because they marshalled support from here, there and everywhere”.

Image result for lobotomy pick images

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

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He added that Saunders Lewis in his “fate of the language” radio lecture used the couple as an “example or model for the pattern of civil disobedience that he proposed in response to the almost entire absence of official recognition that Welsh then had”.

“She was a remarkable kind of person… Welsh rural radicalism at its most progressive. An unyielding supporter of Welsh Nationalism,” he said.

See the source image

 

‘Wales Online’ Paid Tribute in the wake of the death of the wife of the man who received free legal advice re the bombing campaign from the father-in-law of Lord Astor:

For her followers her courageous stand in early 1950s Britain in braving bailiffs and court appearances to demand a Welsh language tax bill made her the Rosa Parks of Wales. And after 16 court appearances Eileen Beasley was left with little but an empty house to show for her fight to put Welsh on an equal footing with English. But Mrs Beasley, who died of pancreatic cancer aged 91 on Sunday, has been described as the “mother of direct action” in Wales, whose protest led to the creation of Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (the Welsh Language Society).

Language activists yesterday paid tribute to Mrs Beasley, saying her courage alongside fellow campaigner and husband Trefor inspired a generation to take up the fight and led to crucial milestones like the creation of S4C

Thatch renegaded on the promise of the creation of S4C. She was only persuaded to keep to the original agreement when Willie Whitelaw received a visit from three Gang members – including Archbishop Gwilym Williams and the UCNW PVC the Rev Alwyn Roberts – who reminded Thatch of the service that Dafydd was providing to Peter Morrison, George Thomas etc. I have also been told that they knew that I was lurking in the depths of UCNW as a student and my friend was up in Stirling University and had already been noted to be a political activist; senior managers at UCNW had a close link with Stirling and of course Brown was at Aston University, studying in the Dept that was carrying out research into dyslexia with Dafydd’s mates in the Dept of Psychology at UCNW. I understand that Tom King let Willie Whitelaw know that things could get tricky if S4C didn’t materialise.

So S4C wasn’t the work of the Rosa Parks of Wales, it was the unwitting work of three young adult offspring of Tory families from Somerset whom Tom King viewed as traitors beyond the pale.

and  bilingual signage.

Mrs Beasley, from Llangennech, near Llanelli, eventually won her battle with her local rural district council for a tax demand in Welsh. But her eight-year stand beginning in 1952 saw bailiffs remove all the couple’s possessions right down to treasured wedding gifts.

Former Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg (Welsh Language Society) chair Angharad Tomos said: “I would call her the founder of Cymdeithas yr Iaith because what she did in 1952 in asking for a Welsh form – nobody had ever done that before.”
The couple juggled with a young family as well as fighting to advance the language – their children Delyth and Elidyr were born in the midst of their struggle for a bilingual form. Ms Tomos added: “They (the bailiffs) even took the carpets and it was just an empty living room. The only thing they left was some jam her husband had made.”
I do not believe that it was acceptable for the Beasleys to lose their furniture just because they wanted the right to communicate with officialdom in their first language, but the irony is that decades later Gwynedd County Council – led by Plaid and containing many personal friends of Delyth Prys, Eileen’s daughter – sent targets of the Gang Court orders for the non-payment of Council Tax that had been paid. There were no warnings, just er bailiffs after the Court hearing that the targets did not know had happened. For a real treat, if targets had seriously pissed the Gang off, demands for money and bailiffs would come raining down thick and fast.
Gwynedd favoured using a particularly unpleasant bailiff, a fat ginger scouse covered in bling who stank of naff aftershave and drove an unmarked van, calling himself ‘Mr Jones’ who wasn’t above physically threatening people who did not owe money. He seized the microwave of a single parent with a disabled child from Llanberis. A few months later, a young woman was found hanging dead in Deiniolen. It transpired that she had been on the receiving end of Mr Jones. Mr Jones’s activities were widely discussed in the Llanberis area. He wasn’t stopped.
Delyth Prys and her husband and adult children lived just down the road at Rhiwlas. I didn’t ever hear about Mr Jones bothering them after Gwynedd County Council ‘had made a mistake’ with the billing… I do know that at the time, Delyth was on such good terms with Alun Ffred, the AM for Arfon, that he was dropping into her house for coffee. Alun Ffred was a former Gwynedd Councillor. His brother Dafydd Iwan was the Leader of Gwynedd County Council for years. Their father was a Minister who either trained or worked at the Bala-Bangor Theological College with Prof J.E. Daniel…

The Society paid tribute to the Beasley family at a public meeting and in a special stand on the National Eisteddfod maes last week. The stand, aside from a selection of jams, was left empty to symbolise the parlour of the Beasleys’ family home.

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Each pot was designed to represent milestones for the Welsh language, including S4C and bilingual road signs.

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Elidyr Beasley, 60, said his mother, who as well as her two children is survived by six grand-children, enjoyed robust health until she was diagnosed with cancer just weeks ago.

Elidyr is better known as Meirion Prys. I have never before seen/heard Elidyr use the name Elidyr Beasley, he is always known as Meirion Prys. Meirion Prys who for years was the Chief Exec of the Welsh Language Board, when Meri Huws was Chair.

His mother, who as well as her political activity worked as a teacher, returned to her childhood home in Henllan Amgoed, Whitland, Carmarthenshire, before her death. Mr Beasley said: “She’s had outstanding health until very recently. “She’d been in Glangwili (Hospital) and once it was diagnosed there was very little that could be done.

It’s what the Top Docs told them and the Beasleys had no idea as to how true it was. Eileen died in 2012, the year that Tony Francis was found hanged and the year that I fled Wales at gunpoint and went underground.

“She was fortunate in coming back to her own home to survive for another week and a half.” Mr Beasley said beyond her political work his mother was devoted to her children. “She was a very caring mother, who did her best for us and tried to get us interested as young children in everything of value.”

That fun parlour game ‘Bugger your neighbour’ perhaps Meirion? I mean Mr Beasley?

Adam Phillips, chairman of Balchder Cymru (Pride of Wales), said Mrs Beasley’s contribution to the Welsh language bears comparison with Rosa Parks’ efforts for the civil rights movement in America when she refused to stand up on a bus for a white passenger.

Did Rosa Parks’s grandchildren tell outstanding overseas university staff that they shouldn’t have been given their jobs because the jobs should be reserved for Welsh people? Because that is what Eileen’s grandson Cynog Prys told the young Polish academic with whom he shared an office. After he had failed his PhD and utilised the help of two English senior academics to rewrite it, both of whom had spent years being insulted by Gang members. The Polish girl who shouldn’t have been employed at Bangor on racial grounds won a prize after her PhD was identified as being among the best 30 PhDs in sociology submitted IN THE WORLD that year.

Until he resubmitted his PhD, Cynog was lucky enough to have a researcher’s salary to live on. His salary was the result of a research idea of mine that had been plagiarised by the Welsh medium Expert who was Cynog’s PhD supervisor, who screwed up so badly that Cynog failed his viva. She was a former Gwynedd social worker who was given a job as a lecturer that she could not do, by a Gang member. One who was facilitating the ring.

He said: “To have bailiffs come into your house and take everything you own because you refuse to pay on a point of principle – imagine the shame of that in those days with people looking down their noses at you.

Some of us became very used to people looking down their noses at us. Including the award winning Polish postdoc and she only shared an office with Cynog for about 12 months. Cynog stopped speaking to her in the end what with her being racially unacceptable.

“It’s people like these activists that make things happen. She and her husband did it peacefully, but suffered for it.”

Although they were ever found hanging dead after a visit from Mr Jones collecting non-existent debts.

Her funeral will be held on Thursday morning at Henllan Amgoed Chapel and the family have asked for donations to go to Cymdeithas yr Iaith Gymraeg.

There are close links between Cymdeithas and the Welsh Language Board of which Elidyr Beasley aka Meirion Prys was Chief Exec. Might that be why Meirion called himself Mr Elidyr Beasley for the purposes of that newspaper interview, to avoid accusations that the family had asked for donations to go to themselves?

 

Eileen’s grandson Cynog who doesn’t like Polaks – or indeed other races – working at Bangor University, provided an obituary for Gangster Granny which was published in The Guardian’s ‘Other Lives’ section:

My grandmother, Eileen Beasley, who has died aged 91, was a pioneering campaigner for the Welsh language. Along with my grandfather, Trefor, she will be best remembered for their campaign of civil disobedience during the 1950s, to obtain a bilingual rates demand notice from their local council. Their action is credited with kick-starting the Welsh language movement.

Born and raised in rural Carmarthenshire, south-west Wales, she was educated at University College Cardiff (now Cardiff University) during the second world war, before finding work as a schoolteacher. My grandfather was a coalminer and union activist. They married in 1951.

When they received their first rates demand in their new home in Llangennech, Carmarthenshire, in 1952 from the Llanelli rural district council, they decided not to pay until they received a bilingual version. This was during the time when English was the sole language of the state in Wales – even in their area, where 90% of the population spoke Welsh.

My grandparents were summoned to court 16 times during their eight-year struggle. The bailiffs visited their house on several occasions. The piano was the first of their possessions to be taken, followed by their wedding gifts from family and friends. By the end of their campaign the carpet on the floor had been raised, rolled up and carried out of the front door. For years, the couple and their two young children, Elidyr and Delyth, lived with only a table, four chairs and their beds.

As a part of their campaign, my grandmother was elected to the county council in 1958, the only female councillor, and a rare example of a woman in public office at that time.

Cynog, it wasn’t rare for middle class women to be Councillors at the time, it was exactly what they did. If women were really posh, they sometimes even became MPs. Such as Nancy Astor, the mother-in-law of the daughter of the High Court Judge who provided your grandfather with free legal advice. Have you not heard of Megan Lloyd-George? There were other examples, but those two are virtually related to you…

There wasn’t even a women’s toilet in the building.

There may well not have been. In that era, there was often one bog for everyone. I spent years of my youth in a village hall or some such building where there was ‘the toilet’. One for everybody, only one person went in at a time so it didn’t matter that it wasn’t a ladies or a gents. It was just a bog.

My grandparents worked tirelessly to use the media to amass backing for their campaign, receiving letters of support from around Wales, the UK, Europe and America. In 1960 the district council produced its first bilingual rates demand notice.

Their method of non-violent civil disobedience provided both an inspiration and a successful campaign model for language activists in Wales, to the present day. Their contribution to the language movement was honoured in this year’s National Eisteddfod, where an empty stall symbolised their sacrificial commitment to the language.

Trefor died in 1994. Eileen was a loving mother to Elidyr and Delyth, and a wonderful grandmother to her six grandchildren; they all survive her.

Robert Mugabe, Loving Husband to Grace…

Trefor died in 1994, the year of Massive Trauma for the Gang with people going to prison for the sexual abuse of kids in care in north Wales and other people turning up dead and WW III breaking out at Bangor University. The principal target being Graham Day. Guess who assisted Cynog with the rewrite of his PhD? Yes, it was Graham. Graham who for years had been on the receiving end of verbal abuse and slander from Dr Delyth Morris, the former social worker who had been Cynog’s supervisor and provided such poor supervision that he had to rewrite…

I saw Cynog’s Tribute to his grandmother in ‘The Guardian’ when I was in hiding and I dropped him an e mail offering my condolences, having been introduced to his grandmother and, in her presence, thanked by Cynog’s mother and father – Cynog’s father is a social worker – for helping Cynog with the rewrite of his PhD. I received a one line e mail from Cynog in response to mine saying ‘We are all very proud of her’. I don’t think Cynog even began with a ‘Dear Sally’ or finished off with a ‘Diolch, Cynog’. I saw Cynog in a café some two years later, he was sitting on the table next to me. He ignored me. I didn’t think that it was worth me trying to say hello.

Delyth’s other two sons also have full-time, permanent well-paid jobs in Bangor University, one of them in the Language Technologies Unit of which Delyth is Head. I wonder if extra mentoring from Englishers and help from Merfyn was needed to bag them their jobs as well, or did they manage it entirely on their natural brilliance inherited via the Pure Carmarthenshire DNA after hundreds of years of in-breeding?
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BBC star Huw Edwards came from the same village as the Rosa Parks of Wales and Huw’s dad, Prof Hywel Teifi Edwards, was an academic who was an enthusiastic supporter of Plaid and a Llangennach Councillor. Prof H.T. Edwards campaigned hard for Plaid candidates, including those who stood in the Flintshire and Denbighshire region. See previous posts…

 

Pedr Paedophilia’s traumas at the hands of Violent Welsh Language Activists were a fantasy, Pedr was mates with some of those Violent Activists, they had the ring in common…

It was Pedr Paedophilia who in February 1971, announced the plans to replace the existing 181 local councils in Wales with 7 new County Councils and 36 District Councils. An extra County Council was added later, for Cardiff.

Pedr Paedophilia served as Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1970-72, when Heath was PM and Edward du Cann was a very powerful figure in the Tories. Pedr left the front bench when Thatch became Party Leader in February 1975. Pedr became active on backbench committees. Du Cann was for years the Chairman of the 1922 Committee, representing Tory backbenches.

Pedr Paedophilia was also President of the Conservative Friends of Israel which is explicable in terms of Pedr representing Golders Green.

Pedr Paedophilia retired from the Commons at the 1987 General Election and was given a life peerage in the same year, thus became Baron Thomas of Gwydir.

1987 – Cunning Plan – Ref – Stephen Bagnall – ‘Hey, Hey, DAJ How Many Kids Did You Kill Today?’ Ollie’s sentence cut by LCJ Geoffrey Lane on appeal in May 1987. See ‘Oliver!’.

John Marshall succeeded Pedr Paedophilia as the Tory MP for Hendon South. John Leslie Marshall (born 19 August 1940) was educated at Harris Academy in Dundee, Glasgow Academy and the St Andrew’s University, a favourite institution for the education of aspiring Top Docs from posher families (Bluglass trained at St Andrews). Marshall then became a university lecturer.  In 1964 and 1966 he contested Dundee East, but was beaten by the Labour incumbent George Thomson, the first time as a Liberal National, and the second time in Conservative colours. Marshall fought Lewisham East in the Feb 1974, coming second to Labour’s Roland Moyle.

Marshall served as a Councillor in Aberdeen, 1968-70 and then in Ealing, 1971-86. He was MEP for London North, 1979-89.

Marshall was later selected for Hendon South and was elected as the MP for that seat at the 1987 General Election. He served as PPS to Tony Newton, when Newton was Leader of the Commons. NEWTON _ COVERED UP RE NORTH WALES – ALISON WROTE TO HIM

Boundary changes led to Marshall standing for a new constituency; he won the selection contest on 1 November 1995, but went on to lose the seat unexpectedly to the Labour Party candidate Rudi Vis at the 1997 General Election, where the Conservatives experienced their worst electoral defeat in 91 years.

In May 1998 Marshall was elected to Barnet London Borough Council for a ward in his old constituency and following the Conservative victory in local elections in 2002, he has served in the Cabinet.

Among other roles, Marshall served as Cabinet Member for Investment in Learning, responsible for implementing the Primary Schools rebuilding programme (known as PSCIP), and the Libraries Strategy, which modernised library provision across the Borough. He was an unsuccessful candidate for the leadership of the Conservative group in 2005.

John Marshall was Mayor of the London Borough of Barnet, 2008-09.

 

North Wales High Society socialite Lord Baz Jones didn’t hold back with his tribute to Pedr Paedophilia in an interview that Lord Baz gave to the Daily Post in 2016. Lord Baz aka Barry Jones went to school in Flintshire, trained as a teacher in Bangor and subsequently became the President of Flint County NUT. Lord Baz served as the Labour MP for East Flintshire, 1970-83 and then for Alyn and Deeside, 1983-92. Lord Baz served as a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1974-79 as well as Shadow Secretary of State for Wales under the Windbag. In 1999, months before the Waterhouse Report was published, Lord Baz joined Brenda’s Privy.

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Pedr nearly equalled Dafydd in being all things to all men. Pedr the boy from the village school in Llanwrst! Pedr the Eistedfoddwr! Pedr of Jesus College, Oxford! Pedr of Conway and then Hendon! Pedr the Posh Tory Grandiosity in the Lords! Pedr who used every position that he held and every member of his network to ensure that a gang of old sex offenders remained in business.

 

According to the Waterhouse Report, new staffing arrangements were implemented at Tanllwyfan in 1974 and Welsh Office Social Work Inspector Smith noted that the other previous recommendations had been dealt with by the time that he visited Tanllwyfan on 24 September 1974. However, there had been considerable problems between the Shepherds and the rest of the staff, including a `walk-out’ because of Shepherd’s “autocratic and rigid regime”, as described by the staff. According to Inspector Smith, the `walk-out’ did not appear to have damaged the children, domestic order was satisfactory and that the home provided a reasonable degree of comfort.

Smith made a further visit on 19 November 1975 to follow up matters raised on his previous visit. Smith noted that the staffing structure left little room for manoeuvre in case of sickness etc and he regarded the day rooms as “bare and cheerless”. But, otherwise, Smith was ‘favourably impressed’ by the home and he noted that staff/children relationships were ‘very good’. He felt that the home was providing good care and operating effectively. Smith was informed by the General Secretary of the Boys and Girls Welfare Society that new furnishings for the day rooms had been ordered and were delivered shortly after his visit.

The Secretary of State for Wales when Inspector Smith wrote that glowing report re Tanwllyfan was John Morris.

The Lord Morris of Aberavon
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Attorney General for England and Wales
Attorney General for Northern Ireland
In office
2 May 1997 – 29 July 1999
Prime Minister Tony Blair

PLEASE NOTE: Miranda appointed John Morris as Attorney General for most of the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry, as the corpses of former kids in care and Empowered Service Users constantly turned up in north Wales and elsewhere.

While such huge improvements were being noted by Welsh Office Social Services Inspectors, the Waterhouse Report documented that a ‘major concern about this period is that we are aware that six former boy residents have complained since that they suffered sexual abuse by Kenneth Andrew Scott at Tanllwyfan. Kenneth Scott was a care assistant at Tanllwyfan, 1974-76 and received promotion when he worked there. Scott was still a very young man whilst he worked at Tanllwyfan. Scott had left school at 16 years to work for the National Coal Board for two years and had then become an Assistant Warden for the YHA (Youth Hostels Association) for a similar period. This was followed by two years as a barman and about one year as a care assistant for Wandsworth Borough Council before Scott’s appointment to Tanllwyfan.

Wandsworth -1972-73 – here -Dafydd and Gwynne’s mate John Tilley – See post ‘Lord Snooty the Third’.

Scott had no formal training but did attend a one year course at Bangor Technical College, gaining an In-Service Certificate of Attendance from the CCETSW, whilst he was at Tanllwyfan and he says that he “did day release some week-ends”.

Bangor Tech!!

Kenneth Scott appeared before the Crown Court at Leicester on 28 February 1986 when he was sentenced to a total of eight years’ imprisonment, having pleaded guilty to two offences of buggery and three offences of gross indecency. The victims of these offences were three boys, aged between 14 and 16 years, and the offences had been committed between 1982 and 1985 at the children’s home in Leicestershire of which Scott had been Officer In Charge from 1 May 1978 until his arrest on 29 July 1985, at his own home and on holiday. His predecessor at the home, but only for a short period of less than three months as Acting Officer In Charge, was Frank Beck.

Scott -worked in Leicester for seven years – Frank Beck – Greville – Earp and Leicestershire ring – Scott was part of it – Scott arrested in July 1985 – CHECK DATES – WHEN WAS BROWN OFFERED PHD PLACE IN Leicester?  Brown began his PhD at Leicester University in Sept 1985 after St Stuart Hall, Guy Cumberbatch, Eric Hobsbawm et al conspired to keep Brown out of the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham University and ensured that he ended up on Greville’s manor with no support but much hostility. See eg. ‘Life In Cold Blood’.

I was referred to Dr James Earp, a senior forensic psychiatrist based in Leicester in 1987 for the purposes of Earp writing a Court Report re me after I was charged with a non-offence at Bangor Police Station after the Cunning Plan to frame and imprison me fell apart. Earp was a Top Doc who was concealing the ring in Leicestershire; Earp knew Dafydd et al in north Wales, from Gwynne’s heyday. Earp subsequently concealed the Gang’s wrongdoing in 1987/88. See ‘An Expert From England…’

1987 – David Kirke and the celebs began arriving in Bridgy and the Cottage Inn

1987 – Prof Mark Williams discovered the Miracle of Mindfulness when he was working at UCNW with the Gang

In the early 1990s, by which time Earp was the Director of Forensic Services for the whole of the Trent Region, Earp was at the centre of a scandal re James Rudman, a murderer who had escaped from Earp’s secure unit. The scandal seems to have been far worse than was reported in the media, there being a possible conspiracy between a number of bent lawyers, Top Docs and the judge to ensure that the murderer was sent to Earp’s unit rather than prison, before the murderer then received inside help from Earp’s team to ‘escape’. See post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’.

In Oct/Nov 1981, George Carman was persuaded by an unknown person for an unknown reason to change his plans re accepting a job as a Judge in the Far East in favour of remaining in the UK working as a barrister. It was in the following years that Carman became very famous, very rich and the barrister of choice re libel for VIPs. Carman was staying in Leicester at the time of his sudden change of mind, representing Dr Leonard Arthur the Leicester Top Doc who was presented at Leicester Crown Court and in the media as a Gentle Giant when he was in fact an accessory to the ring in Leicester and was on trial for the attempted to murder of a healthy baby with Down’s syndrome, John Pearson. Arthur was cleared; the baby died as a result of Arthur’s ‘care’ nonetheless, although Arthur was charged with attempted murder rather than murder.

Dafydd and Gwynne’s longstanding accomplice Sir Douglas Black from the nest of vipers at Manchester University provided Expert Evidence in support of Leonard Arthur at the trial.

Here’s a few facts to reassure everyone:

As a junior paediatrician, Leonard Arthur worked in Birmingham, London, Newcastle and Plymouth. He then took jobs as a Senior Registrar in Ibadan, Nigeria and Bristol. In 1965, before Arthur worked in Leicester, he was appointed as a Consultant Paediatrician in Derby. Arthur was Chair of Derbyshire County Council’s Advisory Committee on Children at Risk from Non-Accidental Injury. Arthur was also Chair of the Trent Regional Advisory Sub-Committee in Paediatrics and held roles on other medical committees as well.

Arthur died in Dec 1983, at the age of 57. No doubt his Top Doc colleagues Did Everything That They Could, being Ah wonderful.

By Dec 1983, D.G.E. Wood was getting very angry because Brown and I were so reluctant to take his advice re me seeing the Expert (Gwynne) whom Wood had in mind for me.

 

I was told months ago after blogging about the Leonard Arthur case that Carman was persuaded to stay in the UK because it was known that I had arrived at UCNW and had been targeted by the Gang, but because of the nature of my friends and I, the Gang realised that we might mount a challenge at some point – I didn’t believe this because I knew nothing about the Gang in 1981, but corroborating info had been sent to me…

links to dafydd n gang – Pedr Paedophilia – middle temple?? Ronnie – middle – grevillea – middle

Nigel Lawson was the MP for Blaby in Leicestershire; before Frank Beck was arrested he had, since 1983, served as a Liberal Councillor for Blaby.

Ollie -jailed Dec 1986 – Wandsworth – St Gs – Ollie under investigation by the time that Scott was jailed – Cynthia Payne too – Dates?? – See ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part ???’ – second raid on Cynthia’s place in 1986?? 87?? didn’t lead to another prison sentence for Madam Cyn – the St George’s consultants used Madam Cyn’s brothel to network with others in the Westminster Paedophile Ring, even if the activities in the brothel itself were among consenting adults – the Top Docs were never mentioned in any media report, although they were caught in the 1978 CHECK police raid – peers, clergymen, lawyers were mentioned but not Top Docs although there were a number of them in the brothel when the police raided  –

After the 1987 raid on Madam Cyn’s place, Madam Cyn became a celeb – on TV chat shows, including that appearance with Rudolph Nureyev – the two films – ‘Wish You Were Here’ and ‘Personal Services’- See previous posts.

Screaming Lord Sutch lived with Madam Cyn (platonically) at Ambleside Avenue for a number of years – Lord Sutch was found hanged on 16 June 1999. ‘Suicide’. David Sutch had been severely depressed but the Top Docs did their best, as discussed in previous posts. David Sutch lived in the catchment area of St George’s/Springfield and was found dead eight months before Ronnie’s Report was published, but just after Ronnie had told People Who Mattered what was in the initial draft.

Lord John Morris was Attorney General.

John Morris was  the Labour MP for Aberavon, 1959-2001. John Morris was a barrister who was educated at Aberystwyth and Cambridge Universities and was a member of Gray’s Inn, so he ticked exactly the same boxes as William Mars-Jones. Lord Elwyn-Jones, an equally faithful member of the Gang was a barrister who was educated at Aber and Cambridge, served as a Labour MP in the same geological period as John Morris and made it as far as Lord Chancellor…

See the source image

Since 2015, the seat of Aberavon has been held by the husband of the former PM of Denmark.

See the source image

 

After leaving Tanllwyfan, Kenneth Scott had remained briefly in the employment of the Boys and Girls Welfare Society as Deputy Warden of Belmont House, Cheadle and had then served as a housemaster at a boarding school for children with special needs in Ipswich.

John Allen lived near Ipswich before he arrived in north Wales in the late 1960s – hopeless drug addict and excessive user of rent boys Lord Bristol’s family seat nearby – Herveys etc See post ‘The Vermin Club’.

Ronnie stated in his Report that he was ‘perturbed to record also that, following [Scott’s] release from prison, he was employed between 1991 and 1993 as Warden at a youth hostel for the YHA. The complaints against Scott in respect of his conduct at Tanllwyfan were not made until the major North Wales Police investigation, 1991-93. The first of two witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry who was at Tanllwyfan, Jan 1975-Sept 1976, said that Scott would examine his bare body when he returned from home visits, purportedly to check for any bruises or abrasions. Then, after he had sustained injuries requiring sutures in a go-kart accident and his dressings had to be changed periodically, Scott started to touch his private parts, ‘accidentally’. This progressed to regular masturbation and on one occasion Scott inserted a finger in the boy’s anus. As a result he started wetting the bed and developed a rash, to which Scott applied cream.’

The Welsh Secretary at the time was barrister John Morris, a member of Gray’s Inn, like so many good friends of the Gang:

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Woy was Home Secretary:

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‘The second witness was at Tanllwyfan, October 1972-June 1976 and said that Scott touched him indecently on one occasion only, on the last night of a camping holiday at Morecambe. The witness was required to sleep near Scott in the tent on the last night as a punishment for talking. After he had been asleep for some time he awoke to find that Scott’s hand was on his penis. He froze and kept still. Scott whispered his name twice but he did not reply: Scott was stroking his penis and whispering and he did not know how to handle the situation. He made a waking up gesture, disturbing Scott, who removed his hand. The witness pulled his sleeping bag tighter round him and feigned sleep. On his return to Tanllwyfan he didn’t have the courage to tell Mrs Shepherd what had occurred.

Scott denied the allegations of both these witnesses in his statement to the Inquiry made on 21 January 1997 and in 1993 he had denied to the police the allegations in relation to Tanllwyfan that had been made against him at that time.’

Ronnie: ‘It must be stressed, however, that Scott did not have any criminal record before or during the period when he served at Tanllwyfan. There have been very few other complaints relating to this period from former residents and three of the five of which we know were made against unidentified persons. We accept that Shepherd did impose a strict regime in the early part of the period giving rise to some anxiety in the Welsh Office but that had been ameliorated by 1975, when the third inspection to which we have referred took place.’

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‘There was one further Welsh Office inspection of Tanllwyfan during the period of Richard Groome’s wardenship, again by Inspector Smith, on 13 April 1978 when there were 14 boys and four girls in residence, in the age range of eight to 15 years. There were 11 care staff in post, including a qualified teacher and eight of them were resident on the premises. Five members of the staff had a professional qualification in working with children, another had an Angels qualification and all the rest had undertaken formal in-service training. There had been, however, a total turnover of staff, save for two, since the previous inspection in 1975. Support was provided by the equivalent of five full time domestic staff, including a gardener. Two members of staff slept in to provide an `on call’ duty system. Five of the children presenting special difficulties and requiring intensive remedial teaching were being taught on the premises whilst the rest were attending one or other of five local schools.

Inspector Smith was impressed by what he saw. In his opinion, the home “demonstrated further advance under the new leadership of Mr Groome and in all aspects of its operation Tanllwyfan was seen to be offering a good quality of care to the residents and a useful service to the local authorities using it” (Clwyd, Gwynedd, Liverpool, Stockport, Sefton and Trafford at that time).’

John Morris was still Secretary of State for Wales in April 1978. The Local Authorities who sent children to Tanllwyfan also exchanged staff at junior and senior levels with the Gang in north Wales.

‘It was claimed that there had been no absconding for 18 months despite the fact that some of the resident children had long histories of truanting and absconding. Behavioural problems also were said to be rare and were dealt with by admonition, being sent early to bed or reduction of pocket money to no less than 50% of entitlement. The home ‘looked well cared for and there were no signs of damage or neglect’.

John Morris must have been reassured.

‘Of the eight known complainants who were at Tanllwyfan in this period five have made allegations against Richard Groome himself. Ronnie – received evidence from two. The first of these was at Tanllwyfan, 7 August 1979-22 May 1981 and, when he was interviewed by the police in 1992, he said expressly that he had no complaints about the way he was treated at Tanllwyfan, although he made serious allegations about what had happened to him at Bersham Hall earlier.

In his statement to the Waterhouse Inquiry dated 22 October 1996, this former resident said that he wished to add the following: “I have never said this before but whilst I was at Tanllwyfan Richard Groom(e) who was a housemaster found out that a boy called “A” had been messing about with the younger boys and because of that he made myself and about seven other boys give “A” a hiding in the gym.”‘

Ronnie: ‘We know no more about the alleged incident than that’.

‘The other witness, X, who was 12 years old when he began an almost four year stay at Tanllwyfan on 8 September 1981, told the police in October 1992 that he had problems with Groome on a couple of occasions. He alleged that he told another boy that Groome’s new leather jacket was PVC, whereupon Groome smacked him on the side of the head with the result that his head hit a door. On another occasion X was taken from the school on the premises by Groome to the latter’s office because he had been blamed for something. When X told Groome that he had not done anything, Groome smacked him on the side of the head and told him to shut up. X added “Mr Groome when he was nice you couldn’t wish for a better person but if he got upset you steered clear of him. The only injury I ever received from him was a slight bump when my head hit the door but I don’t want to make a complaint about anything that went on while I was in Tanllwyfan”.  X said of the general regime at Tanllwyfan “I would like to say is that I don’t think that they were very caring . . . at all and they just let the children run the place. They used to let the kids run riot at times and they never bothered to come around and check you at night or anything”.

This witness lost an eye as the result of an accident at Tanllwyfan. Two other boys were throwing darts at each other late at night as the witness made his way to the lavatory. On hearing one of the others call his name, he looked around and a dart hit his right eye. He was awarded financial compensation for the loss of his eye. He told the Waterhouse Inquiry  that there should be better trained staff running children’s homes and also a way of helping children who come out of care, “as it appears they are just left to look after themselves and many can’t do this”.

Richard Groome’s response to X’s comments was to say that it was not a true description of Tanllwyfan during his period as Warden

See the source image

and that X’s injury occurred after Groome had left and when he was working at Clwyd Hall School, that is, on 9 January 1983. He recalled that he and his wife provided meals, accommodation and transport for X’s family to help them to visit him in hospital because the Groomes were still living in Colwyn Bay.’

Professor Robert Owen lived at Colwyn Bay and decades after he co-ordinated the 1988-89 cover up into the Gang’s criminality after I complained, my medical records were released to me (having been withheld illegally) and documentation showed that Prof Owen was receiving correspondence about me at his home address as well as telephone calls at home about me from D.G.E. Wood, who was no longer my GP and had not been named in my complaint.

There was always a great deal of breaching professional boundaries at Colwyn Bay. The former bent North Wales Chief Constable Philip Myer lived there and throughout his career Myer received visitors for business and professional purposes at home. Many senior Top Docs, lawyers, Council officials etc lived in the area and a great deal of gossip and dealing went on out of working hours and off of work premises. Colwyn Bay Masons were also a considerable problem. Nigel Mannering Berry, the violent, abusing former Denbigh Angel who managed the Gwynfa Unit, was listed as a Director of Colwyn Bay Mason Hall. Berry lives/lived in Colwyn Bay. See ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’.

If the Groomes did provide meals, accommodation and transport for X’s family after they were no longer employed at Tanllwyfan, why did they and why didn’t Tanllwyfan do that?

Groome denied ever smacking X and he denied equally firmly setting boys upon A as the other witness alleged.

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Groome said that there was a policy of encouraging residents to confront a resident whose behaviour was unacceptable but to do so in a non-violent way in the presence of a member of staff or with one nearby. Ronnie stated ‘It is readily understandable that X should be critical of the supervision at Tanllwyfan in view of the injury that he sustained but it occurred after the Groomes’ departure and the information before us indicates that X stayed on there for two years after they left. It may be, therefore, that his criticisms relate more accurately to that final period of Tanllwyfan’s history…’

Throughout the Waterhouse Report, Ronnie dismissed many allegations of serious abuse and criminality on the basis that the records showed that the complainant had not been resident at the home on the date concerned or even that no such member of staff had ever worked in that particular institution. Ronnie did know that this lot were forging documentation yet he simply ignored it. My own records demonstrate the most extraordinary practices, including a discharge summary from a Top doc of whom I had never heard claiming to have discharged me from Denbigh on a date some two weeks after I had left Denbigh… Documentation was forged, amended, rewritten and staff regularly misrepresented themselves, thus it was not a case of people Lying. I was accused of Lying by Jeff Crowther on one occasion when I told him that Keith Fearns had dragged me along a corridor and threatened me. Jeff replied ‘Keith Fearns is not at work today’. I had actually been assaulted by Slob Ingham who had told me that he was Keith Fearns. I hadn’t met either of them before so Slob was able to tell me that and then stand back and wait for me to be ‘caught making false allegations’.

I was told in writing on other occasions that no such person had existed when I tried to trace a social worker who had seen me in Bangor Police Station in Dec 1986 and a clinical psychologist in Denbigh in Jan 1987. Years later when I received my medical records, there was documentation naming both of these people, accompanied by memos ordering people to tell me that they had no knowledge of them…

Monolingual English kids with literacy problems would not have been able to pronounce the name of the home in north Wales which they stayed, let alone spell it. They would very likely not know if they were in Bryn Estyn or Bryn Alyn, they would have just known that they were in Bryn something. They probably won’t have known the full names of the staff, it was just chaos.

There was an inbuilt advantage re the chaos because, in the fine tradition of the old Englisher’s joke, ‘they’re all called Jones’. Dafydd is listed on the Medical Register as David Alun Jones. One of the Toppest Docs re administration of the psychiatric services was a David Jones. A surgeon in Gwynedd was David Jones. A senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services was David Alun Jones. My solicitor was Alwyn Jones, or more properly R. Alwyn Jones, but everyone called him Alwyn. Another Bangor solicitor was Elwyn Jones, he was the son of a solicitor (and Labour MP) called Elwyn Jones. Then there was the barrister and Labour MP who was of the Gang but at a very senior level, er Elwyn Jones, who eventually became Lord Elwyn-Jones. This syndrome caused me interest but a degree of confusion, even by the time that I was searching archive material for this blog. A 14 year old from England would simply not know what was going on.

Ronnie commented that ‘It is likely that there were some defects in the overnight supervision throughout on the basis of the arrangements explained in [Inspector] Smiths’ 1978 report. As for the specific complaints against Groome, they were expressed in restrained terms and ‘it would be surprising if he did not lapse on occasions from his own stated standards when dealing with turbulent children in provocative situations’. We do not consider that the evidence that we have received is of sufficient weight to justify a finding that Richard Groome himself physically abused children at Tanllwyfan or that he encouraged such abuse.’

Image result for young mr grace you're all doing very well images

Richard Groome later went to prison for his assaults on children…

As with the Gang’s ‘records’ on Empowered Service Users, Waterhouse emphasises again and again how ‘difficult’, ‘disturbed’ and ‘turbulent’ the kids were and how those poor staff sometimes were driven to distraction. Some of the kids in care, like some of the Empowered Service Users, could be difficult. But from what I saw over years, most of them weren’t, they really were not marauding axe murderers.

What did strike me, particularly when I first encountered the psychiatric Angels of north Wales, was that although some of them were friendly with good patients skills, an awful lot of them weren’t and there was a contingent who were very crass, crude and thuggish. The really worrying thing was that the worst ones would behave appallingly – including threatening or assaulting patients – in front of the much better ones and they would never be challenged, even by staff more senior than them. I confronted the better staff about this on a number of occasions and said things like ‘You have just SEEN what he/she did, will you please record it?’ On most occasions, I would receive soothing platitudes and be told to ‘Just forget about him/her’. Sometimes staff would look straight at me and deny that they had witnessed anything untoward. On occasions they’d behave aggressively themselves or leave the room.

It was virtually impossible to complain about welfare staff in north Wales, no matter what they did or who witnessed it. I have always presumed that it was because things were so bad that even senior staff were far too frightened to admit to seeing any bad practice. The Gates of Hell would be unleashed in their direction…

F and I took the piss no end out of the ‘Users Forum’ that was established at the Hergest Unit in the early 1990s because we were told by the Users’ Rep that he ‘wasn’t allowed to investigate complaints’. What he was allowed to do was to receive feedback on matters such as the quality of the lunches. F termed it the Losers Forum and told the Angels that the only thing ever discussed was the temperature of the lunches at the Day Centre. Which was quite true. Yet patients were being unlawfully detained, taken to Court on the basis of staff perjury, occasionally assaulted by staff, refused basic support and benefits to which they were legally entitled, it was farcical.

I know that on several occasions, members of the public wrote letters to NHS managers in Gwynedd raising concerns about the mistreatment of Empowered Service Users and at least three letters were sent about Dafydd’s conduct towards me. I was only told that the letters had been received because Alun Davies accused me of inciting them, but when he realised that I knew nothing about them, he refused to reveal the contents. Although they were about Dafydd and what he had done or was doing to me.

Davies received those letters in 1993/94. I still do not know what was in them. There were no copies of them in my medical records, although there was a copy of a letter labelled as being from me although it wasn’t. It was an unsigned letter from someone claiming that Dafydd had entered their room at nights and had been having sex with them.

For God’s sake, how many Welsh Office and NHS lawyers were given my files to look for evidence that I was ‘dangerous’ while this was all happening?

 

Re the Groomes, Ronnie noted in his Report that ‘We should add that such evidence as we have received about Mrs Groome, who became known as the Domestic Bursar, has been positive and favourable.’

See the source image

The Waterhouse Report further explained that ‘One other former resident of Tanllwyfan gave oral evidence before us in support of his complaint that he was struck by a member of the care staff (Z). [Ronnie does not explain why the staff member was anonymised.] This witness (Y) had been in care for ten years when he arrived at Tanllwyfan in August 1980 at the age of 11 years; during his period in care he had been placed in three children’s homes, including three months at Bersham Hall and he had been fostered by the Saints.’

Bersham Hall featured in my post ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’. It was a children’s home in Clwyd in which children were badly abused and it was the recipient of staff who had been transferred from other homes in Clwyd, including Bryn Estyn, where they had abused children. Because the level of violence and multiple sexual assault at Bersham Hall was slightly lower than at Bryn Estyn, Ronnie Waterhouse highlighted children’s positive comments about Bersham Hall. ‘The Saints’ is a reference to Roger Saint and his wife, a wholly unsuitable couple in north Wales who were allowed to foster numerous children and received a healthy income for doing this – including children sent to north Wales by Tower Hamlets Borough Council – in spite of the Saints’ extraordinary conduct and rationale for that conduct. See post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’.

 

‘Y’s stay at Tanllwyfan lasted four years and his general description of it was “not too bad”. Y’s specific complaint is that ‘he was punched in the face by Z with the result that he had a cut lip and bruising near his right eye (he referred only to a sore eye)’, as opposed to a missing eye a la X.

This incident occurred on 16 November 1982, in the week following Groome’s departure and after it happened Y ran down to the latter’s private house, from which he was collected by the Acting Officer In Charge. The background circumstances were that Y, who subsequently threw the dart that injured X, had attacked X and had been fighting with him. Z – the member of care staff – had intervened twice and, according to his own account, he ‘thought that Y was about to strike him: he therefore struck out first to forestall Y and he thought that he had probably cut Y’s lip. X confirmed that Z had struck Y but said that it was definitely Y’s fault’.

So X had been in care since he was a baby, his experience of ‘care’ included Bersham Hall, the Saints and Richard Groome; are we surprised that it didn’t occur to him that a member of care staff should not have ‘struck out’ at Y at all, certainly in such a manner as to have cut his lip? X’s comment that Y was responsible for causing his own injury at the hands of a member of care staff tells us much about day to day life in care in north Wales…

He nailed my ear to the floor but I deserved it…

Third parties clearly didn’t take the view that it was Y’s fault. Z attended a disciplinary hearing at Tanllwyfan on 25 November 1982 before a panel of three, comprised of the Chairman of the Managers, the Acting Officer In Charge and the General Secretary. Z chose to represent himself and gave a full account of the incident. The unanimous decision of the panel was that he had been guilty of gross misconduct meriting dismissal but that he should be paid one month’s salary in lieu of notice rather than summarily dismissed. There was no appeal from that decision and Z’s contract of employment terminated on 31 December 1982.

If a Committee composed substantially of employees of Clwyd Social Services staff at that time believed that Z was guilty of gross misconduct, the incident with Y was very much more serious than this account suggests. Unless of course Z had raised concerns over a serious matter himself and had indeed been forced out over an incident that was accidental or fabricated. It’s the Gang! We cannot be sure…

It is interesting that Z was not named in the Waterhouse Report, that he wasn’t represented by a union rep at his disciplinary hearing (the seriously violent and sex offenders in north Wales were routinely represented by NUPE or NALGO reps and very effectively; some of the worst abusers WERE NUPE or NALGO reps) and that he wasn’t actually dismissed but was paid a month’s salary in lieu of dismissal. Something obviously needed to be concealed without a fuss being made, but whether that was wrongdoing on the part of Z or wrongdoing on the part of someone else, we cannot be sure. It’s the Gang, they never told the truth under any circumstances…

Jan 1982:

The Lord Crickhowell

Lord Crickhowell 2017.jpg
Secretary of State for Wales
In office
4 May 1979 – 13 June 1987
Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher
Preceded by John Morris
Succeeded by Peter Walker
Shadow Secretary of State for Wales
In office
18 February 1975 – 4 May 1979
Leader Margaret Thatcher
Succeeded by John Morris
Member of the House of Lords
Lord Temporal
In office
15 October 1987 – 17 March 2018
Life Peerage
Member of Parliament
for Pembrokeshire
In office
18 June 1970 – 11 June 1987
Preceded by Desmond Donnelly
Succeeded by Nicholas Bennett
Personal details
Born
Roger Nicholas Edwards

25 February 1934
London, England, U.K.

Died 17 March 2018 (aged 84)
Political party Conservative
Alma mater Trinity College, Cambridge

Old Nick was Thatch’s Welsh Secretary, May 1979-June 1987. Old Nick is most famous for being the Cabinet Minister who assisted in the plans for the development of Cardiff Bay, waved the scheme through, stood down as Welsh Secretary and then re-emerged a few short years later as a Director of some of the companies that were then given the contracts to carry out the very lucrative work developing Cardiff Bay. The development was funded by public money, cost billions and Old Nick and his mates made a fortune, it was so obviously a stitch-up between Old Nick and some of his mates. Cardiff Business Club seemed to play a major role and Old Nick himself had many conflicts of interest that didn’t receive the scrutiny that they should. See ‘Corruption Bay Special’.

Decades after Old Nick et al became millionaires from taxpayers money, angry critics point out that Cardiff Bay is lovely for tourists to visit and provides restaurants and wine bars for the politicians and officials who worked in the Welsh Gov’t buildings located there, but the poverty in the valleys just a few miles up the road has barely been touched. Like other much publicised ‘regeneration’ schemes of that era, Cardiff Bay didn’t regenerate anything; it resulted in a nice area of Cardiff for well-heeled people to enjoy and millions in taxpayers money being transferred into the pockets of some already wealthy business people who designed and rubber stamped the ‘regeneration’. That happened amidst much berating of the plebs for their workshy habits and ‘benefits culture’ and of course the annihilation of the coal industry for being ‘uneconomic’.

Of course Old Nick et al got away with it all because they were sitting on the knowledge of what George Thomas and others in the Labour Party were doing, as well as Dafydd and the Gang in north Wales. Old Nick was Welsh Secretary when Mary Wynch was imprisoned and then released and when the brutality towards children in care and Empowered Service Users was so bad that even sympathetic ears in England who heard about the tip of the iceberg wondered whether it could really be that bad. Old Nick was in charge when I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd and then at Denbigh. I have discussed extensively that when I dared raise concerns about the most serious criminality, I realised that these were people who were not used to being challenged and had done exactly what they had wanted for many years. The Top Docs in London hospitals were appalling, but they did know what they were supposed to be doing and pretended in public to do doing it. They knew the right noises to make re patient care, ethics etc. In north Wales most of them didn’t, there was a very obvious vacuum re mentoring and training.

Old Nick stood down as an MP at the June 1987 General Election, just as the Gang’s Cunning Plan to frame and imprison me was moving into the final stages before it blew up in their faces and another Cunning Plan had to be hastily cobbled together, requiring the assistance of James Earp…

Bryn Golau, the ‘medium secure unit’ at Denbigh in which I and everyone else was unlawfully detained and which was fully equipped with hidden cameras for the Peep Show starring Empowered Service Users as previously described on this blog was hastily built in 1982 with a remarkably low budget – £200k – for such a unit. The excuse was that it would only be in use for a short time. Bryn Golau was in use for another 15 years at least, depending on what lies were told about the date on which it closed down. It was planned, designed and built on Old Nick’s watch, immediately after Mary Wynch got out of Denbigh and began legal action.

In true Gang style, there were two wards at Denbigh called Bryn Golau. The medium secure unit called Bryn Golau had a plaque on its outside wall commemorating its opening by Gwynne the Lobotomist. I was told by an Angel in Bryn Golau that I had never met Gwynne.

Bryn Golau was in a separate building away from the main North Wales Hospital building and was situated such that people entering and leaving Bryn Golau could not be seen from the main hospital. Which was no doubt very useful in those cases of abduction and unlawful imprisonment. I have mentioned before that I and everyone else I knew at Bryn Golau were taken there late at night under cover of darkness, by ambulance not police car, although we’d all been wrongfully arrested. Not only are ambulances less obvious that police cars but they can be disguised as person-friendly and Caring…

Bryn Golau had a heavily guarded back door; although all doors were locked, the back door was much more heavily guarded than the front main entrance. Patients disappeared from Bryn Golau without leaving the main entrance; they could only have been taken out of the back door, although that was allegedly only for bringing the food in and out.

So someone carefully designed Bryn Golau to film patients in the bath, nude etc and to imprison them and indeed despatch them without sight of any external observers at all. From what I can gather, Gwynne had a major say in designing Bryn Golau.

1982. It is not the 19th century in which one expected such Gothic horrors is it?

Meet the Home Secretary in office when Bryn Golau was planned, designed and built:

Willie was Lord President of the Council and therefore the visitor for UCNW, 11 June 1983-10 Jan 1988, which was when D.G.E. Wood and his mates at UCNW began their shenanigans proper in my direction. Eric Sunderland arrived as Principal on Willie’s watch and made that arrangement with Carlo, the UGC and Thatch permitting UCNW to remain open in return for my career being wrecked. Willie must have given the Gang one hell of a short sharp shock because they killed my friend Anne, a PhD student at UCNW, in April 1986. See ‘A Trail Of Blood’.

Willie was one of the players in Thatch’s successful Tory Leadership campaign in 1974; Willie refused to stand as a candidate himself, thus making it easier for Thatch, in fact a shoe-in for Thatch once Keith Joseph backed down as well and Edward du Cann was publicly denounced as a crook by people rather more powerful than my grandfather. Willie will have remembered the rumpus that my grandfather caused re Edward du Cann before bigger people in the security services used the same strategy to get their poodle Thatch where they wanted her…

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Airey came to grief in March 1979, just weeks before Thatch’s big day.

The Irish were blamed, although sources who don’t blame the Irish for everything have stated that Airey was killed by rival security services agents, possibly helped by US agents.

Willie lasted longer than Airey, Willie died on 1 July 1999, a few days after David Sutch Committed Suicide.

Old Nick was MP for Pembrokeshire since 1970. Pembrokeshire was on the turf of the longstanding ring in West Wales. In the 1990s revelations re practices re children in care and local authority corruption pointed to longstanding rot in Pembrokeshire as in north Wales. Both regions were similar in that the same small group of influential people had run everything for years  and dominated senior roles, including those on the local Police Authority. Conditions in Pembrokeshire re children in care were described as ‘worse than Victorian’ many years after old Nick had stepped down as the MP. So how did old Nick miss that then? A scandal re Local Authority corruption years after Old Nick had scarpered revealed a Chief Exec paying himself a huge salary and perks, as well as his mates, bribes, sweeteners and conflicts of interest all over the county, including in the direction of the Police Authority. Such a situation could not have arisen over only a few years.

The Welsh Office Social Service Inspectors who ‘didn’t know’ what was happening in the children’s homes were promoted social workers who had known the abusers and those who facilitated the abuse for decades. The fuckwittery and denial re the Social Services/social care system in Wales is discussed in ‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’.

No wonder Old Nick found that the Welsh Office’s regeneration schemes and other business programmes worked so well for him, he’d only have to hint at what he knew was going on in Pembrokeshire over so many years and no-one would have risked pissing him off.

See posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’ for further details of Old Nick’s background and career…

When barrister Ian Murphy acted in a big child abuse trial in Pembrokeshire some years ago, he commented re some of the allegations that ‘children live in a world of fantasy’. This is not entirely true as Ian Murphy knows; kids can make up bizarre fantasies but it isn’t true that they all do all the time. Children can be reliable witnesses. I remembered Ian Murphy; he acted for me in the High Court in Cardiff on two occasions. One of those occasions was in May 1990, in front of Sir Malcom Pill, when Gwynedd Health Authority had unsuccessfully tried to secure a High Court injunction against me preventing me from even writing to them to pursue my complaints.

Ian Murphy prevented that from happening for which I was grateful, but he, Malcolm Pill and Crispin Masterman, the barrister acting for Gwynedd HA, all had copies of the stacks of letters that I had written, that Gwynedd HA claimed constituted ‘harassment’. Those letters contained details of the abuse of patients and serious criminality; I provided names, dates, venues, the lot. No reference was made to the crimes against me or other patients, even by Murphy. Indeed, at one point, Crispin Masterman read out passages from one of my letters that described how Dafydd had tried to set a Rottweiler on me; I knew how to defend against a dangerous dog, but the police didn’t. Dafydd’s Rottie (well Doberman to be precise) attacked the police and they locked themselves in their car until Dafydd and his ‘housekeeper’ (a patient with whom he was cohabiting) physically retrieved the dog. Crispin read the letter out as evidence of how poor Dafydd needed police assistance…

Malcolm Pill grew up in Cardiff, went to Trinity College, Cambridge and was a member of Gray’s Inn…

See eg. ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ and ‘The Bitterest Pill’.

After that case in front of Pill, Ian Murphy, told me frankly that what had happened to me constituted abduction and unlawful imprisonment and he offered to take a case for me against Dafydd. I said yes but somehow it never happened. Ian Murphy knew them all in north Wales; Alwyn’s junior partner in his practice Meleri Tudur told me that ‘Ian Murphy is completely ruthless’ and ‘he wants to be a judge’, after Ian offered to take a case for me…

My documents show that Andrew Park the crooked lawyer at the Welsh Office was ringing Alun Davies to brief him on everything as soon as the hearing finished.

Ian Murphy practiced in Chambers in Swansea, as did Crispin Masterman, who acted for Gwynedd Health Authority. A deal was obviously made, which involved Ian telling me that he would help me sue them and go for their jugular but ensured that he would in the end not do anything. Meanwhile everyone would be warned, including the biggest wigs in London and reinforcements could be brought in from all directions.

Ian and Crispin both became judges; it was the ‘gentleman’ Crispin rather than the ruthless Ian who achieved Greatness in Judging, which suggests that there were many lies and deals done when Ruthless Ian and Considerate Crispin were pitched against each other re my case in May 1990. Ian Murphy and Crispin presided over the big child abuse cases 20 years later when everyone was Shocked and Disgusted and wanted to help – after the Waterhouse Inquiry. Crispin built a reputation as a specialist in child abuse and sex offences… See previous posts…

The Pembrokeshire ‘Satanic Abuse’ ring was all blamed on parents not professionals, yet Ian Murphy knew that none of the ‘professionals’ or officials could be believed.

As with the absence of documents re my April 1991 case that was held at the Royal Courts of Justice, I appeared in the High Court in Cardiff on another occasion following the May 1990 case in front of Pill, but there is not a mention of it in my documentation. Gwynedd Health Authority had tried to have me imprisoned and called Jeff Crowther as a witness. Ian Murphy defended me; I cannot remember who the presiding judge was, or Gwynedd HA’s barrister, but I can remember it being suggested that Jeff might be having a questionable relationship with me and the judge making a very Justice Cocklecarrot-like joke about it, the barristers laughing obsequiously and GHA’s barrister getting Jeff to emphasise that his relationship with me was entirely above board…

After I began this blog, I received info that the Gang had tried to obtain a Court Order condemning me to a secure hospital at Brenda’s pleasure with possible added lobotomy. There was one occasion after a Court case in which I arrived at Ysbyty Gwynedd to once more ask for answers, only to be greeted by Ella repeating ‘What are you doing here? Didn’t the judge say anything to you?’ and a male Angel saying to Ella ‘They didn’t get it’. It was obvious that Gwynedd HA had tried something that had backfired because Ella commented to the Angel that Jeff would find that funny. When I blogged about this the other day I thought that it must have happened in the late 80s, but I’m fairly sure now that the conversation with Ella and the unidentified male Angel was after the Court case in Cardiff with Cocklecarrot joking about Jeff. There wasn’t any other High Court cases after which I returned to Ysbyty Gwynedd the very next day and asked when they were going to investigate my complaint.

The Gang were at fever pitch at the time because Greville Janner had been interviewed and Frank Beck had been arrested and charged in April 1990; the Gang and the Leicestershire ring were linked. It would explain why no documents re the Cardiff case with Cocklecarrot are in my files, they might lead to some very worrying practices on the part of those who were the biggest legal wigs of the Westminster Paedophile Ring. That Cardiff case was held at some point between June and Oct 1990.

Malcolm Pill was at Whitchurch Grammar School with Rhodri Morgan. When I appeared in front of Pill, Rhodri was the Labour MP for Cardiff West – the former constituency of the child molester George Thomas – and Shadow Environment Spokesman, as well as Opposition Front Bench Spokesman on Energy. Miranda was part of the Opposition Energy team as well. The Miranda who, before becoming the Labour MP for a constituency that was on the patch of the ring in the North East of England which was linked to Dafydd’s gang, had been a barrister and a pupil of George Carman QC. George Carman was a bent barrister who was colluding with Dafydd’s gang and the wider Westminster Paedophile Ring; when Greville Janner was hauled in for questioning by the police in 1990, Janner’s solicitor Sir David Napley was so sure that Janner would be charged that he had Carman at the ready. Napley and Carman had been the Winning Team for Mr Thrope at the Old Bailey in 1979.

George Thomas was given a seat in the Lords just as Miranda entered the Commons in 1983. D.G.E. Wood began banging on about me seeing ‘an expert’ weeks later…

Miranda and Cherie: can you help me track down the Man Who Knew, the Angel who told Ella ‘They didn’t get it?’ He arrived to work at Ysbyty Gwynedd as a psych Angel with Ella in the late 1980s and he left soon after that case with Justice Cocklecarrot. He was in his late 20s or 30s, English, dark hair and beard, wore jeans and casual Down With The Kids clothes and sported glasses with purple frames. It was me you have to thank for becoming PM Miranda, so the least that you can do is use your many resources to let me know who that Angel was. Or of course send me the documentation re the case that was heard by Justice Cocklecarrot and the application to send me to live with Mr Savile that was unsuccessful.

Cough Miranda!

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The elective mute Gibbons twins in the 1980s –  from Haverfordwest – those we know and love had them sent to Broadmoor when they were still teenagers. See post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’.

Old Nick was the MP for Pembrokeshire during Heath’s time as PM; he was adopted by the Pembrokeshire Conservative Party as the candidate for Pembroke in 1968, so the Grocer had something to do with old Nick’s political career and that custom built prison at Denbigh for the abducted targets of a VIP sex abuse Gang.

See the source image

A black and white photograph of King's Cross underground station during the fire with billowing smoke, station lights and fire engines.

Desmond Donnelly preceded Old Nick as the constituency MP and Gwilym Lloyd George was the constituency MP before him. Gwilym was known to be a corrupt lawyer and influenced cases, as Waterhouse’s autobiography makes clear…

 

Ronnie concluded in his Report that ‘The overall picture that we have received of Tanllwyfan is rather less favourable than that given by the Inspector in 1978 but it does appear that the Boys and Girls Welfare Society did achieve some success between 1974 and 1984 in caring for an appreciable number of quite disturbed children over long periods’. Ronnie admitted that the presence of Kenneth Scott on the staff ‘is a cause for grave concern but the Society did not have any information about him at the time to put them on their guard and no complaint was made about his activities whilst he was at Tanllwyfan’.

See the source image

‘Other complaints against other identified members of the staff have been comparatively few and we accept that, in general, corporal punishment was effectively prohibited. On the few occasions when physical force was used ‘it was usually in very provocative circumstances and the degree of force was moderate.’

Just a bit of lashing out now and then, resulting in kids sustaining injuries…

Ronnie noted that there ‘have been a very small number of allegations of sexual abuse against individuals (apart from those against Scott)’ but the Inquiry didn’t receive any complaints about them. When Ronnie wrote his Report, Richard Groome was awaiting trial for a number of alleged sexual offences against boys, one of whom was resident at Tanllwyfan at the time.’

Not too dire then Ronnie! Just a ‘very small’ number of allegations of sexual abuse against an unknown quantity of care staff – apart from the staff who found themselves in Court on serious charges of sexual assault that is – but the Inquiry did not receive any complaints about them. Ronnie’s Inquiry that was very carefully not given that much publicity before it opened, even in north Wales.

Ronnie’s Inquiry was such a well-kept secret that I sat in the Hergest Unit with former kids in care and other witnesses throughout the Inquiry and we barely knew that it was taking place. The first time that we became fully aware of it was when Ronnie’s Report had been published in Feb 2000 and that evening Lucille appeared on TV and snapped at the journo that she wasn’t resigning, she was ‘retiring’. I was watching with F and said ‘Look, it’s Dafydd’s mistress, she’s been blamed for that investigation into the abuse of the kids in children’s homes…’

Ronnie’s Inquiry was hardly discussed in north Wales. There was media coverage during 1997 that highlighted the accusation that the former kids in care were constantly denounced as liars and criminals, but everything then went very quiet until Feb 2000 when Lucille’s mug appeared on TV. Furthermore, what little media coverage there was in north Wales placed much emphasis on kids in care in CLWYD, particularly Bryn Estyn, ‘which was all in the past, it closed down years ago…’

It didn’t even really hit me that the Waterhouse Inquiry was very much about Lucille and Ty’r Felin, the children’s home in Bangor, until the Report was published. Ty Newydd, the Bangor children’s home in which F’s first wife had worked in the early 1980s when she and F found out that the boys were being made to labour for no pay and were being ‘beaten up’ by the social workers, closed in 1984 (another closure in 1984 after Brown and I made a fuss about Gwyyne) and the local media in north Wales really did present the Inquiry as being about Ancient History In Clwyd. There was no publicity given to how many kids had been found dead over the many years and even the Brighton firebomb that killed five witnesses (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’) was barely mentioned. As the Gang dominated the media in north Wales, that was unsurprising.

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The Gang dominated the media on a UK wide basis as well. This is Ronnie’s best mate from the days when as young graduates they shared a flat:

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Then there was Huw Wheldon, Mr BBC Arts before Botney; Huw went to Friar’s School, was a governor of UCNW (as well as the LSE) and was on excellent terms with the Gang. BBC Wales, ITV Wales and S4C were entirely the domain of the Gang. ‘Panorama’ employed Margaret Jay – Jim Callaghan’s daughter and the wife of Dr Death’s best mate Peter Jay – and one of Dafydd’s friends from Llangollen, Elwyn Parry was for years Deputy Editor of ‘Panorama’ and responsible for ‘Rough Justice’ and other exposes of injustice… Ann Clwyd grew up near Denbigh and stood as a Labour candidate for Denbigh in the 1970s – after receiving backing because the Labour Party needed More Women MPs! – and married a man from Newborough, who’s dad was a Headmaster. Ann’s husband became a TV exec. As did Lord Wyn Roberts after he left university but before he became an MP.

No-one in the media would touch anyone who had evidence of serious wrongdoing. The Losers Forum got themselves on TV in mid-1990s, but not to discuss any serious wrongdoing. I was also interested to see that when the Users’ Rep was granted a ‘sympathetic’ interview on Wales TV news, throughout the interview, there was a caption underneath reading ‘psychiatric patient’. Now F or I could probably have coped with someone doing that to us, because we would have taken the piss, but the man who appeared on TV boldly labelled ‘psychiatric patient’ was not one for Nutters Lib and had repeatedly tried to kill himself after having a breakdown, losing his job and being told by too many people that he was just a nutter. When the tame Users Rep was described as a ‘psychiatric patient’ by prime time TV, the same news programme constantly entertained the idiocies of Dafydd and how patients would die en masse should his Substance Abuse Service not continue to receive huge quantities of public money.

Anyone for stigma? Nutters are not stigmatised by the man/woman in the street, they are stigmatised by Top Docs and their mouthpieces because what is happening to patients is so grim.

It is difficult to explain just how little coverage there was of Ronnie’s Inquiry until it was over; there certainly was no great effort to publicise it before it began among the cohorts of people who were witnesses, indeed there were explicit restrictions on how the Inquiry should be ‘advertised’ in north Wales in the months before it opened. As if that wasn’t farcical enough, the children’s homes in north Wales had filled up with kids from right across the UK who were then trafficked back to English cities; most of the ones who were still alive would have had no idea that the Inquiry was taking place.

After Lucille appeared on TV insulting the journo, I constantly told Hergest Unit staff ‘Dafydd must have been involved, he must have been, she’s his mistress and she’s been accused of knowing about a paedophile ring targeting boys who ended up in Risley…’ I was repeatedly told ‘It is nothing to do with Dafydd, it was all about the children’s homes, years ago, Dafydd was nothing to do with any of it’. When I was working at Bangor University in approx. 2008, I told Ella Fisk, the Angel who ran the Day Centre in the Hergest Unit for years that Dafydd WILL have had something to do with the scandal of the children’s homes. Ella responded with: ‘No, he was definitely nothing to do with it. Dafydd has never been a child psychiatrist’.

Ella, Dafydd RAN THE RING and before he died, so did Gwynne. They gave the orders to the people who did interact with the kids face to face – Dafydd was mates with Dr Barry Kiehn, who oversaw the rapes, buggery and battering at the Gwynfa Unit – and Dafydd, Gwynne et al in their capacity working in adult psychiatry, trashed the parents of those kids, removed the kids from the care of their own families and handed them over to the Gang. If the kids told anyone what happened, as soon as they hit 18 years old, they were referred to Dafydd as Disturbed, Dangerous and Psychotic!

They were in Denbigh with me and some of them were in Hergest, YOUR PATIENTS ELLA!!! Mandy C who repeatedly tried to kill herself, she had grown up in care, was fostered by Brian and Blodwyn, two Gwynedd social workers who dropped her like a hot cake when she was a young adult and then Tony Francis refused to treat her, ordered everyone else not to treat her and arranged for her to ‘start a new life’ in the south of England -DURING THE WATERHOUSE INQUIRY – where she knew no-one. Within weeks of being ‘transferred’, Mandy jumped off a bridge and broke her back. She is probably dead by now. Stephen Bagnall from Wrexham: died in Denbigh, almost certainly killed by the staff sometime in 1987 (see post ‘Hey, Hey, DAJ, How Many Kids Did You Kill Today?’). Stanley Wynn from Maesgeirchan, who was in Denbigh with me…

Then there were the former kids in care from other parts of the UK who were sent to north Wales and ended up as psych patients there: Louise from Robert Bluglass’s clinic in Birmingham, who jumped off the multi-storey car park and was left crippled; Foxy who was found dead in 2000, ‘choked to death’ in a ‘nursing home’, where he was supposed to have been checked every 20 mins, that’s why his body lay undiscovered for an hour; then those young people who were found dead in the homeless hostel in Bangor…

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There will have been many more whom I did not personally know because the former kids in care were usually ‘Dafydd’s drug addicts’ and I didn’t know the drugs patients…

Jeff Crowther, Ella’s friend and colleague ended up working in the Anglesey drugs team, the domain of Dafydd; Jeff transferred to that team in the mid-90s just before the Waterhouse Inquiry and was then appointed as F’s keyworker, although Jeff was a personal friend of the predators who had fleeced F of his property and money and made fallacious allegations in order to deny him all contact with his baby within three weeks of the baby’s birth. Jeff was friends with other ‘professionals’ involved in that conspiracy, including Dr Heinersdorff of Bethesda…

F also knew some of the former kids in care from Risley, as well as the boys at Ty Newydd…

I lodged with a former kid in care in 1982, Frank Jones in Port Dinorwic. Frank’s house spontaneously combusted twice, his dog was shot, he was obsessed with porn (see previous posts) and I was told just a few weeks ago that Frank had died. He emigrated to mainland Europe years ago to get away from the constant aggro but returned to the UK at a later date. Frank was in Scotland when he died a few months ago. He was about 60, which is a ripe old age for those who grew up in care in north Wales.

 

Ronnie continued re Tanllwyfan: ‘It is, of course, much more difficult to assess the quality of care provided by this home more generally and we have not received a sufficiently wide range of evidence about it to reach any confident conclusion. Such pointers as we have do, however, suggest that the quality of care at Tanllwyfan compared favourably with that provided by Local Authority community homes of similar size and purpose in North Wales.’

They were even worse…

It should be remembered that Tanllwyfan did not house Disturbed and Delinquent Young Criminals. The kids at Tanllwyfan were as young as six, seven, eight, nine and ten years old… They were losing eyes, getting smacked about and injured and were the subject of sexual assault from Scott, Groome and the other unidentified staff whom Ronnie didn’t even consider a problem.

The Waterhouse Report discussed Cherry Hill, a home located in Borras Park Road, Wrexham. I’ll reproduce some of Ronnie’s comments about Cherry Hill here, because it was yet another home through which staff passed who had been previously identified as abusive, but everyone was very relaxed about the matter. Cherry Hill was discussed briefly in a previous post, in the context of one particularly abusive member of staff who was circulated around north Wales children’s homes, leaving a wake of injured kids behind him.

Cherry Hill was opened by Denbighshire County Council on 1 January 1971 as a community home. It came under the aegis of Clwyd County Council from 1 April 1974. After 1979, Cherry Hill accepted kids as young as eight years old. Residents in Cherry Hill attended local schools (although the home was able to accommodate children with learning difficulties) and were encouraged to ‘play a part in the local community’. At the time of the Waterhouse Report, Cherry Hill ‘remains open and it is now managed by the Looked After Children Team Manager of Wrexham County Borough Council, which took over responsibility for the home on 1 April 1996. It is now described as a six bedded unit for young people between the ages of 14 and 17 years, most of whom present different forms of challenges’.

One Wrexham County Borough Councillor became the Labour AM for Wrexham and then the Welsh Gov’t Health Minister, during which time she failed to even acknowledge e mails from me detailing how I was being wrongly arrested, threatened, unlawfully refused all NHS treatment etc. Before she became an AM, Lesley Griffiths was a medical secretary in Wrexham Maelor Hospital. That was the hospital to which kids in care were taken with serious injuries or STDs only for Docs to maintain that there was no problem. Griffith’s work at Wrexham Maelor was concerned with patients with STDs.

Some time after I was ignored by Lesley Griffiths, I was unlawfully sectioned, for months, in Wrexham Maelor Hospital. When Griffiths was Health Minister, there was still a longstanding problem with the deaths of newborn babies but no-one knew why. The midwives were so upset about the number of deaths that they requested an investigation to identify the cause. The senior managers of Wrexham Maelor refused an investigation because they feared bad publicity. Babies continued to die.

Wrexham Maelor surpassed itself when a patient died in the A&E waiting area, after being ignored by staff for hours. The corpse slumped over and the security guard On Duty To Protect Staff From Being Attacked By Dangerous Patients went over to the corpse and sat him upright after giving him a bollocking for slumping. The security guard did not notice that the patient was dead. After another 10 mins or so, another patient told the security guard that the patient seemed to be dead. When the guard ascertained that the patient had indeed died, he gave the waiting room a bollocking for not helping the patient. Not one Doc or Angel had helped the patient and the guard himself had told the corpse off for slumping.

An account of this extraordinary incident appeared in the local papers in north Wales. Not one Councillor, AM or MP questioned what on earth had happened and there was no comment from any of the usual People Who Care eg. the BMA, RCN, UNITE, UNISON. A man died in the A&E waiting area of Lesley Griffith’s former employer and his corpse received a good dressing down from a security guard. Then the other patients did as well. An Everyday Story Of North Wales NHS Folk.

Lesley was Health Minister when a young man from Anglesey was jailed for masterminding a major drugs distribution business. The local paper reported that the judge had received a letter from a Top Doctor explaining that the young man was from a Good Family; the judge took this into account and gave the young man a lighter sentence than expected. The Doctor who Vouched for the Family of the jailbird was Dr P.W. White from Menai Bridge. The defendant was Dr P.W. White’s own son. The judge didn’t mention that.

Dr P.W. White is friends with Dr D.G.E. Wood and I was told by the son of a Top Doc Gang member that a particular GP who for years was a partner in P.W. White’s practice raped a patient. I was told that he was guilty and although the patient complained, he was cleared. I complained to the GMC and the Mental Health Act Commission about the same GP in 1987 but no action was taken. He was a friend of Dafydd. He died not long after I began this blog.

The founding partner of P.W. White’s practice was Dr Gunter Poeppinghaus. His daughter Vanessa has for years been a Top Doc in Ysbyty Gwynedd A&E, where she refuses to treat targets of the Gang, lies on medical records, ignores her colleagues if they mistreat or threaten patients and spearheaded the Get Merfyn Out campaign. Vanessa has benefited from a multiple-organ transplant, for which she went to Kings in London. Vanessa would never risk her own neck or indeed any other part of her anatomy with her criminal colleagues in north Wales.

Gunter knew Gwynne and Gwynne was alive and kicking for the first two years of Vanessa’s career. Vanessa qualified at the Welsh National School of Medicine, Cardiff, in 1984. She began medical school the year that Dafydd and the Gang unlawfully imprisoned Mary Wynch. The year that Vanessa qualified, her dad’s colleagues at the C&A Hospital gave me an unnecessary blood transfusion with infected blood products. And failed to record that I had received a transfusion on any records. I keep being told that far worse things than I know about also happened while I was under general anaesthetic, but as no-one will actually tell me what it was, I am none the wiser.

Not that it matters; if no-one was able to actually respond to hundreds of complaints about these psychopaths from patients, relatives and even members of the public re what they were witnessing happening to patients, what happened to me in the dead of night in the C&A Hospital with five unidentified fully gowned and masked surgeons who performed an unnecessary operation and transfused me with infected blood after I had been lied to and Brown had been lied to, is not going to make any difference to anyone. Corpses get told off by security guards in the north Wales NHS, patients are refused treatment by Vanessa’s colleagues at Ysbyty Gwynedd A&E, are ordered off the premises and are later found dead in the Cathedral Gardens after a snowy night but their body has no snow on it and no questions are asked. Even though the last Angel to see that man alive had threatened me, lied to the police and after a complaint about him by a Top Doctor was admitted by HR to be someone who’s ‘integrity and competence cannot be relied upon’. See ‘Two Very Dishonest, Dangerous Nurses’.

If that wasn’t enough, months after P.W. White’s drug dealing son received a light sentence as a result of his own dad telling the judge that the Whites are a Nice Family,

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P.W. White gave an interview to the Daily Post demanding that kids who’s parents allow them to become ‘obese’ should be taken into care. Is P.W. White keen on Exercise and Salads? No. P.W. White is absolutely enormous, so enormous that even his indulged, drunken, high living Top Doc colleagues joke about P.W. being huge.

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Ronnie told us that Wrexham County Borough Council ‘placed particular emphasis during 1997 on developing and strengthening its services at Cherry Hill: an outside consultant has been engaged and “a dedicated programme of training for staff” provided.’

In 1997, one Wrexham County Borough Councillor was the brother of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon. In the late 1970s, Thomas was known to be sexually exploiting either a kid in care or an Empowered Service Users (there is some confusion re the sort of ‘care’ that the teenaged boy was in receipt of) and it was recorded on the boy’s social services file that he was in a homosexual relationship with Thomas. Thomas spent the night with the boy and took porn Polaroid pics of them together. The next day Thomas reported the boy to the police, claiming that the boy had robbed him. Thomas was clear why he had spent the night with the boy. The police recovered the ‘stolen’ property, which included the porn pics. The police destroyed them for being ‘indecent material’. The boy was sent to a detention centre for theft. Thomas was charged with no offence, although the boy was underage and Thomas was years older. Thomas’s dad was Lord Kenyon, President of UCNW from the late 1940s until 1982, JP, member of the North Wales Police Authority, the most senior Freemason in north Wales, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority and much more… Thomas’s brother who served as a Wrexham Councillor inherited his father’s title when Lord Kenyon died in the spring of 1993. Thomas died at the beginning of 1993, from HIV/AIDS.

In 1970, Thomas appeared in Court in Birmingham after he set fire to a YMCA hostel in Birmingham, in which Thomas was living at the time. Thomas was bailed to the secure ward at the North Wales Hospital instead of prison. Gwynne was still the Top Doc there then, although obviously Dafydd was busy as well. I don’t know whether that was Thomas’s first encounter with Gwynne and Dafydd, or whether he was a regular by then. Thomas was a well-known sewer dweller, but he has been almost written out of history and there is very little info available on his immediate family either, although they are a famous aristocratic line.

F and I were arrested and charged on the basis of the perjury of Jackie Brandt, a Gwynedd social worker in 1993; she made her statement to the police about us some two weeks before they interviewed and arrested us. She made that statement while Thomas was I think dying; we were arrested after he was dead. The first hearing re the case occurred just before Lord Kenyon died. Our trial was set for a few months into the future; Lord Kenyon was safely dead a few weeks after our initial Court appearance.

Aled Roberts, a Wrexham solicitor who grew up in Wrexham was also a Wrexham Cllr and also served as Mayor. Like Lesley, Aled became an AM, but for the Lib Dems. When Aled was an AM he refused to respond to complaints about the psychiatric services, even if a patient’s life was at risk. Aled is now the Welsh Language Commissioner and recently announced a drive to ensure that more staff in the NHS in Wales can speak Welsh to improve patient care. It would help if they stopped killing the patients in any language Aled.

 

Ronnie Waterhouse’s Report stated that ‘We have not received directly any complaints of child abuse at Cherry Hill and it would not have been necessary to devote a separate chapter to it ‘but for events that occurred there in the aftermath of the disclosures of Stephen Norris’s abuse at Cartrefle’.

Cartrefle was a children’s home in north Wales that became one of the more notorious ones because of the serious abuse over years of kids by a member of care staff called Stephen Norris. Stephen Norris served two prison sentences for the most appalling abuse of boys in care in north Wales over years. Norris was so unpleasant that even other staff didn’t like spending time with him and the Clwyd Social Services manager responsible for children’s homes didn’t visit the home in which Norris worked because he loathed Norris.

As is par for the course, there were more than ‘clues’ about Norris, everyone who had anything to do with him and the kids whom he was assaulting knew what was going on. Complaints about physical violence towards the kids at Cartrefle resulted in the ‘Cartrefle Inquiry’, an investigation set up by Clwyd County Council. Those who played key roles in the Cartrefle Inquiry (who failed to notice how serious the abuse of the kids was at Cartrefle) included Irene Train, an Angel who held one of the most senior roles in Public Heath in Clwyd Health Authority and Gareth Jones, the Headmaster of Ysgol John Bright in Llandudno, who eventually served as the Plaid AM for Aberconwy, as well as a Councillor before and after his stint as an AM. Irene Train in retirement was a mover and shaker at the St David’s Hospice, Llandudno and also ran an consultancy that flogged its services to the NHS. The Cartrefle Inquiry, which was carefully rigged by Clwyd County Council and those involved are discussed in previous posts.

Norris only ever removed from his job (and subsequently imprisoned) after one boy in care would not be deterred and complained. Clwyd’s method of dealing with this was to hold meetings at which Feelings Were Shared about Norris, to which Norris’s victims, other boys in care and staff discussed Norris’s sexual assaults. Lest those assaulted weren’t sure of what had happened to them at the hands of Norris, ‘education’ was provided and the meetings discussed oral sex, buggery and bestiality. There was also a discussion as to whether the boy who complained about Stephen Norris was Right Or Wrong. See post ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’.

Waterhouse continued: ‘These events have not been the subject of oral evidence before us, because of their nature, but the documentary evidence has been sufficient to enable us to summarise what occurred…

According to a police report dated 24 July 1990, there were nine boys, in the age range of nine to 16 years, resident at Cartrefle at the time of Norris’ suspension. Of these, two disclosed that they had been sexually abused by Norris and were transferred immediately, on 20 June 1990, one to Cherry Hill… Two other boys, who were brothers, were transferred shortly afterwards to Llwyn Onn, another north Wales children’s home (see previous posts). One of them alleged much later that he had been raped by Norris and the other said for the first time in 1992 that he had witnessed sexual abuse at Cartrefle. The other five Cartrefle residents, one of whom subsequently, in 1996, alleged that he had been sexually abused by Norris, remained at Cartrefle and received the limited “counselling”….’ [That ‘counselling’ was the ‘sharing feelings’ meetings at which the sexual assaults that Norris’s victims had suffered was discussed in front of other kids who expressed their disgust…]

‘The four boys transferred from Cartrefle – two of them were at Cherry Hill in 1992. One of the two brothers arrived there on 8 January 1992 (probably from Llwyn Onn); the other boy had gone to Cherry Hill in 1990 for only five days, then to Tapley Avenue for a month, followed by Pentre Saeson (part of the Bryn Alyn Community) for nearly two years before returning to Cherry Hill in May 1992.

Whilst at Pentre Saeson the other brother had been co-resident with this last mentioned boy from 11 September 1991. A child protection conference on 5 November 1992 recorded that an investigation was taking place into a boy’s admission that he had “done things” with other boys at Cherry Hill; and the minutes of a meeting held at Cherry Hill on 25 March 1993 disclosed the outcome of that investigation. It revealed that three boys (A, B and C) at the Children’s Centre (as it was now known) were actively engaged in sexual activity between each other and that one of the trio (B) was the ex-Cartrefle boy who had returned to Cherry Hill in May 1992. Moreover, another member of the trio (A) had disclosed sexual involvement with a fourth and a fifth boy (D and E), who had both left Cherry Hill. A had also been seen touching a boy’s penis in the public swimming baths and had received a caution for exposing himself to B. D was known to have a history of sexual abuse and had been “linked with a local paedophile ring”.

WHEREVER COULD THAT HAVE BEEN HIDING?

‘C had made allegations of sexual involvement with two males but there was uncertainty about his credibility on the subject.

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Waterhouse continued to explain that very little progress had been made in dealing with any of the matters concerned by the date of the meeting in March 1993 and ‘the decisions taken then lacked any sense of urgency’. Further information was to be sought; “Longer term aims and goals regarding specific work with the boys would be open for further discussion”; and the staff group were to start to work immediately with Linda Butler, described as “Principal Child Therapist”, who was attached to the Division’s Child and Family Services.

Linda Butler provided on 17 June 1993 a report in which she outlined possible treatment needs for A, B and C and training for the Cherry Hill staff but pointed out that it was important to remember the needs of the other young people involved in the situation. She warned also of the high cost in terms of time and resources of the work that she recommended but emphasised that the costs of not doing it would be “higher in terms of future life for the young people, the level of risk they present to others, the increased difficulty in breaking patterns of behaviour the more established they became and costs to future victims”.

F and I went on trial at Bangor Magistrates Court after Brandt perjured herself, in either July or Aug 1993. I wrote to Michael Mansfield in Oct (or perhaps Sept) 1993…

‘Meanwhile, the Officers In Charge of Cherry Hill and the Deputy Director of Social Services Gledwyn Jones had expressed to the Director of Clwyd Social Services, John Jevons, their grave concern about the procedure that was being adopted to investigate the allegations. They thought that the Department’s Child Protection procedures were not being followed and that insufficient urgency was being shown.’

Nearly all involved were old timers re Clwyd Social Services; Jevons had been Deputy Director of Social Services before he became Director. Gledwyn had cluttered up Social Services in north Wales for years as well.

After the row over the suppression of the Jillings Report in 1996, John Jevons, who had presided over Clwyd Social Services for so long, was appointed as Director of Cardiff Social Services. Julie Morgan was one of the Cardiff Councillors who welcomed him with open arms.

‘On 25 May 1993, [Lord Kenyon died on 16 May 1993] Jevons wrote a memorandum to the Child Protection Co-ordinator, David H. Davies and the Assistant Child Protection Officer, Paul Richards, requesting them to carry out an investigation into the history of the alleged incidents going back to November 1992 and how they were dealt with.’

It was in Nov or Dec 1992 that F’s baby was born; the Gang bribed the predators to make false allegations, kick F out and refuse him access to the baby…

Jevons ‘required advice also as to whether there were grounds for concern about how the matters had been handled, whether other action was necessary to protect children and whether there were lessons for all to be learnt from what had happened’.

Waterhouse observed that ‘The response to Jevons’s memorandum was far from satisfactory. On 18 June 1993 Paul Richards replied, explaining that certain practical matters had been recommended to secure the protection of the children but that finance was required and the cost was being investigated. Richards did not feel that any further investigation by him would provide further useful information: in his view the matter ought to be dealt with within the Division.’

‘Richards had two concerns that, he thought, should be addressed. The first was the perceived lack of communication between teams and of feedback to the home. The second was that the investigation had taken too long. Other comments by him were that a strategy meeting (including the police) should have been held at the very beginning and that it would be prudent for case conferences to be held so that any decisions as to abuse and protection would be the responsibility of an inter-agency group and not just the Social Services Department.

David Davies, who had left the investigations to Paul Richards, followed up ten days later with a memorandum of his own to Jevons, in which he made a number of indecisive comments and posed a number of questions, not all of which were very pertinent to the matters. Examples are: (i) Providing treatment is difficult and the outcome is uncertain. (ii) The emphasis on containment and vigilance, with limited therapy, may place staff in increasingly confrontational roles. (iii) There had been six child protection conferences arising from Cherry Hill children complaining about physical restraint between October 1989 and June 1993. (iv) Is there a case for a policy that allegations against staff should always be independently investigated by another division? (v) I am not clear whether the current enquiry is an assessment of the problems in order to plan therapeutic service or is social services carrying out its duty to investigate under Section 47 of the Children Act 1989?

Jevons’s response to Paul Richards’ memorandum preceded this last memorandum and made no comment on the finance required for therapeutic treatment of the children involved. Jevons said, in his own memorandum of 25 June 1993 to the Divisional Director (South), that he accepted the advice that there was little point in continuing to investigate the matter from the centre. He said also that he had been unable to discuss with Paul Richards the latter’s view as to the wisdom of sharing his report in full with the individuals whom he had interviewed because of Richards’ absence on leave. The Divisional Director (South) was left to address the two concerns identified in Paul Richards’ report, namely, communication between teams and the delay in progressing the investigation after the initial report coupled with the failure to convene case conferences.

The Divisional Director (South), Glynn Ridge, was “bemused” about the communication issues because he thought that there had not been any failures in this area. By 3 August 1993 he understood that case conferences had been convened and that they would ensure that the up-to-date information would be received and that the need for any protection measures or further investigation would be identified.

The Division’s Team Manager for Child Protection, John Roberts, was much less sanguine. In his response to the Divisional Director dated 11 August 1993, Roberts made the following points about communication between teams: “There have been problems of communication in the way this matter was initially handled which subsequently developed into problems of interpretation and unwillingness to reach any consensus view on resolving issues raised. Strategy meetings which have taken place have been plagued by polarised views which, not having been clearly resolved, have been perpetuated outside of the meetings. I have no doubt that practitioners involved in work with the boys concerned have been “caught in the cross fire” and their effectiveness lessened as a result.”

Roberts accepted that case conferences for each child involved should have been held at an early stage and that the reasons why this had not been achieved needed to be closely examined. But he added: “As matters have evolved, I am not unhappy that conferences were delayed on these particular boys for there was/is a real danger that arbitrary decisions may be made in distinguishing between `victim’ and `perpetrator’. Even now, with conflicting statements the matter is still open to professional interpretation and far from being clear cut, with no obvious criteria such as the use of `force’, `coercion’ or `inducements’ we are left with subjective interpretation of the individual’s power of influence over others. Regardless of any conference decision, we are still left with a serious problem in Cherryhill (sic). The sexual activity which has come to light is both totally inappropriate and illegal and all of the boys concerned need extensive input to reduce future risk to themselves and others. The major decision ought to be whether this is done on a group basis within Cherryhill or whether they should be split-up in an attempt to break the pattern and treated as individuals. If they remain at Cherryhill equally attention should be given to functioning and culture of Cherryhill as well as individual work with these boys. If they are split-up, intensive preparation would be required to ensure that similar patterns do not emerge in that placement.”

Absolute chaos then, staff having sex with children for years on end, no-one stopping them and then the kids all having sex with each other. Layers and layers of total fuckwits spending months reciting policy and procedures that they obviously do not understand, using social worker-speak, only to fail to do anything. Not that they could; Clwyd had one hell of a problem and the group sex on the part of the boys whom Norris had been allowed to assault daily for years was the just tip of the huge iceberg.

Stephen Norris was an an utter degenerate. Concerns had been raised about him repeatedly, including by a member of the public who went to the police in 1985, but the police simply told the complainant that they couldn’t act without evidence. Which was what I was told by the police every time that I approached them re the Gang.

I went to see my then MP, Keith Best, in the summer of 1985, re the mental health services. Mary Wynch won her appeal to the Master of the Rolls and received full coverage in the London-based broadsheets in July 1985.

Norris was left by these idiots sending memos to each other for years to molest and bugger boys in his care. When some of Norris’s victims continued the lifestyle to which they had been introduced by Norris, this lot had no idea what to do and were rather more exercised about their communication difficulties than kids who had developed a seriously damaged sexuality at the hands of Norris and were now assaulting other kids.

Oh and there were allegations of a ‘local paedophile ring’ as well but no-one could be certain that such a thing existed, even Ronnie, who was Chairing a Judicial Inquiry after years of public outrage re repeated claims that a big paedophile ring was operating in the north Wales/Cheshire region and had been for years but was being concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t.

That memorandum indicates that much remained to be done in August 1993, nine months after ‘the problem’ had first been recognised. The much bigger problem that was F and I – two people who had repeatedly complained about the abuses and criminality of the Gang – was very rapidly dealt with, a social worker lied her arse off to the police, then in the witness box, admitted that she’d lied, began crying in the witness box while she was on oath and I was found guilty for ‘looking at her’ and causing her alarm and distress…

Re the sexual excess of Norris’s victims, Waterhouse continued: ‘In our judgment Roberts summarised clearly the issues that had to be addressed but we do not have any direct evidence as to how matters progressed thereafter. This history was the subject of critical comment by the Jillings Independent Panel, which carried out its own investigations between March 1994 and December 1995, and we have before us a copy of a memorandum from Brian Stickels, Children’s Services Manager for the South Division dated 5 January 1996, in which he provides responses to some of the Panel’s criticisms.

So one of the other investigations into child abuse in north Wales happened upon this chain of sexual assault as well. Jillings himself refused to be drawn on whether a paedophile ring was in existence in north Wales, which might have been because the ring that was linked to a ring in Derbyshire and John Jillings was the former Director of Social Services in Derbyshire. See ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

Ronnie observed: ‘It is sufficient for our purposes to quote his response to the second criticism with which he dealt, namely, “Given past experiences of abuses within the children’s residential sector in Clwyd, the Independent Panel feels that the organisational response to this situation was less than satisfactory”. Stickels wrote: “The `abuses’ involved inappropriate sexual activity between male residents at Cherry Hill, no adults were involved or implicated.’

Not even Stephen Norris, who had been employed by Clwyd for years, who inducted the kids into behaving like this and was at that time serving his second prison sentence – check – for gross indecency, buggery etc

Ronnie’s High Court Judge’s Legal Brain continued to consider the evidence: ‘The disclosure of information was piecemeal and over a six to nine month period before the pattern and extent of behaviour began to emerge. From February 1993 it became clear that it was a major group management issue, involving a significant number of previous and existing residents, – ie. molested children – from that point the following action was taken: (i) Multi-Agency Planning Group established, Chaired by the Child and Family Social Work Manager (South Division), which included membership from North Wales Police and Clwyd Health Authority.’

The members of the Multi-Agency Planning Group had refused to stop Norris molesting kids for years, had failed to investigate serious complaints, had obstructed investigations at every opportunity and had also covered up for numerous other people behaving as Norris did. Dafydd and his mates ran Clwyd Health Authority and William Mars-Jones’s sister-in-law, a local busybody in Denbighshire who was married to a high profile Freemason and Councillor, was unlawfully CC’d into correspondence about me from Clwyd Health Authority officials after I had complained about Dafydd. When all this with the boys who Norris had wrecked was going on, I was STILL trying to get answers from Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and was simply met with the Gang perjuring themselves in the High Court in a series of attempts to have me jailed…

[The group of numpties appointed by Clwyd to ponder on the problems presented by Norris’s victims] met throughout 1993 and completed its work January 1994. (ii) All matters thoroughly investigated and Child Protection Conferences convened. Police involved and consulted throughout and decided with CPS against prosecutions.

In 1993 F and me were prosecuted on the basis of Brandt’s perjury. The DPP at the time was Dame Babs Mills of Middle Temple, a la Ronnie Waterhouse and Greville Janner…

(iii) Assessment of risk and intervention plans for all children carried out with the assistance of an independent Consultant with many years experience of work with young people who are sexually aggressive. . . .

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

(v) Staffing levels enhanced and support provided to Care Staff to increase levels of awareness and vigilance. (vi) A block imposed on all male admissions to Cherry Hill from March ’93 to October ’94. (vii) All parents kept fully informed of concerns, information shared and joint action agreed. (viii) All children offered health counselling and support.”

Ronnie maintained that: ‘In our judgment, however, this response obscures Clwyd’s failure to tackle the central problems referred to in the Roberts’ memorandum of August 1993. Moreover, it was merely a repetition of what the Independent Panel had already been told. Thus, (iii) corresponds with what Jevons described as the situation “as of February 1993”. On (v), the Panel had already commented, “We have been told that this support, provided by two specialist workers, was considered by residential staff to be the most useful input of all that was offered. It was, however, time limited due to financial constraints. The input of one of these workers was withdrawn after two sessions, the reason for which is unclear”. As to (vi), as the Panel pointed out, Paul Richards said in his June 1993 memorandum that the block on admissions would not have provided any respite because Cherry Hill was full. The Panel had already criticised (vii) and (viii) also, saying that staff had told them of delays of up to six weeks in informing some parents and commenting on the counselling “Health counselling is indeed vitally important for all young people in residential care. However, it cannot be considered sufficient to impact on sexual offending behaviour”.

Although we have some sympathy with Clwyd Social Services Department because nationally there was little by way of professional experience or practice guidance to assist in addressing such a situation, there were serious deficiencies in the Department’s response to the
serious problem that had arisen at Cherry Hill. In the end, technical procedural considerations are far less important than the actual effectiveness of the steps taken to protect from further harm the children involved and from future harm other children who might subsequently be affected.’

Ronnie identified breaches of good practice! ‘The consequences of these breaches of good practice were that senior managers failed to tackle the central issues affecting the welfare of the children involved and became preoccupied with procedural matters of marginal relevance. The residential care staff were given limited assistance. Discussion was bedevilled by misguided emphasis on the question whether the boys’ conduct had been “consensual” and they did not receive any professional treatment despite the advice that was received from Linda Butler.’

So none of this lot could do anything to stop the huge ring that they had all facilitated for years. But then neither could Ronnie Waterhouse.

 

There were three children’s homes in north Clwyd that hosted impressive degrees of criminality that was met with equally impressive degrees of fuckwittery when matters were brought to the attention of the authorities. These three homes were located in the former parliamentary constituency of West Flintshire and linked in the sense that they catered for similar children in the same broad geographical area.

Swinging Sir Anthony Meyer was the Tory MP for West Flintshire (which evolved into Clwyd North West), 1970-92. Swinging Sir Anthony’s grandmother Adele Meyer was a good friend of Bertrand Russell’s first wife and they established the forerunner of mother and babies clinics in St Pancras, as discussed in eg. ‘International Women’s Day! Let’s Celebrate with Jane…’. Swinging Sir Anthony had previously served as the MP for Eton and Slough, 1964-66, but after losing that seat and spending a few years in the wilderness, Lord Rhyl aka Nigel Birch ensured that Sir Anthony was a shoe-in for his seat when Lord Rhyl stood down. Lord Rhyl and Sir Anthony were both Of Gwynne And Dafydd, although Sir Anthony hated Beata Brookes, another Tory member of the Gang and the mother of all internal Gang wars between them in 1983 nearly destroyed the constituency Tory Party. Sir Anthony was a mate of Heseltine’s and they had two goes at colluding with each other and the Gang in an attempt to bag Heseltine the leadership of the Tory Party. See previous posts.

Image result for sir anthony meyer images

The homes were Upper Downing in Whitford, near Holywell; South Meadow and Park House, both in Prestatyn.

Upper Downing was opened in 1948 as a home registered under the National Assistance Act 1948 for 48 older boys and girls. The home was administered by the former Flintshire County Council and in the 1971 Regional Plan the intention was that it should be replaced in 1973 by homes in St Asaph and Prestatyn. In the event it survived the transfer of responsibility to Clwyd County Council for nearly three years until 31 January 1977 and it was described latterly as a reception centre. The resident children attended local schools.

We are aware of only five complainants who were resident at Upper Downing after 1 April 1974. Of these, three complained of sexual abuse by a gardener/driver at the home, who is now dead. An account was given to the police in July 1992 by one of the three, who had been taken into care at the age of 15 years in 1974. Whilst at Upper Downing between 2 March and November 1976 and aged 17 years (after placements at Cartrefle and Rhiwlas children’s homes in north Wales) she was permitted to work at a cafe in Holywell, travelling there and back by minibus. On Saturday 6 March 1976 the driver took her to a public house to watch a darts match on the pretext that other girls and a female member of staff would be there. She drank seven or eight cherry brandies at the public house and was then taken to the house of a friend of the driver, where she passed out after a couple of further drinks. She came to on the floor, finding the gardener performing oral sex upon her whilst his friend fondled her upper body. She ran from the house and was seen at 2.35 am by a policeman, crying and apparently drunk. She told him what had happened and was taken to the police station, where she alleged that the gardener had had intercourse with her. she did not make a written statement at that point. She was later taken to Rhiwlas before being returned to Upper Downing.

We have seen numerous documents recording subsequent developments in the matter. The girl declined to lay a complaint if it would involve her appearing in court as a witness but she did not want the gardener to “get away with it”. He denied any form of sexual assault or other impropriety, claiming that the girl had had permission to go to the public house with him and that she had behaved bizarrely later because she had made herself drunk. The Deputy Director of Social Services (Gledwyn Jones) and the Principal Social Worker (Children) (Gordon Ramsay) both attended at Upper Downing on 7 March 1976 and statements were provided by the relevant social services staff. Prosecution of the gardener was not considered to be appropriate but he was suspended from duty without pay on 8 March 1976 at a meeting that day with the Director of Social Services (Emlyn Evans) and others. The following day the Personnel Sub-Committee accepted a recommendation to dismiss him for gross misconduct in: (1) taking the girl out of Upper Downing without the consent of the Officer In Charge or his Deputy; (2) using a County Council vehicle without authority; (3) taking the girl to two public houses, where she had consumed intoxicating liquor; and (4) his subsequent behaviour in relation to the girl.

The subsequent behaviour presumably being sexually assaulting/exploiting the girl…

There followed an appeal to the appeals committee, which was dismissed on 16 June 1976. The gardener, who was a shop steward of NUPE, applied to an Industrial Tribunal for compensation on the ground of wrongful dismissal. The girl failed to appear to give evidence at the hearing and the Industrial Tribunal ruled in the gardener’s favour on 9 December 1976 on the grounds that (a) the allegation of sexual interference had been excluded on 8 March but had still been put before the Personnel Sub-Committee on 9 March and (b) other procedural unfairness. The Industrial Tribunal also found that the applicant had contributed to his dismissal and reduced the assessment of his loss by 50%. The award to the 56 year old gardener was £507.20. He was not re-employed by Clwyd County Council.

In 1976 Gen Sec of NUPE was Alan Fisher (20 June 1922-20 March 1988), who was born in Birmingham and spent his entire working life at NUPE, serving as General Secretary, 1968-82. This was a period of rapid growth for NUPE and included the Winter of Discontent. In 1981, Fisher served as President of the TUC.

Jezza Corbyn worked for NUPE while Fisher was General Secretary. When Wedgie Benn challenged Denis Healey for the Deputy Leadership of the Labour Party in 1981, NUPE were solidly behind Wedgie Benn. Previous posts have discussed how Wedgie Benn, like the politicians whom he loathed, colluded with the Westminster Paedophile Ring and Dafydd and Gwynne and tried to use that for his own benefit, as well of course as his Support For The NHS and tete a tetes with those at Tommy’s. Then there was that arrangement in which Eric Varley stepped down from his Chesterfield seat to take up a senior position with Coalite plc – and a seat in the Lords – allowing Wedgie Benn to replace him in Chesterfield, a seat on the site of the Derbyshire ring that exchanged staff with the Gang in north Wales just when the Gang needed reinforcements. I wrote to Wedgie Benn re the mental health services in north Wales after he stepped down as an MP; I received a one line reply a la Michael Mansfield and then within a short while Wedgie Benn made a guest appearance at Galeri in Caernarfon…

John Jillings who was Chair of the Jillings investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council from 1974 was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services. The Fearless Jillings was commissioned by Clwyd County Council themselves and Jillings launched the investigation in early Feb 1994, when the Gang knew that they might be in serious trouble… The Jillings Panel reported back in the spring of 1996; their Report was famously completely suppressed on the legal advice of the QC retained by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, who also insured the North Wales Police. The QC concerned was Michael Beloff, colleague of Cherie and good friend of both Miranda and Cherie. Beloff’s dad Lord Max was a friend of Ioan Bowen Rees. Lord Merlyn-Rees was a Director of Municipal Mutual at the time. It’s all detailed extensively in previous posts…

 

A biography of Fisher tells us that Alan Wainwright Fisher, died on 20 March 1988 in Gwynedd no less. Fisher it is claimed ‘improved pay for workers in local government, sanitation and sewage, and the NHS’.

In March 1988 I began my job with Vincent Marks’s team at Surrey University. Vincent’s brother John Marks was Chairman of the BMA at the time and was in battle with the Tories and Ken Clarke in particular and I was used as the football. The BMA were providing ‘advice’ to Dafydd and his colleagues re the ‘problem’ that was me. The job with Vincent was yet another trap laid by the Gang…

Alan Fisher’s fellow trade union baron David Williams was the Gen Sec of COHSE, 1983-87. David Williams had Trained as an Angel at Denbigh when Gwynne was at his lobotomising best. Williams was a member of the Labour Party’s NEC, 1981-83.

Fisher left secondary school in 1939 to join the local office of NUPE as a junior clerk, later becoming a district organizer (1953) and General Secretary (1968–82). Under his leadership, membership grew from 150,000 to more than 700,000, making NUPE the fifth largest union in the TUC. He was known as a fiery speaker and a well-organized strategist who planned the “dirty jobs” sttrike of 1971 and made controversial appointments. He presided over the 1978–79 “winter of discontent,” when NUPE staged a series of disruptive strikes in an attempt to force the government to increase earnings beyond the 5 percent limit that had been established in July 1978...

Roger Poole and Alan Fisher (right), NUPE:

Roger Poole and Alan Fisher NUPE

Alan Fisher (in the white flasher’s mac) of NUPE, and David Basnett (centre) of the GMWU head a mass march to Parliament during the 1978-79 ‘Winter of Discontent’.

Alan Fisher (white mac) of Nupe, and David Basnett (centre) of the GMWU head a mass march to Parliament during the 1978-79 ‘winter of discontent’.

So the gardener who doubled up as the NUPE shop steward and assaulted a 14 year old girl under circumstances that suggested a high degree of planning on the part of him and his mates bagged £500 in Dec 1976. I presume that the girl received nothing but I can imagine what her medical and social work records say about her… I wonder how she has fared in life?

December 1976: Remember this lot?

The PM:

James Callaghan.JPG

The Home Secretary:

Merlyn Rees appearing on "After Dark", 16 July 1988.jpg

The Welsh Secretary:

Lord Morris.jpg

 

Let’s seen how Ronnie summed up this horror of the molesting gardener who was only paid half of what he should have been for the trauma of sexually assaulting the 14 year old girl: ‘We are not in a position to reach any conclusion about the veracity of this complainant’s allegations of sexual abuse by the deceased gardener in March 1976. It is right to record, however, that there were two other girl residents who complained of less serious sexual interference by him in April 1975 but who were not believed by the woman officer then in charge, who left in November 1975’.

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November 1975: Remember this lot?

The PM:

Harold Wilson in 1962

The Home Secretary:

The Welsh Secretary:

Lord Morris.jpg

‘By the time that complainants were interviewed by the police in the course of the major police investigation the man in question had died’.

The sexually predatory gardener was dead, like so many of the people who’s names were on my records who were party to such serious crimes by the time that my lawyers managed to obtain those records, more than 20 years after I first asked for them. Dafydd, D.G.E. Wood etc are still with us, but I imagine that if I did ever say that I wanted to press charges I’d be told that the statute of limitations applies and ooh dear these offences were committed so long ago…

Of course no-one knew what that gardener was doing to the kids in care. Even the gardener was at it, but then as everyone else, including the Top Docs were, why on earth would he have restrained himself? Furthermore, as the NUPE shop steward, the gardener would have the gen on everyone else who was assaulting the kids, including those in rather more senior positions than him. Such as Sir Basil and Lady Rosemary.

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See the source image

As a result of the publicity associated with the Industrial Tribunal hearing the Chairman of an organisation called “Clwyd Watchdogs” wrote on 31 December 1976 to the Chairman of Clwyd Social Services Committee suggesting that the “affair” had revealed a number of very grave weaknesses in the running of community homes, notably: (a) the lack of clear, written instructions to staff (it seemed that there was only one slim document, which (he said) provided “the very minimum of enlightenment”); (b) inadequate provision for in-service training; and (c) no guidelines for staff with respect to children leaving the premises.

Had ‘Clwyd Watchdogs’ forgotten the rather more pressing matter of the kids being constantly sexually assaulted by anyone who felt like it who then received a bit of cash or a promotion if the kids complained and actually managed to demonstrate the validity of their complaint?

Another complaint also came to light in March 1976. The dismissed gardener had reported to Geoffrey Wyatt (Principal Officer) that Heather Lynn, then aged 24 years, who was serving her probationary period as a housemother at Upper Downing that started in October 1975, had been allowing a boy resident (K), aged 15 years to spend a lot of time in her bedroom and that K had been seen leaving her bedroom on one occasion at 7 am. It was alleged also that Lynn had begun drinking heavily. By the time of this report K had been transferred to Little Acton Assessment Centre but concern had been expressed by the staff there and a social worker that K was receiving frequent letters from Lynn, some with sexual connotations, and that their relationship “appeared to be very involved”. Little Acton Assessment Centre was the scene of yet more crimes and such a tangle of lies on the part of so many people that it was difficult to ascertain exactly who were the most serious offenders. See previous posts.

The report was treated as an official complaint and K and Lynn were interviewed. They both denied that there had been anything improper in their relationship.

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K said that he never went alone to Lynn’s bedroom but that he sometimes took her tea in the morning at 7 am or knocked on her door in case she had overslept. Lynn confirmed that boys did go into her bedroom. She said also that she was inexperienced in child care, admitting that she had become “over involved” with K, which might have been avoided if she had had more guidance.

None of the letters referred to were available at the time of the investigation, ‘except for an unsigned note in code’. That was highly convenient, although the unsigned note in code could well have read ‘K: See you tonight, in my bedroom, for hours of steamy sex and booze. Dr DA has offered Class As if we want them. The gardener will be dropping in as well, the gardener who doubles up as the NUPE shop steward and who is also shagging the kids. With deepest, passionate love, Heather Lynn, Probationary Housemother at Upper Downing’.

Lynn admitted writing letters to K, including the note, but could not remember the circumstances in which she had written the coded note and “was unable to explain its contents”, according to Wyatt’s subsequent memorandum to the Director of Administration dated 22 March 1976. K, on the other hand, strenuously denied that the note was from Lynn and alleged that it was from a girl in Rhyl; but Wyatt formed the opinion that he was “covering up”.  The Disturbed Kids did that constantly, when they had time to fit in the Covering Up around the Telling Lies To Get Compensation, where could they have learnt it from?

Wyatt concluded that the lack of any substantial information to corroborate the complaints made it difficult to pursue the matter further but he recommended that Lynn’s probationary period should be extended by six months on the ground that her first period of employment had not been entirely satisfactory. Thus offering more opportunities to have sex with the boys in her care. Which is indeed what Heather Lynn did, as discussed in ‘So Absolutely Sane, Clear, Quick, Intelligent and Safe…’

This recommendation appears to have been agreed earlier with Emlyn Evans (one-time Deputy Director and then Director of Clwyd Social Services) and Peter Gibson of the Legal and Administration staff who, jointly with Wyatt, interviewed Lynn on 11 March 1976 in the presence of a NUPE representative.

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In her written evidence Lynn maintained her denial of any improper association with K. He, however, gave oral evidence before us, confirming his earlier statements, beginning in May 1993, in which he had given a very detailed account of how sexual intercourse between him and Lynn had begun in her bedroom at Upper Downing and had developed quickly, at Lynn’s instigation, into a very regular occurrence. He had been at Upper Downing for only a short period from 20 October 1975 to 12 January 1976, when there were about 16 children at the home, of whom half were very young. Subsequently, when he had been interviewed whilst at Little Acton, he had not told the interviewers what had occurred because he had thought that he would not be believed and that he would get into trouble. Later, he had been at Cartrefle from 4 June 1976 to 5 July 1977 and Lynn had been transferred there from 20 December 1976: he alleged that she had tried then to renew the relationship but that he had avoided her, staying out of her way, except on two occasions when she had taken him out in her parents’ car and he had had sex with her.

In the course of his oral evidence the coded note was produced to K, to his manifest surprise. He explained the childishly simple numerical code that had been adopted and translated the note as follows: “A is 1 Superman Dear (K) I love you more than anything in the world and if that is what you want it’s okay by me. I’m not free and easy so you must realise how special you are to me. We must be very careful tonight though. Encyclopaedias Forever XX.”

Ronnie commented that ‘In the light of all the evidence before us we are fully satisfied that K has given us an essentially truthful account of his relationship with Lynn. We accept that he had no previous experience of sexual intercourse at the time and, in our judgment, her conduct did amount to serious sexual abuse of him.’

A constant theme throughout the Waterhouse Report that was ignored by people commenting on the evidence given by those who were Lying To Get Compensation, that rather than malicious lies, the kids stated repeatedly that they did not want to get people into trouble. Which is very much my memory of the Empowered Service Users’ line of thinking. People did not want to get other people ‘into trouble’ if they thought that there might have been a chance that they had misinterpreted a benign act. F and I repeatedly decided not to make formal complaints about Tony Francis when he was doing some very odd things because we were told by other members of staff that ‘Tony is ill’, ‘he is in severe pain’, ‘he is very stressed’ etc. It was all true, but no-one told us that Tony had been doing dreadful things to us and other Empowered Service Users for many, many years, that he had organised and planned traps and fit-ups with third parties, that he’d lied about us, encouraged other people to lie about us and that it was he who was 100% behind trying to force me into the arms (so to speak) of Dafydd…

Since beginning this blog I’ve been told that Tony was behind much of the aggro that Merfyn the VC experienced after he refused to force me out of Bangor University. Tony registered for a Masters degree in History, in Merfyn’s own Dept and at the time I presumed ‘Oh, he’s trying to creep to Merfyn, probably to smear me’. I’ve been told that it was the very opposite; Tony was busy befriending people who didn’t like Merfyn and between the lot of them they created a very toxic mix…

Things weren’t too bad at Upper Downing Ronnie was relieved to know: ‘The only other relevant complaint of which we are aware was made by a former girl resident who was at Upper Downing for about seven weeks in the summer of 1976. Her allegation was that she was punched in the face by a young male member of the staff, with the result that she knocked over a settee, sustaining a black eye and a very swollen finger. Her injuries were seen by a social worker and a woman member of the residential staff but she did not wish to make a formal complaint. The man who struck her was not regarded as a suitable residential care worker. He was employed at Upper Downing for a comparatively short period and left to work as a postman.’

So a girl received a punch in the face from an adult male member of staff, the injuries were too severe to be denied but the girl decided not to make a formal complaint. I bet she didn’t want to make a formal complaint, she knew that she was going to be stuck there with him and would get another punch in the face or worse. It was of course the responsibility of the social worker and woman member of residential staff to get that girl out of the way of the bloke who punched her in the face, ring the police and have him arrested. But no, the girl was asked while no doubt still dripping in blood if she’d like to make a formal complaint about him.

I can only ever remember being asked once if I wanted to make a formal complaint; it was about Dafydd and Alun Davies asked me. It was in the mid-1990s, years after I had made my initial complaints about Dafydd. My records were still being unlawfully withheld from me and I had no idea that they contained detailed descriptions written by other staff of Dafydd’s law breaking and documentation compiled by Top Docs in London stating that Dafydd had told them that I was ‘attractive and seductive’ and that the Top Docs believed that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and they thought that Tony Francis was as well.

After yet another endless discussion with Ella in which she emphasised that Dafydd hadn’t touched me so there was nothing to complain about (I’d got away from Dafydd, he didn’t get the chance; he had still unlawfully arrested me, illegally imprisoned me, turned up in the dorm in Denbigh at midnight to ‘see me’, hit me in front of witnesses on one occasion, as well as the bog standard constant perjury, lies, forging of documentation, conspiracy, breach of confidence etc) and after F and I had been arrested God knows how many times in the previous few weeks, I had got so fed up that I’d started crying. At that point, Alun Davies appeared in the doorway and asked me for the first time EVER ‘Well do you want to make a formal complaint about Dafydd?’ I just said ‘No, I don’t think that I do’. Well I had only written what must have been over 100 letters to a whole variety of Official Authorities over the previous eight years with details, dates, venues, names of witnesses etc…

I rather got the impression that my ‘formal complaint’ would go nowhere, as Ella had indeed implied that it would…

In the 1970s, Ella had worked as a midwife in Chester. She will have known that Top Docs across the whole of north Wales had unlawfully conspired to prevent any woman in north Wales from accessing NHS abortions on any grounds, yet would refer them on demand to a ‘private abortionist’ in Chester who was so dangerous that he was putting lives as risk. Ella will have known that Gwynne and Dafydd were ‘treating’ patients from Cheshire for homosexuality and no doubt other Serious Illnesses. She almost certainly had at least heard about the organised abuse in Cheshire that was linked to the organised abuse in north Wales. The were Much More Respectable in Cheshire than the sheepshaggers were over in north Wales, but Cheshire used north Wales as their latrine and the Posh of north Wales did their shopping and socialising in Cheshire.

Years later, when I told Ysbyty Gwynedd that I wanted to make a formal complaint about a violent male healthcare assistant who, with three of his female colleagues had inflicted injuries on me – I was kept in a locked ward and denied contact with the police until my injuries had healed and then immediately arrested for ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ after Davies and eight NHS Angels had perjured themselves – the CEO Keith Thomson ordered the North Wales Police to video my interview. As I was leaving the hospital to go to the police station, I was told by a mole that Thomson and the police had made an arrangement to mount a prosecution against me for wasting police time or even perjury if the charges against my assailant didn’t stick.

My injuries had healed, I was faced with a load of lying NHS staff in cahoots with lying police officers so I told them to forget about it. I later found out that four other female patients had made complaints about the same male healthcare assistant that I had. Like me, they had all woken up in the middle of the night to find him in their rooms, unaccompanied, over their beds, pinning them down….

There really is nothing wrong with the NHS in north Wales that millions more quid from Drakeford won’t put right, along with yet another news item about Angels Being Attacked By Patients.

 

Here’s Ronnie’s conclusion re Upper Downing: ‘As far as we have been able to ascertain, there were few complaints about Upper Downing in relation to the period when Clwyd County Council managed it (and before). The former residents whose evidence we have seen have, in general, described their time in the home as happy: it seems that a genuine effort was made to create a homely atmosphere, even though most of the residential care staff were untrained. The two serious matters that did arise in 1976 came to light quite quickly and were then investigated with a proper sense of urgency at a high level within the Social Services Department. We do not think that it would be appropriate to criticise the procedural steps then taken because these were the early days of implementation of the provisions of the new employment legislation beginning with the Employment Act 1972. The failure to dismiss Heather Lynn then was however highly questionable, despite K’s denials of any improper association with her; the coded note could have been deciphered by anyone with an elementary knowledge of the subject and would thus have thrown a clear light upon the truth. As it was Lynn survived and failed to learn from the experience, as her eventual conduct at Cartrefle demonstrated.’

Heather Lynn carried on having sex with the boys in her care when she was transferred to Cartrefle…

Previous posts have discussed how at the Waterhouse Inquiry, it was revealed that Geoffrey Wyatt, a senior manager for Clwyd Social Services, excused himself re the Bryn Estyn excesses by stating that although he was the line manager of Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, Arnold was paid more than him, ignored everything that Wyatt said and simply rang the Welsh Office directly whenever Arnold required something.

South Meadow Community Home South Meadow, in Ffordd Ffrith, Prestatyn, was also a long established children’s home. It was a large house in the centre of a residential area and it was opened by Flintshire County Council, probably on 1 January 1967, as a home for up to 12 children. In its grounds was a cottage providing accommodation for some of the staff but latterly this was used to provide residents with training for independence. The resident children of appropriate age attended local schools. South Meadow survived for 16 years from 1974 under the management of Clwyd County Council until its functions were transferred on 14 September 1990 to Cefndy Hostel, Rhyl, formerly an adult hostel for the physically handicapped, which became known thereafter as New South Meadow. Similarly, Park House closed in August 1991, when its functions were transferred to New South Meadow. The new amalgamated unit then lasted only two years before closing in October 1993.

I wrote to Michael Mansfield about the abuses of Gwynedd social workers in either Sept or Oct 1993. MM sent me a one-line reply. I have since been told that MM sent up the distress flare and all Radical Lawyers were warned not to take a case for me against the Gang if I approached them.

See the source image

Ronnie continued: ‘As we have said earlier, we have not received any complaint about New South Meadow and we deal here, therefore, with the history of South Meadow itself as a community home in the 16 years period referred to in the preceding paragraph. We know of five complainants who were resident there before 1974 and who complain of being abused there by one or both of a married couple then on the staff but these complaints refer to alleged incidents long before the takeover by Clwyd and therefore outside our terms of reference.

1974 to 1981: the regime of Joan Glover. The Officer-in-Charge of South Meadow for about the first half of the relevant period was Joan Glover and she has been the main target of the complaints of which we are aware. She had become a housemother at South Meadow on 1 October 1969, at the age of 22 years. She remained there until the end of 1972 and up to that point she had not received any training: she had lived in Staffordshire previously, working in the packing department of a Royal Doulton factory, teaching at Sunday School and doing voluntary work in youth clubs.’

Staffordshire was the location of another big ring linked to the Gang, that was concealed by all the local MPs – including Jennie Lee, widow of Nye – the NHS and Keele University. Michael Mansfield is a graduate of Keele, as is Alun Michael, who was named by Gang member David Hunt as taking orders from NUPE. See ‘The Paedophiles Friends of Cardiff North’. Sir Clough Williams-Ellis of Swinging Croesor had a daughter who married a man from Stoke-on-Trent and who moved to the area to live, to assist the Williams-Ellis family business. Which as any fule kno is Portmeirion pottery.

‘However, in 1973 [Joan Glover] took a year’s course for RCCOs (the CRCCYP) at Salford Institute of Technology before returning to South Meadow as senior housemother or Officer-in-Charge from 1 January 1974.

Although Joan Glover had apparently had an unblemished record as a housemother at South Meadow and had received a letter from Flintshire’s Director of Social Services thanking her warmly for her service in that capacity (when she left in 1973 for her training course), there were difficulties soon after she returned and became Officer-in-Charge. She received a copy of a memorandum from the Director of Social Services (Emlyn Evans) dated 20 June 1974 and addressed to “Staff in Residential Establishments for Children and Young People”. This read: “Corporal Punishment in Residential Establishments for Children and Young People 1.Revised Community Home Regulations are to be published at an early date. These regulations follow the policy of both former Authorities that no member of staff will inflict corporal punishment on any child or young person in any circumstances (Corporal punishment to include striking, slapping, pushing etc.). 2.The Children & Young Persons Act (Community Home Regulations) 1972 states that `The control of a Community Home shall be maintained on the basis of good personal and professional relationships between staff and the children resident therein’. 3.The above Clwyd County Council policy decision is drawn to the attention of all staff employed in the appropriate Homes in order that there can be no unfortunate misunderstanding or misconduct, and any infringement of this policy will be viewed with the utmost gravity. Please ensure that every member of your staff is aware of this regulation.”

Despite this clear instruction, Glover was involved in an incident on 26 August 1975 with a girl resident, then aged 13 years, in the course of which Glover caught hold of the girl from behind, turned her round and slapped her across the face. The girl in question (M), who had been at South Meadow for only about seven weeks, had undoubtedly proved to be particularly difficult and had been bullying other girls persistently; on the occasion when she was slapped, she had herself just slapped an eight year old girl across the face, knocking her over. Moreover, there had followed further difficulties with M, which had been resolved in the course of the next day or so. Nevertheless, a serious view of the matter was taken and it was investigated by Veronica Pares, then Principal Residential and Day Care Officer, at least to the extent of a full discussion with Glover.

In her oral evidence to the Tribunal, Glover admitted “losing her rag” with M because the latter had been very troublesome. The upshot of the matter was that she was required to meet formally with the Deputy Director and Pares on 29 September 1975, following which she received a written warning and reprimand by letter dated 3 October 1975 from the Director.

We do not know of any further reports or complaints about Joan Glover until 1979 but by that time the other members of the staff at South Meadow had become very restive about her conduct towards the children and her temperament generally. Geoffrey Wyatt (Principal Officer), W.P. Grant (Staffing Officer) and the Area Officer (Mrs E G Griffiths) all became involved in the matter and a number of meetings took place between officials, with the staff and with Glover herself. The matter came to light when, on 21 June 1979, members of the residential care staff at South Meadow told the Area Officer of their concern about Glover’s behaviour, which (they said) had become more noticeable over the past few months. They reported that Glover was shouting at the children, extremely irritable and very tense, impatient and intolerant; and their concern was said to be for the children, who were becoming frightened by this behaviour. It was said also that the RDCO had commented on this behaviour pattern. The Area Officer commented on this report that, to her knowledge, Glover had no outside interests and was very insular. She said also that Glover was not delegating work to her staff and that communication and staff relationships were breaking down.’

The day to day conduct of staff in the children’s homes was so dreadful – and the kids were used to truly appalling conduct – that for Glover’s conduct to have been described as such, it must have been very bad indeed. In health and social care speak, ‘communication and staff relationships breakdown’ translated as ‘all out war between people who hated each other, after many years of very bad behaviour breaching the law’.

Waterhouse continues: ‘There was no improvement in the following month, although Glover was undergoing treatment from her own doctor and the County’s Occupational Medical Officer was consulted. She claimed to have been unaware of anything amiss until she learnt from her doctor of the Occupational Medical Officer’s interest in her condition.’

So a GP and the Occupational Medical Officer knew about this violent loony who was at war with her colleagues and worked with kids. I note that throughout the Waterhouse Report, not one Top Doc was named. It is traditional in medicine to grant anonymity to patients rather than Top Docs. In north Wales, there was no confidentiality for patients, but in every official investigation or inquiry, the names of the Top Docs treating the crazy abusive staff, even those Top Docs assisting them in retiring early with access to pensions after they had been convicted of assaulting children, or treating (or failing to treat) injured or abused kids were never ever provided.

Dr James Davies, the Tory MP for the Vale of Clwyd, 2015-17, used in his campaigning material his status as a Top Doc from Prestatyn, who’s father and grandfather had been Top Docs in Prestatyn. Dr James’s father and grandfather will have known about Dafydd and Gwynne and his dad will have known about those Sex Therapy Clinics with party music and drinks that Dafydd ran from a house that he owned in Prestatyn. Dr James Davies went to WHICH school in Chester.

Anyone for Uncle Harry or Harriet’s dad? Or indeed Tessa Jowell’s dad? Sister Hutt’s dad? They all Knew About Dafydd and Gwynne.

Waterhouse mentioned how Joan Glover ended up Under The Top Doctors: ‘Eventually, however, one of the housemothers, on behalf of the staff and children, confronted her with these anxieties and advised her to seek medical help.’

Was Joan Glover so excessive that it was feared that an event so serious would occur that police involvement and public scrutiny could not be avoided?

‘The result of these developments was that on 14 August 1979 Wyatt and Grant held meetings, firstly with the staff and then with Glover and six days later it was agreed that she would take four weeks leave from 1 September 1979. It seems to have been agreed also that she would become non-resident Officer-in-Charge, initially for a two months’ trial period; and she lived out from 1 September 1979, at Meliden, for the last 18 months of her period as Officer-in-Charge. Unfortunately, there was little, if any, improvement in Glover’s behaviour when she resumed her work at South Meadow after her holiday. Anxiety was being expressed again by the staff at the home in November 1979 and was being repeated in the following two months. The main problem was that Glover was said to be hitting children still and subjecting them to harsh treatment; she was said to be quite paranoid and it was alleged that she had not really changed since her holiday. There was also confusion for the resident children because Glover’s attitude contrasted strongly with that of another member of the staff when left in charge, who was so kindly that the children were sometimes uncontrollable in the evening.’

I can only imagine what Glover was doing if she was considered ‘harsh’ by the standards of children’s homes in north Wales. ‘Paranoid’ as applied to a member of the Gang will have meant seriously mad; it could well have been Ronnie-speak for Glover making seriously weird accusations about the children. The ‘kindly’ member of staff will have been someone who let the kids run riot after whatever Glover had done to them before the kindly member of staff arrived on duty. Or that might have just been Ronnie’s excuse for traumatised, injured, rioting kids after a few hours in Glover’s care.

‘We are not aware of any steps taken to remedy the situation in the following 12 months but it then resolved itself because in February 1981 Glover applied successfully for a post as a housemother with the Pentecostal Child Care Association.’

Presumably with glowing references… There was a Pentecostal Church in Bangor. They were very cliquey but used to hold singing sessions in the town centre. The singing sessions were brilliant, people used to join in for entertainment because it was very happy clappy. However, there was an underbelly to the Pentecosts, at least those in Bangor. I knew an Empowered Service User who went to the Pentecostal Church who was clearly experiencing serious emotional damage at their hands. They kept telling her that she wasn’t ‘getting better’ because she wouldn’t put her problems at the feet of Jesus. I knew this girl quite well; she had grown up as a kid in care in north Wales from the age of six, she had been fostered by two Gwynedd social workers who had violently attacked her and she constantly tried to kill herself. She really couldn’t cope with adult life at all and adopted the style of a small child of about six, although she was in her 20s. F and one of my friends used to observe ‘She needs a mother not a bloody psychiatrist’. She was treated very callously by the Hergest staff who labelled her an attention seeker – she was, but she was desperate – and then Tony Francis ordered that she was not to treated. She was discharged and attempted suicide in the car park of Ysbyty Gwynedd, so was readmitted hours later after the ambulancemen found her…

The distressed Empowered Service User kept trying to talk to the Hergest staff about her experiences with the Pentecosts. They refused to discuss it, even the distress that the Pentecosts were causing, ‘because we’re not allowed to give advice on spiritual matters’. (Although Ysbyty Gwynedd employed chaplains who were friends with Dafydd.)

The saga with the Pentecosts continued; they were the main social support for the Empowered one, because Hergest refused to provide support…

There was a German woman who lived in Water Street in Rachub in the 1980s and 90s who was active in the Pentecostal Church in Bangor. She kept very much to herself and her family, apart from her Church activities, although I always found her very pleasant superficially, at the bus stop etc. She must have known the Empowered Service User who had suffered at the hands of the Gwynedd foster carers though. At one point, a particularly mad, offensive resident of Rachub tried to befriend the German Pentecost but the German Pentecost wouldn’t have anything to do with her. I thought that the German Pentecost must have simply had far more sense than to involve herself with that person; it was only after I began writing this blog that I realised that the mad, offensive person who tried to befriend the German Pentecost had worked in the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor and after years of telling everyone how appalling Nefyn Dodd, the manager, was, suddenly, during the Waterhouse Inquiry, couldn’t remember Dodd ever abusing the kids. It was during the Waterhouse Inquiry that she tried to befriend the German Pentecost.

Joan Glover left South Meadow to take up the appointment with the Pentecostal Child Care Association on 27 March 1981. Ronnie observed ‘It lasted for about two years, until she was made redundant, and she has been employed as a family support worker since then.’

So Mad Joan continued working with vulnerable people and kids then and was still doing so well into the 1980s at least. I note that Ronnie didn’t mention WHO employed Joan Glover as a family support worker after she parted company with the Pentecostal Child Care Association in 1983. Joan will have been working for them when I complained about Gwynne and then found myself at War with the Gang…

Ronnie discussed Glover further: ‘Two former child residents of South Meadow confirmed the general picture that we have given of Glover’s behaviour during her period as Officer-in-Charge. The witness (X) who gave oral evidence about her was particularly clear and impressive. He was there from the age of five to 14 years, that is, from December 1968 until 1977; and he was there with two brothers because their parents’ marriage had broken down. He described Glover as a “Jekyll and Hyde” character, a split personality. He was bedwetting about twice a week for a time and he alleged that Glover “took against him” for this reason and would push his face into the wet bedclothes. Assaults on one or other of the children by Glover were a daily occurrence. X himself was smacked on the head or legs; she would grab him by the back of his hair; and she would crack him with her “clogs or Scholls” (which she always used to wear).

Image result for 1970s scholl sandals images

He referred also to a particular girl resident, who suffered this kind of treatment every couple of days but who, on other occasions, would be hugged by Glover and praised as if she were Glover’s own child. His older brother, who was more interested in football than in schoolwork, was also, for example, “whacked” on the back of his head with a shoe because he had not done his homework.

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In more general evidence about South Meadow X said that he had respect for the way in which it was run but the children were not treated with respect by Glover specifically.

‘Ah give us a cuddle dear’.

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There were other members of the staff who sympathised and were approachable and he mentioned particularly a part-time member of the staff who used to take children to tea at her house for a break. She would also stay around if there was “an atmosphere” in order to protect the children.’

‘An atmosphere’ is another north Wales euphemism. A member of the Mental Health Act Commission in the 1980s stated that the Commission was worried about Denbigh because ‘of the atmosphere’. Robert Bluglass, in his 1988/89 cover-up of the criminality of the Gang noted in his Report that staff witnesses from Denbigh had told him that the ‘atmosphere’ in Bryn Golau Ward was ‘oppressive’. Bryn Golau was a kitchen, a day room, a smaller day room and two dorms for sleeping and the only facilities were a billiard table, a TV and a ping pong table accompanied by one ping pong ball which was not replaced after it broke when I spent two days playing with it. Every patient was held there illegally and some of them had been there for a year. One young man who had been at a university in the north of England before he Went Mad just slept on the floor of the billiard room all day – patients weren’t allowed in the dorms during the day ‘because if we let them do that, they just sleep all day’ – because, as he said to me, ‘there is absolutely nothing else to do here, nothing’. 

There was only one bath in Bryn Golau, that was in a locked room and if you actually used it, Angels would crash into the bathroom and offer to ‘help’ one to have a bath. The other alternative was a wash at the sinks that were in the communal bogs. I have recently blogged about how hidden cameras filmed the patients everywhere, including in the bath and at those sinks and the footage was used as wanking material by staff and was offered to punters who were bidding for the sexual services of identified patients.

The Top Docs responsible for Bryn Golau at the time were Dafydd, Tony Francis and Neil Davies. 

Other oppressive aspects of the atmosphere in Bryn Golau were the violent SEN Steven Rose, Dafydd’s midnight ward rounds in which I was the only patient ‘reviewed’, the lies told by staff to provide excuses for the transfer of patients to Risley Remand Centre and the staff accessing confidential info about patients and then using it to cause them as much upset as possible. If the staff were lucky, young men who had been buggered in the children’s homes would respond to sexual slurs (such as calling the victim of the old paedophiles a ‘nonce’) by threatening to or actually smacking the male Angel in the mouth, which justified multiple Angels beating the Empowered Service User to a pulp.

F was in Denbigh in 1986, but I didn’t know him then because he was on a different ward. The male Angels insulted him constantly and ordered him to ‘take off your clothes’ for no good reason; F refused, the Angels yelled louder, ‘take off your clothes’. F didn’t even respond with the obvious, QUE???, he simply asked them to say ‘please’. On F’s ward the Angels were wearing the quasi-Military uniforms of those who Cared and F flipped one of the epaulettes and said ‘Who are you then, Field Marshal?’ F was dragged down a corridor, jabbed in the buttocks and was out cold for a few hours. I bet that was documented as a ‘violent attack’ on the Angels as well.

Ooh there was a bit of an atmosphere…

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Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

Waterhouse noted that ‘Most of the staff would have seen what was happening but only a couple of them would stand up to Glover. Other members of the staff did on occasions slap children but they did so very rarely.’

Business as usual then, a la Steven Rose. The other staff didn’t drag me down a corridor and tell me that it was tempting to beat me up, but they did watch Rose do it, fail to intervene and later when I challenged them told me to ‘just forget about him’. Many months after I left Denbigh, the final response to my complaint about Rose – after a few letters were completely ignored – was that all staff who worked with Mr Rose never saw him behave in an unprofessional way on any occasion. Staff had testified that I was Paranoid And Extremely Disturbed At The Time. Although they did admit that I had been detained unlawfully. Furthermore I now had to piss off and shut up about Steven Rose because he was no longer working at Denbigh, he had been transferred to Park Lane Hospital. Park Lane and Moss Side Hospitals on Merseyside made up Ashworth Hospital. In the 1990s there were two Inquiries into Ashworth, because there was an atmosphere at Ashworth too. Part of one Inquiry was into the death of a patient at the hands of the Angels. One Prof Robert Bluglass investigated that murder, assisted by a Senior Angel from his own clinic in Birmingham and one of Dafydd’s Senior Angels…

Waterhouse stated that ‘X was also asked about his relationship with his social worker. In response, he said that he had mainly one social worker, who was “useless”. He saw his social worker very rarely, just once every couple of months: he would speak in confidence to this social worker, who would then disclose what had been said. X made a plea for much stricter confidentiality because a child’s social worker should be a proper lifeline and should have greater influence on how the child is treated. The other former resident whose evidence we heard was the girl (M) mentioned in paragraph 17.22 as “an eight year old girl”, for whom Glover had special affection. In her statement M said that Glover treated her like her own child but became ever stricter with her, spanking her (for example) on the bottom with hand and slipper. She had been in care with her two sisters from the age of two years and was at South Meadow from 1969, when she was three years old, until 1982; and the result was that she thought that being smacked all the time was natural. But Glover was the only member of the staff who struck her.’

That girl didn’t just think that being smacked all the time was natural, she thought that being smacked all the time by the crazed Joan Glover in between breaks in which she was treated with ‘special affection’ by the unhinged Ms Glover armed with the Dr Scholl Weapons for Cracking Heads was natural.

Glover was obsessed with her and she said, “Although I loved her and was loved by her, I was very frightened of her”.

Wake up Ronnie, Joan was a lesbian with a thing about young girls…

In the course of her statement to the police in September 1992, M described numerous specific incidents of abuse by Glover, which continued until she was 14 years old, and she said that they were usually followed by apologies. She said also that she had often run away from South Meadow to the local police station and told them what was going on but they had done nothing to help and would merely telephone the home for someone to collect her.

When I escaped from Bryn Golau after being illegally imprisoned there, the police were called. I was returned to Bryn Golau, illegally, where I was held illegally all over again.

The Home Secretary at the time:

Lord Hurd (cropped).jpg

‘It is right to record that M did go on, at her own request, in 1982 to live at a hostel in Clevedon, Avon, run by the Pentecostal Child Care Association, of which Glover was then Officer-in-Charge.’

Clevedon near Bristol. Still considered by traditionalists to count as Somerset. The domain of the Top Docs of Bristol, including the father of D.G.E. Wood.

The MP for that constituency since DATE has been dear old Liam Fox, who dines out on his status as a Top Doc. When Joan Glover was the most senior member of day to day staff at the Pentecostal Child Care Association’s hostel in Cleveden, the constituency MP was Arthur Paul Dean, Baron Dean of Harptree, (14 September 1924-1 April 2009).

Paul Dean was born in Northwich, Cheshire, England, on 14 September 1924, and was educated at Ellesmere College and Exeter College, Oxford. He served with the Welsh Guards during the Second World War, being commissioned in that regiment on 28 January 1944. He fought with the regiment’s 2nd Battalion, part of the Guards Armoured Division under Major General Allan Adair, in the Battle of Normandy where he was wounded. Shortly after the end of World War II in Europe Dean served in Germany with the British Army of the Rhine (BAOR) as aide-de-camp (ADC) to the General Officer Commanding (GOC) I Corps, initially Lieutenant-General Sir John Crocker and then Lieutenant-General Sidney Kirkman before Lieutenant-General Ivor Thomas took over from September 1945. Dean retired from the army in 1949.

Dean was MP for North Somerset from 1964 to 1983, and after boundary changes, for Woodspring from 1983 until his retirement in 1992, preceding Liam Fox. Dean was a junior Minister for Health and Social Security during the 1970-1974 Conservative Gov’t, while brutality and chaos presided in north Wales. Health and Social Services were devolved to the Welsh Office, but the DHSS knew what was happening because of the linked rings in other parts of the UK and the Top Docs in the London medical schools who were providing the big umbrella.

Sir Keith Joseph was Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1970-74. Joseph – Leeds MP – Savile HQ – Joseph went back to Macmillan’s Gov’t – knew about Gwynne and Dafydd then. Joseph was part of the scrapping and charades which led to Thatch becoming Leader of the Tory Party on DATE. Edward du Cann, his war with my grandfather and the associated shenanigans in the West Country Tory Party were involved. See eg. ‘The Milk Street and Other Mafias’.

Keith Joseph appointed Barbara Kahan as his adviser for children’s social work when he was at the DHSS – Babs and her husband Dr Vlad – Oxford for years – Babs and Allan Levy QC co-chairs of Inquiry into Staffordshire Pindown Scandal – Reported in DATE – covered up the worst – longstanding ring in Staffordshire linked to the Gang in north Wales

Staffs ring went back as far as 60s CHECK – Jennie Lee – also concealed by Keele University – Peter Righton – Babs

Michael Mansfield and Alun Michael are graduates of Keele

ring was also the cause of the terrible events in the NHS in Staffordshire that were concealed for decades until they erupted on Miranda’s watch. Levy – undertook work for the GMC

Sir Robert Francis QC – Chaired Mid-Staffs NHS Inquiry – Francis was retained by the  MDU to act for the Drs Francis in early 1991 when they tried to have me imprisoned yet again.

When Babs was still a social work manager, one of her social workers was Louis Minster – paedophile who became Director of Richmond-upon-Thames Social Services –

Refs to prev posts in Here

Keith Joseph was appointed Education Secretary on 11 Sept 1981 just before I arrived at UCNW for Freshers’ Week. Joseph remained in post throughout my time at UCNW, indeed until 21 May 1986, the month after my friend Anne Vernon was killed.

From 1982 until his retirement, Paul Dean was a Deputy Speaker of the House of Commons firstly under George Thomas and then Bernard Weatherill. He was knighted in the 1985 New Years Honours.

In 1993 Dean became Baron Dean of Harptree, of Wedmore in the County of Somerset.

Gary Glitter lived at Wedmore – that prison governor who lived nearby on the Somerset Levels who Chaired the Inquiry into the 1989 Risley Riots – Michael Mansfield etc – Ned Sherrin’s family farmed on the Levels –

Molesting clergy who migrated to the Somerset Levels included Rev J.F. Rigg and Carlo’s friend Bishop Peter Ball – See previous posts.

In Jun 1990, Paul Dean ‘as Chair, used his casting vote’. Hansard, 21 June 1990 provides a record of the context, which was an amendment to the NAME OF BILL re abortion law reform:

Mr. Deputy Speaker (Sir Paul Dean) : In accordance with precedent I cast my vote to leave the Bill as reported from the Committee, and accordingly my vote is with the Noes, so the Noes have it. Question accordingly negatived.


Column 1221

Order for Third Reading read.

Mr. Kenneth Clarke : I beg to move, That the Bill be now read the Third time.

The last vote symbolised the fact that we have talked ourselves to exhaustion with just five minutes left on the Bill. I should like to thank the officials, doctors and lawyers in my Department who helped me and a number of hon. Members during the passage of the Bill. The Government introduced the Bill because of the need to have legislation on the important matter of embryo research. The House has always agreed that we need to have a Bill either banning research or regulating it. The House took advantage of the Bill to introduce law reform, and there was general agreement that we should take this opportunity to resolve the outstanding issues on abortion law to demonstrate to the public that we could come to a conclusion and settle the issue for some years.

It has been agreed throughout that once the House had made its clear decision in a free vote on all the ethical matters under consideration, it was our duty to present legislation to settle matters in the country so that the medical profession, the public and all those who hold strong views would know where they stood on these important matters. We have now resolved all the issues on embryology and abortion and I hope that we can end on a non-controversial note by giving a Third Reading to a Bill that is obviously needed to resolve this issue for some time.

Ms. Richardson : I think that this is the first time that I have seen the Whips so mixed up. I suppose that was because we had a dead heat in the vote on the last amendment. There seemed to be some confusion, but there has been understandable confusion throughout the passage of the Bill.

I should like to add my thanks to those of the Secretary of State for Health for the help that his officials have given us in drafting. We are grateful for that. I should also thank the many people on both sides of the argument who have sent us many letters and much information. All our debates and consideration have made us better informed than we were when the Bill started on its way, and that is because of the attention that outside bodies have given to the House. They gave us the information that we needed to make up our minds. Proceedings in Committee were meticulous, correct and enjoyable and I am grateful to the Minister for Health for her help. I do not think that I have ever had the last word in the House at the closing stage of a Bill. I hope that I shall have the opportunity on future Bills to have the last word again.

Mr. Michael Jopling (Westmorland and Lonsdale) : I am sorry to disappoint the hon. Member for Barking (Ms. Richardson), but I too want to have perhaps the last word by expressing my warmest thanks to my right hon. and hon. Friends in the Government for the way in which they have responded to a point that I made on Second Reading.


CLARKE –  – Sec State of Health was WHO?? – Jopling??

Jo Richardson was the Labour MP for Barking, yet another Wimmin’s Champ of the left who took no crap from Men but who remained silent about Gwynne, Dafydd and the associated horrors, as discussed in previous posts. Richardson died in office on 1 Feb 1994, leaving an opportunity for Miranda’s friend from Islington, Little Nell, to stand for election. Little Nell became the MP for Barking on 9 June 1994, the day that Matt Arnold, former Head of Bryn Estyn died ‘from an unidentified blood disease’.

The Beast of Bolsover as well as Two Jags was at Ruskin College when Matt taught there and Peter Howarth was his student.

Aug 1990 – after COURT CASE RE ME – Peter Morrison n Thatch

The Guardian’s obituary for Paul Dean was written by Andrew Roth and published on 2 April 2009:

Lord Dean of Harptree, who has died aged 84, was a former Commons deputy speaker and the Conservative MP for Somerset North, and then Woodspring, Avon, for 28 years. The epitome of the gentlemanly, old-fashioned Conservative – tall and slow-speaking – he held firmly to slow-motion reform of the House of Lords. In his half-dozen active years in the upper chamber, to which he was elevated in 1993, he resisted a rapid cull of hereditary peers and too wide a register of their outside interests. Although he was pro-Europe, he was very much a traditionalist, adhering to principles such as Sunday-is-sacred and capital punishment.

Apart from his term as a junior minister at the department of health and social security (1970-74), he maintained his business interests; he was a director of Charterhouse Pensions and the brewers Watney-Mann and Truman, consultant to Grand Metropolitan and Antony Gibbs Pension Services, a governor of Bupa and deputy chairman of the PR firm Roward Panton.

THE MISSING SHARES??

ANY RELATION TO WING COMMANDER IAN PANTON of Dafydd’s gang??

Dean was a religious man – he was on the governing body of the Church of Wales – but his deepest commitment was to the Conservative party. It began at school, Ellesmere College, Shropshire, and continued at Exeter College, Oxford, where he became President of the Conservative Association and the Oxford Carlton Club.

Church in Wales – Archbishop Gwilym Williams and the Gang

Ellesmere College – ??

He served with the Welsh Guards during the second world war, during which he was wounded in the leg. After the war, he abandoned his family’s farms in Cheshire and North Wales to become, in 1952, a tutor at the Swinton Conservative College in North Yorkshire, where he met his first wife, Doris Webb.

Gwilym Williams’s family were wealthy farmers in north Wales – as were the Sandbach family, the Brookes, the Mars-Jones’s – Gwynne’s era

North Yorkshire – a ring affiliated to the Gang in north Wales – Richmond?? – Peter Howarth’s student placement when he was at Ruskin was in Richmond, Yorkshire –  Leon Brittan – succeeded as the constituency MP by  The Hague

Sadie’s family – her mother and grandmother were Top Docs – were from Yorkshire,

He worked in the Research Department at Conservative Central Office from 1957 to 1964,

The notorious gay predators in that Dept

standing in a 1962 by-election in the hopeless Pontefract constituency. He then went on to succeed Sir Ted Leather as MP for Somerset North in 1964.

In most ways, Dean showed himself to be socially sensitive, favouring tax relief for the blind and larger child allowances, but backed private health and pension schemes. From the outset, he was a supporter of Edward Heath, then leader of the opposition, backing entry into the EEC and the end of resale price maintenance. In 1969, he became Heath’s deputy spokesman on social security.

After the Tories’ election victory in 1970, he was made under-secretary for social security. He was a parsimonious minister, opposing, for example, the abolition of tax on pensioners earning less than £2,000 a year. He proudly introduced the 1973 Social Security Act and attacked Barbara Castle for “vicious political vandalism” when, on Labour’s return to office the following year, she delayed implementation of parts of it.

However, his Europhilia ruled him out as a minister in Margaret Thatcher’s first administration. Instead, he became assistant deputy speaker of the Commons (1982-92). He was mentioned as a possible speaker but, because he could sound pompous, he could not match the popularity of genial Bernard Weatherill, who was elected in 1983.

In 1987, Dean became the first deputy chairman of the ways and means committee and deputy speaker. In that role, his most dramatic intervention was to give his casting vote for the status quo when the anti-abortionists failed to make it more difficult to secure late abortions for foetal abnormalities in a tied vote on an amendment on the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Bill.

The Gang’s poodles Dafydd Wigley and Noreen Edwards (the Chair of Gwynedd Health Authority) sat on the Warnock Committee that deliberated re that Bill. Even Mary Warnock was a stooge; the person calling the shots was Top Doc Dame Josephine Barnes, who along with her husband Ted Heath’s mate Sir Brian Warren (see ‘Uncle Harry’s Friends…’), had been facilitating the Westminster Paedophile Ring for years. See previous posts.

In 1992, Dean stood down from Woodspring (to which he had switched during boundary changes in 1983).

Alan Calaminus, the teacher who taught me at Chilton School who’s father was a clergyman who knew the molesting Rev Rigg of Bawdrip, lived in the area of Woodspring District Council. Alan Calaminus’s brother was a Detective Inspector and his nephew Paul is a senior NHS manager who has held roles at the Maudsley, as detailed in previous posts. Alan Calaminus was in touch with the Gang and was passing on info about me to them. See previous posts.

He had been knighted in 1985 and was made a privy counsellor in 1991. Though he sat on a number of committees in the Lords, he spoke rarely. He opposed Lord Nolan’s recommendation of a strict register of members’ interests and backed the retention of almost 100 hereditary peers.

Doris died in 1979, and the following year he married Peggy Parker, who died in 2002.

To return to Waterhouse’s account of the girl M who had moved from north Wales to the Pentecostal Church’s Child Care institution in Dean’s constituency in Clevedon suffering the excesses of Joan Glover:

‘M’s explanation was that she had visited Glover there in the interim and thought that Glover had changed. The move was not successful, however, and she considered that she was mentally abused by Glover with the result that she took an overdose of tablets; a week later she was moved to Park House, with which we deal next, and later to Bersham Hall until she was discharged from care.

In her oral evidence, Joan Glover accepted that she had “lost her rag” from time to time. She had usually shouted on those occasions and had sometimes slapped children but only one across the face (in the 1975 incident). In her view slapping had been permitted until 1974. Her explanation for slapping after the prohibition was that sometimes she did not know what else to do and she added that it had not happened on more than two or three occasions when she had been very stressed. She had not had as much time off as she should have had. She accepted that by 1979 her relations with some other members of staff were strained and she was shouting a lot: she was aware that things were not right, that she was not feeling well and that she was not coping.

She denied, however, ill-treating X: she said that he was not a difficult child and she did not remember ever having to discipline him. His bed wetting was not a disciplinary matter: everything was tried and eventually it just stopped suddenly. As for M, the latter had serious behavioural problems and would go into uncontrollable rages with the result that she had to undergo therapy for several months.

The bed wetting, serious behavioural problems and uncontrollable rages were highly likely to have been something to do with the excesses of Joan Glover and her colleagues. No doubt the Therapist diligently attributed it all to the Inexplicable Disturbed Mental State Of Those Turbulent Children.

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Ronnie’s insights included: ‘Our conclusion is that the staff concerns about Joan Glover’s behaviour towards the children at South Meadow were fully justified and that the account of her conduct that we have summarised, in terms of comment at the time and the evidence to the Tribunal of two complainants, gives a fair picture of the extent to which she abused children. We accept that her aspirations for the children in her care were high and that she retained strong fundamental religious beliefs but she had serious temperamental or character defects, which disabled her from carrying out her work as Officer-in-Charge in an appropriate manner.

The Social Services Department acted promptly in 1975 by issuing a written warning and it is to the credit of the residential care staff that they made their concern known in 1979.’

Those care staff remained blissfully unaware of Joan and the Dr Scholls/Affectionate Cuddles not only until that written warning but for four years afterwards as well then. Until the year that Mary Wynch was illegally imprisoned by Dafydd and Mr Thrope Walked Free From The Old Bailey. Anxieties were a little high on the part of the Gang at the time; I wonder if the bottom feeders were given a nudge by someone in a senior position who knew that if things got any worse re Joan Glover, there could well be more fingers of suspicion pointing in the direction of Dafydd and Gwynne?

Ronnie’s view: ‘But, in our judgment, there should have been closer monitoring of Glover’s performance in the intervening period. It is unlikely that there was a sudden lapse in her performance at about Easter 1979 and it is highly probable that there ought to have been intervention by the Department before then. Moreover, the response by the Department in 1979 was unsatisfactory when measured against the evidence available then and the fact of the earlier written warning. There is no persuasive evidence of any immediate improvement in Glover’s behaviour on her return from her break. On the contrary, the anxieties of the staff survived, at least between October 1979 and January 1980, although David Nicholas Evans, who was appointed Deputy Officer-in-Charge from 1 November 1980, did say in evidence that he could not think of any criticism of Glover and that he overlapped with her on duty often. In our judgment, it is regrettable that the problem caused by Glover’s behaviour was not tackled more boldly and that the situation was left to fester for another year (a significant period in a young child’s experience).’

The Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council from its establishment in 1974 until 1977 was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees was not only a friend of Ronnie’s but he had been a friend of Ronnie’s dad as well. Hadyn Rees was a revered figure in north Wales and well-known for his public spirited ways. Two of Hadyn Rees’s babies were the complex that housed Mold Law Courts, which made Mold the principal legal centre in north Wales and Theatr Clwyd. Hadyn Rees’s dad worked at the old Mold Court… When Ronnie was Chairing the Waterhouse Inquiry, during the week Ronnie stayed in the accommodation that came with Mold Law Courts. At weekends he either stayed at his country house in Herefordshire or at Gray’s Inn. Ronnie’s friend and for years, senior colleague as well, William Mars-Jones, lived at Gray’s Inn.

My post ‘Heart of Darkness’ discussed how Ronnie suddenly decided to alter his retirement plans in such a way that resulted in him conducting a farewell tour of his former Circuit, the Chester and Wales Circuit and wining and dining with all of his old mates who presided over so many of the organisations that were responsible for the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, into which Ronnie would be Chairing an Inquiry from Jan 1997, not that Ronnie knew that, he thought that he had retired until he was asked to do one last favour ie. Chair the Inquiry….

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One of those with whom Ronnie hobnobbed during his farewell tour was Hadyn Rees.

Hadyn Rees was Clerk to the North Wales Police Authority, 1967-77 and served on the Mold Magistrates’ Bench from 1977, becoming Chairman in 1985. Hadyn Rees was educated at Swansea Business School and had worked as a solicitor for the old Caernarfonshire Council back in the late 1940s and 50s. Hadyn Rees did the rounds in north Wales and was at the top of Flintshire County Council before it merged with Denbighshire CC and evolved into Clwyd County Council in 1974…

Hadyn Rees also held senior roles with the Welsh Arts Council and many other public bodies.

Meet Professor Dai, big wig of Welsh Arts Council and the BBC:

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Professor Dai’s son Oily worked for the BBC when his old dad did and then became a very senior Marketing Man with Pfizer, when Pfizer was fined a great deal of money for their business practices.

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Oily knows Uncle Harry’s nephew and I suspect that Oily, or indeed Professor Dai, might have bumped into Tony Francis, what with Tony being a Top Doc who took early retirement and then completed a degree in history at Bangor University with people who knew Professor Dai, an historian.

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Has it occurred to the Windbag and Professor Dai that Prof Duncan Tanner died in the ‘care’ of Ysbyty Gwynedd after a routine, virtually risk-free cardiology procedure and soon after that Tony Francis was found dead? Then old Rhodri bit the dust! Who’s your GP Windbag? Not that it will matter, you’re so dim that you’d never know how lethal or otherwise they were.

Hadyn Rees married a Marion Beer, who I think might have been a related to the Beer family who gave rise to Dr Bill Beer, a Top Doc at the C&A Hospital…

Hadyn Rees was succeeded as Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council by Dafydd and Gwynne’s mate Mervyn Phillips, who served as Chief Exec, 1977-DATE. Mervyn was a solicitor who trained at Liverpool University and was big in the Methodist Church in north Wales. As were Ronnie’s family. Bill Beer and his wife were Nonconformist Missionaries. William Mars-Jones’s family in Denbighshire were active in the Methodist Church. Mervyn Phillips served as the Clerk to the North Wales Police Authority, DATES.

See eg. ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean, Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’.

He didn’t mention his mates who were rather culpable re Joan Glover, but Ronnie did state: ‘We have noted also with disquiet that in February 1981 Glover was provided with a reference, in the name of the Director of Social Services, to her prospective new employers in which no explicit mention was made of her serious shortcomings as Officer-in-Charge of South Meadow.

Ronnie dealt with the events at South Meadow following the departure of Joan Glover swiftly:

1981 to 1990:.. Other relevant matters in relation to South Meadow can be dealt with quite briefly. Following Joan Glover’s departure it seems that David Evans took over from her in an acting capacity for about four months until Glyn Williams was appointed Officer-in-Charge with effect from 3 August 1981. The latter remained in post until September 1990, when South Meadow closed, and he then moved to New South Meadow as Officer-in-Charge until the end of February 1992.

So South Meadow closed in Sept 1990; High Court cases re me – throughout 1990 – last one in DATE – another Cunning Plan launched by Andrew Park, the bent lawyer in the Welsh Office, assisted by Ron Evans, the bent lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council. See post ‘The Bitterest Pill’.

Before starting to work in child care with Liverpool Social Services in 1970 [Glyn Williams] had been employed in the prison service for six years. His later experience had been as a housefather for five years in a family group home run by his wife and then a further five years at an approved school, rising from housefather to housemaster; and from 1980 he had been Deputy Officer-in-Charge of a children’s home adolescent unit run by Wirral Social Services. He had completed the In-Service Certificate of Attendance course from a college in Liverpool in 1976 and obtained the CRCCYP from Salford College of Technology in 1977.

It’s the usual suspects again; Approved Schools, Liverpool and the Wirral Local Authorities, qualifications issued by Liverpool institutions and Salford College of Technology (see previous posts) and Williams had previous in the Prison Service as well. As with so many of those who oiled the wheels of the children’s homes in north Wales, Glyn Williams was a double act with his wife. Ah, the homes were modelled on Real Families!

David Hunt was the Tory MP for the Wirral, 1976-DATE. Hunt was a key member of the Gang, he’d been Of Them since his days as a Teenaged Tory in the 1950s and ended up serving as Welsh Secretary (twice) when the Gang needed him most… See previous posts, including ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

The role of South Meadow changed more than once during the 1980s. In the latter part of Joan Glover’s period, and possibly earlier, it was being described as a family group home (a Group 3 community home), taking in young children (mainly eight to 14 years) from quite a wide area. In or about 1981, however, six wards of court from the same family were moved in and became the only residents. There followed a period of uncertainty when the future of the home was uncertain but in 1985 South Meadow’s function was changed to that of an adolescent unit and it was re-categorised as a Group 1 community home. The three older children of the family of six stayed on and other boys and girls in the age range of 12 to 18 years were admitted, some for remand and assessment. Numbers rose to about 15; the staff were increased substantially also, providing effective 24 hour cover; and the residents tended to be more turbulent. However, the home appears to have generated some loyalty because it was the residents who insisted on retaining the name South Meadow when the move to Rhyl took place.

A bit of rearranging of the furniture took place from 1985 then. Could this man have known anything about it?

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‘We must stress that there has been no suggestion of any sexual abuse at South Meadow, as far as we are aware, throughout the period under review.’

Only some seriously weird behaviour enforced with Dr Scholls by a lady who was Under The Top Doctors. Knowing the Ugandan nature of north Wales, that might have been literally.

‘As for other complainants of physical abuse, that is, other than those made against Joan Glover, we know of only four potential complainants against identified members of the staff and none of those complainants has provided statements to the Tribunal. All were at South Meadow in the last few years before the move to Rhyl and their complaints, apart from one admittedly false allegation that was withdrawn, were of comparatively minor “excessive restraint” on occasions when disorder had occurred.’

OK Ronnie, if you say so…

Ronnie’s Conclusions: ‘There was no Welsh Office inspection of South Meadow during the period under review and we have not received any independent appraisal of the success of this community home. It is difficult for us to comment confidently, therefore, on the positive aspects of the successive regimes there. It appears to have provided a home atmosphere, however, for the children there, subject only to the erratic and oppressive conduct of Joan Glover, which we have discussed fully and who, in our judgment, was an unsuitable Officer-in-Charge.’

Ronnie, the Officer-in-Charge was the person who ran the home, who determined the Atmosphere. Thus the Atmosphere was that of Dr Scholls Head Cracking Interspersed With Affectionate Cuddles. Furthermore, the Unsuitable Joan continued her career in Head Cracking and Affectionate Cuddles after her time at Southwood Meadow.

‘Bearing in mind the early written warning that she had received, it is probable that she should have been removed from her post before 1979. Whether or not there is an element of hindsight in this view, she should have been dismissed in 1979 when the staff voiced their great concern about her conduct.’

And when Joan was finally removed, she should not have been provided with good references and packed off to the Pentecosts in the Bristol area.

‘Conditions in the home became more difficult in the late 1980s because older residents with varied behavioural problems were admitted but it is to be noted that there have been no allegations of substantial physical abuse by other members of the staff even in this later period and no allegations of sexual abuse throughout the period under review.’

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Park House Community Home. Park House was a large old two storey building in Nant Hall Road. Like South Meadow, there was a cottage in its grounds that was used as staff accommodation initially and latterly for training for independence. It had been used formerly as an old people’s home but was opened by Flintshire County Council in 1972 as a home for up to 12 boys and girls in the age range of ten to 17 years. Education was provided at local schools and the home remained open until 31 July 1991, when the remaining residents moved to Cefndy Hostel, Rhyl.

1974 to 1981: the regime of Mary Ellis. The first Officer-in-Charge of Park House when Clwyd County Council took over responsibility for it in April 1974 was Mary Philomena Ellis, who had been appointed to that position by Flintshire County Council with effect from 1 September 1973. She was then nearly 46 years old with children of her own and had had other previous child care experience at St Clare’s Convent, Pantasaph and Cartrefle. She had also obtained the CRCCYP at Salford in December 1972 and had then worked from January 1973 in a nursery for babies at Mold, whilst awaiting a more suitable opening. Mary Ellis remained at Park House until 31 March 1981, when she took early retirement. She had become non-resident from 1 January 1980, at her own request.’

“Mr Fawlty, I no want to work here any more”

‘It seems that all the residential care staff were women until the arrival of David Evans as Deputy Officer-in-Charge with effect from 6 February 1979. He was then 39 years old and he remained at Park House until 31 October 1980, when he moved to South Meadow as Deputy there. He had been employed in child care from 1963 and had obtained the CRCC at Selly Oak College, Birmingham, in 1965 before being appointed housemaster at an approved school and then superintendent of a children’s home; but he had then worked in commerce and for the Ministry of Defence for nine years, returning to child care as a senior housemaster at Red Bank Community Home in 1978.

The role of Park House in the Ellis period was similar to that of South Meadow at that time but it was classified as a Group 2 community home. It was a family group home accommodating up to 15 children and very young children were admitted with older brothers and sisters.

There was a campaign in 1974 and 1975 by a local Prestatyn resident, whose true motivation is not known to us, to secure the closure of Park House, ostensibly on the ground that children were being ill-treated there. He wrote to the Welsh Office in that vein and he instigated letters to the press.

Official portrait of Lord Jones crop 2.jpgIn particular, on 1 September 1975 he invited a girl resident (L) aged 14 years, to his house and drafted a letter in her name to the ‘News of the World’.

Here’s the front page of one of the rivals to the News of the Screws, from Oct 1974:

This letter listed the 12 children and seven staff, including two domestic staff, then at the home and alleged that the following punishments were being imposed at the home: “(a)Sent to bed immediately after ten with no supper. (b) No pocket money. (c) Cleaning 12 pairs of shoes for a week. (d) Cleaning the boot room for a week. (e) No Girl Guides. (f) No Youth Club. (g) No privileges. (h) Everyone, even the little ones, have to make their bed before breakfast in Hospital style daily. This is not a punishment but it is our duty.” The letter claimed also that the children had to peel vegetables when ordered to do so, and do all the internal cleaning on Saturday and it alleged that mail was held up, giving rise to the suspicion that it was being steamed open and “censured”.

My first few letters to Brown from Bryn Golau had been opened and resealed by the time that Brown received them. When I asked Angels if they had read my letters – because Bryn Golau was a locked ward I was giving my letters to Charge Nurse Mike Williams who had offered to post them for me – they reassured me that if someone had read my letters it wasn’t them because it was illegal for them to do that; they told me that only staff in Broadmoor, Ashworth, Rampton and prisons were legally entitled to read patients’ mail. So they did know that they were breaking the law on that matter as well as on so many other matters as well.

News of the World reporters met L, who ran away from Park House, the following day and an investigation was carried out by Gledwyn Jones (Deputy Director) and Geoffrey Wyatt (Principal Social Worker) following the ensuing publicity given to the matter. The investigation into the circumstances appears to have been quite thorough; L was interviewed by them in the presence of her mother and signed statements were obtained from all the staff except the cook. The findings of the two man panel were that there had been obvious collusion between the local resident and L, whose own motive was to secure a move. As for her complaints about punishments and chores, the panel made one or two criticisms and recommendations, saying, for example, that sending children to bed early was likely to create problems and that no child should be required to forfeit all his or her pocket money in any one week; but, otherwise, the complaints were, rightly in our view, dismissed. The panel did, however, state that there was a need for a less rigid regime. The panel’s report contained also a number of criticisms of the administration of Park House. They drew attention to the fact that, apart from Ellis, no member of the staff had read or was familiar with the Community Homes Regulations 1972, despite the fact that the Assistant Director (Residential and Day Care Services) had circulated copies of the regulations and a note of the Social Services Committee’s interpretation of them to all Officers-in-Charge of Community Homes on 29 June 1975, with a request that they should ensure that all members of their staff were familiar with the contents of the documents. The panel said also that the Residential and Day Care Officer must give guidance and advice on methods of control and discipline (supplementing the prohibition of corporal punishment) rather than leave staff to do what seemed right to them in their own eyes. Finally, the panel expressed surprise that, with the exception of Ellis, none of the staff at Park
House had access to the case histories of the children because she believed they constituted confidential information between the social workers and the Officer-in-Charge.

The report made reference to an allegation that on one occasion two women members of the staff had hit three girl residents, who were sisters, because they had not made their beds tidy in hospital style. They were not able to reach a conclusion about this but they commented that both the members of staff had left the Council’s employ and had been generally regarded as “staff who were very young, untrained and very lax in their attitude and not very control minded”. We received evidence from two of the sisters alleged to have been hit and neither made reference to this alleged incident.

A further investigation was carried out into the administration of Park House early in 1980 as a result of complaints made by staff at the home and pursued through NALGO. This investigation was carried out by a Clwyd inspector of Principal Social Worker rank, Ivor Hughes, who presented an interim report dated 9 April 1980, following meetings between personnel officers, union officials and staff from Park House and headquarters in February and March that year. It is unnecessary to go into great detail about these reports, which drew attention to many administrative failings at Park House, but they did show also that considerable indiscipline was occurring and that the attitudes of the staff to the resident children were unsatisfactory.

The inspector drew attention to the fact that the records indicated that children were: (a) disruptive at night; (b) making nuisances of themselves at local stores (two girls were currently in trouble for shoplifting); (c) smoking in the bedrooms; (d) piercing each other’s ears; (e) playing on fire escapes; (f) absconding; (g) annoying neighbours by climbing walls, throwing things into their gardens and shouting abuse. There were also accusations by children that boys and girls were going to bed together. Although these matters were apparent from the records, the inspector was critical also of aspects of the record keeping, including frequent gaps in the internal day book; and he made adverse comment on the administration of punishments. There was some evidence of staff not taking responsibility for the children and of chaos prevailing on occasions. The follow up report in August 1980 dealt with a wide range of staffing and disciplinary issues and the inspector concluded: “In general Park House was seen to be an establishment where there was considerable turmoil and unrest. In connection with aspects relating in this Report to staff ratios, sleeping in and Food and Clothing, in particular, it is considered that the needs of the children in care are taken account of only after the demands and inclinations of staff have been met. Some of this originates from factors which have assumed a degree of permanency by `custom and practice’, but also valid is considered to be the lack of unified direction and guidance from the Officer-in-Charge and her Deputy.” As we have said earlier in this chapter, until the arrival of David Evans in February 1979 all the staff at Park House had been women. This had not prevented some discord arising between Ellis and her Deputy about access to records etc by the Deputy when Ellis was off duty but differences between the two senior officers became much more acute as soon as Evans took over as Deputy. Ellis was very critical of Evans in her reports on his probationary period, beginning within two months of his arrival; and by August 1980 the inspector’s view was that the relationship between the two officers was beyond recall.

The inspector made a number of criticisms of Ellis’ running of Park House that are not directly relevant to this report. In short, he said that she “presented as a somewhat overconscientious, anxious person who was convinced that her approach to her work was appropriate and considered to be `good child practice'”. In her relationships with children, it was said that she was seen to issue punishments but not to carry them through and it was alleged that she had shown favouritism to some older children; but probably her major failings were that she spent a disproportionate part of her time in her office and would not share responsibility appropriately with her Deputy. Evans, on the other hand, was said to have a genuine concern for children that was, in part, misdirected. He performed his duties more at the level of a senior houseparent at a larger assessment centre rather than Deputy Officer-in-Charge of a community home for 15 children. It was thought that he had a good deal to offer elsewhere but was suffering frustration at Park House under Ellis. Whilst this investigation was taking place the number of children at Park House diminished from 15 to ten and this led the inspector to question whether the community home was needed for the future in terms of residential child care provision. However, it survived for another ten years under changed regimes. Evans duly left to take up the post of Deputy at South Meadow on1 November 1980 and Ellis, who had told the inspector that she was contemplating taking early retirement because of the stress and strain, did so on 31 March 1981. One of the three sisters referred to in paragraph 17.48 (A) gave oral evidence before us of her experiences at Park House between August 1974 and August 1977 and again between September 1979 and May 1980 (she was born in September 1969). A said that she complained about the way that she was treated by staff and workmen whilst she was there. She said that one woman staff member had put her in a cupboard with cockroaches “hundreds of times” and that the woman had done the same to quite a few others. She alleged also that, after she returned to Park House, she was made to eat a sparrow by the same member of staff because she had tried to kill it with a catapult and it was limping. A’s other complaint was that David Evans had pushed her on to a headboard with the result that the headboard injured her groin and she was detained in hospital for two nights.

None of these complaints, however, were made in A’s earlier written statements to the police and the Tribunal, which contained many serious allegations against the couple who had fostered her between August 1977 and September 1979. Moreover, the second sister whose evidence was received by the Tribunal (B) made no complaint against the care staff at Park House. B said in her written statement that Ellis was strict and was not liked but that she had no complaint about Ellis and was treated well by the other care staff. Her one complaint was that she had been indecently interfered with there by a gardener, who had also exposed himself to her, when she was nine years old (that is, shortly before she was fostered). She had told Ellis about it later and the gardener had been dismissed.  David Evans was not asked about the alleged incident referred to in paragraph because the allegation had not been made when he gave oral evidence to us. It was made so belatedly and A has such a disturbed recent history that we are unable to attach credence to it.

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1981 to 1988: the interrupted regime of Jeffrey Douglas. David Evans’ successor as Deputy Officer-in-Charge of Park House was Jeffrey Douglas, whose appointment was from 1 March 1981, his 39th birthday. On the departure of Ellis a month later, however, he became Acting Officer-in-Charge for three months before being confirmed as her successor with effect from 1 July 1981. He remained in that post until 31 October 1988, at which point he became a social worker for children and family services in the Alyn and Deeside area.’

The Labour MP for Alyn and Deeside at the time (and the Windbag’s Shadow Welsh Secretary):

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His period at Park House was interrupted in 1986 by two years’ training for the CQSW from September 1986 to July 1988 and he was only back at Park House effectively for about two months
in 1988 before his new appointment. During the period of Douglas’ further training, David Evans was appointed as Acting Officer-in-Charge. He then returned to South Meadow for a short period until he was appointed to succeed Douglas at Park House from1 August 1989. He remained in that position until 31 July 1991, when the community home closed, and he then became Deputy Officer-in-Charge of New South Meadow at Rhyl until he retired on 31 December 1992. These moves by Evans between Park House and South Meadow complicate the history from 1979 onwards and it is further complicated by the fact that Evans was suspended from duty on 4 November 1989 pending the investigation of complaints by two female residents, which had been referred to the police the previous day. He was informed by the North Wales Police by letter dated 18 December 1989 that the Crown Prosecution Service was of the opinion that no proceedings should be instituted against him due to insufficient evidence and on 21 December 1989 he was told by Geoffrey Wyatt that he was to return to Park House. The complaints of the two residents are dealt with later in this chapter.

The background of Jeffrey Douglas was that he began work in child care at the age of 36 years in July 1978 after 21 years as a textile worker with Courtaulds. His first appointment in his new role was as a houseparent (supervisor) at Bersham Hall and whilst there he underwent inservice training for 12 months at Cartrefle College [Cartrefle College evolved into NEWI and then Glyndwr University].

Meet Lord Baz Jones, Chancellor of Glyndwr University:

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He then served for nearly a year from April 1980 as a houseparent at Ysgol Talfryn, a residential school, with responsibility, shared by a housemother, for a group of ten children in a residential unit. After his period of seven (effectively five) years at Park House, he served as a field social worker for Clwyd County Council, at a substantially lower salary, for six years and was then seconded for two years to the NSPCC to work with children who had suffered abuse. He retired at the end of March 1997 after a short further period as a field social worker. He and his wife have fostered four children, including a brain damaged child.

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The only complaint against Douglas of which we are aware was made by a former girl resident, who was at Park House for about a year from September 1981 and who was not prepared to give oral evidence to the Tribunal. She was a very disturbed girl who had been admitted to Gwynfa Clinic for 12 months and then three community homes before she arrived at Park House at the age of 12 years. Her allegation was that she had returned to the home late one evening from a disco whereupon Douglas had got hold of her and shouted at her, saying that it was no use her explaining because he would not believe her. Douglas had pushed her against a door and she had grabbed his tie. The result of the exchange was that she had banged her head and back on the door and had a small bruise on her back. She alleged also that Douglas kicked her several times on the bottom as she went upstairs, having been ordered by him to go to bed. She had reported the incident to her mother two weeks later.

This allegation was put to Douglas by the police and he denied that he had ever kicked any youngster. He had no recollection of the specific incident but he accepted, in his oral evidence, that he would have shouted at the girl in the circumstances described. He said also that he had never kicked or pushed her so that she banged her head. He told the police that the girl was probably one of the most difficult that he and the staff had had to deal with; his recollection was that the doctor had had to put her on medication because of her violent outbursts. The girl herself does not allege that Douglas pushed her in such a way that he intended to injure her and we are not at all satisfied that he did kick her as she alleges. There is no other suggestion that Douglas was a man who acted violently towards children or otherwise lost control of himself and we do not think that this allegation should reflect adversely on his generally good record.

There were comparatively few allegations of violence or other abuse against other members of the staff, during Douglas’ effective period in charge between 1981 and 1986. He did have to deal with complaints against two members of the staff that were the subject of evidence before us. During this period there were no less than three Deputy Officers-in-Charge and the first was David Bibby, who held the post from 1 April 1981 to 31 August 1982 in a temporary capacity, following ten years service with the Bryn Alyn Community on leaving school at the age of 17 years. The allegation against him was that he “slippered” each of three girls who had run away and had been brought back by the police. One of these girls gave oral evidence before us and said that she was at Park House from the ages of six to 16 years. She said that “they” used to run away quite a lot to the houses of friends; the police would bring them back and it was a game. On one such occasion (when she was 14 or 15 years old) Bibby disciplined three of them by requiring them to bend over and slippering each once or twice. They were wearing jeans and it stung a bit; she thinks that she cried at the time but she says that she did not make any complaint. She said also that, apart from this, she “got on” with Bibby and that she had no serious complaints about Park House.

Douglas recalled that Bibby did report this incident to him and that he treated the matter as serious. His recollection is that the girls had been missing for 24 hours or more and they had returned when Douglas was off duty so that Bibby was in charge. Douglas said that he had a heated argument with Bibby, telling him that he could not condone physical punishment and that he would be reporting the incident to the Residential and Day Care Officer, which he did. Bibby’s response was that he believed strongly in physically chastising children if they were naughty and that Douglas was a weak manager for not doing so, but he agreed reluctantly not to do so again. Bibby himself, however, in his written statement to the Tribunal denied that he had slippered any of the girls and said that two of the three did not support the allegation. There is no evidence that any disciplinary action was taken against Bibby.

It is unlikely, in our view, that Douglas has made up his account of the matter but the complainant’s account of the actual slippering is not supported by any other evidence. The evidence about it is, therefore, unsatisfactory. In any event, if there was a lapse on Bibby’s part, it was an isolated one towards the lower end of the scale of possible physical abuse.

Frederick Rutter joined the staff of Park House in or about October 1984 after serving as a temporary RCCO at Bryn Estyn for 16 months and then as a care assistant at a hostel in Aston, Queensferry, for about ten months. His transfer to Park House was made initially on a temporary basis because of the staff shortages but he was appointed to fill a permanent vacancy as an RCCO from 1 November 1986. He remained at Park House until 28 August 1988, when he left to become Warden of Pen-y-Llan Hostel, which was operated by Clwyd Alyn Housing Association [Clwyd Alyn Housing Association employed former Angels from Denbigh, including an Angel who had worked in the Bryn Golau Peep Show]. The four offences of rape and the two indecent assaults of which Rutter was convicted on 30 July 1991 were all committed after 1 February 1988 at his home or the latter hostel against girls and young women in the age range of 15 to 21 years. Rutter’s activities as a foster-parent and owner of approved lodgings are dealt with separately in Chapter 26 but it should be mentioned here that he and his wife, who had two daughters of their own then aged 14 and 11 years, made their first application to foster, in respect of a 13 years old boy resident at Park House, on 28 December 1984. This was later withdrawn but the Rutters’ home at Flint was approved as lodgings on 21 March 1986 for teenage children, although the particular lodging arrangement then in being broke down quite quickly. The Rutters then moved to Connah’s Quay in 1987 and re-applied on 26 January 1988 to become foster-parents. This application was made in respect of a 15 years old girl resident at Park House (C) who had become a friend of the Rutter’s younger daughter; and the boy referred to earlier in this paragraph was by then, at the age of 17 years, lodging with the Rutters together with another teenage boy lodger. The application was approved specifically for C in May 1988 and C was raped by Rutter when she was 16 years old, that is, fairly shortly after she left Park House. 17.69 One other former resident of Park House (D) alleged that she had been raped twice by Rutter but he was not charged with this in the indictment against him because, as far as we are aware, she made no complaint about the matter until she was interviewed on behalf of the Tribunal on 4 August 1997. D had previously made a statement to the police, in the presence of a psychiatric social worker, on 28 September 1992, when she had said that she had never been physically or sexually assaulted in the children’s homes that she named, including Park House, and had never seen any other person being assaulted in such a way. We received in evidence her typed statements, including a three page document headed “My Life Story”, because she was not willing to give oral evidence. The essence of D’s evidence was that she had been admitted into residential care and went to Park House at the suggestion of Rutter, who was a friend of her step-father. D said that Rutter and a friend had thought it a big joke to make girls bend down in their short skirts and pick up a dish cloth from the floor. They all had an idea why this was being done and, when she eventually refused, Rutter sent her to her bedroom. He then followed her up and raped her. She struggled and tried to shout but he put something over her mouth and threatened that, if she told anyone, he would kill her. D alleged that the second rape occurred in Rutter’s car. Her mother had sent her to Rutter’s house in Flint to get something and he had insisted on giving her a lift home. He had then driven her to a place near the British Legion Club and had raped her. On that occasion he had said that he would get her, if she told anyone, and she would be transferred to a secure unit. However, these allegations set out in her “Life Story” are different in material respects from what was said in her statement to the Tribunal. In that statement she said that she had run away from her own home whilst on week-end leave and had gone to Rutter’s house. He was to take her home but he stopped in a car park and started touching her up, whereupon she got out and ran home. She said also that this incident occurred before Rutter raped her in her bedroom at Park House.

Rather surprisingly, Rutter said in his oral evidence that he had no recollection of D at Park House. Nevertheless, the inconsistencies between her statements and her generally disturbed background are such that, in the absence of any corroboration, it is unlikely that a jury would feel able to convict him on her evidence, despite his subsequent record of sexual offences against young women well known to him.

The other sexual allegations against Rutter have been comparatively minor. One was that he had regularly kissed goodnight the sister of his prospective boy foster child, who was also resident at Park House. This witness had, however, made very serious allegations against a non-member of the staff, which had been carefully investigated by the Deputy Area Officer early in 1985 and not believed, and her mention of kissing by Rutter was in the nature of a boast rather than a complaint. There was also a complaint by another girl about Rutter’s activities during a camping holiday in a holiday park at Caernarvon between 27 May and 2 June 1985, which was the subject of a detailed report by Jeffrey Douglas on 20 June 1985 to Norman Green, the Residential Day and Care Officer. The girl in question, who was 16 years old, alleged that during the week she had slept in the same half of a tent as Rutter without female supervision and that, on one occasion, Rutter had moved her night-gown to look at her legs and had made some remarks about her bikini or bathing costume.

Douglas took up this matter as soon as he heard about it on 5 June 1985 from the girl’s social worker, although the girl had said that she did not want to make a fuss about it. When taxed about it Rutter was quite upset and said that he could not recall making any remarks about swimwear other than to suggest to the girl that she should wear one of the other girls’ bikinis if she wanted to get her back brown. He denied moving the night-gown and added that he had told the girl many times at Park House to sit properly and not to show her legs. He accepted that he had been very foolish to share the same part of a tent with a girl but attributed it to the need to avoid repetition of an incident that had occurred on the first night of the camp.

Green responded to the report with a number of further questions to be put to Rutter. There followed a meeting between John Llewellyn Thomas (Principal Officer Children), Green, Douglas and Rutter on 9 July 1985 at which it was pointed out that the preparations for and supervision of the camp had been far from satisfactory and it was stated that a circular regarding the planning of camps and holidays had been sent to Officers-in-Charge for future guidance. This circular dated 27 June 1985 required certain specified information, including details of staffing, to
be given to Officers-in-Charge (with a copy to the Principal Officer Children) before holidays away from residential homes.

There was one more complaint about Rutter shortly before he left Park House, which was investigated by Douglas as soon as he returned from his CQSW course. This girl (E) complained to Douglas on 17 July 1988 that Rutter had hit her on the side of the face two days earlier as she left in the morning for the last day of the school term. She thought that she had been struck because (a) she had been smoking at the rear of the house and (b) she had had an argument with another member of the staff about taking her cassette/radio to school that day. E wished to keep her complaint confidential because she feared repercussions from Rutter and other members of the staff.

Douglas sent a report of this complaint to E’s social worker after discussing it with Michael Barnes [Barnes has featured in previous posts; he was an abusive carer who worked in homes in north Wales who was then supported by Clwyd County Council to undertake social work training and then promoted to senior positions within Clwyd Social Services] on 20 July 1988, when the latter paid a pre-arranged visit to Park House. He compiled also a rather fuller incident report, dated 22 July 1988. This report contained the following rather revealing passage: “I told E that no member of staff was allowed to hit any child, and that if this happened I would want to make sure it did not happen again. She then told me it could have been an accident, and that Mr Rutter may have just raised his hand, not really meaning to hit her. Again she told me she did not want me to talk to Mr Rutter about the incident, expressing concern that staff `would have it in for me for telling tales’ and claiming this happened to another girl in Park House who complained about the way she had been treated by a member of staff.”

E’s social worker complained of the delay in reporting this incident but the matter was investigated quite thoroughly. The social worker helped E to compile a statement in which she said “I don’t think Fred meant to hit me. I think that he was trying to push me away. I walked into him. He was trying to stop me leaving. I was angry and swearing at the time”. In the end a memorandum in the name of the Director (but drafted by Barnes) was sent to the Area Officer to whose area the social worker was attached on 24 August 1988 stating that there was clear evidence from E’s statement that the incident might have been an accident and that, bearing in mind Rutter’s resignation from his post at Park House, he did not propose to take any further action. In his oral evidence to us Rutter did not dispute that it was his practice to kiss goodnight the girl mentioned in paragraph 17.72 but said that it was a practice of staff to do so to girl residents and that there was nothing improper about it. He was not asked about E’s complaint at the time because he had gone on leave and the decision to take no further action had been made before he returned. He had decided to move to other employment when he learnt that Douglas was returning to Park House and E’s complaint had nothing to do with his resignation. Douglas had provided him with a letter of reference on 6 August 1988 in connection with his application for a post at a hostel in Hurst Newton, with which Rutter presumably did not proceed. He received also a letter of reference from his “immediate supervisor” (un-named) in connection with his application for the post of Warden at Connah’s Quay.

The 1988 Inquiry. Before Douglas returned to Park House from his training course, arrangements had been made to take a group of five resident boys and four resident girls, under the supervision of five members of staff to Butlins Holiday Camp at Pwllheli from 27 August to 3 September 1988. One of the group of children was E, who was 13 years old at that time. According to her written evidence, she fell in love during the holiday with a 19 years old Irishman staying at the camp. The result was that, on the last night of her holiday, she had sexual intercourse with this man, with her consent, near the car park in the camp, She told a friend what had happened and, on the group’s return to Park House, that friend informed a member of staff. Douglas had returned to Park House before this holiday took place. On learning of the arrangements that had been made for it, he expressed disapproval (according to his own evidence) but it was not thought practicable or appropriate to cancel the holiday. After it had taken place he saw E, who told him about the events of the last night. Her complaint is and was that there was a lack of supervision by the care staff during the holiday: nobody ever checked where she was and the children had too much freedom.

The police were informed about the matter and carried out an investigation but it seems that the Irishman could not be traced. Clwyd County Council, on its part, appointed a panel of inquiry “to enquire into and consider all aspects of the planning and execution” of the holiday “in the light of existing departmental policy, practice and guidance for the well-being of young people in Council care and to report the findings to the Director of Social Services”. The panel of three comprised a senior officer of the National Children’s Homes in the chair, the Assistant County Secretary of Clwyd (J A Loveridge) and the Area Social Services Officer for the Rhuddlan District (Margaret Clarke). It heard evidence over the course of three days at the end of November 1988 but the report itself is undated.

National Children’s Home (NCH) was a charidee supported by Thatch when George Thomas was the Patron. The NCH became a little tainted as a result of its association with child sex offender George and other people of ill-repute and it changed it’s name to Action for Children. My post ‘An Expression Of Their Faith’ provides further details, in particular of a speech that Thatch made praising NCH; those we know and love were in the audience and received a mention from Thatch, including Esther. Traditionally the NCH ran children’s homes; by the time that Thatch was making that speech, the NCH was running projects for sexually abused teenagers.

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Brian Roycroft, who served as Director of Newcastle Social Services throughout the 1970s and 80s and in that role was a member of the Gang’s partner ring in the North East, sent numerous kids in care to children’s homes in north Wales and encouraged his fellow Social Service Directors to do so as well. Roycraft grew up in children’s homes run by NCH; not because he was a kid in care, but because his parents worked as houseparents for NCH and the family lived in. For a number of years the Roycrofts lived in the NCH ‘village’ at Frodsham, Cheshire, while Gwynne was in action as the Royal Lobotomist, ‘treating’ patients from Cheshire as well as north Wales. See previous posts for info on Roycroft.

By the time that this inquiry had been set in train E’s mother had expressed her grave concern about the incident and had instructed solicitors to advise her about possible legal proceedings against the Council. The report referred to this and said rather surprisingly: “The immediate purpose of the Inquiry was therefore to enable the Council to meet those proceedings in full possession of all relevant information and to draw the appropriate conclusions from that information.” In the event, however, the report did not contain such information: it did not even contain any account of what had actually occurred during the Butlins holiday. Instead the “Statement from the Review” included the following two paragraphs: “In receiving the evidence both oral and documentary, the Panel viewed with grave concern the consistent indications of unsatisfactory standards of care, low staff morale, distant and ineffective management. That grave concern is reflected in the recommendations which follow. Given the guarantees of confidentiality made to each witness, it is neither the Panel’s wish nor indeed open to them to reproduce in any but the most general terms the matters which give rise to each of the individual recommendations. This in the Panel’s view may most conveniently be done by setting out each of the recommendations and then briefly canvassing the reasons for them.”

In the introduction section of the report, the panel pointed out that, on the figures available to 31 March 1987, Clwyd County Council relied more heavily than other counties in Wales upon “residential services” for children and young persons in its care (24% of all such in care in Clwyd as against 17% for the whole of Wales). It was the panel’s view that, although their inquiry had been limited to the incident involving Park House, many of the concerns that they had identified would “in all probability, apply equally to other residential Child Care establishments within the County”.

The panel’s recommendations and the findings on which they were based together constituted scathing criticism of the state of residential child care in Clwyd at that time. A summary will inevitably dilute the impact of the document but the recommendations and some of the findings were as follows: “1. To immediately ensure that all staff involved in the Social Work task are familiar with and trained to operate the existing Clwyd County Council Child Protection procedures.” Witnesses displayed no knowledge of the procedures and relevant manuals were not available at Park House. “2.To develop a County wide policy statement for residential care with appropriate guidelines and to ensure that these are made available and known and understood by all staff involved in the Social Work task.” There was lack of clarity and some conflict of views as to the purpose of residential care, which was a fundamental defect. This recommendation had wide management and training implications. Clear steps were needed to correct the impression that the managerial style within the residential service was “distant, impassive and inspectorial and re-active after the event rather than providing pro-active leadership”. “3. To agree and implement specific aims and objectives for each individual residential care establishment in accordance with the Countywide policy statement for residential care and guidelines made thereunder and to ensure all staff are familiar with those aims and objectives, understand them and are trained to implement them.” This was a corollary of recommendation 2. It was a matter of particular regret to the panel, but perhaps understandable in view of what they had said earlier, that “the aims and objectives of Park House, so far as they existed, appeared to be simply to feed, water and contain the clients”. “4. To establish, in conjunction with the field Social Worker, and all other interested parties/agencies implement, monitor and update when necessary a care plan for each child in every residential establishment.” There was no evidence of a care plan for E. Park House was perceived as a dumping ground for difficult children who could not be fostered and “for whom no light could be seen at the end of the tunnel”. Too much reliance was placed on the key worker system within Park House and there was no evidence of regular staff meetings. Field workers were not involved in day to day planning and residential staff wrongly discouraged parental involvement. “5. To ensure that all aspects of work involving holidays undertaken by Residential Care Homes conforms in all respects with the Countywide policy statement, the agreed aims and objectives of the Residential Care Home and facilitates the relevant individual child care plans.” No attempt had been made to address the problems of the individual children or to consider their suitability for any particular kind of holiday. There was also a clear need for a strong managerial line to be taken that each of the “constituent elements” of the holiday was fully discussed and agreed as suitable. “6. To make and monitor a commitment to provide training, support, guidance and regular supervision so as to ensure that all staff involved in the social work task are equipped to implement: (i) individual care plans; (ii) the agreed aims and objectives of each Residential Care Home; (iii) the County Residential Care policies. To achieve this consideration needs to be given to the development of professional social work and managerial skills at all levels within the agency.” It was apparent that each residential care worker operated as a self-contained unit with little opportunity for support, guidance or regular supervision. There was no evidence of any attempt to monitor the actions of staff or to advise them of any new practices or desirable practices or even existing practices, far less to ensure that these were carried out. “7. To develop a corporate management approach to support and enable all staff undertaking the residential social work task to help identify, develop and implement new thinking and initiatives . . .”

The panel’s report was eventually sent to the Director of Social Services (Gledwyn Jones) on 11 September 1989 but it was seen by very few other eyes. Jones agreed in cross-examination that the report was a great shock but he was unclear about what was done in relation to its recommendations save to say, in effect, that its recommendations were intended to be incorporated in the Council’s developing strategy for implementing the forthcoming Children Act 1989. His recollection was that copies were given to Geoffrey Wyatt, John Llewellyn Thomas and Michael Barnes as the relevant officers in the field but it was not shown to the Chief Executive (Mervyn Phillips) and he did not recall discussing it with his own Deputy (John Jevons). Gledwyn Jones was sure that he outlined to the Chairman of the Social Services Committee that there was concern and what was being done about the recommendations but he did not know whether the Chairman received a copy of the report. From the documents before us it appears that Barnes drafted a response to the criticisms in October 1989 but, as far as we are aware, it remained simply a draft. The matter was allowed to drift for some months and no countywide policy statement on residential child care was produced.

The report was never debated in either the Social Services Committee or the Council. Jones’ explanation for this was that he regarded the inquiry as an internal one and that he wanted to “move quickly on doing something about the recommendations”. What happened in fact was that approximately two years later, on 18 December 1990, he presented his own report on Group Care Holidays for Children in Community Homes, which had been previously circulated, to the Social Services (Children and Family Services) Sub-Committee. According to the minute, and to our surprise, he told the Sub-Committee that it was his Department’s response to “national concerns that group holidays arranged by local authorities needed to be properly planned”. At the same time a revised code of practice relating to such holidays, probably drafted by Barnes, was approved. The members expressed anxiety that personal accident cover was only provided on a limited basis and the County Secretary was asked to prepare a report on the subject.

Before the meeting referred to in the preceding paragraph Michael Barnes met the Park House staff with John Cooke of NALGO and Jean Brady of NUPE, probably on 12 September 1990, to give them “feedback” on the panel’s report. They were told that the principal findings were that no one person or group was to blame, that there had been a system failure and that there were lessons to be learned at every operational level. The recommendations (but not the findings accompanying them) were listed in very summary form with the comment in respect of each that the matter was being attended to or that the necessary action had been taken. On the question of a countywide policy statement it was said that various reports eg control and discipline, had been put to committee and that further policy was being shaped by implementation of the Children Act 1989. The trades union representatives commented on the need to see the whole report but we have not seen any subsequent formal request for this.

1989 to 1991: the David Evans regime. It seems likely that Tim Hawes, who had been Deputy Officer-in-Charge of Park House from 1 November 1986, acted as Officer-in-Charge during the inter-regnum between Douglas’ departure on 31 October 1988 and the return of David Evans on 1 August 1989. The latter’s period as Officer-in-Charge began inauspiciously because he was suspended from duty on 4 November 1989 but he was reinstated just before Christmas and he then remained in charge, with Tim Hawes as his Deputy until Park House closed on or about 31 July 1991. The reason for Evans’ suspension was that two girl residents (F and G) complained that Evans had “touched their bottoms”. To be more precise it was probably F who made the complaint to one of the residential care staff on her own behalf and recounted also what G had told her. Both F and G gave oral evidence to the Tribunal and their complaints were of a relatively minor kind. F, who was 14 years old at the relevant time, said that when Evans returned to Park House he was stricter than he had been previously because there had been some unruliness. Her allegations were that Evans would touch her bottom when he was walking past her, a light slap or touch, which she regarded as perverted; and on one occasion he put his arm around her shoulder and licked the side of her face several times. Of this last occasion she said that Evans thought it funny but she told him that he stank. She said also that Evans would say stupid things when he passed her: she could not remember now what he said but “he was being like perverted”. Her complaints were extracted from F reluctantly when a member of staff asked why she had groaned on being told that Evans would be on duty and had persisted in questioning her. Evans did not repeat his alleged conduct after his suspension. G, who was also 14 years old in 1989, was more positive about Park House (and South Meadow). She had been happy at both places. She felt safe and cared for at Park House and she was helped a lot. As for Evans, she did not have much to do with him and she did not really have any nastiness from him. Her complaint was that on one occasion he had “touched her bottom”: she was alone with him, which did not usually happen, and he put his arm around her shoulder, after which his hand went down her back. She did not make an official complaint but she did tell F and she does not think that F told her of F’s own experiences with Evans. It seems that F was seen on 3 November 1989, very soon after her complaint, by two field social workers on the initiative of John Llewellyn Thomas and we have read the social workers’ report on the matter dated 9 November 1989. Evans was seen on 4 November 1989 and vehemently denied any sexual misconduct: his explanation for F’s allegation was that she had become very friendly with the leading Park House male resident bully, who was being disciplined by Evans, and that the allegation was a reprisal for this. A Child Protection conference was held in respect of F (but not G) on 21 November 1989 and reached the conclusion that abuse had not occurred. Meanwhile, a police investigation proceeded, in the course of which F, G, Evans and many others were interviewed and we have read the investigating officer’s report dated 21 November 1989. The predictable outcome was that the Crown Prosecution Service advised that no proceedings should be taken against Evans because there was insufficient evidence to support a charge of indecent assault in respect of either F or G. We are not aware of any other allegations of physical or sexual abuse during this last period of Park House’s history as a community home. David Evans was asked about the existence of any formal complaints procedure. He agreed that there had not been any such procedure in the early years but said that Michael Barnes had initiated one, which operated during Evans’ last period at Park House. He did not remember it being in writing but all the resident children were told about it “a few times”. The procedure was for them to make a complaint to the Officer-in-Charge or to his Deputy and it would then be taken up with Barnes. Conclusions 17.94 Although Park House had quite a difficult role to play, particularly in the later part of its history because older and more troublesome adolescents were living there, comparatively few allegations of abuse have been made to this Tribunal. The presence of Rutter on the staff from 1984 to 1986 is troubling and gives rise to obvious questions but there is no compelling evidence that he was guilty of any sexual abuse at the community home or in that period. The other notable aspect of the account that we have given is that residents were prepared to complain to members of the staff even before a formal complaints procedure was initiated by Barnes. This was no doubt attributable, at least in part, to the fact that the children were, in general, long term residents, who were on closer terms with the staff than, for example, children in observation and assessment centres could be; but it is to the credit of the staff that complaints do not appear to have been actively discouraged and that, when they were made, they were passed on appropriately so that they could be investigated.

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Nevertheless, wider shortcomings of Park House were disclosed by successive reports in 1975, 1980 and 1988 and little action appears to have been taken to address them. The criticisms in those reports reflected adversely upon the higher management and supervision of Park House and we discuss this aspect of them in a later section of this report. It must be said here, however, that they indicated grave deficiencies in the quality of care provided by Park House. The chairman of the 1988 panel of inquiry did say in his preface to its report that the panel recognised the energy and effort put into the residential care service by individual members of staff but that they (the panel) considered such energy and effort to be largely wasted without a clear central direction and purpose. It is probable that residents at Park House like G, who could withstand peer pressure and accommodate a degree of turbulence, did “feel safe” there but we have grave reservations about the extent to which the needs of individual children were met and the adequacy of the guidance and training for future independent living that was provided.

Ysgol Talfryn. Ysgol Talfryn was a Clwyd Education Authority day and residential school on the outskirts of the village of Brynford, one mile south of Holywell. Its purpose was to provide education for children, in the age range of six to 16 years, with emotional and behavioural difficulties, who generally had special educational needs (it was formerly described as a school for maladjusted children). The school was purpose-built and was designed to provide residential accommodation for 40 children in four house units of ten. It opened in April 1978 and the first of the residential units began to operate in April 1980 and all four were open by September 1982. In the summer of 1988 there were 63 pupils on the roll, of whom 31 were residents. The Headmaster throughout the 1980s and until 31 July 1992 was George Eric Austin, working with a Board of Governors.

Meet Lord Baz Jones, former teacher and one-time President of Flint County NUT:


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Numbers have declined in the 1990s and the latest information that we have is that only 22 day pupils remain (eight from outside Flintshire). The school will remain open until September 1999 but its future thereafter is problematic. It is important to stress that many of the children attending Ysgol Talfryn were not in care. The school would not, therefore, have been within the ambit of our inquiry but for the fact that 18 former residents who had been at Ysgol Talfryn in the 1980s subsequently made complaints to the police of abuse in one form or another against one or more members of the staff; and some of these complainants had been in care at the time. None of these allegations were, however, directed against the Headmaster.

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Allegations of sexual abuse. We are aware of only one complainant who alleged that he had been sexually abused by a member of the staff at Ysgol Talfryn. At the time when the complaint was made to the police in 1992 the complainant was himself serving a sentence of imprisonment for rape committed when he was still a minor and his allegation was uncorroborated. No prosecution ensued and the complainant has not provided any evidence to the Tribunal.

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Allegations of physical abuse. The remaining allegations, all of physical abuse or complicity in such abuse, involved ten identified members of the staff and one who was unidentified but the majority of these members of staff were the subject of only one, or at the most two, allegations. Moreover, most of the complaints were of the use of excessive force in restraint, not causing any significant injury, in circumstances in which a degree of physical restraint appears to have been necessary on the complainant’s own account of the matter. It must be said also that several of these complainants said that they had benefited from their stay at the school, the object of which was to fit them, if possible, for a return to mainstream education. Against this background we heard oral evidence from three complainants who had all been in care at or about the time when they were resident at Ysgol Talfryn. The first of these chronologically, A, spent two years at the school from September 1981, starting when he was 13 years old, following a year at Gwynfa clinic. He is of above average intelligence but had serious emotional and behavioural problems at that time with the result that his mother and adoptive father regarded him as beyond their control. His behaviour had deteriorated at Gwynfa and it seems that he had been received into voluntary care by Gwynedd County Council in July 1981 to enable him to stay at Y Gwyngyll [the children’s home in Llanfairpwll that was the centre of allegations of serious abuse, but was cleared by an ‘Independent’ investigation by Senior Officers from Dyfed County Council in the mid-1980s, as discussed in previous posts], until he went to Ysgol Talfryn, at which point he was to be discharged from care until the following vacation. His later history is unclear but he said in evidence that, although his education suffered, for which he is paying now, he has obtained two A levels in media studies at a college in Rhos-on-Sea [Coleg Llandrillo].

A was very critical in his evidence of Ysgol Talfryn. There was a far stricter regime than he had previously experienced (“much more like a prison or borstal”) and some of the houseparents were very domineering and bullying. There was teaching to CSE level but he regarded
it as very limited and craft orientated. However, A praised the outdoor activities, which he thoroughly enjoyed, and said that he got on very well with some of the teaching staff: one of them was particularly helpful, taking an active interest in him and making him feel positive (the Headmaster’s view, according to A, was that he ought not to have been at the school). A’s main allegation was that one member of the care staff, X, was a “vicious bully”, who assaulted him (using just hands) many times. X would goad him with (or about) extracts from his personal file but he would not rise to the bait. A alleged also that he had witnessed far worse assaults upon other residents by X, including one with whom the latter had a fist fight on the day that A left.

The weakness of this witness’ evidence is that he named the other residents who had been the victims of assaults by X but they did not support his allegations. One other witness, whose evidence was read, did make complaints about X: he said that X, had on one occasion, grabbed his hair and then dragged him through ground floor corridors, punching and kicking him. This witness alleged also that he had seen X assaulting another boy. We are left, however, in some doubt about the veracity of these allegations, bearing in mind how disturbed some of the children, including A, were at the time, although the number of allegations made against X is troubling. X himself strongly denied them in his written evidence and he alleged that A had telephoned him between 1992 and 1996 threatening that A was “going to have him”.

The second oral witness (B) was at Ysgol Talfryn for about two years from 9 March 1987, when he was just 14 years old. He had been adopted three years earlier but his adoptive father had died. He had been attending Holywell High School but was transferred to Ysgol Talfryn following suspension from the former for disruptive misbehaviour. A serious breakdown in his relationship with his adoptive mother occurred in late 1987 with the result that he was received into voluntary care on 12 February 1988 and placed at Park House as his “home base” whilst continuing to attend Ysgol Talfryn. Thus, he continued to board at Ysgol Talfryn but spent week-ends and vacations at Park House. He remained at the school until the incident described in the next paragraph. B’s only complaint about Ysgol Talfryn is that he was assaulted by a teacher there at about 10.10 am on 22 February 1989. His account of this was that the teacher (Y) asked him, unusually, to read aloud, whereupon B told Y to “fuck off”. Y then grabbed B by the collar and punched him on the chin. B gripped Y back but Y manhandled him out of the class and to a nearby lavatory, where Y pushed him around further whilst another teacher stood guard at the door. Eventually, B smashed a window with his fist and this brought the incident to an end. B had suffered a bang on the head from a wall or the floor (when he had slipped in the classroom); there were also scratches on his neck, where Y had gripped him, and his jaw was sore. His T-shirt was ripped and his coat was torn.

We have seen substantial documentary evidence relating to this incident, which was reported by B when he returned to Park House at about 4 pm; and a very full account of the matter was recorded by Kevin Bird, one of the residential care staff. That account was much fuller than the summary we have given based on B’s oral evidence and it differs in many details but it is unnecessary to repeat it here because it does not affect the substance of the complaint or reflect adversely on B’s veracity. Bird’s record does indicate, however, that, according to B, Y admitted shortly afterwards that he had probably “gone over the top” and apologised to B at the end of the school day. Y had also offered to shake B’s hand and had asked if they were still mates but B had merely said “OK” without shaking Y’s hand. B had not been offered any treatment or examination at Ysgol Talfryn but he was taken to see a local doctor at Prestatyn, who noted bruises on the back of his head and the left side of his neck. The doctor saw also a minor scratch on the boy’s throat, adding (rightly or wrongly) “which apparently he had on a previous incident”. A sketch made by Kevin Bird the same day suggests that the injuries were more extensive, albeit minor.

A complicating factor was that B had been involved in an incident with the police two days earlier, in which he sustained injuries, some of which were rather similar, but we have been able to distinguish them broadly in the light of the police surgeon’s report on the earlier injuries based on his examination of B at 11.40 pm on 20 February 1989. It is unnecessary to go into great detail about subsequent events in relation to Y’s assault.

Michael Barnes was informed and the Child Protection procedure was set in train. A case conference was held on 1 March 1989 at which Barnes, the Assistant Child Protection Officer, various Delyn Area social workers, the police, the Area Health Authority [it was in 1989 that Tony Francis, Dafydd et al arranged their Case Conference about me that resulted in Chris Hunter of whom I had never heard until some four years ago declaring me Insane and Dangerous and in need of being housed at Broadmoor, which by that time was employing Jimmy Savile as their General Manager, as discussed in ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’] and Park House were represented but Ysgol Talfryn and the NSPCC failed to send representatives.

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It was decided that the police should be requested to carry out a full investigation and that the Social Services Department ought to discuss the implications of the incident with the Education Department. The view of the conference was that B had been abused and that his attendance at Ysgol Talfryn should be discontinued pending investigations. A second case conference was held on 18 April 1989 at which the representation was similar but wider. The NSPCC was represented and George Austin attended.

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The purpose of the conference was said to be “to consider conclusions resulting from police interviews of abused child and alleged abuser and to receive representation of events related to the incident of alleged abuse from Education Department representatives”. The rather surprising conclusion of the conference was that no child abuse had occurred. No legal proceedings were to be instituted and no further investigations were necessary. Dialogue was to be resumed with the Education Department about B’s educational needs. B had a chequered career in 1989, however, including a number of court appearances. He was made the subject of supervision orders in June 1989 and again in December 1989. It seems that he moved to Chevet Hey in June 1989 [see previous posts for discussion of the nightmare for kids that was Chevet Hey] and then to independent accommodation in Wrexham in December 1989 before being discharged from voluntary care on 17 September 1990.

Y who received excellent references about his rapport with children on his appointment to Ysgol Talfryn gave oral evidence to the Tribunal and provided a written statement. He said that B was an aggressive and unco-operative person whose usual reply when asked to do anything was “fuck off”. He was frequently restrained because of his behavioural problems and complete lack of self-control (but Y’s first training course in physical restraint was four years later, in 1993). Y recalled that there was an incident in February 1989, but not the details: Y could certainly have grabbed B’s lapels to remove him from the class, because he was unlikely to go willingly and because of his conduct towards Y in front of the other children, and it was inevitable that B would have retaliated. In his oral evidence Y said that he might have held B down on the floor. But Y denied punching B or deliberately banging B’s head or causing any scratches to his neck. Y took B to the toilet block so that B could wash his face but did not push him around. Y waited outside the wash room but went in when B broke a window out of frustration and temper. Y denied also that he said to anyone that he had gone over the top but it was not unusual to offer to shake hands after an incident to bring the matter to a close.

We have not seen the contemporary statements obtained by the police about this incident in 1989 but we have seen what was said by three fellow pupils in the course of the wider investigation in 1992. Our conclusion is that Y certainly did go “over the top” in provocative circumstances on this occasion and we believe that he admitted doing so shortly afterwards. It was not an occasion when physical restraint or any other use of force was called for and, on Y’s own evidence, B’s choice of offensive language was habitual. In our judgment Y was fortunate to escape disciplinary action for what he did on the basis of our findings and it would have been salutary if he had been given at least an official warning. 19.16 The third oral witness, (C), was also in voluntary care for part of the period during which he attended Ysgol Talfryn. He was a Shropshire boy who was admitted into care on 1 October 1987 and started attending Ysgol Talfryn as a boarder 16 days later, when he was just 14 years old, because he had been suspended from his last local school for unruly behaviour. He continued to attend Ysgol Talfryn until December 1989 or possibly April 1990 but was discharged from care on 4 February 1989. His reviews and reports referred to him as essentially a gentle person who needed tactful handling, despite his record of unruliness, but his home situation was a cause of recurrent stress. In his oral evidence C said that being at Ysgol Talfryn was better than being at home: the teaching was quite good and he achieved a GCSE in woodwork. However, he did not get on with Y, who took physical education. There was mutual dislike and C complained that, on one occasion, Y pulled him by the hair down the football pitch, marched him into a building and prodded him around because he had responded with “fuck off” when told to play goalkeeper. On other occasions Y pushed him to the floor and jumped on his chest with both knees. But C said in his written statement and in his oral evidence that Y did not punch him in the football incident or on any other occasion.

C’s other main complaint was against a careworker at the school who drove two staples into his head with a staple gun, apparently as a joke and without any provocation.

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C complained then to another member of the staff but nothing was done about it. More generally, C was critical of the methods of restraint used at the school, alleging that four or five men would hold one boy down and that there were always “kids being hit”. Y told us that he does not recollect B and has no memory of marching him off the football pitch. On the question of restraint generally, he said in his written statement that there were three occasions when children had to be restrained, namely, if they were hitting themselves, if they were hitting or hurting other people or if they were damaging property. If restraint had to be used, it would be the minimum necessary and consisted always of holding, never kicking or punching. The witness referred to in paragraph 19.07 whose evidence was read said that Y enjoyed throwing his weight round and would punch and kick boys for no apparent reason.

The evidence of one other former resident at Ysgol Talfryn not previously mentioned was read to the Tribunal. He was at the school at a much younger age than the other witnesses, that is, from about nine to 11 years (between 1983 and 1985), but it seems that he was not placed in voluntary care until the first half of 1988. His evidence was that he was treated fairly at the school and he had no complaints about it. He was occasionally slapped but he thinks that it was no more than he deserved.

Ysgol Talfryn was visited by Her Majesty’s Inspectors in the summer term of 1988 and we have seen a copy of the comprehensive report that they presented. Of the 63 pupils then on the roll, only seven were girls (five resident). Ten of the pupils had been placed there by authorities other than Clwyd. The report recorded that in its first ten years over 60 pupils had been reintegrated into other schools, of whom only six had gone to special schools; and only a few transfers had been unsuccessful.

The Headmaster was well qualified and experienced in teaching pupils with behavioural problems. However, none of the nine members of the teaching staff had received “appropriate post-initial qualification relating to work with pupils with emotional, behavioural disorders”, although five of them were then studying to obtain such qualifications.

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The inspectors commented that the general level of experience and qualification was barely appropriate. The care staff were headed by an SRCCO, who was responsible to the Headmaster for the residential provision. Under that officer were 14 leaders, 12 houseparents and two night attendants, one of whom was a qualified nurse.

Some of these did not have relevant qualifications for the work and a significant number of the staff were recent appointments. Attempts were being made to provide appropriate in-service training. The school was organised into nine classes on the basis of “age, ability and socio/emotional compatibility”, producing classes of between five and eight pupils; and all classes were taught for varying amounts of time by teachers other than their class teachers. Through contacts established by the staff, work experience was available for pupils over 15 years of age.

The Inspectors’ comments on the quality of care provided by the school were generally favourable but, on behaviour management, they noted that some groups were difficult to handle and some members of the staff showed the need for additional support and training in coping with unruly and disruptive behaviour.

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Their overall conclusion was that Ysgol Talfryn provided a good level of care and a wide range of opportunities for pupils, which could readily be consolidated to provide more effective education. They commended particularly the school’s staff development programmes and its policy of planning for the re-integration of pupils into mainstream education.

Subsequent inspections by HMIs disclosed much less satisfactory teaching and care. By September 1993 the number of pupils had diminished to 32 boys (ten resident four nights a week). The complement of teachers remained as before but the number of care staff had been reduced to 11. There were six classes, most with no more than five pupils. The classrooms were described as dismal and bleak environments for learning. Aspects of the residential accommodation were better than this but the bedrooms were dismal, “unpersonalised” with much damaged furniture. Relationships between children and care staff seemed to be sound but the inspector described the overall situation as dire. The penultimate paragraph of his report read : “Numbers on roll are falling (even though there is a national demand for places for pupils with EBD), staffing levels are high, outcomes are poor, resources inadequate, accommodation and learning environments arid.”

The most recent and very full inspection took place in September 1996 by a team of four inspectors over a period of two and a half days. The outcome of this inspection was much more favourable and the number of pupils had increased to 47. (Surprisingly the 25 page report did not disclose the number of resident pupils). Improvements had been made in most of the relevant areas and the school was said to provide good value for money within the available financial resources. A member of the teaching staff had been appointed the Child Protection Co-ordinator. The quality of teaching was assessed as satisfactory or better in 77% (56% good) of the 52 lessons observed, despite an increase to 12 in the average teaching group size and an increased pupil/teacher ratio of 7.6 : 1. The school was said also to function as an orderly community: the staff made every effort to promote a good quality of life

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and the majority of pupils felt safe and secure in its surroundings.

Conclusions. It is clear from the successive reports of HMI Inspectors that Ysgol Talfryn has had an up and down history in the 20 or so years that it has existed so far but it has met, at least in part, a widespread need. On the limited evidence that we have received about the school it would be wrong to conclude that there was regular physical abuse and there has been only one unproved complaint of sexual abuse. However, we are satisfied that in the 1980s there were occasions when excessive force was used in restraint of troublesome pupils and others when improper physical chastisement occurred. This underlines the importance of the criticism made in the first of the Inspector’s reports (in 1988) that none of the teaching staff then had received any training in dealing with emotionally and behaviourally disturbed children. We regard such training as essential for teaching staff as well as care staff in any school catering for such children; and it is particularly necessary for teachers such as Y, of some physical prowess, who, without training, are likely to rely upon their strength inappropriately to maintain order and discipline.

Although the quality of care is said to have improved latterly, the history of this to 1993 is disappointing, particularly in the standard of residential accommodation. The school began with quite high aspirations in this respect but there seems to have been a progressive decline, mainly because of inadequate financial resources, and we regard this as a serious failing, bearing in mind the importance of the home environment to an already disturbed child in care.’

 

Accidents Happen

Nicholas Soames popped up on Radio 4 very recently banging on about a possible constitutional crisis, which reminded me that this dreadful old git still exists. Fatty Soames is best known for being the grandson of Churchill and a close friend of Carlo, as well as the most offensive man in the Commons.

Fatty is a ‘Private Eye’ favourite, they’re nearly as fond of Fatty as they used to be of Sir Jams Fishpaste.

Sir Nicholas Soames

Official portrait of Sir Nicholas Soames crop 2.jpg
Shadow Secretary of State for Defence
In office
6 November 2003 – 10 May 2005
Leader Michael Howard
Preceded by Bernard Jenkin
Succeeded by Michael Ancram
Minister of State for the Armed Forces
In office
20 July 1994 – 2 May 1997
Prime Minister John Major
Preceded by Jeremy Hanley
Succeeded by John Reid
Parliamentary Secretary to the
Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food
In office
14 April 1992 – 20 July 1994
Prime Minister John Major
Preceded by David MacLean
Succeeded by Angela Browning
Member of Parliament
for Mid Sussex
Assumed office
1 May 1997
Preceded by Tim Renton
Majority 19,673 (31.9%)
Member of Parliament
for Crawley
In office
9 June 1983 – 1 May 1997
Preceded by Peter Hordern (Horsham and Crawley)
Succeeded by Laura Moffatt
Personal details
Born
Arthur Nicholas Winston Soames

12 February 1948 (age 71)
Croydon, Surrey, England

Political party Conservative
Spouse(s)
Catherine Weatherall
(m. 1981–1988)
Serena Smith
(m. 1993)
Children 3
Parents Christopher Soames
Mary Churchill
Alma mater Mons Officer Cadet School
Website Official website
Military career
Allegiance  United Kingdom
Service/branch  British Army
Years of service 1967–1975
Rank Second lieutenant
Service number 484270
Unit 11th Hussars
Royal Hussars

Sir Arthur Nicholas Winston Soames (born 12 February 1948), sometimes known as Nick Soames, served as the Tory MP for Crawley, 1983-97; since 1997 Fatty has been the MP for Mid-Sussex.

Fatty was Minister of State for the Armed Forces, 20 July 1994-2 May 1997, in John Major’s Gov’t. During that time, Fatty’s mate Carlo, in his capacity as Chancellor of UCNW, was presiding over the Gwerin’s en masse attack on senior sociologist Graham Day and sociologist Nerys Patterson, after Graham and Nerys dared spill the Gang’s pints. See eg. ‘Badlands’. The real problem that the Gang had was the trial of Peter Howarth for the sexual abuse of boys in care in north Wales, Patient F and I refusing to shut up about Dafydd sexually exploiting patients, Brown providing yet more evidence of Dafydd trying to bribe me into withdrawing my complaint, the Jillings investigation etc.

Lord David Treisman was General Secretary of the AUT at the time; the AUT represented some of the most badly behaved members of the Gang employed at UNCW. At the time, one of the AUT reps at UCNW was the son of a local Top Doctor who had worked with Dafydd and Gwynne and was of the Gang. Early in his career, David Treisman worked as a researcher at the Institute of Psychiatry at the Maudsley, in the Addiction Unit. The Maudsley was run entirely by Dafydd’s mates at that time and the chaos and Class A drug dealing that passed for Dafydd’s ‘detox treatment’ in north Wales (that was reaching impressive heights when the Gang declared war on Graham Day, as discussed in ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) had been learned by Dafydd at the knee of the people responsible for the Addiction Unit at the Institute of Psychiatry.

Treisman, once a Maoist and a member of the Communist Party, later achieved greatness in the Labour Party, serving as General Secretary, 24 July 2001-16 Dec 2003, where a significant part of his job was to maintain the support of the trade unions who had become disillusioned with Miranda’s Gov’t.

Treisman’s parents were of Eastern European Jewish origin and active Communists. Triesman was educated at the Stationers’ Company’s School in London, before going to Essex University and then King’s College, Cambridge.

After Triesman’s time working with Dafydd’s mates at the Maudsley, for a number of years, he was an academic at the South Bank Polytechnic (now London South Bank University) and held roles in