The ‘Celtic Iron Lady’ And Yet More Recent History

The press in north Wales is currently publishing tributes to someone who has just died who was described as a farmer from Denbighshire and a ‘leading figure’ in country life in the region. It was mentioned that the man in question purchased a large pig farm he was younger, was keen on racehorses and was a leading light in the NFU as well as in the Conservative Party. Intriguingly the article in the Daily Post Online stated that this farmer was a freemason. Details of his family were supplied and it seems that his family were actually a local wealthy family with multiple business interests. Of course my antennae started twitching when I saw the words ‘Denbighshire’, ‘leading figure’ and ‘freemason’ in close proximity. A mate of Dafydd and Gwynne’s perhaps?  The ‘farmer’ would be about the right age to be a mate of theirs. But then I noticed something even more interesting – at the end of the article, it named the siblings of this farmer who had predeceased him. One was his sister – Beata Brookes, a Conservative politician.

Beata Brookes is a name from the past. When I arrived in Bangor in 1981 most people whom I came across supported Plaid, but every so often Bangor would be covered in blue Vote Conservative posters with the name of Beata Brookes emblazoned across them. I learned that Beata Brookes was the MEP for north Wales. I also soon found out that she was hated by many people, truly loathed, but no-one ever explained why – although to be fair, I never asked. In much the same way that in parts of the UK in the 1980s one would overhear people using the phrase ‘it’s that bloody woman’ and know that they were talking about Margaret Thatcher, in north Wales it was often a phrase used about Beata Brookes. Last night I did a bit of research. As is so often the case these days, I wish that I had done this research years ago – and I also wished that when I was young I had stopped to enquire further when local people had told me how much they hated Beata Brookes.

Beata Brookes was born in 1931, the daughter of a wealthy family in Denbighshire. So she’s about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille, the paedophiles’ friends then. Beata studied at UCNW (now Bangor University) and became a social worker – just like Lucille! Of course, Beata was about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille. Readers familiar with north Wales will already understand that with the region having the networks that it does, Beata will definitely have known Lucille. She therefore probably knew Dafydd as well. For readers in England who  might need more convincing, not knowing how north Wales works – and certainly worked in the mid-twentieth century – here’s the clincher. Beata worked as a social worker for Denbighshire County Council, although it is documented that she also worked as a ‘director for a north Wales company’ and as a ‘farmer’. I can’t find a record of the name of the company, I presume that it was a family business – and presumably, as with her brother, ‘farmer’ meant landowner. So Beata was from an affluent local Tory family (Beata joined the Young Conservatives at fifteen and ended up as the national vice-chairman), the male members of whom were freemasons and she worked as a social worker for the Council which collaborated with and concealed the wrongdoing of Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Beata will have known what was going on in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I bet she’ll have known about something else as well – the physical and sexual abuse of children, which had been going on in the region for decades. Scores of those who were named in the Jillings Report and Waterhouse Report as senior managers of the children’s ‘services’ which by the 1970s were known to be rife with paedophiles had worked for Denbighshire County Council as far back as the 1950s, as detailed in previous blog posts.

Was it possible that Beata was one of those who knew about the beatings, the buggery, the rapes, the lobotomies of awkward customers, the incarceration of anyone who crossed Gwynne or Dafydd’s path, the sexual abuse of psychiatric patients as well as of children, the financial abuse of vulnerable adults, the incarceration of homosexuals, the deaths and disappearances, but felt completely overwhelmed and helpless? Er, no – as Beata progressed in her career, she acquired positions which point to her being one of the key figures who ensured that the lid was kept on all of it. In 1963 the Conservative Government appointed her to the Welsh Hospitals Board, the authority directly responsible for the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. She remained in that post for eleven years. Whereupon she became a member of the new Clwyd Health Authority – which took over the running of the North Wales Hospital! And nothing changed at all – homosexuals were still tortured in the name of ‘aversion therapy’ although homosexuality had been decriminalised, women who had given birth outside of marriage were still incarcerated in there, Gwynne the lobotomist was still employed there (and I bet that he was still carrying out lobotomies as well, they were breaking every other law out there, they won’t have given up on their most effective weapon), young people who had been abused were being banged up in Denbigh in the 70s, Dafydd was shagging his way around the institution – life carried on in that place as it had for the previous decades. Of course by 1974, John Allen had established the Bryn Alyn Community and business was booming – children in care from across the UK were being ‘placed’ there, to be sexually abused and trafficked into prostitution. As were the boys at Bryn Estyn at that time. Jillings and Waterhouse admit that by 1974, children in care right across north Wales were being starved, used as free labour, violently assaulted and sexually abused. Some ended up in London and Brighton being abused by the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dissenters found themselves in the North Wales Hospital or Risley Remand Centre.

So Beata was up to her eyes in it as a member of Clwyd Health Authority. But Beata was a member of a few other things as well – including Clwyd County Council Social Services Committee! So she definitely knew about the kids who were being abused in the ‘care’ of the social services then. Beata played a blinder though – like Dafydd and Lucille, she ensured that she was involved in so many organisations that she remained in control of all outlets. She sat on the Family Practitioners Committee for Clwyd and she was a member of the Council for Professions Supplementary to Medicine – that will have kept any GPs or others who were unhappy with what was going on silent – and she also held ‘several voluntary sector posts in north Wales relating to the disabled and mentally handicapped’. Beata was even President of the North Wales Association for the Disabled! There was no escape for complaining patients or relatives – or indeed other healthcare professionals – from Beata, Gwynne, Dafydd and Lucille. They had the whole region completely stitched up. Although Beata and Lucille couldn’t join the masons because they were women, Dafydd, Beata’s brother and no doubt Gwynne were able to do that bit to gain dominance there.

Not only was Beata occupying influential positions in the local authority and voluntary sector, but she began her political climb at an early age too. After her stint with the Young Conservatives, she joined the grown-ups clubs. She was elected to the National Union of Conservatives and Unionist Associates. In 1955 she was elected as a Conservative Councillor for Rhyl Urban District Council. In the same year she fought Widnes for the Tories in the General Election. In 1961 Beata was the Tory candidate in the Warrington by-election. In 1964 she stood for the Tories for Manchester Exchange in the General Election. In 1970 she threw her hat in the ring for the West Flintshire nomination for the Tories but was beaten by Sir Anthony Myers. My God Beata was desperate to get into Parliament. I don’t think she wanted to do that to help the poor sods whom Dafydd and Gwynne were abusing and killing or the kids that Lucille – and indeed Beata’s colleagues in Clwyd Social Services – were prostituting either.

In 1979 Beata was elected to the European Parliament as MEP for north Wales! Did she use her power to try and assist those in the clutches of Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille? Of course not – Beata ended up on a number of committees and is remembered as feistily fighting for agricultural and industrial interests in north Wales, but no, she didn’t give a stuff about the welfare or indeed the lives of those who had fallen into the hands of a bunch of pimps and gangsters. It was of course in 1979 that Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre and the North Wales Hospital – for a year (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). That hit the London based media. Of course Beata knew about it.

Beata remained an MEP for ten years. Throughout the Mary Wynch scandal and the aftermath – and during those years in the mid and late 80s when Alison Taylor went public on the paedophile ring that was operating in the social services in north Wales. Beata remained silent throughout. Yet every account of Beata’s political career stresses how effective she was, what a ‘fighter’ she was, how she was ‘formidable’ (which in politics usually translates as ‘vile’) and how she was known as the ‘Celtic Iron Lady’. (Brookes was a hard-right Thatcherite.)

In 1983 Brookes’s desperation to bag a seat in the Commons – although she was a sitting MEP – caused a crisis in the Conservative Party. What is now described as a ‘bitter feud’ broke out which centred around Brookes. Boundary changes resulted in the creation of a new constituency, Clwyd North West, a seat that was centred on Colwyn Bay, the location of the HQ of the North Wales Police which was mired in corruption and concealing the paedophile ring. Gordon Anglesea, an Inspector at Colwyn Bay, was actually a member of the paedophile ring. Colwyn Bay also housed a few other bent professionals, including Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for the Welsh Office, who concealed Dafydd’s criminal activities in the late 1980s. Denbigh was a town virtually entirely populated by staff or the relatives of staff of the North Wales Hospital, but people occupying the more senior positions in Clwyd County Council and it’s services frequently lived in the Colwyn Bay area or in the Conwy Valley. They’re the posh bits of that region.

The natural candidates for the Tory nomination for Clwyd North West were the sitting Conservative MP for West Flintshire, Sir Anthony Meyer and the sitting Conservative MP for Denbigh, Geraint Morgan. Some people were grumbling about Geraint Morgan who was perceived to be rather more committed to his work as a barrister than his duties as an MP and although Anthony Meyer was very popular in some quarters, he was dangerously civilised for Thatcher’s Conservative Party and kept disgracing himself by doing things like making positive noises about the EU, not wanting to hang people and not wanting to kill the Argies. It didn’t go down very well at all with some. A group of local Tory activists urged Brookes to put her name forward for the nomination. Meanwhile, Conservative Central Office produced a list of 65 possible names – Brookes’s was not among them. A huge row followed and complaints were made to the 1922 Committee. The Chairman of that Committee, Edward Du Cann, even discussed postponing the selection meeting with the Conservative Party Chairman Cecil Parkinson, such was the rumpus. In the end the selection meeting went ahead.

Brookes, Meyers and Morgan all attended the meeting, at which Brookes made a speech praising Thatcher. Brookes won the selection vote among the Clwyd North East Conservative Executive. Meyers alleged that the meeting was a fix, that Brookes had set out to oust him by stealth by using EU funds to promote her candidacy and ‘usurp the functions’ of the House and that Conservative Central Office were in on the conspiracy. Morgan observed that speaking at the meeting was like ‘speaking to a nobbled jury’. Meyers maintained that the local members were ‘resigning in droves’ and threatened to run as an Independent. He then discovered that he had not been invited to the adoption meeting. Myers challenged this in the High Court and won – they ruled that he should have been invited. Some 800 members turned up to the meeting where the decision not to invite Myers was reversed. Sir Anthony Myers was subsequently nominated and then won the seat for the Tories by a long way.

Whilst I was reading about all this, I couldn’t help noticing the year in which the Tories in Clwyd tore themselves apart – it was 1983. We know that Beata was ruthlessly ambitious, was a woman who bludgeoned people into submission and was sitting on a paedophile ring supplying under-aged boys to Westminster figures and was keeping a lid on the criminal activities of a mental health service that was concealing the paedophile ring. It has been admitted by member of the Conservative Party that Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester, was abusing boys in care in north Wales. Between 1981 and 1985 the Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens held his campaign to expose ‘VIPs’ that he maintained were sexually abusing children. Dickens maintained that this abuse was associated with a trade in child pornography worth a great deal of money. This was exactly the business that John Allen ran. Dickens began his campaign in 1981 when he named Sir Peter Hayman in the House using Parliamentary privilege. In 1983 Geoffrey Dickens handed the then Home Secretary Leon Brittan a dossier with the names and details of VIPs, including Westminster figures, that Dickens maintained were paedophiles. Brittan ‘lost’ that dossier. Since then of course, there have been allegations that Brittan was one of those paedophiles himself. Before he died Geoffrey Dickens talked about the serious unpleasantness and threats that he received after he spoke out.

So Beata herself and a group of ‘local activists’ were very keen for Beata to get into Parliament – so keen that some unlawful dirty tricks were employed, which Meyers alleged had involved Conservative Central Office. The constituency involved in the bun-fight was home to numerous police officers, local officials and professionals who were concealing the paedophile ring that Dickens was trying to expose. I wonder if they were among the ‘local activists’ who were doing pretty much anything to get Brookes into that seat? What if they were worried that Dickens’s campaign was going to gain traction and the whole bloody lot of them would be caught? Sir Anthony Myers sounds the sort of person who would not be complicit with such serious criminal activity, but Beata had been already, for years. The ideal candidate!

The cunning plan didn’t work, but Beata continued as an MEP until 1989 when she was ousted by the Labour candidate. Beata continued to mouth off if she felt like it – in 1983 she protested after the BBC held an interview with John Jenkins, a Welsh activist who had been imprisoned for a bombing campaign at the time of the Investiture. Oh the irony – in his younger day, Dafydd made links with Irish Republican activists after declaring his commitment to the nationalist cause (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’). He also participated in the Tryweryn campaign. Like Dafydd, Beata had some media connections – she had worked as an ‘occasional television interviewer’ when she was younger.

Even being voted out didn’t stop Brookes. In 1993 she became Chair of the Welsh Conservative Party and supported John Major whilst he was under fire. She was also Chair of the Welsh Consumer Council and was re-appointed in 1994, despite criticism of her potential conflict of interest by the National Consumer Council and by Rhodri Morgan, who told John Major that the appointment ‘undermined an already disreputable system of patronage’.

The evil cow was awarded a CBE in 1996. In her old age there were still indications of the deals that she was doing on a local level. Brookes hit the media in 2003 regarding a dispute over car boot sales that she was holding on her land in Rhuddlan. In 2000 she had managed to gain permission to hold car boot sales on 28 Sundays every year and then in 2003 she gained permission to hold car boot sales on 14 Saturdays every year. She offered the land on which the car boots were held for the use of the National Eisteddfod. Helping out the National Eisteddfod can work wonders, particularly as Dafydd and many of the paedophiles’ friends are involved with it. (A true but horrible story – some years ago there was an awful shock for a lot of people when it was revealed that one of the people who had been appointed to run something for the children at the Eisteddfod, a nursery I think, was someone from the south of England with convictions for paedophilia. Any ideas how he got in there then Dafydd?) Beata won the day, but the dispute cost the local council many thousands of pounds. What Brookes’s passion for car boot sales was all about I don’t know, but it does remind me of a quip from ‘Private Eye’ years ago, when they were still publishing the imaginary letters from Denis Thatcher, ‘Dear Bill’. One of the letters made a reference to a ‘friend of Maurice’s’ who ran car boot sales – Denis commented that ‘I had no idea that he was a member of the Mafia’.

Readers may remember that in my post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’, I described how Anglesey Conservative Association were desperate to snare a then unknown Ann Widdecombe as their candidate despite Doris knowing absolutely nothing about Wales or Anglesey and not showing much interest either. I speculated that back in those days of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’), it may very well have been Widdecombe’s uncompromising anti-abortion stance that was the attraction. I wonder if Brookes was involved with that selection panel. Welsh Tories are a bit thin on the ground, it is highly likely that they either roped Brookes in or that she insisted on being part of the process.

There is an outstanding conundrum. Brookes’s obituaries mention that she married a fellow Tory activist Anthony Arnold, but that they divorced in 1963 and Brookes then insisted on being addressed by her maiden name and title, Miss Beata Brookes. It was highly unusual to be a divorcee in 1963 – although dispensing with an unwanted husband was very much easier if you were a woman with money as was Brookes – and divorced women routinely still referred to themselves as Mrs whatever their married name was. The only divorced women who persisted in calling themselves Miss were ageing starlets like Miss Diana Dors or Miss Zsa Zsa Gabor who still called themselves Miss no matter how many times they had been married and divorced. (Miss Joan Collins still does.) So Brookes really broke the mould there – if any readers know what that was all about, please do tell, Beata would hardly be the first to be flying the feminist flag.

In 2013 Brookes joined UKIP. She became very angry with Tories like Cameron calling UKIP ‘fruitcakes’ and ‘clowns’ and stated that ‘you don’t behave like that in politics’. No, what you do is take part in a conspiracy to conceal a vicious paedophile ring and remain silent even when the victims who have been brave enough to give evidence against that ring start turning up dead. Lest anyone needs reminding of just what the Celtic Iron Lady was party to, here’s another quick resume – witnesses were found hanging from trees, hanging from stairwells, dead from overdoses although they’d given up drugs years previously, were found inexplicably dead in cars, some were run over and killed on roads and one teenaged boy was found in a local town with unexplained injuries so serious that he died from them a few hours later. This doesn’t include the people who ‘committed suicide’ after being ‘helped’ by Dafydd and his colleagues. Neither does it include the five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who were killed in an arson attack at a party in Brighton, to which they had all been invited. The partygoers variously died from smoke inhalation or burns and some people escaped by jumping out of windows and were impaled on the railings below. A man who was alleged to have ‘confessed’ to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed himself a few days later.

Beata Brookes died in her eighties in the comfort of the Spire Yale Hospital (a private hospital in Wrexham) in 2015. So she didn’t risk her neck with the NHS that she had helped poison or in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. Upon hearing of her death, Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Welsh Conservatives, described Beata as an ‘incredibly talented politician who will be sorely missed’ whose ‘career was varied and hugely successful and I pay tribute to everything she did within public life, the voluntary sector and for the Welsh Conservative Party’.

Victorian Values anyone? Or shall we just go Back To Basics?

 

What of Beata’s rivals from the 1983 campaign whom she had so ruthlessly tried to shaft?

 

Geraint Morgan was the Conservative MP for Denbigh between 1959-83. So he spanned the Years of Brutality and Lobotomies then. He cannot possibly been have been as bad as Beata Brookes, but like others who have held political ambitions in the direction of the Denbigh area such as Ieuan Wyn Jones and Paul Flynn, Geraint wasn’t going to even whisper in protest – he was after the votes of all the Denbigh staff, the patients didn’t have votes to cast. Although Geraint was appreciated for being a Welsh speaker and was known to dutifully reply to constituents when they raised issues with him, Geraint had other interests. He was a barrister and busied himself with that. After the 1983 dust-up, Morgan resigned from the Conservative Party and supported Plaid, although he never became a member. That’s the Plaid who embraced Dafydd as an activist and candidate and included so many other people who said nothing about the paedophile gang or the abuses at the North Wales Hospital, although they all knew about it. Geraint Morgan was eventually appointed a Crown Court Recorder. He worked on the Northern Circuit. As did Sir John Kay, who issued a High Court injunction against me on the basis of Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns perjuring themselves, Keith Fearns never having met me and Brandt having met me two or three times. At the time Fearns and Brandt were employed as social workers by Gwynedd Social Services and I now have copies of the letters exchanged between Lucille Hughes (Director of Gwynedd Social Services), Ron Evans (the lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council), Jackie and Fearns, in which Evans and Lucille instruct Fearns and Brandt to make statements about me. John Kay issued that injunction just before Geraint Morgan was appointed a judge. Like so many featured on this blog, Geraint was a law graduate from Aberystwyth University and a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

 

The one person who does not seem to have been dwelling in the same cesspool as everyone else was Sir Anthony Meyer. He had previously had a career as a diplomat in the Foreign Office and served in the British Embassies in Paris and Moscow. He was elected as the Conservative MP for Eton and Slough in 1964 but lost the seat to the Labour MP Joan Lestor in 1966. His defeat was attributed to his refusal to play the ‘race card’ in what had become a heated debate about immigration. He sought another Tory seat, but had great difficulty, being on the very liberal wing of the Tory party and being a very enthusiastic European. An old Etonian contact, Nigel Birch, who was the MP for West Flintshire, then asked Sir Anthony if he would replace him as the candidate as he was standing down. Sir Anthony was elected for West Flintshire in 1970. He was popular but very critical of Thatcher. After surviving the bunfight in 1983, in 1989 he famously stood as the stalking horse against Thatcher in a leadership challenge. He knew that he didn’t have a hope of winning, but it did the trick – it encouraged a few other people to challenge her soon afterwards. He was deselected by the Conservative Party for his ‘treachery’ in 1992 and later joined the Lib Dems. So although it was Geoffrey Howe who delivered the killer blow, we have Sir Anthony to thank for kick-starting Thatcher’s demise. We also have him to thank for keeping a bloody monster out of Parliament when he mounted a High Court challenge to her and her henchmen in 1983.

 

Whilst I was reading about Beata, I saw across another name that I’d previously come across as well – Tom Ellis. Brookes was re-elected as MEP for north Wales after defeating Ellis in 1984, when he stood for the SDP.

Tom Ellis went to Ruabon Grammar School and studied chemistry at UCNW (Bangor University). In 1957 he became manager of Bersham Colliery. He was President of Wrexham Fabian Society and in 1970 was elected the Labour MP for Wrexham. In 1981 he defected to the SDP – Ellis was one of the founder members. He became President of the Welsh Social Democrats. After boundary changes in 1983 he stood for the SDP in Clwyd South West but lost. As MP for Wrexham, Tom Ellis is someone else who will have heard about the paedophile ring – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn were located just outside Wrexham. He’ll have known about the horrors of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh as well. But as I detailed in my post ‘Dr Death’, the Top Doctors of north Wales were attracted to David Owen like flies around a honeypot. And their support was just so much more valued than the support of people who ended up dying so that the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends could continue with their noses in the proverbial trough. Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille really did have it all sewn up nicely – although virtually everyone knew what they were doing.

 

 

 

 

 

‘One Of The Safest Pairs Of Hands At The Criminal Bar’

The title of this post is a quote that can be found on the online profile of Timothy Cray. Who he? Timothy Cray is the barrister who acted for Henry Hendron – a barrister himself – who ended up receiving much media coverage in 2016 as a result of the ‘chemsex trial’. Hendron is a barrister in his mid-thirties who was arrested and charged after his 18 year old Columbian boyfriend was found dead at their flat after Hendron had supplied him with chemsex drugs. I will return to this case later. But first I want to discuss a friend of Hendron’s, whom Hendron himself had previously provided with legal advice – Nigel Evans.

Nigel Evans is the Tory MP for Ribble Valley who in 2014 stood trial for a series of assaults on seven men. Evans was acquitted of all charges – one rape, five sexual assaults, one attempted sexual assault and two indecent assaults. So Nigel Evans was somehow either accused quite wrongly by a series of people independently of each other of very serious offences – or he had a very good barrister, obviously yet another safe pair of hands at the Criminal Bar. The circumstances of the alleged offences were all rather similar – they were committed by Evans, a senior Tory in his mid-50s, against much younger men who were working in Westminster or aspiring to do so, after sessions of very heavy drinking by Evans. Following Evans’s acquittal there was an enormous outpouring of support and sympathy for Evans from his fellow politicians and not just from Tories. Evans waxed lyrical about his ordeal and described in detail his distress at being charged and his colleagues rallied round stressing what a lovely bloke he was. Stephen Crabb, the Conservative MP for Preseli in Pembrokeshire, tweeted that his ‘friend’ Evans was ‘a good man’ and Ann Widdecombe – not known for her sympathy towards promiscuous gay sex when blind drunk – described Evans as a ‘truthful, considerate and kind individual’.

Now when Evans was arrested he was known as an MP representing a constituency in the north of England. But I knew of Evans as a rather unusual man, a Thatcherite Tory who actually came from Wales. Evans grew up in Swansea where his family ran a small business, went to Swansea University and only became the MP for Ribble Valley in 1992 after unsuccessfully contesting seats in south Wales. Before he was an MP Evans was a County Councillor in West Glamorgan (elected in 1985) and in 1990 became deputy Tory leader of that Council. He stood down as a Councillor in 1991.

In 1993 Evans became PPS to David Hunt, the Secretary of State for Employment and he remained Hunt’s PPS when Hunt was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in 1994. Readers will remember that David Hunt was Secretary of State for Wales on two occasions, between 1990-93 and again for just one month in the summer of 1995. Hunt was in that post when there was a total failure by the Welsh Office to respond to the serious abuse that was rife in children’s homes in north Wales or to the abuses that were happening in the north Wales mental health services. The Welsh Office knew about these matters and actively concealed everything. In 1995 Evans became PPS to Tony Baldry, Minister of State at the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. Then in 1996 Evans was appointed PPS to William Hague when he was appointed Secretary of State for Wales by John Major. William Hague’s biggest task in that post was of course arranging the public inquiry into child abuse in north Wales. Previous posts have detailed the many reasons why I think someone worked very hard at selecting those who were involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry. As Hague’s PPS, Evans will have been deeply involved in the leg work relating to that Inquiry – and Evans knew Wales very well indeed, even if Hague didn’t. Hague is a very able man and would soon have been able to research everything that is officially on record about Wales, but Evans will have known what it is really important to know and what you only find out by living and working in Wales – the gossip and the lowdown.

So Evans was involved in the most enormous cover-up of organised child abuse in Wales – child abuse that involved under-aged boys ‘in care’ being sexually molested by older men, including it would seem at least one senior Tory, Sir Peter Morrison, Thatcher’s PPS and deputy Chairman of the Party. Some of the boys giving evidence to Waterhouse maintained that they were taken to other locations where they had sex with multiple older men unknown to them. John Allen, who owned and managed the Bryn Alyn Community, a collection of children’s homes where some of the worst abuse took place, is currently serving a life sentence for abusing boys in his care. Waterhouse described John Allen as ‘kind’ and ‘generous’ as a result of John Allen buying presents and giving money to boys whom he was having sex with. Allen owned what Waterhouse called ‘unsuitable accommodation’ in London and Brighton in which some boys lived after they left children’s homes in north Wales. The boys themselves claimed that Allen owned brothels in London and Brighton and some of them worked in those brothels after they left ‘care’.

Evans could well have heard about some of this before he worked for Hague as a result of coming from Wales and being involved in local politics there, although he never mentioned it. But Evans didn’t mention something else either and he didn’t mention it until 2010. That he was gay. Not only did Evans not mention that he was gay, but he actively concealed it and states himself that he pretended to be a ‘red blooded’ heterosexual lest being openly gay damaged his political prospects in a party that was perceived as being highly homophobic in the wake of passing Section 28 in the late 1980s. Evans even voted against reducing the age of consent for gay men in 1994 and again on two following occasions. (I also seem to remember Evans appearing on a TV show arguing against reducing the age of consent for gays in 1994.) Evans also ensured that he was absent from the Commons vote on civil partnerships, he missed three votes on gay adoption and in one vote he opposed the move. In 1993 a piece appeared in ‘Private Eye’ claiming that Evans had been seen ‘canoodling’ with a young man. Evans personally phoned Ian Hislop to deny the story, although the Eye never published a retraction or an apology.

Evans came out as gay to the press in 2010 claiming that he was sick of living a lie. But he only did so after a Labour MP threatened to out him. After he came out as gay Evans constructed himself as some sort of gay rights champ for Westminster and stressed how many gay politicians there were, many of whom had not yet publicly admitted it. He also said that when he first entered Parliament he had known of loads of gay politicians who were concealing it. Evans formed an LGBT networking group in Westminster, Parliout. In the light of what was revealed during and after Evans’s trial, I would have thought that it was fairly obvious that there wasn’t any need for Parliout, Evans and others seemed to have already established a gay network at Westminster.

Young male parliamentary workers who gave evidence at Evans’s trial described how they were groped or kissed by Evans after getting completely bladdered with him in bars at the House of Commons or in Soho. Allegations then emerged in the press of a heavy drinking culture at Westminster – I had heard that from a friend years ago. But the revelations in the media became increasingly more sordid. It wasn’t just excessive drinking that was commonplace – it was alleged that there was a big problem with senior politicians expecting sexual favours from wannabes and if wannabes were unhappy with this there was no effective redress. Supplying sexual favours would ensure that your career advanced but complaining would bring it to a rapid halt. After Evans was acquitted, much was made of some of the witnesses saying in court that they had not wanted the case against Evans to go ahead, that they didn’t feel like victims and one of them claimed that after getting pissed with Evans and finding Evans’s hand down his trousers it was just a case of ‘crazy crazy Westminster’. (Why don’t women want to be politicians? Ooh it’s because they all have low self esteem and need role models like Harriet! It cannot possibly be because they do not regularly get bladdered and participate in mutual groping sessions with tosspots. Except to be fair, some of them do, a Lib Dem who believes that she’s broken the glass ceiling in Wales comes to mind.) Evans’s defence was considered to have been given a considerable boost when the judge, Justice Timothy King, instructed the jury to find Evans not guilty on one alleged offence. There was a major attempt to construct Nigel Evans’s activities as the high drunken jinks of a harmless gregarious man who had been hung out to dry by the police and the CPS. His excessive drinking was explained as the result of him having difficulty ‘coming to terms with his sexuality’ and of course the death of his dear old mum who had no idea that he was gay. Evans continued the misery memoir by explaining that the one sadness in his life was that he had never had a regular boyfriend. One suspects that Nigel Evans’s lifestyle would mitigate against a regular relationship.

There was however one witness at the trial who did not claim that he had no problem with Evans’s harmless drunken groping. That was the 22 year old man who claimed that Evans had raped him. Evans’s account was that he and this young man had participated in consensual sex ‘in a number of different positions’. The young man – who gave evidence from behind a screen and was described as ‘nervous’ and ‘whispering’ – had been a university student at the time of the incident, had stayed at Evans’s house and had maintained that he woke up to find Evans on top of him. Media accounts stressed how this young man ‘wasn’t believed’. He’s not going to have a career in politics now is he – but those spoke fondly of Evans in court and who never wanted the case against him to go ahead will still be in with a chance.

The way in which the police came to hear about the allegations against Evans is significant. One young man, a politics student, had been befriended by Evans in 2008 on Facebook. This student was later described as ‘ruthlessly ambitious’. (Just like Evans had been when he was a young man.) This man alleged that he had stayed at Evans’s house overnight in 2009 and that Evans had ‘groped his penis’. The young man told of his encounter with Evans to Adam Price (Plaid), Michael Fabricant (Conservative) and Iain Corby (a Tory policy boss). A few days later he recounted the story to the then Tory Chief Whip Patrick McLoughlin and his deputy John Randall. The student had wanted Evans to resign, which was described by McLoughlin as a ‘big ask’. Patrick McLoughlin is now Sir Patrick and in July 2016 was appointed Chairman of the Conservative Party. Randall is an MP for Derbyshire – he was elected to Matthew Parris’s seat when Parris stood down in 1986. The Matthew Parris who wrote about having sex with boys who ‘were always willing’ along with his political friends when on holiday. McLoughlin is also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. John Randall has also been knighted but stood down from Parliament in 2015. He is now a Trustee and Vice-Chair of the Human Trafficking Foundation – a man who was unable to respond when he was told of an allegation of sexual assault perpetrated by someone who had previously been involved in a cover-up of the sexual abuse and trafficking into prostitution of children in care. The allegations against Evans went no further – until the student told Dr Sarah Woolaston, Tory MP for Totnes. A friend of this student then revealed to him that he too had been assaulted by Evans and so he contacted Sara Woolaston. Woolaston contacted John Bercow the Speaker, who said that it was for the two young men to go to the police. But then after receiving legal advice from the Speaker’s Counsel, Michael Carpenter, Bercow’s secretary told Sarah Woolaston that the Speaker ‘cannot handle this’. Sarah Woolaston is a Top Doctor who claims experience in dealing with matters of sexual abuse and readers will guess that under most circumstances I would roll about laughing at the notion that a Top Doctor might actually know how to conduct themselves in such a situation, but to Sarah’s credit, she seems to have been the only person who had engaged her brain. Frustrated by the response from the Speaker’s office, she told the two young men that they had a responsibility to report Evans to the police because there was no telling whom he was going to do this to next and gave them a police number. Sarah also in 2013 brought the allegations to the attention of the Palace of Westminster Police. So that’s how the ball started rolling.

Yesterday’s post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’ described how over decades the CPS have worked very hard at not prosecuting people involved with the sexual abuse of young people, particularly if there are connections to political figures. It was of course the CPS who bit the bullet in the case of Nigel Evans and prosecuted. They certainly had a lot of shit thrown at them for daring to do this after his acquittal. Evans’s case was categorised with the cases of two Coronation Street actors, Michael Le Vell and Ken Roache, who had also been acquitted of sex offences. Although the cases of Le Vell and Roache were very different from Evans, Evans and his supporters discussed the three cases as if they were all very similar, ie. people making claims for which there was no evidence against public figures. Vicky Entwhistle, an actor from Coronation Street, appeared in public at Evans’s trial to support him. Not that the actors in Coronation Street have proved themselves to be particularly good judges of character – John Stalker’s book boasts of how he hung out with the Coronation Street crowd and William Roache is a former Patron of St David’s Hospice Llandudno, which seems to act a repository for disgraced NHS staff from north Wales who either left their jobs under a cloud or concealed the paedophile ring (see posts ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’ and ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’). In the wake of all this, the Attorney General Dominic Grieve demanded an explanation from DPP Alison Saunders why Evans’s prosecution had gone ahead, even though Saunders hadn’t been DPP when the decision to prosecute had been made. Saunders track record suggests that she never would have prosecuted Evans. I note that when Evans was prosecuted Saunders was actually working for the CPS as the regional case manager in London. Which explains an awful lot – sex offences against young people aren’t only committed in north Wales and a lot of high profile and powerful people live in London. Jack Straw also had a go at the CPS, suggesting that the DPP might be more cautious in bringing high profile sex offence cases in the future – the Jack who was years ago a Councillor in Islington Council when it’s children’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles, the Jack who was a leading light in New Labour which was so hopelessly compromised because of ignoring the institutionalised sexual abuse of children (see post ‘The London Connection’).

Evans angrily told the media that he had spent his life savings – £130,000 – on his legal fees and he demanded that the CPS repay him. Which was deeply ironic because the legislation that caused Evans to cough up in his particular circumstances was passed by the Coalition Gov’t of whom the Tories were the leading partners. Evans also had the support of an incredibly powerful man in the Commons, who constantly ends up in scandals himself – dear old Keith Vaz, then Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, who considered holding a separate inquiry into the prosecution of Evans. I have a friend who often expresses at length her amazement at what Keith Vaz has got away with – the expense scandals, the constant conflicts of interest or failure to declare interests, the failure to declare payments, the business of the passports and the Hinduja brothers, his narrow escape from being prosecuted by Leicestershire Police after making false allegations against a former police officer, his leading a march through Leicester demanding the banning of ‘The Satanic Verses’ after a fatwa had been issued against Salman Rushdie and much more. In Sept 2016 Vaz resigned as Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee after he was caught in a tabloid gay prostitution and cocaine expose. One month later he was appointed to the Justice Select Committee. My mate keeps asking me how he does it particularly as no-one seems to like him or trust him.

So how did Keith Vaz, a senior solicitor to Islington Council in the mid 80s (when Islington Council’s children’s homes were rife with paedophiles whilst the Council was stuffed full of Councillors who would later become some of the biggest figures in the New Labour Gov’t), then a solicitor in a Leicester Council funded law centre between 1985-87 (when Frank Beck, a Leicester social worker was abusing kids in care in Leicester along with it seems Greville Janner, Labour MP for Leicester West until he was elevated to the Lords in 1990) ever get himself so well thought of in the Labour Party that he was selected as candidate for Leicester East? Could it have been the support from his mother, who was a Labour Councillor on Leicester City Council for 14 years, from the point at which Keith was selected as a candidate? Or could it have been that a lot of people were very grateful to him for something? He continued to impress once he was elected to the Commons. By 1997 Vaz was PPs to the Attorney General John Morris – the John Morris who was Secretary of State for Wales when children in children’s homes in north Wales were being abused and trafficked by paedophiles, the John Morris whose constituency is in West Glamorgan, Nigel Evans’s old stomping ground – and between May-Oct 1999 Vaz was PPS to the Lord Chancellor’s Dept, the Lord Chancellor being Blair’s mate Lord Goldsmith. Vaz just went onwards and upwards. Surely there’s a clue somewhere in that CV as to the root of his Teflon qualities…

As in the case of Vaz, I suspect that the overwhelming ‘popularity’ of Nigel Evans is Parliament speak for ‘a lot of us are very grateful to him for something’. He was welcomed back into the Commons after his acquittal – although it transpired that a lot of his constituents in the Ribble Valley had been expressing concerns for some time about Nigel’s activities.

Whilst Evans and Hague were helping everyone out of a tight spot by employing the talents of Ronnie Waterhouse and co, there was of course a change of Gov’t. In 1997, during the Waterhouse Inquiry, Blair won the election. Blair chose to axe the post of Welsh Secretary from the Cabinet, a decision that Evans opposed. This morning I found a photo of Nigel carrying a spoof ‘Tony Blair Estate Agents’ placard, emblazoned with the slogan ‘Wales Office For Sale’. Indeed the Welsh Office had been for sale for years – the whole lot of them sold themselves to a paedophile gang and a bunch of criminals who worked in the health and welfare services as documents in my possession demonstrate. Although the Tories didn’t have any seats in Wales after the 97 General Election, John Major put Evans on his shadow frontbench as spokesman for Welsh Affairs. Evans was obviously a man who could be relied upon. When Duncan Smith became Tory leader, Evans was a member of the shadow cabinet and between 2001-2003 was shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Evans returned to the backbenches on principle (is this a man who has any principles?) when Michael Howard became leader and took the role of shadow Secretary of State for Wales outside of the shadow cabinet. Evans remained a member of the Trade and Industry and the Welsh Affairs Select Committees in 2003. In Nov 2004 he became Vice-Chair of the Conservative Party, with specific responsibility for overseeing Conservatives Abroad. With Cameron’s election in 2005 Evans returned to the backbenches. He was one of the Speaker’s three deputies until he resigned after being arrested in 2013. Although Nigel was very cross when his own party’s changes to legal aid hit him in his own pocket, Nigel isn’t too keen on other people keeping afloat financially. He voted against the introduction of the National Minimum Wage in 1999 and voted against every increase afterwards. In 2009 he was one of 11 MPs to back the Employment Opportunities Bill, which aimed to make the minimum wage optional. Presumably Nigel’s idea of employment opportunities is to sell one’s body to predatory older politicians and indeed many young people who were kids in care in north Wales in the 70s, 80s and 90s were trained or forced to do this. But what are they supposed to do for a living when they’re too old for politicians to be interested in them?

Although Parliament opened it’s heart to Nigel throughout the trial and afterwards, I would have thought that as in the case of Ken Dodd and the allegations of tax evasion, the evidence against Nigel was quite substantial. So I did what I enjoy doing in such cases, I did a bit of reading regarding the barristers and judge involved. The judge was Timothy King, who in 2006 had defended the BNP leader Nick Griffin against a charge of inciting racial hatred.

So who acted for Evans? There seems to have been two barristers involved. Evans’s friend the aforementioned Henry Hendron and Peter Wright QC. I’m not sure whether Hendron acted for Evans in a paid capacity, but he did boast about advising him during the trial – I will return to Hendron later. Peter Wright was the name that appeared in the media as Counsel for Evans.

Well Evans certainly didn’t take any risks when he sought advice, Peter Wright knows how to extract people from very deep slurry pits indeed. Wright boasts of having acted in cases of organised crime – including people who have accused of committing organised crime – and people who have been prosecuted by the Health and Safety Executive. Peter successfully defended a gang of armed robbers who shot a policewoman dead, a company that ran a care home that was prosecuted by the HSE when an elderly resident died as a result of scalding and a nurse who managed to kill a three week old baby boy whilst performing a circumcision for cultural reasons. He successfully defended a Detective Chief Inspector who was accused of misconduct in public office after leaking the identity of an IRA bomber to a journalist and a senior officer at HM Customs and Excise who was accused of conspiracy to pervert the course of justice and misconduct in public office which involved his links to organised crime. One case that must have really made Peter feel good about himself was his defence of someone who petrol bombed a family’s home leading to the death of eight members of the family. But Peter doesn’t just act for your everyday murderous scumbag. No, Peter was Counsel in the LIBOR scandal (now you know why bankers never go to prison even when they cause the global economy to collapse!) and in Operation Elveden (the police investigation into corrupt payments between journalists and public officials, which resulted in the prosecution of Cameron’s mates Rebekah Brooks and Andy Coulson as well as a few others).

In 2006 Wright was appointed as Senior Treasury Counsel by the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith. Wright boasts of being the first person to be directly appointed to this post – so presumably Goldsmith noticed his talents in defending petrol bombers, crooked bankers and Murdoch’s employees and decided that the Gov’t could utilise those talents. In 2010 Wright stood down again as Senior Treasury Counsel – well he had all those bent bankers and press barons to get out of trouble – but he continues to advise the CPS, the Attorney General and the Treasury Solicitor. Which sounds rather like multiple conflicts of interest to me.

So Evans hired the man who had worked for the Gov’t that Evans was part of. But what of Evans’s ‘friend and barrister’ Henry Hendron? We know that everyone loves Evans, even Ann Widdecombe and that poor old Evans only gets rat arsed and gropes people because he misses his mum and didn’t come out as gay when he should have. Evans’s mate Henry has fought personal demons too. Particularly after he was arrested for supplying the drugs that killed his teenaged boyfriend. The Torygraph online published a real tear jerker of an interview with Henry’s brother Richard who was also a barrister (and before that an Inspector with the Metropolitan Police) just before Henry’s trial in 2016. As well as being represented by Timothy Cray, Henry was also being advised by Richard. Richard gave the Torygraph full details of Henry’s downward spiral after his boyfriend had been found dead in his flat. How did Richard know that Henry was grieving? Because Henry ‘binged on drugs’ to mask his grief and attended chemsex parties on a non-stop basis. He collapsed at one such party after overdoing the drugs and was rushed to hospital – this was one week after his boyfriend Miguel’s death. The nation’s widows really don’t know how to grieve properly do they, all they do is rely on the cat for company.

At Henry’s trial he pleaded guilty to two counts of possession with intent to supply. The circumstances were that he purchased £1000 of goodies from a BBC producer called Andrew Parkin with the intention of flogging them to other people at chemsex parties. He gave some to his boyfriend and it killed him and when the police searched his house afterwards they found methodrone and GBL. Parkin was given 200 hours of community service and Hendron 140 hours. (That’s what I got when I was prosecuted for calling a corrupt NHS manager who was assisting in concealing a paedophile ring a fat idiot.) It was revealed at the trial that Hendron had three previous convictions – for drink driving.

Something else came to light among all the publicity around Hendron after his trial. That he had previously been fined £2000 by the Bar Council for professional misconduct. The particulars of the misconduct being that on the eve of the starting date of Nigel Evans’s trial Hendron had described the witnesses due to give evidence against Evans as ‘manipulative and duplicitous’ online. I cannot help wondering what other pressure may have been applied to those witnesses. The media hype concerning Hendron mentioned that his clients included Nadine Dorries and the Earl of Cardigan. A bit of history was dredged up as well – that as a teenager Hendron had appeared at the Tory Party Conference arguing for the reintroduction of corporal punishment. This appearance had resulted in him being tipped as a future leader. He’d be able to add S&M (or in his case probably just S) to his chemsex-drink driving-killing of teenaged boyfriends repertoire.

Prior to his trial Henry worked as a barrister at Strand Chambers and before that at 2 Kings Bench Walk. Between 2006-2008 he worked for the CPS ‘advising senior civil servants and ministerial teams’. Including the Department of Work and Pensions and the Department of Health.

After the trial the NHS and BMA made public statements regarding the major problem that is chemsex. Well if they’re not careful all the other lawyers that they use will be struck off by the Law Society as well after they’ve woken up next to a corpse resulting from the binge the previous night.

Henry himself commented after the trial that he did accept that perhaps he might not be able to work as a barrister again, although one day he hoped to. Meanwhile, he is comforting himself with regular trips to the family of his boyfriend who died – who live in Columbia. I cannot help but wonder whether with Henry’s track record Columbia might hold attractions other than the relatives of his boyfriend. Indeed I was surprised that there were no media comments at the time of Miguel’s death regarding the unlikely domestic set-up of Henry – a barrister with a passion for chemsex whose friends include a senior middle aged Tory who has faced multiple charges of sexual assault on young men, living with a teenager from Columbia who worked as a café assistant.

So how ever did this self-indulgent binging twat with so little regard for the safety of other people end up with community service after he’d managed to kill someone? Could it have been the skills of Timothy Cray, his barrister, one of the safest hands at the Criminal Bar? Cray’s online profile tells us that he has ‘unique knowledge of international organised crime’ and ‘extensive experience of defending in allegations of sexual misconduct with emphasis on sensitive and high profile cases’. Cray acts for the Serious Fraud Office – of course – and in Jan 2014 he was appointed by the Attorney General Dominic Grieve as Senior Treasury Counsel. Because he is of course used to defending criminals who work in the professions with links to Gov’t.

As for the judge who felt that a few boring but not too dreadful hours working in a charity shop or clearing footpaths was going to ensure that Henry mended his ways, that was Richard Marks QC who was appointed a circuit judge at the Old Bailey in 2012 by the Lord Chancellor Ken Clarke. Before this, one of Marks’s responsibilities was as a legal member of the restricted patients panel. Who will have been banged up for a lot less than overdosing their teenaged partners and in many cases won’t have committed any crime at all. In 2015 Marks precipitated a lot of media coverage after he was removed from a trial involving ‘Sun’ journalists who were alleged to have bribed public officials for information. The ‘Sun’ was very angry and maintained that Marks had been replaced with judge Charles Wide ‘in secret and against his will’ because Wide was perceived as being more likely to secure a conviction. This rationale was angrily denied by Sir Nigel Sweeney, the judge who was alleged to have had something to do with the decision. Sweeney had a fairly shameful history (see post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’) and I do wonder if he might have been worried what those ‘Sun’ journalists might dig up if they continued to bribe public officials for information.

There seems to be a great many safe pairs of hands at the Criminal Bar, protecting a great many people. I don’t really mind if politicians get ripped to the tits and participate in gay or indeed heterosexual orgies, but I do mind when they employ their extensive networks to protect people who have forced ‘looked after children’ to take part in such things with them. Or indeed protect people who perjure themselves repeatedly in an attempt to imprison the likes of me because we unwittingly walked into the whole sordid mess when we discovered what the Top Doctors were colluding with.

It is indeed a Criminal Bar.

Top Of The Cops

Some four years ago when I was openly discussing when and where I’d publish my experiences with the mental health services, someone who knew much of what they had got up to and had read the ludicrous affidavits that they had sworn in their attempts to gain High Court injunctions against me and have me imprisoned gave me a book to read, simply commenting that he thought that I’d find it interesting. That book was ‘Stalker’, by John Stalker, the former Deputy Chief Constable of Greater Manchester Police. It was published in 1988 and Stalker wrote it in the aftermath of him being removed from his role in leading an investigation into the possibility that the RUC had pursued a ‘shoot to kill’ policy against suspected IRA terrorists and following an investigation into Stalker himself. Stalker was accused of associating with people who had connections to criminals. He was removed from the ‘shoot to kill’ investigation, suspended from his job, reinstated but then left the police force anyway, although he was only in his late 40s. It all elicited huge media interest and Stalker’s story was that he had been removed from the investigation because of what he was uncovering in N Ireland – he maintained that he was smeared and that a cover-up of dodgy practices in the RUC had taken place. Stalker was appointed Deputy Chief Constable of Greater Manchester in March 1984 and began his investigation into the RUC in June 1984. In May 1986 he was told that he was removed forever from the N Ireland investigation and was instructed to stay at home. In August 1986 the Police Committee voted to reinstate him as Deputy Chief Constable and he returned to work. In March 1987 Stalker left the police.

Since ‘Stalker’ was published, much of what has been revealed regarding the conduct of certain police forces at the time and the allegations of organised child abuse by public figures – some close to Thatcher – allows one to read Stalker’s story in a way in which he probably never imagined one would. The picture that emerges from Stalker’s book is that of an awful lot of police officers at the most senior levels in Britain behaving badly, a number of whom seem to have axes to grind and are therefore making allegations and counter-allegations against each other. Admissions and accusations of Freemasonry swirl around numerous people and a lot of officers, including Stalker, seem to have very cosy relationships with journalists, whilst at the same time complain that other officers are ‘leaking’ to the press. The impression that I am left with is that of the scenario created by those we know and love – everyone involved loathes each other but have all done a lot of things that they shouldn’t have, so are condemned to one another’s company. One wouldn’t really trust any of these people further than one would spit a rat. Stalker certainly had some very interesting friends and contacts and I will return to this topic in future posts.

It transpired that the person who recommended that I read Stalker’s book had noticed something that I also noticed as I read it. On occasions throughout the book, the very words used, the phrases used and even the context in which Stalker frames himself as an honest man unfairly hounded, concerned only for the welfare of his loving wife and children and his desire to press on with his valuable work, is very reminiscent indeed of the affidavits that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones swore on oath in the mid 1990s regarding the reign of terror that he maintained that I was subjecting him to. Now those affidavits elicited hilarity at the time, as I shared them with a number of other people who had knowledge of what Dafydd was actually doing. Dafydd’s turns of phrase were so odd, stylised, quaint and melodramatic that some of those phrases were repeated frequently by numerous people, using a Dafydd voice. I remember those ridiculous affidavits very well and as I read Stalker’s book, I was right back there with them. My main thought was ‘I am reading something written by the person who dictated those affidavits’. Of course, people who have been educated by the same people in the same institutions often write or speak in a similar way. Stalker is slightly younger than Dafydd and grew up in inner Manchester and finished his education as a teenager, whereupon he joined the police. Dafydd grew up in a village in Gwynedd where Welsh was the first language of nearly everyone. I understand that he initially began a chemistry degree but was kicked out in disgrace (although no-one knows exactly what the disgrace involved) and subsequently studied medicine at Liverpool. There are no similarities between Stalker’s education and Dafydd’s. Stalker’s book reveals something else. That after he left the police, he pursued work in journalism and the media. At one point he was production manager for the soap opera ‘Brookside’ of all things. So Stalker had a talent for drama and fiction… Stalker’s skills are evident in the biography that he provides at the front of the book. He describes himself as living on a small farm in Cheshire, where he ‘generally lives off the land’. Yet his book is choc full of references to foreign travel and holidays, to hotels, favourite restaurants, his American express account, his big mortgage, his new carpets, his new kitchen, parties and social occasions with High Society in Manchester. This is not a man who lives in a yurt and grows his own. His extensive foreign travel is also a little inconsistent with his account of hearth, home and family life – he’ll have hardly had time to see his family. But then Dafydd hardly spent any time with the ‘small children’ whose existence he flagged up on many of the occasions on which he made lurid statements about me.

I have detailed previously on the blog the numerous occasions on which the mental health services in north Wales took Court action against me. This was usually at Courts in Wales or Chester, although Sir Robert Francis QC (please see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’) had a go at me in the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand, London. Yet when Gwynedd County Council sought an injunction against me on the basis of affidavits by two social workers who perjured themselves (one of whom had never met me and one of whom had only met me two or three times), they made representation to Sir John Kay, a judge on the Northern Circuit. When Dafydd sought an injunction against me, on the basis of his Stalkeresque affidavits, he went to Liverpool High Court – again, on the Northern Circuit. Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds are all on the Northern Circuit. They are also all a very long way from north west Wales which is where I, Gwynedd County Council and Dafydd were. Stalker’s book mentions legal contacts of his – in the region covered by the Northern Circuit.

Stalker’s base seemed to be Manchester – although he had previously worked in the midlands and mentioned contacts there as well – but Stalker had dealings with a man very well-known in north Wales. That is the former Chief Constable of North Wales, Sir Philip Myers. Stalker only met Myers a few times, under circumstances which will be explained in a minute, but Myers became Stalker’s nemesis. Stalker made it clear that he believed that it was Sir Philip Myers, along with Sir John Hermon, the Chief Constable of the RUC and Sir James Anderton, the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester, along with some unidentified civil servants, who were responsible for his removal from the N Ireland investigation and his subsequent problems. He named Myers as the ‘prime mover’ against him. Myers died in 2014 and his obituaries all made mention of his ‘battle’ with Stalker. So let us take a look at Sir Philip Myers.

Myers was born in 1931 in Liverpool but grew up in Denbighshire and went to school in Wrexham. Like so many who have featured on this blog – another local boy who did well for himself. After a stint in the RAF he joined Shropshire Constabulary. He wanted to join the Denbighshire force but his Welsh wasn’t good enough. He remained in the Shropshire force for 17 years, until he joined West Mercia in 1967. In 1968 he was appointed Deputy Chief Constable of Gwynedd Constabulary. As part of his duties in that role, he oversaw the security for the investiture of the Prince of Wales in Caernarfon in July 1969. There was famously much trouble as a result of that investiture and two ‘Welsh nationalists’ blew themselves up during an attempt to plant a bomb, but no-one actually blew Charles himself sky high and Myers’ policing of the event was deemed a roaring success.

I have heard many anecdotes from people who hated everything that the investiture stood for, including allegations that at least one man who was threatening violent action on the day was detained in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in a political move. As he did with a number of patients, Dafydd then cultivated this man’s company and many years later ruthlessly used this man in joint media appearances when there was pressure on Dafydd to retire. The media appearances involved this man dressing up in a dog collar, calling himself ‘Rev’ and claiming to be a Minister, although he wasn’t. Everyone knew about this misrepresentation, but there he was in the Hergest Unit, with a TV crew, giving interviews about how ‘Welsh boys and girls are going to prison in England’ and that things would only get worse if Dafydd retired and ceased to ‘look after’ the addicts of the region – please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’

As a result of his success regarding the investiture, in 1970 Myers became Chief Constable of Gwynedd at only 39 years old, the youngest Chief Constable in Britain. This appointment laid the foundation for the establishment of the North Wales Police force in April 1974, formed from the merger of the Gwynedd, Denbighshire and Flintshire Constabularies. With the North Wales Police, Myers ‘fought a long campaign’ against the rise in truancy and youth crime and Myers was described as ‘holding strident views’ with regard to the policing of the region. Of course whilst Myers was fighting his campaign against errant youths, children in the children’s homes in north Wales were being physically beaten and sexually abused. One of those abusing them was a member of Myers’ own force, Gordon Anglesea. Most of the people abusing those kids were never prosecuted, but the kids themselves were prosecuted repeatedly, often for very trivial offences. When the children ran away from the homes to escape the abuse, they were returned by the police and no questions were asked even if they were visibly injured. In 1972 Myers represented the police on the Advisory Council On The Misuse of Drugs. Of course, Myers will have known both Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist – as well as many other people named on the blog.

Myers was quoted as saying that ‘we don’t prosecute all young people found in possession of cannabis…[it’s] treated as a social matter…I have said quite publicly that pushers and traffickers will be prosecuted’. I find this puzzling, because when I first arrived in Bangor in 1981 Myers was still Chief Constable. What I remember hearing again and again was that there existed locally a thoroughly corrupt drug squad who harassed and pursued hippies blowing dope and who also planted cocaine and the like on them. Indeed so notorious were two of the officers involved that I was given their names, a description of both of them, a description of their car (a red Ford Escort) and it’s number plate – and I’m delighted to say that I did indeed spot these two twats driving around Bangor, as they fitted up two people whom I knew. I knew one hippy from Bethesda who had cocaine planted on him by these two – they planted cocaine on his wife as well, but she was from an affluent well-connected family in Surrey and was somehow never prosecuted – he was and he ended up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year under the care of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones! (Christ I bet Dafydd regrets ever meeting me – you didn’t know that all this was going to be made public did you Dafydd when you illegally imprisoned me, threatened me and made deals with corrupt police officers…) But whilst all this was happening, a serious heroin problem began to develop in Gwynedd and on Anglesey yet no-one put a stop to it…

The drug squad were not the only members of the North Wales Police who were alleged to be corrupt. I was told that the local police were dreadful and that anyone who fell foul of them would find themselves harassed on all levels. In my first year at Bangor University, I heard a bizarre tale. One of the halls of residence next door to the hall where I lived was an all male hall and it had a rather difficult man as a warden. I always got on with him very well (he was one of my lecturers), but he could certainly be very vindictive if he took a dislike to someone. A strange atmosphere prevailed in the hall where he had control – some students had been invited into a select friendship group with him but other students were just being bullied and targeted over ridiculously trivial matters. This man was a leading light in the local mountain rescue team and through this knew many local police officers. I was told on one occasion that one of the students whom this man had taken a dislike to had been picked up by the local police, not charged with any offence, detained overnight at Bangor Police Station in the cells and then released again without charge – after being told not to annoy this warden again. The warden himself was openly boasting of having arranged this unlawful arrest for a laugh. I also heard a few references to Stalker’s colleagues from Manchester as well when I was an undergrad. One of the boys on my course came from Manchester and maintained that there was serious corruption in that force as well with villains from ‘north Manchester’ going unchallenged whereas small fry were hassled. Then villains from Manchester were alleged to be running a nightclub in Bangor. Bangor had been seriously short of such facilities, but in about 1983 or 84, there was much excitement because a real nightclub opened. Within weeks terrifying rumours were circulating, that is was being run by some heavies from Manchester, that serious violence and drug dealing were occurring and it soon became a no go area for most students. At about the same time the A55 linking Bangor with the north west of England was built and various dodgy people involved in serious crime began making their way across.

So what Myers claimed was happening regarding policing in North Wales was rather different to what the rest of us witnessed on the ground. Even more entertainingly, I have come across quotes from Myers that he made claiming that in the mid 70s his force was hampered by an increase in legislation that left the ‘victim of the villain naked and the police officer investigating crime impotent’. So is that why they were stitching people up and failing to investigate the serious abuse of children and the abuses of the mental health services? It was of course on Myers’ watch that the likes of Gordon Anglesea and Elfed Roberts rose through the ranks of the North Wales Police and it was officers who were promoted under him who were later alleged to be involved with the paedophile ring that operated in the area – officers who were also instrumental in the convictions that I’ve explored on this blog that may well be serious miscarriages of justice.

In the 1970s Myers was President of the Association of Chief Police Officers. He was very cross when the failed experiment with ‘short sharp shocks’ regarding youth offenders came to an end. He was also on record as maintaining that the increase in crime was ‘directly linked’ with film violence. He was particularly vexed over the film ‘Clockwork Orange’ and the gang bang scenes. Well such things were happening for real in the region’s children’s homes and in the North Wales Hospital. In the tributes paid to him after his death, Myers was described as being ‘intensely loyal to his officers’.  To illustrate this, it was explained that in 1981 when riots were predicted on Merseyside, Myers sent five coaches of his officers to Toxteth to ‘assist’ and before the coaches left, Myers boarded each one to explain to the officers what was expected of them and what they might encounter. I wonder what was actually said to those officers…

In 1982 Myers had the honour of being personally reprimanded by Lord Hailsham (who was no liberal), after Myers had forced a probationary policeman, Michael Evans, to resign. Myers had an issue with Evan’s ‘hippy lifestyle’ on a farm near Bangor – except that Myers aimed his fire at the wrong man, it was a case of mistaken identity. There was also a spat over Evan’s pet dogs and malicious rumours were seeded about Evans’s marriage. Knowing how those we know and love conduct business, there is only one question that needs to be answered here – what did Michael Evans know about whom? Hailsham described ‘the treatment meted out to this young man as little short of outrageous’. If only he’d been molesting children in care…

When Myers announced his retirement, the Home Office was said to have ‘persuaded’ him to become one of HM Inspectors of Constabularies and in Nov 1981 the Home Secretary Willie Whitelaw confirmed the appointment, that ran from 1982. Myers was one of the youngest Inspectors of Constabularies. This post is described as involving delicate mediation between Chief Constables and the Gov’t. Myers was responsible for the ‘North West Region’, which covered north Wales, north west England and N Ireland. It was in this role that Myers encountered Stalker. Although Myers had played a key role in removing Stalker from the ‘shoot to kill’ investigation, he had also played a pivotal role in appointing him. Myers remained in this post until 1993. In 1983 Myers became the Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd. He was knighted in 1985. In 1985 Myers mediated in the row between the Labour-controlled Police Committee and the Merseyside Chief Constable Kenneth Oxford, as Oxford resisted calls for his resignation on the grounds that he had the backing of his officers and the Home Office. Oxford pursued a notoriously aggressive style of policing, on one occasion achieving the distinction of being the first person on the British mainland to lead a force using CS gas – Oxford also stocked up on plastic bullets. During riots in Liverpool one person was hit and killed by a police vehicle and somebody else was run over and left disabled. It took Lord Scarman to calm everybody down in the midst of some of what Oxford had done.

Myers was embroiled in more trouble again in 1992 when he became involved in the case that Alison Halford, the Assistant Chief Constable of Merseyside, brought on the grounds of discrimination. He was named as a co-respondent – along with James Sharples (Halford’s Chief Constable), the Home Secretary and the Northamptonshire Police Authority. It was alleged that Sharples had commented to Myers that Halford had been involved with an ‘improper relationship’ with a woman (Halford is gay). Edwin Glasgow QC, on behalf of Myers, described him as an ‘old fashioned strait-laced man’ (er, with the exception of the activities in those children’s homes…) Halford won her case – she alleged that she had been passed over for promotion eight or nine times – and was reputed to have received more than a million in compensation.

Myers did something else that gained a certain amount of attention whilst he was Inspector of Constabulary that Stalker comments on in his book. Instead of making use of the offices provided for the Inspector of Constabulary in a more central location in north west England, Myers had his own office built – in Colwyn Bay, right next to his home. Stalker visited this ‘seaside office’ as he called it and observed that it was in a rather out of the way location. Of course it would not have been out of the way for Myers’s contacts and colleagues from north Wales, it would have been most convenient for them, because the North Wales Police HQ is at Colwyn Bay. Indeed Colwyn Bay seems to attract the movers and the shakers. Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman from the Welsh Office who oversaw the investigation into my complaint about Dafydd in 1988 – an investigation which was a whitewash, which did not actually investigate most aspects of my complaint and which resulted in no action against Dafydd at al although he had broken the law and entered into a criminal conspiracy with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station – lived in Colwyn Bay. I have copies of letters which showed that correspondence about me, from people uninvolved in the complaint eg. Dr D.G.E. Wood, were being sent to Owen’s home address without my knowledge. So business was obviously being conducted informally at people’s homes. Someone else lived at Colwyn Bay as well – Gordon Anglesea, the Superintendent who was eventually convicted of sexually abusing children in care homes in north Wales. Anglesea had previously been based in the Wrexham area but in 1988 he was promoted to Superintendent in Colwyn Bay. Huw Vaughan Thomas also lives in Colwyn Bay – he is now the Auditor General for Wales but between 1991-1996 he was Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, whilst the paedophile ring was in operation in children’s homes in Gwynedd and Clwyd. There will of course be many other key public servants who decided to live near Colwyn Bay…

Myers died in 2014. Hundreds of police officers turned out for his funeral – as indeed they did for Anglesea’s, although he died in prison serving a sentence for child abuse – and it was agreed by many that he had been very, very well-liked among his officers. Well they did pretty much anything that they wanted when old Philip was in charge – and he remained near their Colwyn Bay base when he moved into his later, even more powerful role… Even the North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner at the time, Winston Roddick, mentioned that he was a great bloke. A party celebrating the 40th Anniversary of the establishment of the North Wales Police force was held in 2014. Philip was too ill to attend, but his wife went along and Winston was overjoyed to see her.

 

So Myers attained dizzy heights indeed. His role may have involved mediating between Chief Constables and the Gov’t, but there was one person above Myers, between him and the Gov’t. That was HM Chief Inspector of Constabulary, which between Jan 1983-March 1987 was Sir Lawrence Byford CBE. He’s certainly worth taking a look at, particularly as he was Chief Inspector whilst the paedophile ring in north Wales was causing havoc and whilst the British police stood accused of acting as the personal army of the Thatcher’s Gov’t. Byford was also Chief Inspector throughout the Stalker affair.

Lawrence Byford was born in 1925. His biography states that he was educated at the University of Leeds, but it doesn’t state at which stage of his life that was. In 1947 he became a constable with the West Yorkshire Constabulary, eventually becoming Commander of the Huddersfield Division. In 1968 he took up a senior leadership role with the Lincolnshire Police and was Chief Constable between 1973-1977. He was a Regional Inspector of Constabulary from 1978 until he was appointed Chief Inspector in 1983. He was knighted in 1984. After he retired he was President of Yorkshire County Cricket Club between 1991-1999 – he also undertook some management consultancy. Lawrence Byford was appointed by Willie Whitelaw to conduct the first inquiry into the massive stuffing up that was the investigation into Peter Sutcliffe’s crimes. Byford was assisted in this by the ‘Super Squad’, the external advisory team originally set up to investigate the murders committed by Sutcliffe! He was critical of the investigation by the West Yorkshire Police  (his old force) but considering how bad that investigation was, he should have been a lot more critical.

Two of Lawrence’s children have made the news. In 1999, his daughter and her husband were arrested whilst on holiday in Florida for leaving their two very young children in their holiday apartment alone. They spent the night in jail but were allowed out on bail to return home to Yorkshire. When they left the children alone, they were actually on holiday with Lawrence, who it was said ‘did protest quite a bit’ at their arrest. There were even suggestions that if Lawrence’s daughter and her husband were kept in prison it could lead to a diplomatic incident between the U.S. and Britain.

Lawrence has a son who is well-known in his own right. That is Mark Byford, former Deputy Director General of the BBC and Head of BBC journalism, 2004-2011. Mark Byford spent his early years in the West Riding of Yorkshire when his father was a police officer there. In 1976 he went to Leeds University to study law. After graduating, he worked for the summer as a researcher in the ‘Look North’ regional newsroom in Leeds. At the end of the summer Mark joined the BBC on a full time basis. In 1990 he was appointed Head of Centre at Leeds and in 1991 he was the Controller for Regional Broadcasting. He joined the BBC Board of Management in 1996. Byford was a member of the BBC Executive Board for 13 years. He established and chaired the BBC Editorial Standards Board and established and chaired the Complaints Management Board. He chaired the BBC Journalism Board and had overall responsibility for all BBC journalism, across the UK and the world. I would imagine that if there was a story that Mark Byford didn’t want to become public, he would be able to keep it quiet very effectively, even if other people thought that it should be broadcast. Mark Byford’s later career at the BBC did some strange things. Three weeks after he was appointed Deputy DG in 2004, the DG, Greg Dyke, resigned following the furore of the Hutton Report. The BBC Board of Governors appointed Byford as acting DG and he remained in that role for five months. Then Mark Thompson was appointed DG and Byford was given the journalism remit. In October 2010 Byford accepted voluntary redundancy in the wake of the row about the very high salaries of the numerous senior managers at the BBC. He was alleged to have received a redundancy package of between £800,000-£900,000 and previously had received a salary of £500,000 pa. Byford left the BBC in Jun 2011. During the row about senior executives and high salaries, a few very rude things were said about Mark Byford, with people asking what exactly it was that he did and whether anyone should have paid him half a million pa. Within 18 months of Byford leaving, the BBC was engulfed by two scandals relating to ‘Newsnight’. One of those related to Jimmy Savile and the other to Lord McAlpine. Jimmy Savile was finally outed as a paedophile who’d offended on a grand scale. That is the Jimmy Savile who’d had a base in Leeds and who had been on excellent terms with some officers of the West Yorkshire Police who had known what he was up to but had failed to take action against him. The Leeds where Mark Byford had worked and the West Yorkshire Police whom Lawrence Byford had once been a part of. Lord McAlpine, readers may remember, was wrongly identified on ‘Newsnight’ as being a paedophile and later sued a number of people for libel and won. McAlpine had been named by Steve Messham, one of the former residents of a children’s home in north Wales where he had been molested, but not by Lord McAlpine. The Pollard Review blamed the Savile row in the BBC on the lack of Mark Byford. Presumably he’d been keeping Savile under wraps for years. Media commentator Professor Stewart Purvis commented that ‘Byford watched the DG’s back and the BBC’s back’. It rather looks as though he watched Savile’s back, the collective backs of the West Yorkshire Police and his own father’s back as well.

 

Previous posts have explained how the serious abuse of children in children’s homes in north Wales spanned decades. The home with the worst reputation – from which a number of staff were convicted of very serious offences against children – was Bryn Estyn near Wrexham. Prior to becoming a children’s home in 1974, Bryn Estyn was a Home Office Approved School and many of the abusers had been employed there whilst it was run by the Home Office. Some of Gordon Anglesea’s offences were committed at a Home Office Approved Attendance Centre in Wrexham which he had been allowed to set up in 1978. So the Home Office had something to do with what was happening in north Wales, beyond simply ignoring the complaints and convictions. So who were the Home Secretaries responsible? During the late 60s and early 70s – by which time Bryn Estyn had gained an appalling reputation – they were James Callaghan, Reginald Maudling and Robert Carr. Callaghan was part of Harold Wilson’s Gov’t, Maudling and Carr part of Ted Heath’s. The Home Secretary in place when Gordon Anglesea set up his Attendance Centre was Merlyn Rees – Callaghan was PM. Regarding the appointments of Philip Myers: Reginald Maudling and Robert Carr were Home Secretaries under Ted Heath when Myers was appointed Chief Constable and the new North Wales Police force was formed. Willie Whitelaw under Margaret Thatcher was the Home Secretary who appointed Myers as an HM Inspector of Constabulary. When Sir Lawrence Byford was appointed HM Chief Inspector of Constabulary the Home Secretary was Leon Brittan, as part of Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. The Leon Brittan who was, before he died, investigated in connection with sex offences – and the Leon Brittan who mislaid all those files relating to allegations of people in public life abusing children. We’ve arrived at the Westminster Paedophile Ring again.

There are many more interesting names in Stalker’s book and I will be blogging about them and their possible relevance to the topics covered on this blog very soon.

 

 

A Network Stretching Back Decades…

This morning I heard on the Radio 4 ‘Today’ programme that Jeremy Corbyn has made another appointment that is expected to cause further discord in the Labour Party. I missed most of the feature but I did hear it mentioned that he has appointed an advisor who has connections with Irish Republicanism. And this reminded me of something surprising that I first heard about many years ago…

These days, I pay particular attention to what people who are dispossessed and dishonoured say, because I’ve learnt that it can lead to some interesting places, even if one is sceptical about the accuracy of what one is being told. These are of course the very people whom are seldom listened to – so in many cases what they’ve got to say is not widely known. I have already mentioned in my blog post ‘The Hergest Unit, Ysbyty Gwynedd’ how Dr Dafydd Alun Jones used to frequent the Hergest Unit and how when he was spotted patients would swap anecdotes about their experiences with him. There was a young woman who used to visit the day centre in the Hergest Unit who was quite seriously ill so was often disbelieved, but she used to come out with brief but interesting comments about Dafydd Alun Jones. On one occasion she told me that he had refused to treat someone who had moved to Wales, telling them that if they wanted treatment they would have to go back to England. Another throwaway comment was that she was friendly with a young gay man and that Jones was trying to persuade him to have a ‘sex change’ (this was at a time when transgender identities were very rarely discussed), even though the young man in question found this quite a terrifying prospect. By this time I was well aware that Jones was capable of saying and doing some very odd things, so I didn’t question the veracity of these comments. But one day, as we were sitting around discussing Jones, this young woman casually said ‘Dafydd Alun Jones is friends with the IRA you know’. I dismissed this comment as fantasy – the young woman concerned was a staunch Conservative, idolised Thatcher and before she became ill had been leading a rather Yuppyish existence in London which had centred around money and material acquisition, and she strongly disapproved of any activism whether it was Welsh language activism, anti-nuclear protests etc. She detested Jones – as did nearly all the patients – so I presumed that she was simply projecting her notions of the worst human characteristics onto him.

Then a few years ago I had a surprise. I was digging around in an archive when I came across a fascinating document relating to Welsh activism in the early 1960s. It described at length the very useful contribution being provided by a medical student in Liverpool, who was making regular visits to Ireland to meet up with Republican activists to learn from them. The student in question was one Dafydd Alun Jones. Later that day I found out that it was also Jones who had recorded Saunders Lewis’s 1962 lecture ‘Tynged yr Iaith’ (Fate of the Language). A few months after this I found out something else that could also well have enabled Jones to gain credibility among activists in north Wales during his early employment at Denbigh – someone from Meirionydd told me that there had been an awful lot of bad feeling because in those days there was no Welsh speaking psychiatric social worker (or the equivalent), so a situation had arisen in which people were being carted off to Denbigh on the say so of someone who could not speak the first language of the person being incarcerated. When I found all this out, it illuminated something that I’d been told many years before – that Jones had managed to ‘dupe’ a lot of people by exploiting his Welsh as first language credentials.

Then I discovered something else – that at one point Jones had stood as a Plaid candidate. I have searched for more details on this – when?, where? how many people were rash enough to vote for him? – but I have yet to complete the picture. (I did speculate that perhaps Jones is now such an excruciating embarrassment that Plaid have more recently carefully air-brushed out all references to this from their history.) And I have long been aware that Dafydd Iwan felt sufficiently inspired to write a song in tribute to Dafydd Alun Jones. And when people first started using twitter, there was Dafydd Alun Jones’s twitter account following dear old Hywel Williams. However Jones clearly hasn’t universally impressed Plaid politicians. The only politician who ever responded in a helpful manner to my written concerns about Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital was Dafydd Wigley.

When Jones was trying desperately to resist retirement in the 1990s, he was a regular on Welsh TV and ruthlessly exploited this. Yet in the late 1980s there had been a documentary on S4C exposing conditions in a dreadful ‘hostel’ in Llandudno for psychiatric patients, Holyrood House. There were allegations that patients were being assaulted and neglected and that the member of staff with responsibility for the drugs cabinet was a drug user. It transpired that it was the patients of one Dafydd Alun Jones who were ending up in this place. The woman named at the centre of this scandal was someone called Margaret Richards, but I was told by someone who had watched the documentary (I hadn’t) that at one point a man’s voice off camera could be heard demanding that the crew stop filming/recording – I was told that the voice was unmistakeably that of Jones. At about the same time I was told that there was a Welsh language journalist who was investigating Jones and the North Wales Hospital. So although that part of dear old Dafydd’s network that is rooted in the Welsh language community and Plaid stretches back many years, there are clearly people in that community who have had some knowledge of Jones’s more undesirable activities for quite some time…