No Ordinary Methods

My most recent reading material has been Dominic Carman’s biography of his father George the much feared Rottweiler of a barrister, ‘No Ordinary Man’. George Carman has featured on this blog in posts such as ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’, ‘Y Gwir Yn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’ and ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’, in which I discuss Carman’s role in the 1994 libel action brought by Gordon Anglesea after Private Eye and others named Anglesea as having sexually abused boys in care in north Wales and Carman’s role in Jeremy Thorpe’s trial in 1979. Successfully defending Thorpe after he stood trial for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott was what made Carman’s name and took him to London from Manchester where he had previously been based.

I speculated in ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’ that Carman had deliberately thrown the case when he defended Private Eye et al against Anglesea’s accusation of libel. By the time that Carman took that case he was known as the best libel barrister in the UK. He had built up an international reputation and the mention of his name was enough to cause people to settle actions out of Court. Anglesea had indeed abused boys in care in north Wales, he later went to prison for it – Carman was famed for trawling through people’s knicker drawers if he was facing them in Court and north Wales was heaving with evidence of and witnesses to the crimes of Anglesea and co. Carman losing that case was inexplicable.

I knew that Carman was a massively heavy drinker, was addicted to gambling, was violent to all of his partners and was so feared by the police and others that his partners could find no help even when they were visibly broken and bleeding. I knew that certainly when he worked in Manchester Carman spent his time socialising with what are euphemistically known as figures from the ‘underworld’, as well as with prostitutes, with bent police officers, ‘celebrities’, journalists and numerous other people. I also knew that when Carman was acting in a trial, crucial damning ‘evidence’ would be delivered to his team, literally during the trial, at a crucial point which would frequently win him the case.

The most famous example of this occurred when the South African journalist Jani Allan faced Carman in Court in 1992 after bringing a libel action against Channel 4. A crucial part of the case rested on Allan’s denial of an affair with a married man. Just after Allan swore on oath that she would not have such a relationship, a package arrived at the Court addressed to Carman. He refused to open it, but Jan Tomalin – the in-house lawyer for Channel 4 – seemed to know that this package was good news and she opened it. Inside was a notebook which Jani Allan had used as a diary in 1984-85 and in which she had recorded her sexual fantasies whilst undergoing psychiatric care. She was finished. If I was Jani Allan I’d want to know how anyone – let alone Carman’s team – got their hands on that, but I have found no references to any such investigation.

Dominic’s book however makes it clear that Carman was far more unpleasant, ruthless and questionable than anyone ever previously dared suggest. There are indications that he had been badly damaged when young by incredibly harsh treatment at St Joseph’s School in Blackpool run by the Irish Christian Brothers – years later a number of former pupils alleged abuse during their time there. Carman simply didn’t speak about his experiences at St Joseph’s.

Carman was very, very well networked. He would have been in a position to thrash out deals behind the scenes with a whole variety of people.

Carman enjoyed being seen in the company of women and even cultivated the image of a womaniser. I had heard rumours that he was bisexual, but one thing that I learnt from Dominic’s book is that Carman’s first wife maintained that Carman was never interested in her sexually, that their marriage was unconsummated, that he received postcards which were obviously from men rather than women and that she believed that he was gay, but he kept what she believed were sexual relationships with other men very quiet indeed. This marriage only lasted three years and Carman failed to mention it in his Who’s Who entry. Indeed, the lady concerned claims that Carman worked very hard to ensure that her account of a truly dreadful relationship never made it into the public domain.

Carman’s second wife, Dominic’s mother, stated that after the children were born Carman stopped having sex with her. Her story is remarkably similar to that told by his first wife – excessive drinking, huge gambling debts and a very high level of physical and mental abuse. Dominic remembers witnessing his father’s violent attacks on his mother.

Carman had a third wife. Guess what – he undermined and belittled her, forced her to give up her career and spend her days watching his performances in Court instead and didn’t have a sexual relationship with her either.

As well as these three marriages, Carman had numerous other close friendships with women and was regularly seen hanging out with teenage ‘hostesses’ in ‘gentlemen’s clubs’ and women who were known to be working as prostitutes (not only those considered to be ‘high class call girls’).

From 1986 Carman had a long term relationship with a barrister called Karen Phillips who hung out with showbiz folk including Julia Morley, Russ Abbott and Bruce Forsyth’s wife Winnie. She was also friends with Dr Veronica Varney and Martin Landau. Elton John’s wife Renate was co-director of one of Phillips’s companies and Carman acted with Karen for Renate in her divorce from Elton. A number of Carman’s clients were friends with Karen including Norman Lamont, Richard Branson, Aidan Barclay and Marco Pierre White.

Between 1980-93 Karen  was also in a relationship with David Green. Carman formed an alliance with Green’s wife whom Carman had traced through ‘detective work’. Interestingly enough although Green was a wealthy man who was able to supply Phillips with a flat in an expensive part of London and a BMW, his company ended up going into liquidation – although Karen succeeded in keeping possession of the valuable flat and even the car. Phillips gave up law in the early 1990s and became involved with Charity Work, evolving into a lady who lunches. At one point she lent her flat to Sarah Ferguson – one of Karen’s mates was a friend of Fergie’s.

Towards the end of Carman’s life he became very angry when photos of Phillips in the company of boxing promoter Jarvis Astaire began appearing in glossy magazines and gossip columns. Carman watched Phillips, followed her and discussed her activities with another lawyer who worked with her. Phillips was someone else who maintained that throughout her very long relationship with Carman they never had sex.

Carman’s very first relationship with a woman was with Anne Meuller whilst they were both at Oxford. Anne Meuller ended up breaking their engagement off because she was unable to cope with Carman’s bisexuality – one presumes that Carman ended up making a nuisance of himself because Anne engaged the services of solicitors to threaten legal action against him. Anne later became Dame Anne and was the most successful civil servant of her generation, being appointed as the Second Permanent Secretary in the Cabinet Office (1984-87) and then moving to the Treasury (1987-90). She was Chancellor of De Montfort University (1991-95), a Director of BSkyB as well as CARE International and was associated with Manchester Business School. Dame Anne died in 2000 so like Carman is no longer able to answer questions.

For a man who never or rarely had sex with his wives/partners and who spent much of his spare time getting bladdered in clubs with other women whom everyone presumed that he was having sex with, Carman reacted very strongly on the occasions that he suspected his female partners of infidelity. At one point when he (wrongly) believed that one of his wives was having an affair with another man, he violently assaulted the man in question cracking his ribs.

Carman’s whole existence was one of behaving appalling towards other people but this rarely becoming public and Carman rarely facing any consequences. When he was older and famous, various gossip columnists – including Nigel Dempster – encountered him ripped to the tits in clubs in dubious company but not a word was ever printed about it.

After Jeremy Thorpe had been charged but before Carman had relocated to London, Carman crashed his car whilst drunk – until this incident Carman regularly drove whilst well over the limit. He was arrested and taken to Platt Lane Police Station. He declined the breathalyser and called his solicitor Ian Burton. Carman did the ‘don’t you know who I am’ bit. The plods in the station didn’t know who he was, so Carman told them that he was ‘standing Counsel to the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester’, ie. James Anderton. Even the plods knew who he was and Carman demanded that the police phone Anderton. They rang Anderton’s home and his wife answered – she contacted Anderton who was at the time out at a dinner. When Anderton heard that Carman was in police custody, a Superintendent in uniform was despatched to Platt Lane Police Station. Whilst waiting for the cavalry, Carman was busy telling the plods in the station what to do and raising points of law, which the plods would be in no position to know actually existed or not. Carman was actually charged and Burton represented him in Court, although Carman wrote the mitigation speech. He received a mild slap – a £150 fine and a one year ban. Dominic Carman commented that the ‘press comment was fairly modest’ – even though the barrister who had been retained for one of the most high profile criminal trials of the 20 century had crashed his car whilst pissed and been arrested. Carman’s punishment on a professional level was to be restricted to working in Altrincham County Court for a year, issuing judgement summons’s.

John Anderton was of course the notoriously unhinged Chief Constable who had a bee in his bonnet about ‘immorality’, hated prostitutes so much that some of his own officers speculated that he might have been the person carrying out the murders for which Peter Sutcliffe was later convicted, stated that people who contracted AIDS were ‘swirling in a human cesspit of their own making’ and maintained that he was a prophet. Anderton was famous for stating that he would ‘clean up’ Manchester, especially in terms of porn, sex work and police corruption. An account of Anderton’s colleagues and their relationships with the paedophiles’ friends can be found in my post ‘Top Of The Cops’ and ‘A Stalker’s Network’.

Carman will have known a few other people as well as Anderton. In previous posts, I speculated that Carman will have known about the North Wales Paedophile Ring and may have even known some of the paedophiles’ friends from the north Wales/Cheshire ring as a result of his boozing and clubbing with bent police officers, gangsters and journos in Manchester. Dominic’s book mentions some of the locations at which Carman lived – Carman lived in Wilmslow and Altrincham. Those areas covered the location of the Cheshire paedophile ring and were not a million miles away from Chester, the constituency of Sir Peter Morrison the MP who was abusing boys in care in north Wales. Carman will also have found out a great deal by being marooned working in Altrincham County Court – although he’ll have known a great deal anyway, because before and after that his duties as a barrister took him to Courts in Cheshire. John Stalker, the Greater Manchester Police Officer featured in my posts ‘Top Of The Cops’ and ‘A Stalker’s Network’, also lived in Cheshire – as did great swathes of the professional classes who worked in Manchester.

Carman didn’t move to London until 1980, but he was already very well-networked by the time that he acted for Thorpe.

Carman read law at Balliol College, Oxford. Whilst there he was friends with Dick Taverne (who later became a Labour MP, but then defected to the SDP – he is now in the Lords). Patrick Mayhew read law with him – the Patrick Mayhew who later was the legal assessor for the GMC when Dr Morris Fraser was allowed to continue working as a psychiatrist despite convictions for paedophilia, the Patrick Mayhew who in his capacity as Attorney General authorised contempt of Court proceedings against me on the basis of Dr Tony Francis’s (Dr X’s) perjury, after I alleged that serious abuses were happening in the north Wales psychiatric services. Carman also knew barrister Stanley Brodie at Oxford and shared a room with George Carver, who later became Deputy Director of the CIA. He knew Sir Robin Day – who was also big mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse – and William Rees-Mogg. Carman was also friends with Vivian Price – who was the best man at Carman’s first wedding – and later became one of Carman’s clients as well. Oh – and Carman was friends with a man called Jeremy Thorpe. Nicolas Browne-Wilkinson who later became a Lord Justice of Appeal was at Oxford with Carman.

After graduation, Carman spent a short time in London and worked as a libel reader for the News of the World. He tried his hand at business – he set a girl up as a masseuse in a flat in Great Portland Street (the GMC offices are in Great Portland Street), but the girl disappeared after she was faced with a client who expected rather more than a massage. Carman had paid rent on the flat in advance, so was left out of pocket.

Carman looked for a pupillage in London and used the connections of his former tutor at Balliol to do this. He was taken on as the pupil of Neil Lawson who later became Chairman of the Law Commission and a High Court judge.

However Carman discovered that he was far too poor to afford to continue with a pupillage in London – particularly in those days, one really needed a private income to sustain oneself as a pupil barrister – and he returned to Blackpool (by now his mother was dying). Carman took up a pupillage in Manchester with Godfrey Heilpern – who acted for Myra Hindley in her 1966 trial. Readers may remember how many of the corrupt lawyers on the Chester and Wales Circuit who assisted the paedophiles’ friends were involved in that trial – Heilpern will have known all of them, including Ronnie Waterhouse. Joseph Cantley was working in chambers in Manchester at this time – Cantley later presided over the trial of Jeremy Thorpe – as was Fenton Atkinson, who presided over the trial of Myra Hindley and Ian Brady. Carman became friendly with Sir Basil Nield, a Recorder of Manchester and was also popular with Sir Robertson Crichton, who was a Recorder of Manchester. Carman was mates with solicitor John Budd and was also admired by Gerald (Lord) Gardiner, Leonard Kaplan, Robert McCrindle and Jack Nahum QC.

Carman’s first wife was the daughter of a local Tory grandee. Carman was persuaded to put himself forward as a Parliamentary candidate and he got as far as being shortlisted for Salford for the Tories. (Whilst Carman was at Oxford his tutor Richard Crossman – who held a series of Ministerial posts in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t – had asked him to consider standing for Parliament.)

Between 1966-71 Carman worked on a great many personal injury cases. These frequently involved industrial injury and Carman was often instructed by the trade union solicitors Thompsons. Thompsons were brothers Brian and Robin, two champagne socialists from Hampstead with close links to trade union leaders. Nic Carter, who set up the Thompsons Manchester office, socialised with Carman.

Carman had begun to land High Court work in London whilst he was still in Manchester. He was helped by John Gorna, a well connected solicitor who was described by his daughter as a member of the ‘Catholic mafia’. Gorna was godfather to Dominic Carman.

John Gorna was a Director of Manchester United and gave Carman work for the club. Carman advised the club’s Chairman Louis Edwards and his son Martin. Carman acted for George Best when Best was sued by a girlfriend – it was Gorna and Sir Matt Busby who retained Carman. The case was unexpectedly settled quickly. Carman also successfully defended George Best’s mate, Pat Crerand – another Man United player – when he broke someone’s jaw and was charged with GBH. Carman became good mates with George Best but the friendship ended abruptly after Best had an affair with Carman’s wife. When Carman lived in Altrincham his next door neighbour was Willy Morgan, the recently retired captain of Man Utd. Another neighbour was solicitor John Elliot, the son of Charles Elliot QC.

Carman worked with celebs and legal bigwigs in Manchester but he also slummed it in some well-known dives, including the Nile Club on Moss Side and Russian Dave’s which was known for prostitution. During this time Carman was regularly hiring prostitutes but was also having gay relationships.

Carman was turned down for silk in 1970 by the office of the Labour Lord Chancellor Lord Gardiner. Distraught, he went to chat to his old Oxford mate Dick Taverne, who was then Finance Secretary to the Treasury – Taverne had worked with Gardiner on the Family Law Reform Committee.

The following year not only was Carman made a QC, but he was also offered a place in the chambers of Sir Peter Rawlinson who had recently been appointed as Ted Heath’s Attorney General. Carman turned it down because he lacked the money to move to London. Carman was certainly very tempted by the offer – but if you’re going to lose thousands every month in casinos you’re going to be seriously short of money.

Carman stopped driving after the car crash that caused him to call on the services of James Anderton, after that he depended upon taxis and lifts. He was ably assisted by a retired Manchester police sergeant John Cooper who worked at the Manchester courts – after bouts of all night drinking Carman would summon Cooper who would drive him home.

As well as personal injury work resulting from industrial accidents, Carman built up quite a name for himself in personal injury cases as a result of what Dominic Carman quaintly terms ‘health authority blunders’. Carman’s adversary in the High Court in Manchester in many such cases was Patrick Russell QC, who later became an Appeal Court judge. As with so many of Carman’s ‘court room adversaries’, Russell and Carman seemed to get on very well and they were good at negotiating deals when they encountered each other in personal injury cases. One of Carman’s notable successes after a ‘health authority blunder’ secured a settlement of £310k after someone was left a paraplegic – so that was one hell of a blunder. Carman’s last case of this nature was in 1987 – by which time he was in London. He secured a settlement of £550k from Berkshire Health Authority for a 14 year old girl who suffered permanent injury after falling out of her parents car in the grounds of Eton College. How falling out of one’s parents car on the premises of the country’s most elite public school could ever be the fault of Berkshire Health Authority I cannot imagine, but then I’m not George Carman.

Although it was Carman’s success in defending Thorpe that made him a household name and took him to London in 1980, Sir David Napley – Thorpe’s solicitor who retained Carman to act for Thorpe – was alleged to have spotted Carman’s genius in 1973 when Carman acted for James Hogan, the manager of Battersea funfair. Carman had been instructed by John Gorna after Hogan was charged with the manslaughter of five children as a result of gross negligence, when an accident that should never have happened did. The case was heard at the Old Bailey – Roger Lane-Smith, a solicitor from Gorna’s firm, stayed in London with Carman for the duration of the case. Carman’s defence of Hogan was actually predicated on the argument that Hogan was so utterly incompetent that he should never have been given responsibility for managing the funfair. The strategy worked, Carman won. Napley had been involved in the trial himself, he had represented the engineer Frank Etches.

It was after this that Napley started instructing Carman.

Thorpe was not the only politician in deep shit whom Napley represented – Napley was Greville Janner’s solicitor when Janner was interviewed over child sex offences in the early 1990s. Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he retained Carman – but of course charges were dropped although the CPS later admitted that a prosecution should have gone ahead.

My post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’ discusses Thorpe’s career and his trial which I did know quite a lot about already having lived in west Somerset whilst Thorpe was busy in north Devon, but Dominic’s book supplies a few more details of which I was unaware.

Thorpe’s solicitor was initially Lord Goodman – someone else who was able to extract people from rather difficult situations – but he then hired Napley. Napley instructed Carman – but Napley had quoted a staggeringly low fee to Thorpe. Furthermore, James Goldsmith was footing the bill for a substantial chunk of it – but Carman allegedly didn’t know this. Carman did meet Thorpe for dinner on more than one occasion at Thorpe’s house at Orme Square and noticed the treasures within. Thorpe’s wife Marion had been left a wealthy woman after her divorce from the Earl of Harewood. Carman was representing Thorpe for a very low fee – he was told that the reward would be his reputation. So presumably Napley, Carman and co were pretty sure that they would be winning that case – a bit of an assumption in view of the enormous amount of evidence against Thorpe. But the tarot’s proved to be accurate – they did win.

The committal hearing for Thorpe and his co-defendants was held at Minehead Magistrates Court and Napley turned up at Minehead in his Rolls. I remember much over-awing of the bumpkins happening at the time, so this sort of grandiosity won’t have been accidental.

Kingsley Napley partner Christopher Murray later described Gareth Williams QC – later Lord Williams – as ‘very cunning’. Williams acted for one of Thorpe’s co-defendants George Deakin, a man from south Wales. Gareth Williams was from north Wales and was acquainted with many of the paedophiles’ friends. On the first day of the committal hearing Williams applied for reporting restrictions to be lifted, arguing that the interests of his client were different from his co-defendants. This derailed Norman Scott and his team who had to cope with reporting and publicity that they had not expected.

Over the next three weeks, Napley phoned Carman daily to review tactics. He was phoning Carman because Carman wasn’t at the committal hearing – Napley had insisted on doing that himself, although no-one was ever told why Napley followed this rather unusual path.

‘No Ordinary Man’ reproduces parts of the transcript of the Thorpe trial, particularly Cantley’s hectoring and downright abuse of Norman Scott both during cross-examination and in the summing up. One is reminded of how accurate Peter Cook’s satire on the bent old git was. Dominic observes that Norman Scott was ‘problematic’ because he was a ‘tough witness’ and put up a ‘good performance’, even recalling distinguishing marks on Thorpe’s body when it was suggested that Thorpe had never had a relationship with him. Yes Dominic – as I’ve mentioned previously on this blog, most of the west country put Norman’s ‘good performance’ down to the fact that he was telling the truth.

Dominic reveals that it was Lord Widgery, the Lord Chief Justice, who agreed to change the date of the trial after Callaghan announced the date of the forthcoming General Election, in which Thorpe would be standing. Dominic also reveals that Carman attempted to have Auberon Waugh, the Private Eye journo who stood against Thorpe in north Devon at the General Election, jailed if he didn’t ‘tone down’ his ‘election rhetoric’. Carman actually obtained an injunction against Waugh preventing him from distributing an election address leaflet – Carman’s original request to the Lord Chief Justice was refused, so Carman literally went straight down the corridor to the Court of Appeal and dear old Lord Denning the Master of the Rolls overturned the Lord Chief Justice’s decision and granted the injunction.

The prosecuting counsel at Thorpe’s trial was Peter Taylor QC, the son of a Top Doctor from Newcastle. Taylor had handled many personal injury cases on the North Eastern Circuit. Dominic’s book reveals that Taylor was most helpful to Thorpe’s defence barrister Carman. Taylor disclosed privately to Carman that there was ‘significant evidence’ proving that Thorpe was gay, which included a sexually explicit postcard that Thorpe had sent to a man whom he had had a relationship with. Thus Carman ensured that Thorpe was never directly questioned about his homosexuality. And of course Carman famously didn’t call Thorpe to give evidence. Dominic believes that in disclosing the info to Carman ‘Taylor’s honourable gesture reflected his strong commitment to fairness and objectivity’ and that Carman was ‘relieved’ ‘for the integrity of the Bar’ that Taylor acted as he did – it means that there  was no additional evidence of homosexuality in the prosecution case, so it was ‘a good deal for Thorpe’.

Not only that, but Taylor ‘avoided going for Thorpe’s jugular throughout the case and the closing speech was no exception’ – it was interpreted by the press as sympathetic to Thorpe. Indeed Taylor explained that Thorpe’s career had been ‘blighted by the Scott affair’, it was ‘a tragedy of truly Greek or Shakespearian proportions – the slow but inevitable destruction of a man by the stamp of one defect’.

Carman of course did go for the jugular – in his closing speech he maintained that Thorpe’s life ‘had more than its fair share of grief and agony…he had the misfortune to meet Norman Scott’. As for Norman, according to Carman he was ‘sad, mad or bad or a combination of all three, I care not’.

Whilst they were awaiting the verdict, Thorpe and his co-defendants lunched in a private room at the Old Bailey on smoked salmon, beef and Chablis – the grub was provided by Thorpe’s Liberal Party friend and colleague the molester Clement Freud.

The Carmans stayed in touch with Thorpe and Dominic recalls that in 2001 he was lunching with him when it was revealed that Thorpe had ‘joked’ to Carman that if he got him off he’d make him a High Court judge. In reality though even after Carman did do as required, it was many months before Thorpe even wrote to thank Carman and when he did, Thorpe simply observed that ‘as for the Bench, I am sure that it will only be a matter of time’.

So what became of the esteemed lawyers after the trial? Carman’s fees rocketed and work flooded in. Peter Taylor became a judge, Chaired the Hillsborough Disaster Inquiry and between 1992-96 was Lord Chief Justice. Judge Joseph Cantley disappeared into oblivion – as Peter Cook quipped when he was playing the part of the Biased Judge summing up for the jury ‘and now you must retire – as must I – and consider your verdict of not guilty’. Dominic reveals that at the time of the trial Carman had known Cantley for 20 years. Cantley had been the Presiding judge on the Northern Circuit where Carman had practised. Cantley was the son of a Top Doctor, a product of Manchester Grammar School and Manchester University who unusually had married the widow of his pupil master.

So had there been ‘a strong commitment to fairness and objectivity’? Or the most disgraceful crucifixion of a man who had been the target of a murder plot by a bunch of corrupt lawyers and politicians who were all connected with each other and realised that goodies would come their way as long as they let a potential murderer – who was connected to them – walk free?

The official story is that Carman was plucked from obscurity in the north to a glittering life in London after working miracles at Thorpe’s trial. But what if someone in London knew that there was a barrister in the north who boozed excessively, who had huge gambling debts, who was close to scores of crooked people from all walks of life but who was also well-connected with ‘respectable’ members of society – someone who not only needed a barrister for the Thorpe trial but who thought that such a barrister might prove very useful if they were based in London rather than Manchester?

A theme one constantly encounters when reading about George Carman and his excesses is that people ‘liked him’. But people were also very, very frightened of him. Probably far too frightened to admit that they didn’t like him at all.

After the Thorpe trial, Carman acted in two more high profile trials before he moved to London.

In 1980 in Leeds Carman represented Lord Kagan in the Kagan Textiles Case – Kagan’s manufactured the famous Gannex raincoats as sported by Harold Wilson and Prince Philip even after the shit hit the fan. Kagan was found guilty of theft and false accounting and went to prison. He kept his seat in the Lords and whilst he was in prison he negotiated a business deal to supply the prison service with uniforms.

In Carman’s last big case in Manchester he acted for the Police Federation on behalf of four police officers who ‘had been involved’ in the death of Jimmy Kelley in Liverpool. The officers received support from the local MP – a Harold Wilson. A verdict of ‘death by misadventure’ was returned.

The Police Federation supported North Wales Police’s senior officer Gordon Anglesea throughout his trial for abusing children, supported him in his plans to appeal after he was convicted and offered to pay his legal costs and turned out in force at his funeral to give him a good send off.

When Carman sold his house in Altrincham to move to London, the money that he received from the sale went to pay his gambling debts to the Manchester Playboy Club. Carman had a symbiotic relationship with casinos and clubs – he ran up huge debts with them but they also frequently used him for legal advice when they were applying for licences.

After moving to London Carman became head of New Court Chambers. Throughout the 1980s his supporting juniors in New Court were Michael Brompton and Tony Clover. Brompton knew Carman very well because he shared a room in Chambers with him.

It was in London that Carman developed his reputation as a libel lawyer, particularly for celebs.

Carman handled two libel cases for Richard Branson – Hugh Tomlinson was Carman’s junior for those. Charles Howard QC was his junior when he acted for Phil Lynott and Maria Aitken (in drugs cases rather than libel). Charles Howard married Rosie Boycott, who was editor of the Indie and the Express and who was a friend of Carman – Carman was best man at their wedding.

Carman picked up international work and was involved in cases in Hong Kong, Singapore, Malaysia, Washington and New York. By the early 1980s he had come to the attention of Sir Denys Roberts, Hong Kong’s Chief Justice and was offered a position as a High Court judge in Hong Kong. Carman really wanted such a position in England – so off he trotted for a chat with his mate Lord Denning, Master of the Rolls. Denning had a word with the Lord Chief Justice, Geoffrey Lane – it is the Lord Chief Justice who makes the recommendations for High Court appointments to the Lord Chancellor. Denning had previously worked with Lord Lane. Sadly Lane told Denning that Carman was not on his list. Carman decided to take up the offer from Hong Kong. However for some reason he changed his mind during a stay in Leicester of all places.

Carman was in Leicester in 1981 for the trial of Dr Leonard Arthur at Leicester Crown Court. Leonard Arthur was on trial after he had ordered nursing staff to provide no care or treatment to a newly born baby with Down’s syndrome. Arthur also prescribed doses of dihydrocodeine. Unsurprisingly the baby died. I can remember this case well and although the prosecution was brought by the anti-abortion group LIFE – and this is what Dominic has recorded in his book – the only reason why anyone at all got to hear about the baby’s death was because a nurse who witnessed what had happened was appalled at the deliberate killing of a disabled, but very much alive, baby. At the time that nurse was constructed as an interfering know nothing who was well above her station. These days she would be called a whistleblower.

Douglas Draycott QC acted for the prosecution, Carman for the defence. Carman did not put Leonard Arthur into the witness box. However he did call a nurse, a Margaret Slater – who casually mentioned in her evidence that her own baby would not be here today if it wasn’t for Dr Arthur. I don’t know how she managed to be in Court on that day, it is all rather reminiscent of the way that Jani Allan’s old diaries turned up in Court at a crucial moment. The nurse saved Dr Arthur’s neck and he was found not guilty. The nurse was assisted by Carman who ‘destroyed’ Prof Alan Usher, the Home office pathologist who was ready with evidence about the damage to the baby’s brain. The Presiding judge was Justice Farquarson.

History records that Leonard Arthur was not someone who didn’t think that disabled people were worth keeping alive, but someone who was a caring Top Doctor, selflessly devoted to children, worked night and day for the greater good of the nation’s infants – you get the picture.

So what happened in Leicester to persuade Carman to turn down the job of a High Court judge in Hong Kong and remain in England working as a barrister instead? Who knows.

Leicester County Council of course had a problem with a paedophile ring in its children’s services, a ring that Lord Greville Janner was alleged to have been involved with. Frank Beck, the notorious social worker who devised whacky therapies which served as a cover for his abuse of children, was given five life sentences for sexually abusing hundreds of children in 1991. Beck had been involved with the Liberal Party.

One lawyer was particularly impressed by George Carman’s successful defence of a doctor who finished off a baby with learning disabilities – that was a Cherie Booth who praised Carman for ensuring that ‘justice’ prevailed. In the 1980s Cherie Booth was a barrister in New Court Chambers! There was another barrister in New Court as well, who was Carman’s junior – Cherie knew him well, he was a Tony Blair!

Now the Blairs have kept THAT quiet – I’ve been trying to find out in which chambers old Blair worked before he became an MP and it’s not a piece of info that appears in any of the obvious places. But now I know. Blair never forgot the talents of his former boss. Within six months of Blair becoming Prime Minister, Carman found himself at a reception in Downing Street along with Richard Branson when Blair told Branson that Carman was the best lawyer that he could have found.

In Nov 1982 Carman defended Geoffrey Prime who worked for GCHQ but also spied for the KGB. Prime was a paedophile and a member of PIE who had been involved with under-aged girls in the Cheltenham/Gloucester area. Carman’s junior in that case was Tony Clover and the Presiding judge was Lord Chief Justice Lane. Prime was convicted, so Carman took the case to appeal – it was dismissed by Lord Justice Lawton.

Carman was involved in the case involving the grisly death of Roberto Calvi who in 1982 was found hanging under Blackfriars Bridge in London. Calvi had been President of the ‘Vatican’s Bank’, Banco Ambrosiano and was believed many, including his family, to have been murdered. Lurid stories of Masonic corruption and involvement with Opus Dei circulated – and all the money was missing from the bank. David Napley represented Calvi’s family at the inquest which was held by Dr David Paul, the coroner for the City of London – Paul rushed the inquiry. The autopsy was carried out by Prof Keith Simpson. A suicide verdict was returned – which was widely ridiculed because there were numerous aspects of the case which suggested that Calvi had been the victim of a bizarre crime. His underpants were full of bricks which was a bit weird and his hands were clean and well-manicured, which if he’d been crawling around under Blackfriars Bridge hanging himself they would not have been. Carman wanted a fresh inquest in front of Lord Geoffrey Lane. In March 1983 the Lord Chief Justice agreed to overturn the verdict. A new coroner was appointed, Dr Graham Davies and an open verdict was returned in June 1983.

In 1983 in Burnley Carman defended Peter Adamson aka Len Fairclough from Coronation Street after he was charged with indecently assaulting two eight year old girls in a swimming pool. Adamson was cleared although it was alleged that Carman believed that he had been guilty. In 1988 Adamson flogged a story to the Sun admitting that he had been guilty.

Following the Adamson revelations, in 1989 Prof George Steiner joked about Carman’s ability to get anyone off just about anything. It increased Carman’s business.

Carman’s close female friends in London included Sue Cook from BBC’s Crimewatch, Pippa Jessel the former wife of Tory MP Toby Jessel, Frances Heggarty/Hyfield the barrister/crime writer and Lady Annunziata Asquith.

Dominic relates a very worrying story when read in the light of Carman’s conduct towards his female partners and his links with questionable people in high places. Dominic tells us that in 1984 Carman had a ‘close relationship’ with a 30 year old woman but the ’10 month relationship ended with disastrous consequences’. The lady moved to London and into Carman’s Lincoln’s Inn flat and was ‘surprised when he showed no physical interest in her’. I think that we’ve been here before. This woman was ’emotionally volatile’ and Carman’s ‘subsequent humiliation of her precipitated a nervous breakdown’. According to Dominic, George was terrified of anything to do with mental illness – he asked Dominic ‘to accompany him as he registered her as a psychiatric inpatient, before telling her mother to come and pick up the pieces’.

Now there’s a story. So what did Carman do to the ’emotionally volatile’ lady whom he had invited to move in with him? Or what had she witnessed or found out? Which hospital so obligingly admitted her as an in-patient and how did they repackage the horror? I think we should be told…

One of Carman’s most famous triumphs was successfully defending Ken Dodd after Dodd was charged with tax evasion. The presiding judge was none other than our old friend – and indeed Carman’s old friend – Ronnie Waterhouse, the prosecuting counsel was Brian Leveson and the trial was held at Liverpool Crown Court. Waterhouse was a member of the Garrick – as was Carman and indeed their mutual friend Robin Day. Waterhouse also knew Thorpe through their Liberal Party activities.

Ken Dodd was a much-loved son of Liverpool. Waterhouse was born just a few miles away from Ken Dodd’s birthplace. The not guilty verdict caused much entertainment because of the overwhelming amount of evidence against Dodd – Dodd himself joked about not paying his taxes. The Inland Revenue had discovered accounts of Dodd’s in Jersey and the Isle of Man, there was thousands of pounds in used notes secreted about his house, there were references to wheelbarrows of money being moved around, it was ridiculous. A neighbour commented to me at the time that it looked as though the only questions would be ‘which prison and for how many years?’

At the opening of the trial Carman claimed that Dodd was suffering from ventricular tachycardia, a potentially fatal condition, that Dodd was in imminent danger of death and that the trial would almost certainly kill him. Carman tried to get the trial stopped on medical grounds – two weeks before the trial Carman had sent Dodd to a heart specialist, although the date for the trial had been set many months previously. The trial did go ahead and Dodd is still alive – and performing – today, nearly twenty years later.

The Top Doctor who gave evidence that Dodd was about to drop dead was Dr Rhys Williams from Manchester Royal Infirmary. However another Top Doctor, Prof John Camm, testified that Dodd was fit for trial. Camm worked at St Georges Hospital Medical School, so God only knows how anyone persuaded him to give evidence against a dodgy lawyer. Er – yes, I’ve just realised the significance of that quip – dear old St George’s had an awful lot to hide and had participated in some terrible things at the time of Dodd’s trial.

There also seem to have been some porkies told about Dodd’s age at his trial. Dodd’s Who’s Who entries for years have stated that he is four years younger than the age given when he stood trial.

Carman read out letters from Harold Wilson, Ted Heath and Margaret Thatcher at Dodd’s trial, all supportive of Dodd. Character evidence was supplied by Roy Hudd, Eric Sykes, Michael Billington, John Fisher (the head of Variety at Thames Television) and Shelia Murray (the Secretary of Clatterbridge Hospital’s Cancer Research Trust – Dodd had helped them raise £10 million).

It was revealed at the trial that in 1984 Reginald Hunter – Dodd’s accountant between 1972-82 – had been prosecuted at Mold Crown Court for false accounting to enable other clients to avoid tax. Waterhouse grew up in Flintshire and retained close links there. Mold is the legal/administrative centre of Flintshire.

The barrister on the losing side of the Dodd case, Brian Leveson, did OK for himself. He became a High Court judge and Lord Leveson found fame and fortune when he Chaired the 2011-12 public inquiry into the culture, practices and ethics of the British press. Like Dodd, Leveson was a local boy made big from Liverpool.

Carman got into libel work via Oscar Beuselinck, whom Carman knew as the in-house lawyer for the Mirror News Group. Back in the 50s Oscar had represented entertainers, including John Osborne. He had become a Director of Woodfall Films with Osborne and acted for Hollywood clients. In the 70s Oscar began taking defamation work. He sued Private Eye in the 60s but then became their principal solicitor, representing them against Robert Maxwell in 1986. Maxwell himself then recruited Oscar in 1989, although Oscar resigned after a damning Panorama documentary on Maxwell was screened in 1991 – however he did remain as a consultant to Maxwell.

Carman’s juniors in libel cases were Adrienne Page, Victoria Sharp, Andrew Caldecott, James Price, Heather Rogers and Hugh Tomlinson.

Not only do the same names keep cropping up in terms of barristers whom Carman worked with or faced as opponents in Court, but the same judges keep popping up as well. Carman appeared many times in the Court of Mr Justice Drake. We know that judges are impartial of course but in one case Drake made it clear after the case that he was delighted that Carman had won the case. That case in question was the 1989 libel action against the News of the World – owned by the News Group, Murdoch’s empire – brought by Sonia Sutcliffe, the wife of Peter Sutcliffe. The News of the Screws admitted that they HAD defamed Sonia Sutcliffe, they had even paid £50k into Court, but Sutcliffe wanted more. Barbara Jones, a journo for the Mail on Sunday was named as a co-defendant – if Sonia won, Jones would have been liable for the News of the Screws’ indemnity damages and costs, which would have left Jones financially ruined. The potential for this had led to total hostility between Jones and News Group. Now Jones had previously been on holiday with Sonia and they had been pretty good friends – they had been planning to write a book together. But it was Jones’s evidence in Court that completely shafted Sonia Sutcliffe – evidence that Jones had gained regarding Sonia’s alleged attitude towards her husbands crimes during their holiday. Jones defended herself in Court – but she much appreciated Carman’s ‘quiet support and encouragement’. He advised her and told her what to do and say in Court, including telling her to ‘rile’ Sonia.

Sonia Sutcliffe lost the case and was left with a bill for 1/4 of a million quid.

There was little public sympathy for Sonia Sutcliffe at the time – she was the wife of a serial killer, there were allegations flying that she knew that her husband had been attacking women and she’d already won a number of big settlements from newspapers in libel cases.

Something else was happening at the time. The press were desperate to stem the tide of libel awards. The settlements were getting bigger and bigger and it was costing them a great deal of money. One man in particular was costing them a fortune – George Carman.

The more that I find out about the Sonia Sutcliffe case the more that it looks as though the sort of deal that seems to have happened in the Thorpe trial had occurred. A group of very greedy, very unscrupulous, very powerful people could well have got together behind the scenes and come to a convenient arrangement. The only person who didn’t benefit was Sonia Sutcliffe. But she wasn’t a press baron, or a journo or a lawyer. She was the wife of a murderer. Carman was hailed as a hero in the press and Tom Crone, News Group’s lawyer – a barrister who had previously worked for the Mirror Group – made a triumphalist speech outside of the Court. Crone was a close friend of Carman. In 2011 Crone resigned from his job as News International’s legal affairs manager during the phone hacking scandal, after it was revealed that the phone of the murdered schoolgirl Milly Dowler had been hacked.

Not only did Justice Drake announce his satisfaction with the verdict – the Justice Drake who later presided over the libel case brought by Gordon Anglesea in which Carman represented Private Eye and others against Anglesea but lost – but the Private Eye lot were so pleased that they held a party which Carman attended. Sonia had successfully sued them previously…

The Jani Allan case that I mentioned earlier also occurred at the time that newspapers were worried about spiralling libel costs. Like Sonia Sutcliffe, Jani Allan had won a number of libel cases. It was Carman who finished Jani Allan off – but her counsel was Charles Howard QC, Carman’s mate.

I mentioned that Carman produced some interesting medical evidence in the Ken Dodd trial. Carman seemed to know some very helpful Top Doctors. In 1987 Carman’s former best man and good friend from Oxford Vivian Price QC was charged with attempting to pervert the course of justice and driving twice whilst disqualified. Price was a senior barrister and a High Court judge. Carman obtained medical evidence at the 11th hour stating that Price had a brain tumour. It got Price off a prison sentence. The very understanding judge was Justice Farquarson – who had presided over the trial of Dr Leonard Arthur in which Carman had triumphed.

Carman also produced a helpful medical expert when he defended the Sun in 1994 after Gillian Taylforth the Eastenders actress brought a libel case against them. Taylforth and her partner Geoff Knights had been stopped on a motorway and Knights had been arrested and charged with driving offences. A policeman then sold a story to the Sun claiming that Gillian Taylforth had been giving Knights oral sex in the car. Taylforth and Knights denied it and their story was that Knights suffered from pancreatitis, had been in pain, so Taylforth undid his trousers to rub his belly. Carman produced Dr Iain Murray Lyon, a pancreatitis specialist, who testified that Knights could have been faking the pancreatitis attack by describing the symptoms. Well yes he could, but Dr Lyon was not there at the time so had no idea at all whether Knights was making it up or not. Not only did Carman produce a Top Doctor out of the hat, but at the beginning of the second week of the trial a video arrived at court. It was a film six years old of a drunken party attended by the Eastenders cast. Taylforth could be seen messing around with a sausage joking about oral sex and gesticulating with a bottle between her legs. She was fully clothed, it was daylight and there were many people present – it was hardly an orgy and wasn’t that shocking. But Carman made it sound like Sodom and Gomorrah. Taylforth lost the case and became so distressed that she collapsed and had to be wheeled out of the court on a stretcher attached to a supply of oxygen. Everyone had a real laugh and once again Tom Crone appeared outside the Court to crow. Michael Beloff QC acted for Taylforth but no-one asked what a policeman was doing selling a story to the Sun or how an ancient video of a party long-forgotten had found its way into Carman’s hands at a most convenient time.

As for the Top Doctor – Dr Iain Murray-Lyon works at Harley Street and at the Edward VII Hospital. That hospital was featured in my post ‘Update On ‘Tainted Blood’ Scandal’. It was the hospital which employed the nurse who looked after the Duchess of Cambridge when she suffered from severe pregnancy-induced vomiting who committed suicide when some Australian shock jocks rang up pretending to be the Queen. The Chairman of the hospital was Lord Simon Glenarthur – who is also the Director of the MDU and was the Health Minister responsible for the NHS ‘tainted blood’ scandal (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz…’).

Figures from the whole spectrum of the press loved Carman and utilised his talents. Yet he threatened and crapped on them as well. In 1982 Carman had Sir David English the editor of the Daily Mail fined for contempt for a prejudicial article about the Leonard Arthur case. Ten years later when Carman discovered that his ex-wife had given an interview to the Daily Mail he leant on English – who was still the editor – to tone down the article. It was published two days after the verdict following Carman’s savaging of Jani Allan in Court.

In July 1993 Carman was retained by Ian Burton to defend John Jermyn Hervey, the Marquis of Bristol, on drugs charges. The trial was at Snaresbrook Crown Court and the judge was Owen Stable QC. During the trial – and in his consultations with Carman before the trial – Hervey took both coke and heroin (he was even consuming drugs in the bogs in Court). The sentence was deferred on the grounds that Hervey was receiving treatment in the Charter Clinic, Chelsea. Before sentencing Hervey discharged himself from the clinic and went to France on a massive drugs binge. Carman put in a plea for mitigation based on Hervey’s deprived childhood no less, but he was jailed nonetheless. Hervey died from an AIDS related illness in 1999. He was a wildly promiscuous user of rent boys and by his own estimation had sex with thousands of them. Presumably infecting more than a few.

In Nov 1993 Elton John retained Carman to take on Carman’s own friends at Mirror Group Newspapers – Carman had secured a settlement of £1 million for Elton in 1988 after the Sun alleged that Elton John had suffered from an eating disorder which resulted in him spitting food out. The ever dependable Justice Drake presided and awarded exemplary damages to Elton. However in 1995 the Court of Appeal reduced the damages and laid out recommendations for future damages – just when the press really needed it. This bought an end to juries imposing punitive damages on newspapers and also resulted in the settlement of a libel action brought by Michael Jackson agains Mirror Group Newspapers.

Whoever could tell who was dealing with who behind the scenes and who was stuffing who over? Although the press barons got bigger and bigger and Carman became richer and richer and even more feared.

In 1998 the Times speculated that Carman’s earnings had dropped off – Carman was so cross that he phoned Clare Dyer, the Guardian’s legal correspondent and Frances Gibb, the Times’ legal editor and ensured that Gibb was au fait with his present success and recent work. Gibb duly obliged by running a big article the following week that flattered Carman.

Carman revelled in his Hollywood clients, including Tom Cruise and Nicole Kidman. He was retained by them in 1997 after a Sunday Express article made allegations about their involvement with Scientology, Cruise’s alleged infertility and the couple’s unhappy marriage. Carman sent ‘compelling medical evidence’ to the Express Group and in Oct 1998 the Express Group paid Cruise and Kidman damages and costs. They divorced some two years later amid allegations of Scientology and marital distress.

In 2000 the celebrity chef Marco Pierre White sued the New York Times and International Herald Tribune. Geoffrey Ripon QC acted for the newspapers and Carman acted for White. Carman won and the day after the damages were awarded White got married – Michael Winner was the best man and George Carman was a guest.

I remember hearing about Marco Pierre White in the early 1990s, from a young woman who had worked for him in London. This young woman had some very interesting stories – stories of drug use, of sexual exploitation and chaos in the business. She claimed to have had sex with White herself – in fact she told me that she had been in some sort of relationship with him whilst his ‘official’ partner was somebody else. Not that the young woman in question will ever be able to flog a story to anyone about it all – because she was an in-patient at the Hergest Unit, with ‘paranoid schizophrenia’ of course. She had grown up in north Wales, gone to university in London and met Marco Pierre White down there. Her parents confirmed that. But after a rather wild time in London she had a breakdown and was brought back to Wales – by a Top Doctor – and sectioned at Ysbyty Gwynedd. By exactly the same social workers and Top Doctors who unlawfully imprisoned me, pretty much at the same time that I was unlawfully detained. Her parents also told me that the law had been repeatedly broken and when they complained about it Gwynedd Social Services and Ysbyty Gwynedd lied constantly. I got to know this young woman quite well over the following years. Her one desire was to ‘get better’ and go back to London. The mental health services were very keen for her not to do this. I and her other friends used to notice that on a number of occasions she seemed to recover from her distress and enrol for courses, find jobs etc. But every time that she began to improve, the Top Doctors at Hergest – usually Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) – would alter her ‘medication’ and within three weeks she would be back in hospital, usually sectioned. It makes me wonder what goes on in Marco Pierre White’s world.

Carman took to hosting parties in the 1990s. He held a bash in the summer of 1993. Guests included the Lord Chief Justice, Sue Lawley, Ian Hislop, Norman Lamont, Sir David English (Chair of Associated Newspapers, which was the major shareholder of Euromoney Publications, Dominic Carman’s employers). Carman held another knees-up in 1998 at the Ritz, but a lot of people seemed to be unavailable, including Tom Bingham the Lord Chief Justice, David Frost, Elton John, Ian Hislop, Mo Mowlam, Imran Khan and his wife Jemima, Richard Branson and Jeffrey Archer. Those who did attend included  Dominic Lawson, Robin Day, Sue Cook, P.D. James, Freddie Forsythe, Lord Robert Alexander QC, Lord Gareth Williams, Lord Grabiner, Aidan Barclay and the Blairs, who dropped in on their way to Tuscany! Conrad Black turned up after the party had ended.

In 1998 Sir Ronnie Waterhouse had just finished taking evidence about the most appalling abuse of children in care in north Wales at the public inquiry which he was Chairing. A lot of people were very shocked at what witnessed said about their time in north Wales children’s homes in the 70s and 80s – it was far worse than anyone expected. A number of male  witnesses talked about being taken to Cheshire and London to be sexually abused by older men.

In 1993 George Carman purchased a house in Wimbledon and lived there until 1999. Wimbledon is just down the road from St George’s Hospital Medical School and is the preferred location for the residences of the senior staff of that institution. In 1999 Carman moved to another house in Wimbledon. He held a party there after winning the case for Al Fayed against Neil Hamilton.

Blair was not the only Prime Minister who had reason to be grateful to Carman. In April 1994 he acted for Thatcher in a copyright dispute involving her memoirs. In 1995 he was retained by John Major after the New Statesman published allegations about Clare Latimer. Major stopped the retention of Carman after the Observer published a comment about Carman offering free advice to Major – an apology to Carman was published and somehow John Major’s action was settled shortly afterwards.

Aspiring Prime Ministers sought Carman’s help as well. Portillo retained Carman with regard to the allegations of past homosexual activity on the part of Portillo – until Portillo decided to admit publicly that in the past he had participated in gay sex.

Very rich people whose funding is vital to Prime Ministers also beat a path to Carman’s door. In 1999 Carman advised Michael Ashcroft when he sued the Times after they published allegations of money laundering and drugs related crimes. Ashcroft met with Carman and that afternoon met with Murdoch after Jeff Randall acted as the broker to get them together. A deal was struck with a settlement. In the mid 1990s I knew someone who responded to the TV adverts that were being screened in Wales at the time urging people to report crime to Crimestoppers. This person reported the suspicious death of an elderly lady in one of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s ‘nursing homes’ and also reported one of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s ‘substance abuse patients’ who was openly seeling Class A drugs to schoolchildren in Bangor. No action was taken, so this person rang Crimestoppers again a few weeks later and repeated their allegations. They were told that Crimestoppers would not be taking any action because Crimestoppers were treating these calls as hoaxes.

Lord Michael Ashcroft funded and established Crimestoppers.

I suppose that it was inevitable that Jeffrey Archer crossed Carman’s path. In Oct 1999 Carman was retained by Eversheds to act for Archer in libel procedings against the Times. The matter was settled, an apology was issued and damages paid. In Dec 1999, new evidence emerged regarding a libel trial involving Archer and the Star twelve years previously. Carman was asked by Lovells – solicitors for Express Newspapers – to act against Archer in appealing the Star libel decision. Carman had been advising Archer eight weeks earlier. Carman held a conference at Lovells with David Pannick QC to discuss strategy. The civil action was abandoned in April 2000 when Archer faced criminal charges. Archer wrote to Carman in Oct 2000 regarding his impending trial for perjury and attempting to pervert the course of justice, requesting lunch with Carman in order to ‘discuss matters’.

Another crook of impressive proportions who had dealings wirth Carman was Robert Maxwell. Between 1990-91 Maxwell was a regular client of Carman’s. Carman almost got into charity work through Maxwell. Carman supported Shelter and Maxwell promised to run a Mirror campaign for the homeless but it never happened. Carman parted company  with Shelter soon afterwards stating that he was fed up of giving them money. Carman had been acting for Maxwell in a libel case against the BBC but Maxwell went overboard before the case was heard. After Maxwell’s death Kevin Maxwell took over the Maxwell Communication Group and Ian Maxwell took over the Mirror Group. There  was of course the matter of the missing £426 million fron two pension funds at the Mirror Group. In Jan 1992 Carman appeared for Kevin in front of the Commons Select Committee – John Jarvis QC appeared for Ian and the Chair of the Committee was Frank Field. David Pannick QC was a member of the Maxwell’s advisory team. Carman visited Kevin’s wife Pandora at home to chat with her about the deep shit that the Maxwells were in. However Carman declined to defend Kevin at his subsequent trial – Carman told Clare Dyer of the Gyardian that he didn’t want to be committed to a long legal aid defence. Carman was therefore in breach of Bar Council rules but who cares about that, the Maxwells had no dosh anymore…

In 1993 Carman represented Branson in a libel claim against British Airways and secured a settlement of £610k. The settlement was somehow leaked to the Sun and was a scoop for David Yelland, the then City editor. Five years later Murdoch made Yelland the editor. In 1998 Carman represented Branson again, in a libel case against Guy Snowden, a major lottery operator. The presiding judge was Justice Morland – who also presided over the trial of the two ten year olds who killed James Bulger – who had known Carman for 50 years. They had been contemporaries at Oxford and both worked on the Northern  Circuit.

In the late 1990s Al Fayed was a regular client of Carman’s – numerous cases of Al Fayed’s were settled out of court or dropped. In 1999 Carman represented Al Fayed against Neil Hamilton – Desmond Browne QC acted for Hamilton and Justice Morland presided. One of Al Fayed’s many accusations against Hamilton was that Hamilton had procured rent boys. Hamilton was the MP for the Cheshire constituency that bordered on Sir Peter Morrison constituency and Hamilton and his wife attended social functions with Morrison. Carman won that case. Prior to that in 1995 Hamilton had sued the Guardian for libel – Carman succeeded in getting the case stopped on a point of law. Hamilton enlisted the help of Thatcher who had the law changed in Hamilton’s favour.

Carman did of course advise members of the Royal Family – including Diana, Prince Michael of Kent and Sarah Ferguson.

In 2000 Carman dissolved New Court Chambers and joined Elizabeth Appleby QC in her chambers – Carman took the room vacated by Cherie Booth, who had left to form Matrix. The former joint head of the chambers Michael Beloff QC left shortly after Carman joined.

Not only did Carman have access to helpful Top Doctors for his work as a barrister but he had his very own helpful Top Doctor on tap for his own medical needs – Dr Annie Coxon, a Harley street physician and neurologist. Annie Coxon was always on hand to deal with Carman’s ‘crises’ – which were nearly always a result of Carman drinking so much that he needed medical attention. On one occasion he collapsed in Court as a result of intoxication and Coxon even set up a drip for him as she attended. Coxon was known to take calls from Carman regularly in the early hours of the morning, she made sure that she was always available. There seems to have been major discord between Coxon and the Top Doctors who treated Carman at the end of his life when he developed cancer. He was of course treated privately by other Harley Street Top Doctors at the London Clinic but they seemed to freeze Coxon out of his care and she was not happy about this.

Coxon was a Catholic but converted to Islam over twenty years ago. She was introduced to Islam by the mother of the Sultan of Oman who was one of her patients. She was also the personal doctor of Al Fayed. Coxon was also the doctor of Jade Goody and was most critical of the NHS after Goody’s death from cancer.

Carman died of cancer in Jan 2001. Before he died he was courted by many cancer charities – he settled on supporting the Cancer Research Campaign (CRCUK) after Prof Gordon McVie visited him at home. His memorial service was attended by a number of people including Cherie Blair and Jeremy Thorpe.

George Carman seems to have touched the lives of a great many people who were involved in concealing the North Wales Child Abuse Ring. Carman’s mycelia reached everywhere. I was particularly surprised to find out that Carman’s senior clerk in New Court Chambers Bill Conner – Carman’s right hand man after Carman moved to London – was a keen birder. Enthusiastic birders get to know each other and travel across the UK regularly – the wealthier ones travel internationally. I have mentioned that my group of friends whilst I was at university in the early/mid-80s were birders – our house on Anglesey was the centre of much Bangor Bird Group activity. In 1985 just before we were all due to leave north Wales, my closest friend at university and house mate was killed in a car crash. My friend’s former boyfriend, also a well-known birder, was left brain-damaged and paralysed. My friend knew all about the problems that I was having with the north Wales mental health services. She was killed when a TR7 crashed into her head on whilst it was travelling on her side of the road. The driver of the TR7 was unscathed except for a broken arm. There was no investigation into the crash. A few weeks later Dr DGE Wood, the corrupt GP whom I now know was working very hard to conceal the criminal activities in north Wales and who ran the Student Health Centre at Bangor University, had a huge row with me when once more I raised the question of the misconduct of his colleagues. He finished by yelling at me that there was nothing for me in north Wales anymore and that I ought to leave the area and forget about everything that had happened there. A few days after my friend’s death, Wood’s colleague, the nurse who worked in the Student Health Centre, took my friend’s file out of the records locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ across the front of it in front of me. I wonder whether that was supposed to have been some sort of warning.

Ooh, nearly forgot – Sir John Kay, the High Court judge who issued Gwynedd Social Services with an injunction against me on the basis of affidavits from two social workers who perjured themselves (one of whom had never met me and the other one who had met me at most on three occasions) was a judge on the Northern Circuit. I could not work out at the time why a bunch of crooked social workers from Caernarfon had gone all the way to Leeds High Court to seek out a judge.

Sir John Kay knew George Carman.

Nasty business, organised child sexual abuse.

He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried

My post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’ named a number of those close to Jeremy Thorpe as well as a few others who weren’t necessarily very fond of him but who concealed his wrongdoing, even that which was involved with allegedly trying to have his former gay lover Norman Scott assassinated. I mentioned that I suspected that some of those who covered for Jeremy were the same people who probably covered for Dafydd and Gwynne when they were younger. I’ve been doing a bit more research – it looks as though my suspicions were correct. Those around Jeremy had some very close links to members of the shithouse already named on this blog. So here’s a few details.

The Top Doctor at St George’s Hospital who treated Norman, Dr Brian O’Connell, will have been a key player – I covered him and his network in my post ‘The Case Of The King’s Sperm’. But many more people and networks supported and protected Jeremy.

Not a word appeared in the media about Thorpe’s activities until Andrew Newton, the man who maintained at Thorpe’s trial that he had been hired to kill Norman, shot Norman’s Great Dane Rinka dead on Exmoor and then tried to murder Norman. Yet Jeremy’s activities with Norman as well as others were widely known and discussed.

As described in ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’, some builders carrying out work on the former office of Jeremy’s friend Peter Bessell discovered a briefcase concealed in a false ceiling. The briefcase was full of incriminating material relating to Jeremy, including documents concerning Norman. The builders took it to the Sunday Mirror. Not only did the Sunday Mirror not publish a word but the Editor Bob Edwards personally returned the documents to Jeremy at Westminster.

Bob Edwards edited the Sunday Mirror between 1972-84. He knew how to keep powerful people onside.

Edwards joined the Labour Party when he was young and knew Ian Mikardo when Mikardo was the Labour MP for Reading. Mikardo alerted Edwards to a vacancy on Tribune and sent him along to meet the Editor, Michael Foot. Edwards edited Tribune between 1951-54. He then became the leader writer for the Evening Standard 1954-57. In 1955 Edwards stood as the Labour candidate for Merton and Morden. He became the Deputy Editor of the Sunday Express 1957-59, the Managing Editor of the Sunday Express 1959-61 and the Editor of the Daily Express in 1961.

Edwards’s move from working on the left-supporting Tribune to the Express prompted accusations that he was no more than a paid hack without principles. Edwards was sacked from the Express and (mistakenly) believing that his son was worried about him reassured his son by telling him that a ‘mysterious freemasonry’ existed known as the Editors Club and that famille Edwards wouldn’t even lose their yacht because he would soon get another job.

Edwards purchased Christine Keeler’s memoirs for 2k in 1963 – but not material relating to Jeremy some ten years later…

Between 1966-72, Edwards edited the People. By this time he was seriously wealthy and was living in a castle in Oxfordshire.

In the case of the People, Edwards ‘inherited a fiercely campaigning newspaper…[which] largely cleaned up the protection rackets and brothels of Soho’. It is claimed that under Edwards the People ‘continued in much the same spirit, exposing bent detectives on the take from pornographers and ‘vice-kings’.

Edwards was considered a fearless man who had crossed so many nasty characters that he worked behind bullet proof glass after alleged threats to his life.

Although Edwards wouldn’t touch Jeremy Thorpe, in 1980 he had a go at the Royal Family. He discovered that the Royal Train with Charles on board had been shunted into a siding in Wiltshire where it stayed for several hours – whilst a young woman called Diana Spencer boarded it to spend time with Prince Charles… Edwards published the story and later maintained that it cost him a knighthood.

Edwards was Director of Mirror Group Newspapers 1976-88. Maxwell acquired the Mirror Group in July 1984 and under him Edwards became Deputy Chair.

Joe Haines, Harold Wilson’s Press Secretary who maintained that it wasn’t known whether Wilson had blackmailed Thorpe over Norman, also worked for Maxwell. Haines was a Mirror journalist who was initially completely hostile to Maxwell when Maxwell acquired the Mirror Group, but soon came under his influence and ended up writing the authorised biography of Maxwell.

Edwards wasn’t the only person involved with the Sunday Mirror who wielded influence at the time that the documents discovered by the builders were returned to Jeremy. The Chairman of IPC, the company which owned the Mirror at that time, was Sydney Jacobson. He was made a life peer a couple of years or so after Jeremy’s documents were returned to him. In 1974 – when the Mirror supported Labour in the General Election and at about the time that the documents were given to the Sunday Mirror – Jacobson was the Deputy Chair of IPC, working under his friend and colleague Hugh Cudlipp.

Cudlipp was Welsh, from Cardiff and was Chair of Mirror Group Newspapers between 1963-67. Cudlipp was given a peerage in 1974.

Cudlipp was a very big figure and in 2005 dear old Michael Grade – who excels at grovelling to powerful people – stated in a lecture that Cudlipp was ‘one of the giants of British journalism and one of it’s greatest editors’.

After Thorpe resigned following the media reporting the whole dreadful mess including Andrew Newton killing Norman Scott’s dog, then trying to shoot Norman and subsequently being charged with possession of a firearm with intent to danger life, Sir Harold Evans, the Editor of the Sunday Times, showed a considerable degree of sympathy towards Jeremy, met him and subsequently published supportive articles.

Evans edited the Sunday Times between 1967-81. In 1984 he moved to the US. Since 2005 he has contributed to the Guardian and Radio 4 and in 2011 he was appointed Editor at large of Rueters.

Like Edwards, Harold Evans was considered a fearless journalist who was not afraid to expose the truth. He was responsible for the crusading style of investigative journalism for which the Sunday Times was known at one point and it was under his editorship that Marjorie Wallace – see previous blog posts for the dirt on Marjorie and the horrors of psychiatry and child abuse that she kept her mouth firmly shut about – revealed the Thalidomide scandal. It was also Harold Evans who exposed Kim Philby.

In 1981 when Murdoch acquired Times Newspapers Ltd, Evans was appointed as Editor of the Times. He only stayed for one year. Fifty journalists resigned within the first six months of Murdoch’s take-over – some of those journos disliked Evans. In March 1982 a group of journos called upon Evans to resign as a result of the ‘erosion of editorial standards’.

In 1981 Evans married yet another journalist who was constructed as scary and fearless – Tina Brown. I’ve always just considered Tina Brown to be someone who writes vacuous rubbish about Diana and other celebs, but I’ve discovered that when she was younger Brown did write intelligent material and she knew some capable people who also wrote intelligent material critiquing powerful vested interests.

So no-one among this network of journos who would take on anyone and any topic, who rooted out injustice and who struck fear into the heart of everyone ever challenged Jeremy…

‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’ described how two BBC reporters who began researching for a book about the Jeremy and Norman story after everything became public and Jeremy had stood down as leader, were ‘supported’ in this by Sir Charles Curran, the Director-General of the BBC between 1969-77. However the reporters then found that they were issued with new contracts from the BBC that ensured that they would lose control over their own material. They resigned from the BBC as a result.

Charles Curran was someone whom it seems could be pressurised. After complaints from Mary Whitehouse that Dr Who contained far too much sex n violence or something similar, Curran replaced the series producer in 1976. The BBC online site ‘History of the BBC’ aka Pravda, profiles Charles Curran and boasts about his Huge Contribution to the Golden Years of TV. I remember that Golden Age well – utter rubbish, ‘light entertainment’ involving sitcoms dependent upon crude stereotyping. I think that Curran must have been responsible for ‘It Ain’t Half Racist Mum’ actually, but that’s not mentioned on ‘The History of the BBC’, probably because it’s indefensible. What is boasted about however is Curran’s tenure overseeing ‘Parkinson’. So Curran was the person who thought that Parkinson’s crude sexual harassment of the young Helen Mirren was OK – Helen obviously thought that Parkinson was a sad old git but was far too polite to knee him in the groin, although that episode still became infamous.

‘The History of the BBC’ also intriguingly tells us that Curran was ‘somewhat in the shadow of Huw Wheldon’. So Huw Wheldon who – as detailed in the comments after ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ – had a hotline to the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales, was obviously Mr Big at the BBC.

Jeremy Thorpe was a member of two London clubs, the Reform Club and the National Liberal Club. Thorpe spent a lot of time in these places and was obviously not unwelcome.

Charles and Camilla are honorary members of the Reform Club and in 2011 guest speakers there included Nick Clegg and Theresa May. Members include: Ruth Lea, Martin Sorrell, Stella Rimmington, Charlie Falconer, Menzies Campbell, former Tory MP Michael Brown, Betty Boothroyd, Roy Hattersley and Michael Howard.

The National Liberal Club’s current President is Alan Beith, a man who was much mentioned in Michael Bloch’s biography of Thorpe. In the 1970s Cyril Smith actually lived at the National Liberal Club. David Belloti, the MP who tried to help Mary Wynch and who within two years of doing so was finished in national politics, was a member of the Club. In 2006, Chris Huhne – the Liberal MP who was later jailed, along with his former wife Vicky Pryce and her mate the barrister Constance Briscoe – launched his leadership campaign from the club, as did Nick Clegg in 2007. The Club played a crucial part in Thorpe’s own election campaign in 1974, by which time the scandal involving him and Norman was common knowledge among the Liberal Party as well as their political opponents, as were the fears that Norman and his friends had for his life.

Presumably Thorpe held a key position in the National Liberal Club, because it was Thorpe who in 1976 handed the Club over to be managed by George Marks, a Canadian ‘businessman’ who was in reality a confidence trickster – he also used the name George de Chabris. Thorpe maintained that he knew nothing about Chabris being dodgy. Chabris and his family lived rent free at the Club, he ran fraudulent businesses from there, he embezzled and fleeced thousands from the Club and flogged the Club’s library to Bristol University at a knock-down price. Chabris was given the boot in 1977 and the Club was rescued by a generous donor.

From a young age Thorpe was good friends with Jeremy Fry, a member of the famous chocolate-making family – it was Fry’s conviction for ‘importuning for immoral purposes’ that prompted an investigation by the police into Thorpe’s suitability for a role at the wedding of Princess Margaret. Fry had been considered for the role of best man but that idea went out of the window after his conviction. Fry’s excesses were well-known but there seems to have been a great deal of hypocrisy over the business of banning him from the Royal Wedding. He was on such good terms with Princess Margaret and Anthony Armstrong-Jones that there were allegations of a menage a trois. Fry continued his friendship with the Royal couple after his own marriage and Princess Margaret and Armstrong-Jones stayed at the Fry’s house near Bath.

In recent years the biological father of Polly Fry, Jeremy’s daughter, has been revealed to be Armstrong-Jones aka Lord Snowdon. Like the Jeremys Fry and Thorpe, it is now admitted that Lord Snowdon put himself about a bit. He was bisexual and fathered Polly shortly before he married Princess Margaret. Marjorie Wallace was one of Snowdon’s mistresses (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’). Now that both Princess Margaret and Snowdon are dead, more and more is being revealed about the boozing, the drugs and the shagging and I suspect that there is yet more to come. I cannot help noticing how often people very close to Lord Snowdon have popped up among people who had connections to or concealed the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal/Paedophile Ring and the associated wrongdoing in the mental health services. It took me a while to realise the significance of this because I never thought that Snowdon had much to do with north Wales. In recent years he didn’t. But when he was younger he did. Snowdon was born in Belgravia but the family also had a country house in north Wales. Snowdon’s father was a barrister, his paternal grandfather was a psychiatrist and physician and his paternal grandmother was the daughter of Sir Owen Roberts, the famous Welsh educationalist. Snowdon used to visit north Wales with Princess Margaret and interestingly enough although he died in London, he is buried at Llanfaglan near Caernarfon in the family plot of the ‘celebrities graveyard’.

During my battles with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, again and again people sympathetic to – but feaful for – me mentioned ‘very powerful people’ having connections with Dafydd. Other people seemed to be grossly affronted by me having the temerity to ask questions. The dreadful Dr Cathy Wilson at St George’s once yelled intriguingly at me that I needed to understand about ‘important people’. I now know that St George’s knew all about Dafydd et al and were also involved in concealing their wrongdoing. My post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ explained how the Duke of Westminster knew about Sir Peter Morrison abusing under-aged boys. Morrison preyed on boys in care in north Wales. ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’ detailed the links between the Duke of Westminster and St George’s Hospital.

Snowdon was bisexual, promiscuous, had strong connections to north Wales and indeed Top Doctors and lawyers in north Wales, visited the region and was directly connected to the Royal Family. As the years pass, it becomes increasingly obvious that much about the activities of Princess Margaret and Snowdon were actively concealed. Are you thinking what I’m thinking as Michael Howard used to ask.

As for ‘important people’ – I am not a vacuous social climber and the difference between Cathy Wilson and me is that although I really don’t mind with whom Lord Snowdon and others like him had sex and took drugs if everyone involved was consenting adults, Dafydd et al were facilitating and concealing the abuse of kids in care. Many of whom were found dead, as were other witnesses. As very nearly was Norman Scott. It’s not very nice is it Wilson, even if you do think that the people involved are worth toadying to. Is it really worth colluding with such matters just to get oneself invited to yet another dinner party? Were you perhaps hoping to hit the jackpot and receive an invite to the Athenaeum to join Marjorie, Snowdon and Savile?

Jeremy Fry is also noted for having been James Dyson’s mentor and is credited with being responsible for Dyson starting out on his own.

 

Even after the rest of the Liberal Party finally decided that Jeremy Thorpe had become far too embarrassing to be seen with in public, Thorpe remained good friends with Clement Freud. Eric Lubbock (Lord Avebury) and David Steel remained supportive of Thorpe long after everyone else had given up on him, although even Steel wanted him to go after Andrew Newton tried to kill Norman.

Clement Freud has in recent years been revealed to have been a sexual predator who raped at least one person and molested many other girls and young women.

Eric Lubbock was the Liberal MP for Orpington between 1962-70. In 1971 he inherited the title of Lord Avebury and remained in the Lords until his death in 2016 – after Blair abolished the right of many hereditary peers to sit in the Lords, the Lib Dems elected Lubbock as being one of the Lords to remain.

Lubbock was Chief Whip for the Liberals between 1963-70.

It was Lubbock who stood bail for Thorpe when he was charged in 1978 with conspiracy to kill and incitement to murder Norman. Norman’s allegation that Andrew Newton had tried to shoot him after shooting Rinka was made in Oct 1975 – Newton was subsequently charged. Lubbock sat on the Royal Commission for Standards of Conduct in Public Life 1974-76. In 1976 Lubbock founded the Parliamentary Human Rights Group, which he chaired for the next 21 years – he then became the Vice-Chair.

Lubbock was a patron of the British Humanist Association, an honorary associate of the National Secular Society, a patron of Prisoners Abroad and a member of the All Party Parliamentary Humanist Group.

In Sept 2010 Lubbock signed an open letter for the British Humanist Association to the Guardian, opposing the state visit to the UK by Benedict XVI.

Lubbock became a Buddhist in the 1970s and in a June 2012 interview published on the website Liberal Democrat Voice, he states that he is a patron of a Buddhist chaplaincy and is contemplating ordination in a Buddhist monastery.

Whilst he was in the Commons, Lubbock had been the Secretary and Chair of the Parliamentary Group on Civil Liberties, which was serviced by the NCCL – the Secretary of the NCCL at the time was Martin Ennals (he acted as Secretary until 1966).

Ennals features on my post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course…’. After leaving NCCL he worked for the Commission for Racial Equality and was Secretary of Amnesty International, 1968-80. During Ennals’s time at Amnesty he was awarded the Nobel Peace prize.

Martin Ennals was a founding member of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1959. Thorpe was active in that movement.

Martin Ennals’s older brother David was the Secretary of State for Social Security when in 1969 Norman Scott rang Ennals’s Private Secretary and told him about Thorpe’s activities (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

David Ennals was heavily involved with MIND for years and his son Paul is the former Chief Exec of the National Children’s Bureau and Chair of a number of a number of Safeguarding Boards, including in Haringey (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course…’ for full details of the Ennals’s clan’s connections to MIND and other organisations).

David Steel was Liberal MP for Ross & Cromarty between 1965-97 and then an MSP between 1999-2003. He was also Presiding Officer of the Scottish Parliament. In 1997 Steel was given a life peerage.

Steel became leader of the Liberal Party in 1976 when Thorpe stepped down and remained leader until 1988 when the Party merged with the SDP. Between 1970-76 he was the Liberals Chief Whip. It was Steel who led the Liberals into the Lib-Lab pact in March 1977. It lasted until 1978 but was widely perceived to have been a very poor deal for the Liberals – in the light of the weakness of the Labour Party at that time, there was a degree of confusion over why Steel couldn’t land a better deal.

Steel was Thorpe’s protégé, became his PPS and was campaign manager when Thorpe ran for the leadership. Like Thorpe, Steel was in the Anti-Apartheid Movement and was it’s President between 1966-70.

When the Liberal activist from Wales who was so concerned at what had happened to Norman Scott at the hands of Jeremy Thorpe contacted Emlyn Hooson and asked for a meeting (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’), it was actually Steel that she met initially, because Hooson (who also worked as a barrister) had been called away to a murder trial. Steel was also shown documentary evidence of Thorpe’s payments to Norman and was given a frank account of what had gone on.

Before Steel was elected he worked for the BBC.

David Steel also knew about Cyril Smith of course…

 

Jeremy Thorpe was known to have taken a leaf out of the book of his hero David Lloyd George – the father of Gwilym and Megan, two friends of Thorpe – and offered people peerages in return for various favours. Thorpe came up with the goods for Gerran Lloyd, a Liberal Party donor who received a peerage in 1973 and became Lord Lloyd of Kilgerran. After Thorpe was charged with conspiracy to murder and incitement to kill in 1978, Lord Kilgerran set up a Defence Fund to pay Thorpe’s legal costs.

Gerran Lloyd was a barrister who stood for the Liberals on Anglesey in the 1959 General Election. He was President of the Welsh Liberal Party, 1971-74 and President of the British Liberal Party, 1973-74.

 

Megan Lloyd George was older than Jeremy, but they were very close. As a boy Jeremy used to visit Megan in the Commons for tea and Megan encouraged his political ambitions.

Megan was the first female MP for a Welsh constituency – she was the Liberal MP for Anglesey between 1929-51 and became Deputy Leader of the Liberal Party. In 1955 Megan defected to the Labour Party. In 1957 she was elected as the Labour MP for Carmarthen and held the seat until her death in 1966.

Between 1936-56 Megan was the mistress of the Labour politician Philip Noel-Baker, a campaigner for disarmament who won the Nobel Peace prize in 1959 and who’s wife was a friend of Virginia Woolf.

 

My post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’ described how in 1971 a Liberal Party secret inquiry into Thorpe’s conduct invited Norman Scott to speak, but ended with Lord Frank Byers, a member of the inquiry, shouting and hurling insults at Norman. It was Byers’s behaviour that motivated Norman to contact the police yet again about Thorpe and make a 33 page statement.

Byers was the Liberal MP for north Dorset between 1945-50. He was made a life peer in 1964 and became the Liberals Leader in the Lords in 1967.

Byers was a Director of Rio Tinto Zinc, 1962-73.

Although Byers was a Liberal, he knew Harold Wilson from their time at Oxford, when they were both members of the Oxford Liberal Club.

 

Lord Byers has a famous granddaughter who has followed him into politics – Lisa Nandy, who has been the Labour MP for Wigan since 2010. Lisa’s friends were keen for her to challenge Jeremy Corbyn for the Labour Party leadership. She hasn’t yet done this – although her supporters such as Owen Jones live in hope that the day will come when she does. Lisa herself supported Andy Burnham for the leadership, he who concealed the thousands of deaths at Mid-Staffs for so long.

Lisa worked as a researcher for Centrepoint, the homeless charity between 2003-05. She was a senior policy advisor to the Children’s Society from 2005 and an advisor to the Children’s Commissioner for England.

So Lisa will be one of the many people who will have known about the endemic abuse and trafficking of children in care but who has been strangely silent on this topic. Lisa also found one of those people at a senior level to work for once she entered Parliament – Lisa was PPS to Tessa Jowell.

Is Lisa a bit like her granddad perhaps, knowing about truly appalling matters but keeping them under wraps?

Lisa and her followers like to describe her as being on the ‘soft left’ of the Labour Party. Lisa has been inexplicably vigorously promoted as a wonder and potential leader virtually from the day that she was elected. I cannot help wondering if Lisa’s partner Andy Collis might have had something to do with this – he’s a PR consultant.

In fact Lisa’s supporters were so busy touting her around that some four years ago even I was invited to hear her speak. I was a member of the Compass group at the time and I used to receive notification of various events, but as they were always in London and I was in north Wales I didn’t take much notice. But on one occasion, an e mail virtually begged me to go to an event at a well-known location in London with a radical history, where a certain Lisa Nandy was going to be speaking. The event was promoted as being the one to attend even if you were unable to attend others and I had been bombarded with e mails telling me that Compass were keen to enlist the help and support of folk outside London. So for once I made the effort and went to London for the event. Because of the timing of Lisa’s lecture I was assured that I didn’t need to arrange to stay in London overnight, I could get there in time for the lecture, meet people and then get an evening train back to north Wales. So off I went.

What a surprise I had. Although maybe I shouldn’t have actually been that surprised, what with Lisa being a descendant of Frank, but I didn’t know that then.

Until about three years ago I suffered from very serious migraines – not just bad headaches, these were real bastards, when I got one I couldn’t see properly or balance. They were related to a neck injury that I suffered when I was young and of course because I’d dared complain about the paedophiles’ friends I was effectively refused all treatment for them (I have detailed all this elsewhere on the blog). For years I went without effective medication and the only thing that I could do if I developed a migraine was to lie flat in the dark – to take any physical strain off my neck and to minimise the amount of light that I was exposed to. When this happened I used to explain to people around me what was going on. When I was around sane normal people I was always met with a great deal of understanding – unfortunately however I wasn’t always around sane normal people.

About half an hour after arriving at the venue to hear Lisa speak, I developed a migraine. A real killer. Compass had BEGGED me to go to Lisa’s lecture. Not only did not one person even bother to speak to me – although there were only about ten people at the event and Lisa herself stuck like glue to the three stooges who seemed to be at her side throughout – but when I started to feel very, very bad and tried to tell the people sitting immediately next to me, I was completely blanked. I could feel myself losing my balance so I thought that I’d better get out of the audience quick before I fell on the floor. I was about three rows away from the front. Lisa SAW ME almost keeling over. She SAW ME trying to ask for help. Lisa did not bat an eye-lid. On and on she droned, ploughing through her speech – which even I could hear wasn’t very good and she was having to read it pretty much word for word. In the end I managed to make my way to the back of the hall and escaped through a door, which led to a cloakroom place outside of the entrance to the bogs. I did the only thing that I could and I lay down flat with my eyes shielded. Some 45 mins later a load of people came through on their way to the bogs – Lisa’s lecture had ended and they were having a break before the Q and A session. They walked over me. Every one of those nice middle class London radicals who had come to hear Lisa – some of whom obviously knew her – walked over me. No-one even asked me what I was doing and if I was OK. One woman gave me a frosty look so I explained that I was experiencing a very bad migraine. She then walked out of the door.

I remained on the floor shielded from the light throughout Lisa’s Q and A session. When the event ended everyone buggered off. As did Lisa. They all knew that I was crashed out in the back room with a migraine. I stayed there for the next couple of hours until I was just about able to walk without keeling over. By this time I realised that I’d not be able to catch the train from Euston back to Bangor. Because I was in London rather than on the doorstep of the Top Doctors in north Wales, I decided that I’d try and make my way to a London hospital for help – I ended up at UCL. Christ that was not a good idea, but that is another story. I failed to elicit any help at UCL and was ‘discharged’ ie. chucked out, into the middle of London at 3am. By this time my migraine was gradually beginning to pass. I spent the next few hours dossing outside Euston station waiting for it to open (I didn’t realise that Euston shuts for the small hours). I got the first train back to Bangor – which meant buying another ticket, because the one that I’d purchased was no longer valid.

The whole trip cost me a bloody fortune but it taught me a lot about Lisa Nandy and her supporters.

I continue to receive e mails from Compass asking me for dosh, asking me if I’d like to start up a local Compass group and inviting me to more events in London. I’m never giving them another penny and I’ll never risk my neck at another Lisa Nandy related event in my life.

Lisa is on record as saying that she has received ‘abuse’ from Corbyn’s supporters and that she was ‘genuinely frightened’. So was I Lisa, I was in the middle of London where I knew no-one, in agony, unable to walk or see properly and worried that I was going to start throwing up. But at least you got to read – literally – your speech. What I find even more ‘genuinely frightening’ Lisa is that your grandfather ignored the witness testimony and the pleas for help from someone who had already been by that time the target of a murder plot, according to evidence given at the Old Bailey many years later.

Lisa was selected as a Labour party candidate on an all women shortlist. Her wiki entry boasts that she is the fist female MP for the constituency – as there was an all-women shortlist imposed that is not really much of an achievement – and that she was born into a ‘Bengali family’ no less and that she was ‘one of the first six Asian MPs elected’.

As far as I understand, Lisa’s mother – Frank Byers’s daughter – was not Bengali. It was only Lisa’s father who was Bengali. So in terms of ethnicity, Lisa is as much white (presumably British) as she is Bengali. Is Lisa perhaps being somewhat selective in which boxes she chooses to tick?

The one box that Lisa does tick however is ‘one quarter composed of the genetic material of Lord Frank Byers’.

How about that for your wife’s next election campaign slogan then Andy?

 

Emlyn Hooson sat on the secret inquiry into Thorpe, alongside Lisa’s granddad and David Steel.

Emlyn Hooson was the Liberal MP for Montgomeryshire, between 1962-79. He was then elevated to the Lords where he sat until his death in 2012. Hooson sat as a Liberal and then as a Liberal Democrat.

Hooson was born in 1925, the son of a Denbighshire hill farmer and attended Denbigh Grammar School – like a few others we know and love. After that, Hooson read law at Aberystwyth University….He served in the Royal Navy – just like Gwynne the lobotomist…

Hooson became a barrister in 1949. He was Chairman of the Flint Quarter Sessions from 1960 and the Merioneth Quarter Sessions from 1962. He was a member of the Bar Council from 1965.

Like so many of the paedophiles’ friends, Hooson played a role in the trial of the Moors Murderers – he was Ian Brady’s QC.

Emlyn was appointed Recorder at Methyr Tydfil and Swansea in 1971 and was Leader of the Chester and Wales Circuit when the corruption on that Circuit was in full swing between 1971-74. He was appointed Recorder of Crown Courts 1972-91. Hooson also became a Deputy High Court judge. He was President of the Cambrian Law Review and an honorary professorial fellow at Aberystwyth University.

Hooson stood as the Liberal candidate for Conwy in the 1950 General Election and again in 1951.

Emlyn Hooson was Chair of the Liberal Party of Wales in 1955 and appointed to the Liberal Party Executive in 1965.

As Chair of the Liberal Party of Wales, he led it’s merger with the North and South Wales Liberal Federation, forming the Welsh Liberal Party.

Hooson introduced the Government of Wales Bill  1967 which eventually led to the establishment of the National Assembly for Wales.

In 1979 Hooson became a life peer. The year that his mates ignored the activities of Dafydd, as he unlawfully had Mary Wynch arrested, imprisoned and relieved of her property.

Emlyn Hooson’s biography tells us that in the Lords he was active in ‘improving the Mental Health Act’. Would he perhaps have made a contribution to the 1983 Act, which was drafted by Robert Bluglass and accompanied by a Code of Practice drafted by William Bingley, whilst both of them covered-up for Dafydd? Not that Emlyn needed to have even bothered – Dafydd just broke the law under the new Act as he had done so under the old one. Emlyn also spoke in the Lords on the necessity for police reform and drugs trafficking. He’ll have known an awful lot about both…

In 1980 Lord Hooson became a member of the ITV advisory council and in 1985 he was appointed a non-executive director of Laura Ashley. He became Chair of Laura Ashley in 1995. So Emlyn could have told everyone why that company went seriously pear-shaped after the death of Laura Ashley and whether the allegations about Bernard Ashley were true…

In 1980 Hooson also Chaired the consortium that bid for the Wales and West TV franchise.

Between 1991-2000 Lord Hooson was Chair of Severn River Crossing PLC.

In 1966 Hooson was President of the National Eisteddfod of Wales. In 1967 he was made an honorary White Bard of the Gorsedd. Between 1987-93 he was President of the International Eisteddfod at Llangollen.

Hooson has two daughters, the Hon Sioned and the Hon Lowri. They both attended the London Welsh School, where Emlyn was Chair of the Governors.

So Hooson had a foot firmly planted in the London Welsh contingent. Hooson died in 2012 which is a great pity, because I would have liked to have asked him why for no good reason some years ago the fraternity of twats in high society in London all wanted to join the London Welsh Society – David Frost was hammering at the door so hard that he nearly broke it down and was most irate when he wasn’t accepted. Lots of fatuous jokes were being made about how being Welsh had suddenly become the height of cool among the London elite. Nonsense -Frost et al had no interest in anything that did not personally advance them, they had no interest in Wales, if they had they’d have gone to live there. Something else was going on. It was nearly as odd as when David Frost died unexpectedly of a heart-attack on a cruise ship when most unusually he wasn’t accompanied by his wife, just as the ship was too far away from the shore to have summoned the help needed. And then Frost’s son was found dead after he’d gone out jogging – from heart problems that were ‘undiagnosed’. I seem to remember all this happened as Operation Pallial got underway. Which was when Dafydd’s partner in crime Tony Francis (Dr X) killed himself – in the light of the documents that I now possess I can understand why Francis might have felt like doing that…

Emlyn’s dad Hugh farmed in the Vale of Clwyd. After Emlyn died, Ieuan Wyn Jones, former leader of Plaid and former Deputy First Minister, commented that he had known Emlyn from Clwyd, where Ieuan Wyn Jones had also lived and that Emlyn ‘was extremely knowledgeable about the politics, history and culture of the Vale’. He certainly was and he knew Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist too – and I bet that he knew about the long standing paedophile activity towards the children in care.

Kirsty Williams waxed lyrical about Emlyn when he died, explaining that he was the founding father of the Welsh Liberal Party. Kirsty, I think that your foundations might be a little bit rotten…

In 1970, after the jailing of some Welsh students for invading the High Court in London, Hooson stated that ‘the Welsh were fed up with people who broke the law then whined about the consequences’. Indeed – after Mary Wynch sued Dafydd, everyone was fucking furious to see him given air time on the TV to maintain that ‘I found myself in this bizarre situation when I was only trying to help’. Ten years later when Dafydd was asked to explain why I had complained about him unlawfully arresting and detaining me, he came out with exactly the same phrase.

Emlyn was a close friend of Lord Alex Carlile, who succeeded him as Liberal MP for Montgomeryshire. Carlile had known him previously, he’d met Hooson when Carlile was training to be a barrister.

Even Emlyn Hooson’s most loyal fans agree that the path in life of this son of a Denbighshire hill farmer had been helped by his marriage to the daughter of Sir George Hamer, the Lord Lieutenant of Montgomeryshire.

 

Emlyn Hooson was not called as a witness at Thorpe’s Old Bailey trial. Peter Bessell, Thorpe’s friend and Liberal Party colleague, did give evidence and testified that Hooson knew of Thorpe’s payments to Norman Scott. The Court heard a recording of David Holmes, Thorpe’s friend and co-defendant, telling Bessell that Hooson had been ‘firmly sat on’ for trying to force Thorpe out. Someone somewhere will know who sat on Hooson, but they weren’t called to give evidence either.

 

David Freeman, Harold Wilson’s Press Solicitor, was someone who offered a helping hand to Thorpe’s friend and co-defendant, David Holmes.  When The Mirror revealed that it was Holmes who had purchased incriminating material about Jeremy which according to Norman Scott had been sold without his authorisation by Scott’s GP Roger Gleadle, Holmes met with the DPP and David Freeman subsequently prepared a statement on Holmes’s behalf. The statement was allegedly personally vetted by Harold Wilson.

Freeman was born in Cardiff and was involved in the Robert Maxwell DTI inquiry in 1970.

In 1974 Freeman advised Wilson on libel.

Freeman was a Trustee of Ravenswood (now Norwood) Children’s Home. In 2007 he built a children’s centre, The Freeman Family Centre, for Barnardos in Brent.

Freeman’s wife was an educational psychologist who then became a partner in his law firm in 1967 after she qualified as a solicitor. She wrote the authorised biography of Lord Denning.

 

Another character whose name appeared repeatedly in Michael Bloch’s book about Thorpe who seemed to be highly influential in the Liberal Party during the Jeremy Years was Trevor Jones – who in 1981 became Sir Trevor Jones.

Trevor Jones was for many years the Lib Dem leader of Liverpool City Council. Although he was constructed very much as Welsh and was nicknamed ‘Jones the Vote’, he grew up in Bootle. However his parents were Welsh – they were from Dyserth in Denbighshire and Jones was born in north Wales.

Trevor Jones was elected to Liverpool City Council in 1968 and to Liverpool Metropolitan District Council in 1973. He led his party to control Liverpool in 1973, was Council leader again between 1981-83 and then again in 1987. He remained a member of the Council until 1991. In 2003 he returned to the council when he was re-elected to Liverpool City Council and remained there until 2010. Jones also stood as the Liberal candidate for Liverpool Toxteth in the Feb 1974 General Election. In the General Election in the October of 1974, Jones was Liberal Candidate for Gillingham. Jones was President of the Liberal Party in 1972 for one year and in the early 70s campaigned for the Liberal Party in the south east of England.

Trevor Jones was heavily involved with David Alton’s election victory in 1979. Alton’s result was breath-taking, there was an enormous swing in his favour – which was a bit strange, because David Alton is really only a one-track pony. He is anti-abortion and that’s about it. Whilst there are many people who are quite genuine in their opposition to abortion – it’s rather ironic that in the past couple of weeks there have been howls of outrage about Jacob Rees-Mogg declaring himself to be anti-abortion because there are many more offensive indefensible things about Rees-Mogg than that – the tactics used by some MPs and their associates who have stood on an anti-abortion platform have been very unpleasant. One wonders what Trevor Jones and co did to achieve that impressive result.

Trevor Jones’s wife Doreen was a Liverpool City Councillor for 30 years and was Lord Mayor of Liverpool twice – Jones himself was also Lord Mayor of Liverpool.

Although flattering profiles of Trevor Jones stress his ‘public service’ and ‘success’, Liverpool local politics during his years were very fraught indeed. Derek Hatton was causing havoc – I was told in the 80s by someone who’s family were involved in local politics in Liverpool that Hatton was actually far worse than was ever publicly admitted and was no more than a thug – and Trevor Jones was one of those who opposed Militant. It was as a result of the expulsion of 47 Militant Councillors in March 1987 that Jones became Council leader. However I imagine that Jones has numerous skeletons in his own cupboard – he was leader of the Council at the time of the Toxteth riots and ‘worked in partnership with Heseltine’. Many interesting things were going on in Liverpool – this blog has already detailed some of the corruption in the NHS and medical school in Liverpool, but a number of people have told me that ‘community politics’ were absolutely poisonous and that some genuine people were very badly damaged and withdrew from such activities.

Trevor Jones’s style and contribution to politics can perhaps be assessed by the nature of his protégé – in Nov 2008, the Liverpool Echo mentioned a Chris Rennard, described as Jones’s ‘younger Lieutenant’.

Readers may recognise the name – Rennard, now Lord Rennard, became infamous a few years ago after numerous allegations surfaced that Rennard was attempting to extract sexual favours from women in return for their progress in the Party.

Chris Rennard was a Liberal Party activist in Liverpool in the late 70s – whilst at university he had Chaired the Liverpool University Liberals. Rennard is described as one of the ‘early pioneers of community politics in Liverpool’…. Rennard himself maintains that Trevor Jones was a ‘major influence’ on him.

Whilst Deputy Chair of Liverpool Labour Party, Rennard organised many campaigns in the 80s when the Liberals controlled the City Council. Rennard was David Alton’s agent in 1983 when Alton stood for the newly created seat of Liverpool Mossley Hill. In 1984 Rennard was one of the Party’s national Area Agents in Leicester. He’ll have heard about a Lord Greville Janner of the Labour Party then. Chris Rennard also assisted in the Eastbourne campaign in 1990 – so he’ll have known David Bellotti, the Liberal MP who tried to help Mary Wynch and disappeared from national politics afterwards never to resurface.

In 2011 ‘Total Politics’ described Rennard as ‘the most formidable and feared political campaigner of the last twenty years.

Rennard stood down as Chief Exec of the Lib Dems in 2009, after a number of truly hair-raising accounts from female Lib Dems regarding their experiences with him. There were allegations of serious sexual harassment and people were alleging that sexual favours were expected in return for advancement in the Lib Dems. There was an enormous hoo ha, with some Lib Dems maintaining that Rennard was the loveliest man that they had ever met (which was what the corrupt occupational health physician at St George’s, Nicky Mitchell-Heggs, said about Professor Tom Burns), whilst others claimed that he was a ruthless sexual predator who ruled by fear. Cleggy and the usual suspects all maintained that bullying wasn’t tolerated in the Lib Dems, neither sexual harassment etc etc. But then Cleggy dispensed kind words at Cyril Smith’s funeral. And probably at Jeremy Thorpe’s as well.

The aggro concerning Chris Rennard did not go away – the allegations of sexual harassment returned with a vengeance in 2013 after a number of women complainants were furious that so little action had been taken against him, although at one point there was a Metropolitan Police investigation as well as a Lib Dem investigation.

In 2014 after Rennard was suspended from the party, the Times reported that ‘friends’ of Rennards claimed that he would reveal two decades of sex scandal in the Party if he were to be expelled – it was overtly stated that ‘he knows where the bodies are buried’. I suspect that Rennard also knows about two decades of sex scandal in the Tory Party, in the Labour Party and in Plaid Cymru. Because I do as well.

I too suspect that I know where at least some bodies are buried. I think that some bodies are buried within the grounds of the now derelict North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Anyone want to start the excavations a la the Catholic institutions for the unfortunate?

 

Chris Rennard is a friend and legal advisor of Alex Carlile.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

My How Things Haven’t Changed

I have just read the biography of Jeremy Thorpe by Michael Bloch. Many aspects of the story told – and the sleight that Bloch puts on it – felt very familiar.

Thorpe was the leader of the Liberal Party who ended up standing trial at the Old Bailey in 1979 for conspiring to kill Norman Scott, a man younger than him with whom he’d had a sexual relationship many years previously. The trial became notorious – the presiding judge was Justice Cantley and Jeremy was represented by George Carman QC. The trial made Carman’s reputation – and that of David Napley, Jeremy’s solicitor. Jeremy and his co-defendants were acquitted and the trial was widely seen as complete establishment stitch-up. Scott was a prosecution witness but was insulted and abused by Cantley, who also commented that he didn’t like the idea of sending a distinguished Privy Councillor like Jeremy to prison and made jokes about the incompetence of Andrew Newton, the prosecution witness who admitted that he’d been paid to kill Norman. The trial led to a spate of books and Peter Cook’s ‘biased judge’ parody. I knew much about all this, but I discovered a lot more from Bloch’s book.

Jeremy was born into an incredibly well-connected political family. His grandfather and father were politicians and Jeremy socialised with politicians, public figures and their families from his earliest days. He was personally acquainted with many historical figures – his family were close friends with Lloyd George’s family, they made visits to north Wales to Lloyd George’s family home. Jeremy was particularly fond of and close to Megan, Lloyd George’s daughter, a Liberal MP herself. Jeremy saw Lloyd George as a role model and was saying whilst he was still a teenager he would be a Liberal PM like Lloyd George. He was encouraged in this ambition by his family and by Megan – he made regular visits to Parliament to take tea with people like Megan and years later when he was elected as an MP it was remarked upon that unlike most new MPs, Jeremy wasn’t in the least bit over-awed by Parliament, he was completely familiar with it. As a child he was friends with the Carey Evans branch of Lloyd George’s extended family – members of the shithouse – and as he matured he made more and more friendships with leading members of the shithouse. Thorpe lived his entire life in the shithouse and was the ultimate example of one of it’s members.

He followed the standard privileged path – Eton, then Oxford to read law. Thorpe was a member of both the Oxford Union and the Oxford University Law Society – he rubbed noses and became friends with numerous powerful people in law, media and politics along the way, whom later proved to be of great use to Jeremy.

Whilst he was involved with the Oxford University Law Society, Thorpe invited guests such as Lord Denning and Lord John Morris of Borth-y-Gest. Morris was a paid up member of the Welsh branch of the shithouse. He was a friend of the Lloyd George’s, a barrister on the Northern Circuit and stood as a Liberal candidate on two occasions. Morris was chairman of the Quarter Sessions in Cheshire for 25 years, was a High Court judge, a Lord Justice of Appeal and a Law Lord. He was Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales 1956-74, a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards and the Vice-President of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion. I suspect that he knew Dafydd and Gwynne.

So Jeremy had some strong Welsh connections – later in life he became friendly with Liberal Party donor Gerran Lloyd and awarded him a peerage, thus turning him into Lord Lloyd of Kilgerran.

At Oxford, people maintained that Jeremy was not known for having sexual relationships, gay or straight. People claimed that he was solely interested in building his career.

As a young man Jeremy certainly had a following. He was often described as popular, witty and entertaining – but even his fans admitted that he was extraordinarily grandiose, constantly pontificating on his future as PM. His detractors however maintained that Jeremy was a very nasty piece of work – dodgy, ruthless, dishonest and downright dangerous in terms of what he was prepared to do to advance himself.

In the years after Oxford, there was evidence that Jeremy was not only gay but was having many casual liaisons. He was a member of the National Liberal Club and the Reform Club, which both offered opportunities for gay encounters and contained many gay men in influential positions.

Jeremy harboured an ambition to marry Princess Margaret – he spoke about this quite frankly and was seriously miffed when she announced her engagement to Armstrong-Jones. In an ideal world Jeremy would have had sex with both of them – upon the announcement of their engagement in 1960 he sent a notorious House of Commons postcard to a friend upon which he’d written ‘What a pity about HRH. I rather hoped to marry one and seduce the other’.

As Jeremy progressed through his political career more and more anecdotes circulated about his risky behaviour – cruising, frequenting gay bars, casual encounters, ‘rough sex’ and his boasting about seducing young men, including cameramen who were filming interviews with him, policemen on duty in Parliament and footmen when he was invited to receptions at Buck House.

Jeremy was elected as the Liberal MP for North Devon. It was well-known among his constituents that he was gay – he had relationships with a number of men from north Devon and took London boyfriends down to the constituency.

Jeremy was friendly with a number of people who were considered beyond the pale, including the gay Labour MP Tom Driberg who generally shocked everyone for numerous reasons. Driberg commented that he had heard about Jeremy from various rent boys – Jeremy and Driberg were using the same ones. Lord Boothby was a family friend of the Thorpes – Boothby was bisexual, he was friends with the Krays and had a long-running affair with Harold MacMillan’s wife, as well as gay sexual encounters with figures from the criminal underworld.

MI5 and the police knew all about Jeremy’s sexual activities – they also ended up getting their hands on the Princess Margaret postcard. When Jeremy’s close friend Jeremy Fry was prosecuted for gross indecency Thorpe’s activities once more came to the attention of the authorities.

At the same time as leading a stereotypical example of a double life, Thorpe continued to make gobsmacking efforts to increase his network of powerful friends, including on an international basis – he became personal friends with many heads of state and hobnobbed with the Royal Family. Thorpe had already built up a successful media career as a radio and TV personality by the time that he entered Parliament.

Jeremy was active in the Homosexual Law Reform Society, ostensibly from a liberal standpoint. Between 1963-66 most of the meetings of the Society took place in Thorpe’s Parliamentary office.

Norman Scott – then known as Norman Josiffe – was working as a stable boy for one of Thorpe’s friends when they met. They had a relationship in early 60s which Norman perceived as very abusive. Norman was a lot younger than Jeremy and was in law still a minor when their relationship began. Norman didn’t have a very solid home background – ironically Norman’s mother spent a lot of her time at Bexley Heath Conservative Club, where Ted Heath was the local MP. Ted Heath would later offer Thorpe a position in his Gov’t, at a time when Thorpe claimed that he was being ‘persecuted’ by Norman. Norman claimed that Jeremy ruthlessly sexually used him and described Thorpe as becoming increasingly callous. Following an initially warm relationship during which Thorpe kept him, bought him presents etc Thorpe ended up basically shagging Norman and then ordering him to spend nights on a camp bed, throwing him out when he felt like it. Rather than Norman persecuting Thorpe, the available evidence suggests that a predatory mature man with powerful friends used a rather confused young man sexually – whilst Thorpe also conducted casual liaisons with others – and then dumped him, subsequently maintaining that they barely knew each other.

Norman Scott had a very bad press and not just at the hands of the biased judge. What is clear is that Norman was for some reason very fragile – but nobody seems to have asked why. He seems to have become increasingly distressed after his encounters with Jeremy, was in poor mental health and made a number of suicide attempts. Norman himself consistently told people that Jeremy had ruined his life and interestingly enough a number of people who knew Norman took the same view and even made representation to third parties about this. As more and more of Jeremy’s friends hurled abuse at Norman – as did Jeremy himself – shrieking that he was ‘neurotic’ and ‘a nutter’, they didn’t seem able to explain a few obvious things. Such as the letter dated 1961 that Jeremy wrote to Norman on House of Commons notepaper – which years later became notorious when the press finally got hold of it – a letter which certainly reads as though it’s from a gay man to his lover, making a reference to ‘bunnies’ going to France (Thorpe admitted that ‘bunnies’ was his pet name for Norman). The letter also makes reference to some photos which Jeremy asks to be returned – yet no-one commented on this. Norman consistently maintained that Thorpe had stolen his National Insurance card after Thorpe failed to pay contributions when Norman worked for him and thus Norman couldn’t seek work. No-one seems to have investigated Norman’s claims regarding this – although it would have been easy to confirm if this was the case or not. Yet after quite a fuss and a very long time, it transpired that one of Jeremy’s political friends used his influence with the DHSS to sort this out behind the scenes – that’s not really a reaction to someone who’s completely mad and is saying things of no substance.

Norman also claimed that Thorpe paid him hush money and tried to conceal their relationship. Among the hysterical claims that Norman was making it all up, Norman then produced letters and documents demonstrating that Thorpe had made payments to him, regularly, over a long period of time, whilst claiming to some people that he’d never known Norman. Yet Thorpe had told other people that he was Norman’s guardian. Every time Norman became distressed and then demonstrated that he had lived with Jeremy, had been given money etc but was now claiming to be destitute because of Jeremy, Jeremy’s explanation to people who asked what the hell was going on was always the same – that Norman was mad, Jeremy had tried so hard to help him, he had been so patient but there was just no dealing with Norman and now he realised that Norman was a wicked manipulative man who had fooled a lot of people and was hounding him. Which was exactly what Dafydd Alun Jones said about Mary Wynch and me when we told people that Dafydd had illegally imprisoned us and that we had evidence of Dafydd’s criminal activities.

Again and again events occur which suggest that Norman was no fantasist. Another man at one point comes forward with sexual allegations about Thorpe – his account of Thorpe’s conduct is strikingly similar to Norman’s, although at that time Norman’s allegations had not found their way into the public domain. Norman maintained that Thorpe had promised to secure him a job – Thorpe made such offers to other people as well. Thorpe actually arranged for Norman to begin a new life in Switzerland – except that Norman didn’t want this and returned to the UK. This was seen as further evidence of Norman’s insanity and lack of gratitude – no-one asks why he was sent abroad by Jeremy and his mates for no good reason when he clearly had no desire to go. But then Thorpe and co were quite enthusiastic about sending people abroad – years later they arranged for Andrew Newton, the man who maintained that he had been hired to kill Norman, to begin a new life in Southern Africa after he had killed Norman’s dog but failed to kill Norman because his ancient gun jammed.

Bloch’s account of Thorpe packing Norman off to Switzerland and then getting very angry and pathologising Norman when he came back reminded me of something that I witnessed at Bangor University Student Health Centre years ago, as I did battle with the corrupt Dr DGE Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist. There was a young woman on my course whom I knew, but not very well. By the time that we were in the third year of our degrees, this young woman seemed to be very obviously falling apart. There were rumours that she had a serious drug problem – which was unusual for a student in those days – she lost a terrific amount of weight, was often seen walking around Bangor in her nightclothes and her hair started dropping out. I had no idea that she was having anything to do with the Student Health Centre until after my finals I was talking to the nurse up there when she asked me how this young woman had got on and it transpired that she had sat her exams in the medical room on the grounds that she had been having serious health problems. A couple of weeks later I was in the Student Health Centre when the same nurse started fuming about this young woman, stating that she ‘didn’t want to be helped’ and that there was ‘nothing that anyone could do for her’. It transpired that DGE Wood had been pressurising this young woman to go to Australia no less – he’d even arranged a job out there for her. Except that she was horrified at these arrangements and had ‘broken down’ at the very thought of being packed off to Australia and had refused to go. I have mentioned on this blog how Wood ended up having screaming rows with me and told me to leave Wales and forget about everything that had happened there. I’ve been wondering whether, like me, this young woman who was being pressurised to go to Australia had discovered a few things about Wood and Gwynne Williams. She was very obviously not coping with life very well and had sat her finals under special conditions. Who on earth would try and force her into leaving for Australia under such circumstances? Perhaps someone who was very worried about her continued presence in north Wales…

Not only were there huge questions about Thorpe’s conduct in relation to Norman that went unasked, but far from Norman ‘having no evidence’ for his story, evidence seems to periodically pop up but a lot of people work very hard to ensure that it doesn’t get to see the light of day. One of Thorpe’s closest friends, a fellow Liberal MP Peter Bessell, played a key role in ‘managing’ the problem that was Norman. Bessell meets him constantly, tells him that Jeremy will do this, that and the other to help him – although Jeremy never does – and Bessell makes payments to Norman whilst telling him not to mention Jeremy’s name to anyone (not that Norman was ever given hush money of course). On one of Norman’s enforced trips abroad, his luggage is lost. Thorpe goes to very great lengths to retrieve this luggage, using his Gov’t contacts. It transpires that there are letters that Jeremy has written to Norman in that luggage and Jeremy wants those letters back. After many years, Bessell and Thorpe fell out and Bessell emigrated to America. In November 1974, builders carrying out work on Bessell’s former office in London discovered a briefcase full of ‘compromising material’ relating to Jeremy Thorpe including documents concerning Norman, hidden in a false ceiling. The builders realised that they’d hit gold and took the documents to the Sunday Mirror. The Sunday Mirror editor Bob Edwards and the Chairman of the company that owned the paper, Lord Jacobson, knew Jeremy and knew about Norman. Surprise surprise, not a word was published – the documents were personally returned by Edwards to Thorpe at a meeting in his Westminster office, after copies had been made for the legal manager’s safe.

A Dr Roger Gleadle also ends up in possession of incriminating documents relating to Thorpe’s relationship with Norman and sells them. Gleadle was Norman’s GP and he also maintains that Norman is mad – Gleadle keeps him under ‘heavy sedation’ but that doesn’t stop Norman trying to kill himself whilst he is in Gleadle’s ‘care’. Interestingly enough Norman maintains that Gleadle has sold documents of his without his permission and is trying to poison him. Gleadle’s conduct becomes known when it is revealed that the person who purchased the documents was a friend of Jeremy’s. There are other Top Doctors who were well-aware of what was going on – including a number of psychiatrists who ended up treating Norman as he had breakdowns and made suicide attempts. At one point he was sectioned. One of the hospitals that treated Norman – in 1963/64 and again in 1967 – was St George’s.

Like Jeremy, the Top Doctors stressed how they tried to ‘help’ this madman who is inexplicably in constant fear and distress and makes crazy allegations about that nice Mr Thorpe which of course none of them believe – although the whole bloody lot of them are keen to get their paws on any documentation that Norman might have relating to Jeremy. Jeremy stressed to people that Norman is someone who had been in a ‘mental home’. I have a document in my possession written by Andrew Park, a corrupt lawyer at the Welsh Office, stating that I have been in a ‘mental institution’. Of course I have – Dafydd illegally detained me in one after I complained about him and his colleagues. The reason why Andrew Park found out about it was that after I complained about being unlawfully arrested and held in a mental institution, Andrew Park advised Dafydd et al on how to ensure that my complaints were never investigated.

Norman spends a lot of time telling people that Jeremy has ruined his life – Norman’s mates agree with this perception but everyone else maintains that Norman has an irrational obsession with poor Mr Thorpe and is ‘persecuting him’. What Norman is actually doing is making statements to the police and other people alleging very serious offences on the part of Thorpe et al. Norman consistently said the same thing – that Thorpe befriended him but ended up repeatedly sexually assaulting him in a manner that Norman did not want and since then had done a number of things to try and keep him quiet. No-one bothered to report how Norman thinks Jeremy has ruined his life – it might have been worth asking him because a lot of very unfortunate things happened to Norman. He landed jobs but then lost them, he became homeless and destitute, got back on his feet again, but hey presto suddenly he’d been sacked and he’s homeless once more. In the mid 70s, Norman was robbed, beaten up and an attempt was made to murder him – the people involved all maintained that they were put up to it by Jeremy or his friends.

Despite the constant claims of what a dreadful man he is, no-one ever produces evidence of anything very serious that Norman has actually done wrong. Whereas evidence constantly crops up suggesting that Jeremy was a lying bastard who was having numerous sexual encounters with much younger men, that his friends were constantly hassling Norman and that those claiming to ‘help’ Norman seemed to be benefiting from his distress and were often in close contact with Jeremy and his circle.

Norman does have a habit of producing very damning evidence against Thorpe – including evidence that Thorpe wrote him a letter in 1961 which suggests that they were having a sexual relationship whilst Norman was a minor. The explanation? That Mr Thorpe ‘made a mistake’ when he dated the letter to Norman – he obviously wrote the highly incriminating letter to Norman a few years later, whilst Norman was older. Not that the letter proved ANYTHING anyway of course.

Jeremy and co constantly maintain that Norman is a ‘nut’ whom absolutely nobody believes. For a nutter who can’t be believed they are certainly very bothered by him. So bothered that in June 1971 the Liberal Party launch an inquiry into Norman’s allegations – it is of course a secret inquiry, conducted by a small number of Jeremy’s close associates, namely Emlyn Hooson (a lawyer who was by that time leader of the Chester and Wales Circuit), David Steel and Frank Byers (the Liberal leader in the Lords). Norman told his story in person at the inquiry only to be shouted down and insulted by Byers. Hooson had been in touch with Scotland Yard about a police statement that Norman had made about Jeremy in 1962. When Thorpe found out about this he got in touch with Reginald Maudling the Home Secretary – Thorpe and Maudling were friends – and asked him to instruct the police to only give out a minimum of information. Maudling seems to have done as requested – a Detective Inspector Edward Smith attended the inquiry but would only provide brief factual answers to questions. Maudling told Jeremy by letter that he had discussed the matter with the Metropolitan Police Commissioner.

Hooson stated himself to be ‘appalled’ at the ‘Mafia-like atmosphere…of lies and intrigue’ that had been created. Jeremy subsequently recommended Byers for the Privy Council.

For a secret inquiry – that of course exonerated Jeremy – which was precipitated by allegations from a lunatic whom no-one believed it caused quite a stir.

Norman was so pissed off at his treatment by Byers that he returned to the police, made a 33 page statement and contacted a journalist who passed the story to MI5, MI6, the People newspaper and the Sunday Mirror. Yet no-one responded.

Jeremy and co maintained the line that everyone thought that Norman was a nutter who couldn’t be believed for many years, even throughout the eventual Old Bailey trial in 1979. I’ve got news for Jeremy and Michael Bloch, who believes that the folk of north Devon loathed Norman and considered him an insane nuisance – I grew up in west Somerset not a million miles away from north Devon and Exmoor, where much of the action took place. Norman had been living on Exmoor for years and an awful lot of people knew about him and Jeremy. I was a teenager when Norman’s dog was shot and Norman turned up as a crying wreck alleging that the gunman had tried to kill him as well and I remember the subsequent trials – NO-ONE locally thought that Norman was a nut. They believed him and were appalled at Thorpe and his mates. Thorpe had always been a flash git, he was perceived to be a London man with upmarket and powerful friends – the bumpkins were definitely overawed, but they believed Norman. There were a lot of very crude bawdy jokes in circulation, but those jokes did not involve Norman being a nutter – they were jokes about Jeremy sexually assaulting teenaged boys. Now where did those jokes come from I wonder? I knew Liberals – my own family were all Tories, but the west country was a Liberal stronghold, there were a lot of them about – who were seething at Thorpe’s conduct.

Furthermore, some people were very worried for Norman’s safety, particularly after Thorpe et al were acquitted. I remember our baker – who had contacts in north Devon – telling us that everyone feared that Jeremy’s lot were going to go after Norman again and this time succeed in killing him. Another person who delivered to our village claimed that he knew a friend of Norman’s and that after the trial Norman had plastered his house in photos of him and Jeremy, as a gesture in the wake of being branded a liar by the judge. Take it from me Bloch, a lot of people knew about Jeremy and Norman and the general opinion was that Jeremy was a lying potentially murdering bastard but bumpkins like us didn’t stand a chance against his mates. Furthermore, although Thorpe and the crooked judge et al kept stressing that Norman was a blackmailing sponger who lived off the great and the good, the evidence doesn’t suggest that. Norman likes horses and he worked with horses – that usually involves hard work and not much money. Press reports about Norman always referred to his job as a ‘male model’ – he did do some modelling for a bit, but most of the time he worked as a horseman. But if one is trying to discredit Norman, ‘effete male model’ is more effective than ‘well regarded skilled horseman’. After the Old Bailey trial, if Norman had wanted he could have been a millionaire – the media were finally reporting the story and Norman had evidence that was never presented in Court. Norman could have sold his story across the world – he didn’t. He went back to Exmoor and the horses and he still lives down there. Ironically, Norman has outlasted all the others – nearly everyone who wanted him dead are now dead themselves, but Norman is still alive.

As I read Bloch’s book I recognised many of the names of Thorpe’s friends and people who helped him. Some have already been named on this blog. Others were the mentors and patrons of the people named on this blog. As well as members of the shithouse in north Wales, there was a south Wales connection as well – two of the people who stood trial with Jeremy for conspiracy to murder were a pair of crooks from south Wales, it was they who found the hit man. I get the distinct impression that those who protected Thorpe and threw mud at Norman were pretty much the same people who protected Dafydd and Gwynne in their younger years. The context is identical – public figures sexually exploiting vulnerable people and then destroying them, whilst everybody ignored mountains of evidence that this was going on. The techniques used to discredit Norman are tried and tested – Top Doctors are utilised to detain him in a psychiatric facility, suggest that his extreme terror and distress are unfathomable and then discredit any witnesses or sympathisers of Norman by darkly muttering about Norman’s ‘charm’ and ‘manipulation’. Only they know Norman’s black heart. Interestingly enough, one of Norman’s staunchest defenders – a widow from north Wales with whom Norman lived with in 1971 – was found dead in 1972. Norman produces a good explanation as to why the official reason for her death is not credible, but of course Norman is mad. This lady had been an active Liberal and her father had known Emlyn Hooson. She had been so worried about what was happening to Norman that she wrote to Hooson and subsequently met up with the Liberal Chief Whip David Steel. She produced evidence of payments that Thorpe was making to Norman via Bessell and also a letter from one of her neighbours who also knew about Jeremy and Norman and who had written to Jeremy himself. It was her representation that had sparked off the ‘inquiry’ by Byers et al. Hooson was very worried indeed after this lady made representation – he wanted Thorpe to resign from the leadership and give up his seat. Jeremy maintained that Norman was trying to blackmail Bessell. After this lady’s death – allegedly from alcohol poisoning – Norman gave evidence at the inquest. He claimed that she had actually killed herself in despair at discovering what had been happening in the highest echelons of the Liberal Party and at her inability to help him. Local journos passed the story on to the London newspapers. Nothing happened. Scott’s story was dismissed as ‘cold and stale’.

Witnesses stated that Jeremy had become particularly vexed about Norman in the late 1960s – when for much of the time Norman wasn’t having much to do with him. Jeremy’s close friends Peter Bessell and David Holmes admitted that Jeremy spoke at length to them about having Norman killed. He discussed possible ways – shooting, strangling or poisoning. He suggested that Norman’s body could be disposed of down a tin mine (Peter Bessell was the Liberal MP for Bodmin). Jeremy held further discussions about murdering Norman in 1974. When Jeremy was reminded of these conversations after the killing of Norman’s dog, Jeremy brushed them off as humour or metaphors. Yet one man stated that he was paid to kill Norman, another man admits that funds were liberated from Liberal Party coffers to pay the hit man and other people detail their efforts to find a suitable hit man.

Readers will remember that in the 70s, British politics was in freefall; Heath’s Gov’t was weak, Wilson’s subsequent Gov’t was weak and the Liberals were really enjoying their position as being able to exert political muscle – people had to do deals with them to survive. There was the infamous Lib Lab pact. I can remember the excitement of West Country Liberals as they really believed that a Liberal PM was a possibility. I used to work for a neighbouring farmer whose brother was John Pardoe, one of Jeremy’s leadership rivals, and there was much talk of the possibility of Mr Pardoe ending up as PM. Jeremy was acutely aware of the hope that a Liberal could become PM and very obviously had nightmarish visions of Norman’s story becoming public and scuppering his chances.

Although nearly all the politicians involved were greedy duplicitous backstabbers, as with Top Doctors they stuck together like glue rather than dare rat on each other. The modus operandi of everyone seems to be one of covert or overt blackmail and the formation of complex alliances and this results in rivals propping each other up or covering each others arses. Cyril Smith, that well-known child molester, was a staunch supporter of Jeremy’s because Jeremy had helped him get elected – for his part, Jeremy had hoped that Smith’s success in Rochdale was the start of a Liberal revival. In 1974 Jeremy’s Conservative opponent in North Devon, Tim Keigwin, knew that Norman feared for his life and took receipt of a statement about Jeremy from him – a local solicitor delivered the statement to Conservative Central Office and it was read by Lord Carrington, the Party Chairman. Keigwin also spoke to the Attorney General, Sir Peter Rawlinson. Rawlinson and Carrington decided that no use should be made of Norman’s story – Ted Heath agreed. During the General Election campaign of early 1974, Keigwin was told by both his Tory colleagues and by Jeremy’s Devon solicitor not to mention the Jeremy-Norman story. Newspapers were also offered the story about Roger Gleadle selling letters that could embarrass the Liberals throughout the campaign – it was referred to in Private Eye but no-one else touched it. Thorpe was invited for political negotiations by Heath and Wilson after the election. Heath offered Thorpe a post in Gov’t but not a coalition – Thorpe rejected the offer. Wilson’s Press Secretary Joe Haines maintained that if Thorpe joined the Cabinet and kept the Tories in office, then Labour would tell the Norman Scott story. It is not known if Wilson blackmailed Thorpe.

Bloch’s book is frank that many senior politicians were told of Norman’s allegations and knew that Jeremy was a promiscuous gay man. Parliamentary gossip being what it is, I suspect that by the time that Thorpe stood trial just about everyone in politics would have heard something about Jeremy and Norman.

So let’s look at who definitely knew about Norman’s allegations.

In Dec 1962 Norman gave a formal police statement at Chelsea Police Station about Jeremy sexually assaulting him when he was a minor. He produced letters from Jeremy and the postcard that Jeremy had sent his friend upon the engagement of Princess Margaret.

Peter Bessell informed George Thomas who was then a junior Minister at the Home Office about Jeremy’s ‘problem’ with Norman -Bessell knew Thomas personally. Thomas has of course in recent years been named as a paedophile himself and was investigated by the South Wales Police. Thomas was sympathetic to Jeremy and arranged a meeting between Bessell and Sir Frank Soskice in May 1965. Soskice too was most understanding – he commented that Norman ‘couldn’t prove anything’ but ‘it’s a pity about those letters’. (The letters that proved something.) Soskice remarked that he was ‘very fond’ of Thorpe and that he was ‘an asset to the House’. During the meeting, Soskice had a file in front of him – which Bessell presumed contained Norman’s police statement and the letters. Bessell mentioned that Thorpe was anxious that the documents should not remain on record.

Bessell later bumped into George Thomas. Thomas told him that he’d spoken to Soskice who told him that Jeremy had nothing more to worry about. Bessell took this to mean that the file had been destroyed, but it seems that Soskice meant that no further action would be taken.

Bessell stated that he ‘intimidated’ Norman into ceasing his ‘harassment’ of Jeremy. Norman’s ‘harassment’ seems to have constituted a police statement, desperate requests to Bessell and to Jeremy for help with the stolen NI card and then a letter to Jeremy’s mother pleading for help, telling her that he was virtually destitute and asking her if she could influence Jeremy to behave rather more acceptably. Jeremy’s mother was unmoved by Norman’s pleas, but it is on record that she didn’t disbelieve his allegations.

In August 1965 Bessell told George Mackie, the Chair of the Scottish Liberals about Jeremy and Norman. When Mackie lost his seat in 1966, he told the story to the new Liberal MP Richard Wainwright. Alisdair MacKenzie, the Liberal MP for Ross & Cromarty, heard of Norman’s allegations from a constituent who had visited Ireland, where Norman had then been living.

Alice Bacon, a Home Office Minister, also knew about Jeremy and Norman – she was one person who was horrified.

By the time of the 1966 General Election, the matter was known about by the new Home Secretary Roy Jenkins, also his junior Minister Dick Taverne (who knew Jeremy from Oxford) and by Harold Wilson. They were all sympathetic to Thorpe.

Bloch suggests that Henry Brooke, the Home Secretary at the time of Norman’s police statement in 1962, would also have known. Furthermore, his predecessor Rab Butler had been given information concerning Jeremy’s activities which came to light during the investigation into Jeremy’s friend Jeremy Fry’s suitability for the role of best man at Princess Margaret’s wedding in 1960. By 1966 Brooke and Butler were both in the Lords.

Jeremy himself sought advice from Labour MP Leo Abse – a friend of George Thomas. Abse is someone else who has been subject to historic abuse investigations. Abse told Jeremy to deny everything. Jeremy’s conduct was so well-known that during the 1966 General Election campaign angry Conservative MPs hurled homophobic abuse at him.

Jeremy had been involved in other scandals as well. In 1961 he visited San Francisco, had a relationship with a young man and subsequently exchanged letters with him – Thorpe’s letters were written on Commons notepaper. The young man was under investigation by the FBI, so they found out about Jeremy. In 1963 the US Ambassador in London suggested to Lord Home (who was shortly to become PM) that Jeremy should not visit the US again. Home shared this info with the Liberal leader Jo Grimond. In 1964 Grimond passed the info on to Mark Bonham-Carter and Frank Byers, the leader of the Liberals in the Lords.

In 1965 in Tangiers Jeremy had tried to seduce an English tourist who was outraged and had contacted both the Liberal and Tory Associations in North Devon.

Jeremy had an affair with a John Wilkins and then employed him as a Parliamentary researcher. Wilkins developed an alcohol problem and in June 1966 whilst drunk he caused two scenes in one day in the Commons, shouting to onlookers that he was Jeremy’s jilted lover. Wilkins also knew about Norman from Bessell and had confided in Liberal MP Michael Winstanley that Jeremy was not suitable to succeed Grimond as leader of the Party. Winstanley agreed.

So by 1966 most senior Liberals had been directly told about Thorpe’s gay encounters and a lot of people had been told about Norman specifically. Jeremy’s conduct was very well-known. Presumably people had noticed not only that Jeremy had numerous encounters with different men but that for some reason a lot of Jeremy’s partners felt very badly treated by him.

By this time, the Liberal leader Jo Grimond was about to stand down and a leadership contest was looming. Grimond was known to dislike Jeremy but protected him to avoid scandal – Grimond also wanted to block Emlyn Hooson from the leadership. However Grimond’s wife and mother-in-law thought that Jeremy was great and wanted him to succeed Grimond as leader. David Steel also supported Jeremy for the leadership – Steel was Jeremy’s PPS and was indebted to Jeremy for his role in getting him elected. Steel offered to be his campaign manager.

Some in the Liberal Party expressed concerns that if Thorpe were to become leader, a scandal would inevitably occur as a result of his homosexual encounters. Nonetheless in Jan 1967 Thorpe did become leader. Bessell warned him that if his ‘past’ became public he would have to resign.

As well as friendships with those across the political divide – such as with Tony Benn – Jeremy hung out with celebs such as the Beatles, Bobby Charlton and Morecombe and Wise. He was mates with Princess Margaret – despite being banned from acting as best man at her wedding – and the Archbishop of Canterbury. His only real allies in the Liberal Party then were David Steel and Eric Lubbock (aka Lord Avebury), then the Liberals Chief Whip.

Jeremy was in the habit of offering people who did favours for him peerages. One person who actually got one was Gerran Lloyd, who parted with dosh for the Liberal Party.

In April 1967 Thorpe was in a fix again. He showed Bessell a letter from a rent boy called Bill Shannon who had asked Thorpe for a loan. Jeremy interpreted it as blackmail – Bessell wrote to Shannon, subsequently met him and threatened him with the police if he ever mentioned Jeremy’s name to anyone. In 1979 Shannon spoke about Jeremy after being contacted by the police and journos – Shannon’s account of Thorpe’s behaviour was remarkably similar to Norman’s. Shannon maintained that he had not been trying to blackmail anyone but had had the living daylights threatened out of him by Bessell.

In April 1967 Norman wrote to Bessell requesting his help – Norman was planning to go to America to live, but the problem of the NI card remained. He needed documentation to be in order to acquire a passport. In July 1967 Norman wrote to Bessell again – he was for some reason back in St George’s Hospital being treated by a Dr Brian O’Connell. O’Connell knew about Jeremy.

Jeremy’s response to this was to consult Lord Goodman and threaten Norman with a blackmail charge. Goodman suggested instead that Jeremy should set Norman up in America. Days later Norman turned up at Bessell’s office in a terrible state – Bessell told him that he would find him a job in the US. And offered him a retainer until he did. Sounds like hush money to me…

By 1967 Jeremy had decided that he needed a wife. He was friendly with Caroline Allpass, a society girl who worked at Sothebys. They subsequently married – Caroline developed a cult following and was hugely popular in north Devon. She knew about Jeremy’s homosexual encounters and by all accounts had no problem with them at all – she seemed to have been close to a number of gay men before her involvement with Jeremy. Caroline also knew about Norman.

After his engagement Jeremy fessed up to Bessell that he’d had an encounter with a New York street boy. He was also in a relationship with Guy Huntingdon – who later wrote about their affair – whom Jeremy met at a Buck House banquet whilst Guy worked there as a footman. Jeremy offered to get Guy a job at the BBC.

In May 1969 Norman married Sue Byers, who worked at the Tate. Sue’s sister was a relation of the actor Terry-Thomas and Norman and Sue lived in a cottage of theirs in Dorset. But Norman still had no NI card, so when Sue became pregnant they were unable to claim maternity payments. Norman rang the DHSSL in London and told the Private Secretary of the Social Security Minister David Ennals about Jeremy. Norman then rang Bessell and threatened to sell his story to the press if he didn’t get his NI card. Bessell acquired the NI card – and maternity payments for Sue. Norman had also told social security officials in Dorset and London about Jeremy.

Norman’s marriage did not last long – Sue left him. Norman’s divorce lawyer was Leonard Ross of Dorset Square. He knew about Jeremy. For some reason Jeremy paid Ross’s bill. Jeremy’s marriage didn’t last long either – Caroline was killed in a road accident in 1970. The explanations for Caroline’s loss of control at the wheel were questioned by people who knew her.

At about this time Bessell claimed that a blackmailer had turned up in north Devon claiming to possess compromising letters from Jeremy to Norman – Jeremy promised Bessell a peerage if he got rid of him, if necessary by murder. Jeremy didn’t need to hire a hit man on this occasion, the letters turned out to be forgeries.

Jeremy remarried in 1972 – someone even posher than Caroline, namely Marion, Countess of Harewood, a relative of the Queen’s via Marion’s first marriage. The biased judge at Jeremy’s Old Bailey trial made much of the virtues of Marion.

By the mid-1970s when Norman was being robbed and physically attacked, the world and his wife knew about him and Jeremy. The Metropolitan Police knew, the Devon and Cornwall Police knew, the North Devon Infirmary knew (they had treated Norman for his physical injuries), local social workers knew and a radical group in London called ‘Up Against The Law’ knew and alluded to it in their newspaper. In Sept 1975 Norman was arrested for the non-payment of an hotel bill – I don’t know why but he was kept in custody for two days, during which time he was warned that he might be in danger if he didn’t stop talking about Jeremy. He was confronted by Andrew Newton the hit man one month later.

The idiocy on the part of the authorities didn’t stop even after Newton had shot Norman’s dog and tried to shoot him. Avon and Somerset Police suggested that Norman had shot the dog himself to ‘create publicity’. It was only after the dog was shot that anything hit the newspapers – the West Somerset Free Press ran the story of the murdered dog and journalists who knew about Norman’s story contacted Jeremy. It was after Newton was charged with possessing a firearm with intent to danger life that the full story finally appeared in the national press – the final straw being Norman getting so fed up (he’d now been done for a minor social security fraud) that he mentioned Jeremy in Court and to the reporters. Jeremy issued a statement through Harold Wilson’s fixer Lord Goodman and the story finally exploded.

Unbelievably, considering how many people knew about the Jeremy and Norman story, everybody continued to try to brazen it out. The hit man claimed that Norman had been trying to blackmail him – David Holmes, Jeremy’s mate, later admitted that Goodman had come up with the plan to claim that Norman was trying to blackmail both Jeremy and Newton. Holmes also offered to pay Newton after his trial if Newton kept his and Jeremy’s name out of it. Marcia Williams, Harold Wilson’s infamous Secretary, begged Wilson to save Jeremy. Wilson made a statement in the House suggesting that BOSS, the South African security services, were behind Jeremy’s troubles on the grounds that they wanted to smear Jeremy because of his anti-apartheid stance. George Thomas, the newly appointed speaker, was most friendly towards Jeremy and discouraged some right wing Tories who tried to ask embarrassing questions.  It was revealed that in 1974 after seeing the dossier on Scott sent by Tim Kiegwin, Thatcher had stated that she had no intention of ‘smearing’ Jeremy.

The Mirror discovered that it was David Holmes who had purchased the incriminating letters of Norman’s from Roger Gleadle – Holmes had a meeting with the DPP and a statement was prepared on his behalf by David Freeman, the PM’s Press Solicitor. Holmes claimed that Wilson vetted the statement.

Goodman advised Jeremy to receive Sir Harold Evans, the editor of The Sunday Times and The Sunday Times subsequently published a number of articles sympathetic to Jeremy.

Newton’s trial in Exeter opened on the same day that Harold Wilson resigned and the announcement that Princess Margaret was to divorce. Not only was Margaret still a mate of Jeremy’s, but she would have consulted Wilson over her announcement. It has been suggested that Wilson timed his resignation to detract from both the Royal Divorce and Newton’s trial.

At Newton’s trial the prosecuting counsel was Lewis Hawser QC – an old friend of Jeremy’s. It is alleged that Hawser consulted with the Attorney General and Lord Goodman before the trial. Newton was found guilty – the maximum possible sentence was twenty years. He received two. But he must have still been disappointed – Jeremy’s friends had told him that people in high places would ensure that he would not go to prison. Hawser’s other high points included conducting the review of the case of James Hanratty in 1974 on the orders of Home Secretary Roy Jenkins – Hawser found the conviction to be safe – and defending Brian Field, the Brains behind the Great Train Robbery.

Most of the Liberal Party just wanted rid of Jeremy but he refused to go and no-one would put the boot in. The rest of the shithouse supported him in his time of need – Michael Foot believed that an ‘indiscretion’ was all that had occurred and Jeremy and Marion were guests at HM the Queen’s 50th birthday party at Windsor. Jeremy tried to stop the police from returning Norman’s documents to Norman by asking a friend of his to tell the police that Norman posed a threat to Jeremy.

Jeremy finally stood down as leader and David Steel was elected. Jeremy was appointed the Liberals Foreign and Commonwealth Spokesman which involved working with the newly appointed Foreign Secretary, Dr Death. Dr Death and Jeremy really got on well together – as they had done previously.

Two BBC reporters began researching for a book about Jeremy and Norman – Jeremy tried to stop publication of the book (he had successfully persuaded Penguin to withdraw another book about the case). The Director General of the BBC Sir Charles Curran was ‘supportive’ of the book – but the reporters were then given new BBC contracts depriving them of control of their material. So they left the BBC. Jeremy and Lord Goodman then tried to persuade Harold Wilson to withdraw his co-operation from the ex-BBC reporters.

Eventually on August 4 1978 Jeremy and three others were charged with conspiring to kill Norman. Jeremy was also charged with having incited David Holmes to murder Norman in 1969. Lord Avebury stood surety for Jeremy’s bail. Jeremy refused to resign from his seat – he even got the date of his next Court hearing postponed to fit in with his election campaigning, although Callaghan then changed his mind about calling an election.

A Defence Fund to help Jeremy with his legal costs was set up by Lord Lloyd Kilgerran. James Goldsmith donated 5k. Jeremy’s solicitor David Napley hired George Carman, whom Jeremy had known at university. Carman had been working on the Northern Circuit alongside a few other members of the shithouse, including Justice Cantley who presided over Jeremy’s trial at the Old Bailey. After his death, Carman’s son wrote a book in which he exposed Carman as a ferocious wife-beater, a drunk and a gambler. He claimed that when Carman worked in Manchester he spent much time boozing with criminals, prostitutes and generally questionable people. Jeremy’s mate David Holmes who was so instrumental in the plans to dispose of Norman was based in Manchester. The discussions with the hit man were alleged to have taken place in the Imperial Hotel in Blackpool. Carman came from Blackpool. Carman also had a secret gay life.

One of Jeremy’s co-defendants, George Deakin, was represented by Gareth Williams QC, later Lord Williams of Mostyn. Williams later became Attorney General under a Labour Gov’t. He represented Gordon Anglesea when Anglesea successfully sued for libel after he was accused of sexually abusing boys in care in north Wales. Williams originated from north Wales. Another co-defendant, John Le Mesurier, was represented by Denis Cowley QC. Cowley had stood as a Liberal candidate twice and was a barrister based in Nottingham on the Midland and Oxford Circuit. He was a Recorder of the Crown Court and in 1984 was appointed to the Mental Health Appeal Tribunal.

The forewoman of the jury at the Old Bailey was Celia Kettle-Williams, a member of the Liberal Party and an admirer of Jeremy.

I have mentioned that barely anyone in the West Country believed in Jeremy’s innocence. A lot of Tories were frank in their opinion that he was a total degenerate. Auberon Waugh – who lived in west Somerset – stood in the General Election (which was held just before the main trial opened at the Old Bailey in 1979) as the Dog Lovers candidate, in tribute to Norman’s murdered dog Rinka. Waugh placed an election address in the Spectator – Jeremy sought an injunction preventing Waugh from disseminating this address and the Master of the Rolls Lord Denning, who had been a mate of Jeremy’s for decades, obliged.

Jeremy lost north Devon at the election and for the first time in decades it became Tory. He was subsequently acquitted as were his co-defendants. He tried to continue in public life and very nearly succeeded too. He was persona non-grata in the Liberal Party but the rest of high society continued to embrace him. The only thing that really stopped him making a come-back was that he developed Parkinsons.

Numerous matters emerged in the trial suggesting that Jeremy and his circle – and indeed the political class and the ‘establishment’ as a whole – were actually far, far worse than anyone had ever suspected. People had blackmailed and defrauded each other like there was no tomorrow and had lied and swindled until the cows came home. Just about the only person in the Court room who hadn’t been involved in the most dreadful conduct was Norman Scott. Which was probably why he’d nearly ended up dead.

Reading Bloch’s book I concluded that Jeremy got away scot free for exactly the same reasons that Dafydd et al have – although absolutely everybody knew how serious their criminality was, so many of their peers were doing or had done equally offensive things that no-one dared cross their paths.

Whilst Jeremy was destroying Norman and conducting conversations regarding the best method of killing him, another political sex scandal blew up, involving Lord Lambton the Conservative defence Minister. Lord Lambton had been caught smoking joints in bed with call-girls. He resigned although he was quite upfront about it all. Lord Lambton was declared the lowest form of life on earth and was subsequently interviewed by Robin Day, who wore his characteristic bow tie and ludicrous expression and spat at Lord Lambton something along the lines of: you are a peer of the realm and a rich cultured man. Why do you have to have sex with a ‘WHORE???’ To which Lord Lambton responded ‘well I like a bit of variety, don’t you?’ That was the end for Lord Lambton. Who had not assaulted minors or anyone against their will, who had not accused the victim of their assaults of blackmailing them and who had not tried to have anybody murdered. Robin Day was a good friend of Jeremy Thorpe. And a high profile member of the Liberal Party. But it was Lord Lambton who copped it for getting stoned with consenting adults, in much the same way that Frank Bough was kicked out of the BBC after the cocaine and prostitutes revelations but Jimmy Savile remained friends with Royalty and senior Tories until the day that he died.

Other friends who supported Jeremy included William Rees-Mogg (who attempted to launch a ‘coalition of the centre’ with him), his close friend Clement Freud, his long-term friend Lord Hailsham and his childhood friend from Lloyd George’s circle, Jean Trumpington.

Jack Straw also knew about Jeremy and Norman. Joe Haines stated that at one point Harold Wilson called for a summary of the saga of Norman’s NI card from Gov’t sources – the task was undertaken by Jack Straw in his capacity as Barbara Castle’s policy advisor at the DHSS. In 2002, when Straw was Home Secretary, he maintained that he didn’t know that this report was for use against Thorpe.

 

 

 

 

 

Those Lawyers and Judges Involved In The Mary Wynch Case

As promised, here’s a bit of background on the lawyers and judges involved in Mary’s case. (Please can I ask new readers of the blog to refer to my previous posts ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’ and ‘Post-Script: The Mary Wynch Case – The Details’ for the details of Mary’s case and why it was both so worrying and so important.)

Firstly, the solicitors who represented Mary – B.M. Birnberg. They are currently listed as a firm in Camden. I presume that they were London based when they represented Mary – I do not think that she would have been able to find a firm in north Wales to represent her after what had gone on. If one googles Colin Braham, who was named in the Court documents as Counsel for Mary, again one ends up at a firm of lawyers in Camden. The other Counsel who acted for Mary was John MacDonald. He too is a barrister based in Camden. MacDonald has a very successful practice and has been involved in some high profile cases but there’s no cases similar to Mary’s flagged up on his website. So Mary’s solicitors didn’t engage the services of someone like Michael Mansfield who was known for taking cases against the British state – although Mary had encountered very big problems with the British state indeed. Dafydd Alun Jones and Paul Bishop were represented by Hempsons, the solicitors who act for the Medical Defence Union. Some two years later, Hempsons acted for Dafydd Alun Jones’s colleague, Dr Tony Francis (previously referred to on the blog as ‘Dr X’). Francis had used Hempsons to obtain an injunction against me – although Francis had perjured himself in order to do this – in order to stop me writing to him no less, when I was trying to follow up a serious complaint which involved Francis and Jones breaking the law and to access my medical records. Come on Hempsons, you knew that something was going badly wrong in the mental health services in north Wales, because by the time that you were serving injunctions on me, negligence had been admitted in Mary’s case and I had mentioned Dafydd Alun Jones’s name repeatedly in the letters that I had written to Francis… (Please see previous posts for more information on the activities of Hempsons in my own case and one of their solicitors, Anne Ball.) The Counsel used by Hempsons was one Jon Williams – I have not been able to find any references to him (he may of course have been a John Williams, the Court documents are full of errors and misspellings). The Treasury Solicitor represented the Home Office and Paul Hayward’s estate and Counsel acting on their behalf was Christopher Symons. The Treasury Solicitor’s Department is now called the Government Legal Department. The Treasury Solicitor’s Department is described as ‘a non-ministerial Government department that provided legal services to the majority of central government departments and other publicly funded bodies in England and Wales’.

Now for the really interesting bit. Mary was committed to prison and then released into the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital by one James Blackett-Ord, who enjoyed the title of ‘His Honour the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster’. James Blackett-Ord was actually a circuit judge. However his glorious title conferred upon him another role- to exercise general supervision over the conduct of the Chancery Division business in the north of England. The Chancery Division is a Division of the High Court of England and Wales and deals with business law, trust law, probate law, insolvency and land law in relation to issues of equity. So Blackett-Ord was effectively judging on a case that it was his role to oversee. Conflict of interest anyone? It gets much worse. The Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster is appointed by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after consultation with the Lord Chancellor. The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is a Ministerial Office of Government appointed by the Queen on the advice of, or by, the Prime Minister. Mary’s mother’s estate – the original source of the dispute – was administered by the Public Trustee (one of Mary’s later legal actions was against the Public Trustee). The Public Trustee is appointed by the Lord Chancellor – as well as Blackett-Ord! There was nothing impartial about this judge. But I haven’t finished (not by a long way). The Lord Chancellor was also in charge of the investigation into Mary’s case that the MPs in Parliament were referring to in 1993 and 1995.

Are we surprised that Mary was ruined?

But my research into Blackett-Ord turned up something else interesting. After Blackett-Ord’s time as the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster ended in 1987 (he is described as ‘stepping down’) from then on the office was held by a High Court judge of the Chancery Division. Was this perchance related to the shit that hit the fan over Mary’s case? Blackett-Ord died a few years ago and his obituaries described him as a ‘churchman’ and a ‘landowner’ from Northumberland – they also remarked on how much he enjoyed being the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster. They do not explain why he completely shafted a respectable middle aged woman from north Wales who had been swindled by some local solicitors by having her arrested and then handed her over to man who’s mistress was facilitating a paedophile ring to be illegally banged up in an asylum for a year.

Before we leave the subject of Blackett-Ord, I’ll just take a brief diversion into politics. Previous posts mentioned that Mary’s problems occurred on the watch of Margaret Thatcher and John Major (more on the Ministers involved is coming in a future post as promised). But my co-researcher has reminded me of something very important. Mary’s problems began before Thatcher was elected. When Mary was arrested in October 1977, Jim Callaghan was Prime Minister and when Mary was swindled out of her mother’s estate Ted Heath was Prime Minister. Blackett-Ord was appointed in 1972 – the year of Mary’s mother’s death and the original dispute. When Blackett-Ord was appointed, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was Geoffrey Rippon or John Davies (Conservatives) and the Lord Chancellor was Lord Hailsham, Quintin Hogg (Conservative). (Hogg was the man who, after Argentina surrendered following the invasion of the Falklands, famously told a TV crew that it was God wot had won it for us. But being Quintin Hogg he said it in Latin. If the old bastard was still alive perhaps he could have explained why he appointed a crook to high office – in Latin of course.) At the time of Mary’s arrest, the Lord Chancellor was Lord Elwyn-Jones (Labour) and the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was Harold Lever (Labour). There will be more on these politicians in a future post.

The judge who rejected Mary’s initial appeal was Justice Otton. This will have been Sir Philip Otton. I can find very little information about Otton, other than he once sentenced the Spectator’s notorious gossip columnist Taki to prison – Taki maintains that not only did Otton later express regret at imprisoning him, but that a key witness at the trial later admitted perjuring himself.

However of course Mary appealed to the Master of the Rolls, Lord Donaldson, who, sitting with Lords Justices Parker and Balcombe, allowed her appeal and gave her leave to sue. Lord Justice Parker was Sir Roger Parker who it was alleged by a colleague didn’t end up in the House of Lords because his ‘outspokenness on the administration of justice’ ruffled a few feathers. Were those feathers ruffled perhaps by his fair treatment of a lady who had been swindled and illegally imprisoned by an awful lot of people who had pals in high places? Lord Justice Balcombe was Sir John Balcombe. Lord Donaldson was Lord John Donaldson, Master of the Rolls between 1982 and 1992, succeeding Lord Denning. John Donaldson was the son of a Harley Street gynaecologist – Donaldson married a nurse from the Middlesex Hospital and when he was young had ambitions to be a Tory MP. He is remembered for presiding over the trials of the Guildford Four and MacGuire Seven, both notorious miscarriages of justice. He famously remarked that he wished that he could have sentenced the Guildford Four to hanging. Between 1971 and 1974 he was President of the Industrial Relations Tribunal – the Unions hated him, calling him ‘Black Jack’. He was appointed a Lord Justice of Appeal by Thatcher two months after she was elected. Despite his conservatism, Donaldson had a reputation even among radical lawyers as having a ‘passion for justice’ on civil liberties issues. Donaldson pushed through legal reforms, failed to do the Government’s bidding when they wanted Peter Wright’s ‘Spycatcher’ censored and also supported Private Eye in a number of cases. In retrospect, he is considered to have been relatively progressive. Interestingly enough I have found a quote from Lord Elwyn-Jones, the Lord Chancellor at the time of Mary’s arrest, who acknowledged that at the time Donaldson deserved promotion to the Court of Appeal but that it would be ‘more trouble than it was worth’.

NB. The former Labour MP for Conwy, Sir Elwyn Jones, had previously worked as a solicitor in Bangor. His son Elwyn Jones was also a solicitor in Bangor. Neither of these are the same man as Lord Elwyn-Jones.  It is interesting however that Mary’s original problems began with her allegations that there had been misconduct on the part of a number of local solicitors. Mary lived in Caernarfon – about eight miles away from Bangor – and even then provincial lawyers in north Wales seemed very well networked into bigger fish elsewhere.

Correction and Apology

Throughout this blog I have referred to Lord Denning as the Master of the Rolls who gave Mary Wynch leave to sue Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al for illegally detaining her in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I’m really sorry, but this was an error – Mary’s appeal was handled by Lord Denning’s successor, Lord Donaldson. My co-researcher and I have found it very difficult accessing information about Mary’s case, it would seem that someone somewhere would like a veil drawn over it. However my co-researcher has come up trumps and has obtained some of the original papers and transcripts. I am somewhere at present where I only have intermittent access to wifi, so I can’t correct all the Lord Denning references on the blog for a few days, but I will soon. There will also be a post giving many more details of Mary’s case and naming some more of those who seemed to have protected people in north Wales from the consequences of their very serious wrongdoing – I am following more leads at the moment. The trail regarding this very grubby business leads to the very top of Thatcher’s Government. No wonder those breaking the law and abusing us all in the 80s and 90s had no fear at all – and no wonder Dr X killed himself when Operation Pallial was launched. By the way, I think my friend was correct the other day – it was a misjudgement to give Dr X anonymity. So for those of you outside of north Wales who won’t know – Dr X is one Dr Tony Francis.

More coming soon.

Updates and News Round Up, May 7 2017

The big news story today is Theresa May’s announcement that the Mental Health Act is to be overhauled. This announcement is most welcome – I’m seeing signs that the Tories have woken up to exactly what has been going on in the UK mental health system and are well aware that the dreadful outcomes for so many patients is related to criminal activity and neglect on the part of mental health professionals rather than ‘cuts’. The usual culprits are climbing aboard the bandwagon though – the dreadful Paul Famer, CEO of MIND, is busy clamouring for a voice at the table. This is the Paul who leads an organisation that has concealed and colluded with criminal activity in the mental health services for at least the last 30 years and who ignored a letter from me detailing some of that activity, as discussed in previous posts. Can I also remind Theresa that the man who wrote the 1983 Mental Health Act was one Professor Robert Bluglass who six years later was central to whitewashing the criminal activity of psychiatrists in north Wales, who were themselves facilitating a paedophile ring. The man who wrote the associated code of practice for the Mental Health Act was William Bingley, the legal director of MIND, who also knew about the horrors of psychiatry in north Wales but kept schtum, remained schtum when he subsequently led the Mental Health Act Commission and then was mired in scandal himself whilst he held a leading role in an NHS Trust in the north west of England. Little wonder that this Act afforded patients very little protection from abusive professionals indeed – and even when patients demonstrated that the Act had been flouted and the law broken, no-one was ever held to account. I do hope that when the Westminster Gov’t draft the new Act they do not rely on crooks and charlatans to do so – I also hope that the likes of Paul Farmer, Rachel Perkins and Peter Beresford, those self-appointed ‘voices of the service users’, are not allowed to speak for the rest of us. They have played the same game that William Bingley played – declared themselves to be liberators of the oppressed whilst remaining silent about the most appalling practices. Theresa has also announced the appointment of thousands of more mental health professionals by 2020 – we don’t need more of them Theresa, we need DIFFERENT ones. We do not need ‘mental health professionals’ who lie in court, who collude with paedophile gangs by labelling people who have been victims of these gangs as ‘psychotic’, who knowingly prescribe doses and combinations of ‘medication’ that will seriously harm and eventually kill patients who complain of abuse at the hands of welfare professionals, or who offer ‘talking treatments’ that are not effective and then denounce the patients as ‘untreatable’ when their condition fails to improve. Neither do we need professionals who believe in the existence of ‘borderline personality disorders’ – a reading of the ‘symptoms’ as provided by DSM reveals that this ‘disorder’ could be applied to any distressed person. The Tories need to look outside of the medical, nursing and psychological establishment for their answers and they need to start selecting a very different type of person to train as mental health professionals and give them a very different training. What has been going on is shocking and the whole of the mental health establishment has been involved. Furthermore Theresa, you have got to rethink welfare benefits – there is no point removing the yoke of an abusive mental health system if seriously ill people are then left destitute or to kill themselves in despair, which is what is happening now. Most people claiming disability benefits are not scroungers and shirkers, they have variable, complex conditions that limit them – they would dearly love the opportunity to work but can’t always do so. If Theresa needs a bit of advice I recommend her to go online and read the Disability News Service – it is brilliant and is far more reflective of what disabled people experience and their opinions than the likes of MIND, Beresford or Rachel Perkins. Oh and it would have been nice to have had a reply from Penny Mordaunt or indeed Theresa herself after writing them FIVE E MAILS regarding a disability assessor employed by Crapita who lied repeatedly after conducting a PIP ‘assessment’ and made a j0ke during that mental health assessment about visiting ‘made axe men’ in the community. Because Penny and Theresa didn’t reply I sent the evidence to the Disability News Service instead who had collected numerous other examples of dreadful behaviour on the part of ‘assessors’. The Disability News Service has also run some cracking exposes of the disgusting Paul Farmer and his collusion with the Tory welfare reforms that have left people destitute and dead.

There is a story in the Mail online regarding scores of people who attended a special school for children with haemophilia who have since died after receiving infected blood products from the NHS – most of the children who were at that school in the 70s and 80s are now dead. The Mail have been surprised to discover this, but successive UK Gov’ts were warned since the mid-70s that using blood products imported from the US was putting patients at great risk – the companies involved were receiving blood that was purchased rather than donated and a lot of those selling their blood were vagrants and drug addicts who had blood borne infections. The danger in the 70s was hepatitis (no-one knew about HIV then) – and the UK Gov’t was told again and again from where the US blood was being sourced and that people would die, the warnings were based on rock solid science but were ignored. And the final nail in the coffin for blood products produced in the UK that were screened and free of infection was driven in by one Margaret Thatcher, who shut down the British lab who did this work on the grounds that US blood products were cheaper. Thousands of people have now died as a direct result of Thatcher’s idiocy – no wonder both Cameron and Theresa have refused public enquiries into it all. The Tories really do need to blow this hagiography of Thatcher that has been written out of the water – I’m a leftie so there is much about her policies with which I would disagree, those being political differences that are open to argument, but Thatcher made some very serious misjudgements. Such as purchasing infected blood products, personally lobbying for Jimmy Savile to be awarded a knighthood on the grounds that he was a ‘Samaritan’ although she had been told frankly that there were very great concerns over his ‘private life’, a life that would undoubtedly one day become public and cause huge embarrassment if he were to receive a knighthood. But then one of Thatcher’s bodyguards told her that Sir Peter Morrison, MP for Chester, was conducting liaisons with under-aged boys and she still made Morrison deputy party chairman. A lot of people in north Wales paid a very high price for Thatcher’s desire to keep Morrison in public life. But there we are, she defended dear old Cecil Parkinson, who made his secretary pregnant, told her to have an abortion (although he’d voted against the availability of legal abortion), dropped her when she refused, never saw the resulting child, obtained a High Court injunction to prevent Sara Keays the child’s mum ever speaking to the press – although the child was disabled and Keays’s life became quite a struggle – and then cut the child out of his will. That’s the way to treat a mistress that you’ve had an affair with for twelve years and your illegitimate baby. It is rather looking as though the moral code that Thatcher allegedly imbibed from her much boasted about Methodist father that she spent so much time banging on about was about as genuine as the morality that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones claimed to have soaked up from learning Bible verses in Welsh when he was a child – please see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’…

Now for a few minor updates to previous posts. I have had a conversation with someone who has told me that he thinks that I have made a misjudgement in not naming on this blog ‘Dr X’, the psychiatrist from Ysbyty Gwynedd who did so many dreadful things and killed himself some four years ago. I have not named Dr X – although readers from north Wales will know who he is – because he clearly was a man with serious problems (although he has been described to me as a ‘ruthlessly efficient predator’) and his widow is still living in north Wales and probably does not have a particularly enjoyable life. I do accept that Dr X did some terrible things and indeed I was very lucky not to have gone to prison or died at his hands – his widow colluded with some of this, although I’m not sure if she knew the extent of the wrongdoing that her husband was involved in. I do know that certainly on several occasions she tried to smear me and if I had have been imprisoned or died, those smears would have remained. But I am still alive and Dr X is not and I am now going public on what he and his associates did…

There is however one man whom I did not name in a previous post whom I now think that I ought to name. That is the Porthmadog GP of the young man who died at the hands of the Hergest Unit as detailed in my post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’. This GP undoubtedly knew what was happening to that young man – but this GP had ‘trained’ in psychotherapy and Jungian analysis along with the rest of the scoundrels in north Wales who have been responsible for so much suffering. Dr Anton Arthur Niesser, you are very culpable indeed.

Yesterday’s post ‘When Showbiz Meets Politics’ told the story of the now imprisoned Max Clifford and how he may well have known about what I am now exposing on this blog. I forgot to mention that after Max Clifford was jailed, the NSPCC described him as a ‘ruthless and manipulative sex offender’. This is the same NSPCC who were found to have doctored their evidence to the public inquiry into the death of Victoria Climbie (please see post ‘The London Connection’). Victoria was referred to the NSPCC by a social worker at Haringey Social Services seven months before her death and the NSPCC took the decision to ‘take no further action’…. The NSPCC is like MIND and the other big professionalised charities – they receive millions in Gov’t dosh, their executives are highly paid and all want a gong and they are not going to rock the boat. Again and again it is revealed that they will not expose or challenge state failure or abuse – but then most of their ‘leaders’ and staff have previously worked in the welfare establishment themselves, they have networks in that sector, they think in the same way and share the same values as well as the same failings.

Previous posts have discussed the activities of Sir John Kay – I have now come across his name again, this time in connection with the Jeremy Bamber case, which a lot of people are now convinced was a very big miscarriage of justice (see post ‘Family Annihilation’). Sir John Kay, along with Justice Henriques and another judge, rejected Bamber’s 2002 appeal. Henriques is of course Sir Richard Henriques, whose scathing report about Operation Midland, the police investigation into the allegations of a Westminster paedophile ring, caused Operation Midland to be stopped (please see blog post ‘The Latest Edition Of Private Eye’). I have discovered further information about Sir John Kay as well, which will appear in a future blog post. Furthermore, whilst doing a bit of reading about the Denis Nielson case yesterday – the notorious man from north London who killed and cooked scores of young, usually destitute, men whom he invited home with him but who was nonetheless deemed to be not ‘mentally ill’ by ‘expert witnesses’ at his trial – I discovered yet another thing that is terrifying but quite entertaining at the same time. Regular followers of this blog will remember that one of those ‘experts’ who ‘assessed’ me and concealed what Dafydd et al were up to was Dr Paul Bowden, from the Maudsley Hospital (Dafydd had done a stint of his ‘training’ at the Maudsley). Bowden was one of the ‘expert opinions’ who assessed Denis Nielson! So yes, as a result of me writing letters complaining about criminal conduct in the mental health services in north Wales, I was referred to the man who only six years or so earlier was brought in to assess one of the UK’s most infamous serial killers. It is quite extraordinary isn’t it. Complaining about Dafydd Alun Jones and Dr X? Well that’s on a par with murdering, dismembering, cooking and eating more than a dozen other people. My name has gone down in history – a truly dangerous woman…

(Note to UK psychiatry: I’ve been made aware that a lot of people in political and media circles are now reading this blog. Do you think that anyone is EVER going to take you seriously again? I have of course been approached by journalists, but I am not making media appearances. What I have to say is said in my publications and on this blog – I am not interested in being used or manipulated by people for their own personal gain, I have been subjected to quite enough of that. I am sharing the information and knowledge that I have acquired because a lot of people did a lot of things that they should not have and some of those people should be prosecuted.)

As I’ve gradually become aware of just how much of a role that organised child sexual abuse has played in the co-development of an abusive, corrupt mental health system (the two systems are very much in symbiosis), I’ve been wondering why there were so many dreadful old men in professional or public life who wanted to have sex with dispossessed, terrified under-age children in care. It wouldn’t really appeal to me. And silly arguments about testosterone do not add up – testosterone and the alleged associated sex drive cause the human body to want an orgasm, they do not demand that a child in care is molested. Why did these men not simply use the services of a consenting adult sex worker? I was discussing this with a friend who made two suggestions. One suggestion was that the generation of upper middle and upper class men who did this – men who are now dead or are very nearly dead – frequently went to notoriously brutal prep and public schools where physical, emotional and sexual abuse from masters and other boys was rampant, which could have left many of them with very strange sexual tastes and completely unable to form ‘normal’ relationships. (There seems to be quite a lot of evidence building up that this was indeed the case.) Her other suggestion was the reason why so many of these men did not simply go to prostitutes – that after Profumo they would not have dared. They may actually have considered that the illegal abuse of disadvantaged children in care would be far safer than buying the services of a sex worker. After all, Mandy Rice-Davies and Christine Keeler knew who they were sleeping with – the kids in the children’s homes in north Wales usually didn’t, which is how one of them years later ended up naming Lord McAlpine on Newsnight , which resulted in a number of people being sued for libel and the departure of George Entwhistle, the Director General of the BBC. Of course, the person who wrote the report in the wake of the Profumo scandal was Lord Denning, another judge who did some highly inconsistent things during his very long career. Such as giving Mary Wynch leave to sue Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and two associated crooked ‘prison doctors’ from Risley Remand Centre (who names interestingly enough have been airbrushed from history, they are not mentioned anywhere, but I think that one was a Paul Bishop) for illegally imprisoning her, yet doing all he could to keep the Birmingham Six banged up for life because he knew that the legal system would be brought into disrepute if they won an appeal – Lord Denning followed a similar logic when he vented his spleen after the release of the Guildford Four. Denning was of course famous for being the ‘people’s judge’ and upholding the rights of the individual. He was a man from a genuinely modest background himself who never lost his Hampshire accent and who sent shivers down everyone’s spines because he continued to live near Overton, where he had come from, and refused heavy security measures, although he had presided over terrorist trials. (When I was very young for a short time I lived near Lord Denning and am told that I used to play with his dog when we met him in the village, but I can’t actually remember that.) When he ruled in the Mary Wynch case, Denning stated that he thought that it unlikely that there was a ring of solicitors and doctors who were colluding against her as Mary believed (she was bloody well right about that), but that the Mental Health Act should not be used to deprive people of their rights. So why was Denning so helpful to Mary, who had been the victim of corruption among a network of professional people that included police officers, lawyers and judges, yet pretty much at the same time was keen to keep the lid on the institutional corruption that had led to the wrongful imprisonment of others? I’ll do a bit more research and thinking… Another point of interest. Mary won her case and gained much media coverage. In Mary’s case, Lord Denning had set a precedent, ie. that people detained under the Mental Health Act could sue for wrongful imprisonment. Yet I do not know of any other similar cases that followed – although we know that abuses and wrongful imprisonment of people under the Mental Health Act continued. So what happened? Another Interesting Fact – Mary was imprisoned by Jones in 1979. So she was imprisoned BEFORE Bluglass wrote the 1983 Mental Health Act. Mary’s court battle took many years, because once she got out of Denbigh, she had to find lawyers to represent her (which brave souls did that I wonder?), then appeal to Lord Denning in his capacity as Master of the Rolls, then sue Jones et al…. So those we know and love will have got wind by 1980 or so that Mary was preparing to sue a bunch of crooks with friends in Thatcher’s Government who were concealing criminal activities associated with a paedophile ring. Which was just when someone decided that a new Mental Health Act was needed – and that the right people to draft this and the associated code of practice would be Bluglass and Bingley! Who were concealing all the shit in north Wales anyway. I need to do some more digging…

Lastly it’s good to know that the local politicians in north Wales are still as shameless as ever – Hywel Williams is busy retweeting support for Ieuan Wyn Jones, the Plaid candidate for Ynys Mon. If new readers want to find out exactly what Hywel, Ieuan and some of their colleagues have been up to, just use the various search facilities on this blog – I’m not sure how many times that I can keep repeating ‘THEY’VE HELPED PEOPLE WHO WERE FACILITATING A PAEDOPHILE GANG’.

Ieuan Stands Down – and Other Updates

No sadly he hasn’t given up trying to get elected as the Plaid MP for Ynys Mon – although considering what he has done in the past he should (please see posts ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’) – but Ieuan Wyn Jones has stood down from his ‘leadership’ role in the Menai Science Park, a Bangor University led venture, and has announced that he will not be taking it back up again even if he fails to win Ynys Mon. Someone has e mailed me and commented that it rather looks as though Ieuan has been pushed and they are wondering whether it has anything to do with recent revelations on my blog. I have no idea – but if Ieuan’s decision to stand down from the Science Park project is related to any exposes on this blog, what does this say about Westminster, because he clearly knows that he’ll feel at home if he’s elected…

Now for another update on a previous blog post. My post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’ mentioned the case of Emma Humphreys. I mentioned that Emma was born in Dolgellau – and this was yet another case of someone who’d grown up in care ending up involved with sex work, drug problems, a controversial criminal trial and a suspicious death. I wondered whether Emma had ever passed through the ‘care’ of the glorious Gwynedd Social Services. My co-researcher has helpfully done a bit of digging and discovered that no she hadn’t – Emma left north Wales when she was a toddler and spent her childhood and adolescence variously in Nottingham, Canada and then Nottingham again, so it seems that for once Gwynedd Social Services did not seemingly play a role in this grim story, although systems of ‘care’ in other places did. My co-researcher has however discovered a detailed account of Emma’s life up until the point at which she killed Trevor Armitage. As with the case of Sara Thornton who murdered her abusive husband Malcolm, although these were undoubtedly distressed women with serious mental health problems, there are many features of Emma’s case and conduct which one would expect to make her very culpable indeed regarding the murder of Trevor Armitage. The pictures drawn by Women For Justice of both these cases have been robustly disputed. After reading the details of Emma’s life and the circumstances in which she killed Armitage, exactly the same questions occurred to me as occurred when I read the details of the judgement in the Sara Thornton case (please see blog posts ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’ and ‘Update On Cases Of Susan Brooke and Sara Thornton’). How on earth was it that the very same characteristics of someone diagnosed with a ‘borderline personality disorder’ resulted in Emma’s conviction for murder being overturned and her release from prison, yet has resulted in huge numbers of other people being denied all care and treatment and indeed has been used as a reason to imprison them, frequently for laughable ‘offences’? There is no consistency in the psychiatry behind this and there isn’t even consistency in the particular ‘experts’ giving psychiatric opinions or in the decisions of the judges presiding over the cases. There is something else involved that I am missing…

There has been much criticism of Women For Justice and allegations that they are a man-hating bunch of lesbians who are busy using ‘soft’ Courts to free women who have murdered men. I don’t subscribe to this, I happen to believe that even when women like Sara and Emma have killed abusive men the cases should not be simply regarded as ‘murder pure and simple’. Living with severe long term mental health problems is difficult and living in a volatile violent relationship is even more difficult and people in these situations are very rarely helped no matter what the official narrative of the UK welfare services states. But there is definitely something very odd happening in the Courts with people diagnosed with ‘borderline personality disorder’ –  although I think that I might have discovered the answer to another puzzle. My post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’ notes that at no point in her long and glorious career ‘giving a voice to the powerless’ has Helena Kennedy ever mentioned the gross abuses which pervade the mental health services, abuses which will have impacted on many of the people that Kennedy has represented. Kennedy will definitely know what happens to women in the mental health system, particularly in special hospitals. There was a brief flurry of activity in the late 80s/early 90s on the part of people like WISH (Women In Special Hospitals) in an attempt to draw attention to what was going on – that women were ending up in places like Broadmoor and Ashworth not because they were violent criminals but because they had simply become so distressed as the result of being exposed to sexual violence that they repeatedly harmed or tried to kill themselves. And then they were abused all over again – often sexually – in the special hospitals. At one point it looked as though the lid was really going to be blown off this – but then it all went very quiet and it never reared its ugly head again. I kept wondering what about all those radical groups like Women For Justice, the various campaigners for women in prisons, the feminist groups, that were so busy in the 80s and early 90s, where were they? Some of these people have become very well-known and would now be in a position to stop the scandalous abuse of women who often had a biography of being abused as children in the care system, then being transferred into the mental health system only to be abused all over again and to have every complaint that they ever made dismissed on the grounds of their ‘mental illness’ or ‘personality disorder’. Whilst browsing around a bit of vintage material produced by these groups the other day, something suddenly hit me – the vast majority of these radical political groups were based in London, had connections to the ‘loony left’ and were funded by the GLC. That’s the GLC that was run by Red Ken and co – who where councillors in London boroughs where the children’s homes had been completely infiltrated by gangs of organised paedophiles, as described in my post ‘The London Connection’. The same London boroughs that were sending children to children’s homes in north Wales which had also been infiltrated by paedophile gangs. As I explained in the post ‘The London Connection’ some of those councillors became members of the New Labour Government and are now in the House of Lords. No wonder the GLC never funded anyone who looked as though they might dig into what had happened to all those very distressed psychiatric patients…

One more little link that I should mention re London/north Wales. My posts regarding what passed for ‘service user involvement’ and ‘advocacy’ in north Wales described the lame, colluding organisations ‘representing users’ who remained silent as patients died and who admitted that they wouldn’t handle serious complaints because they were funded by the NHS. I have mentioned that on the occasions when someone who actually knew how to represent people joined these organisations they either left in despair or were forced out. One of the key figures in the ‘Independent Advocacy Association’ ‘speaking’ for ‘service users’ back in the mid 90s was a woman called Marilyn – Marilyn was responsible for the particularly laughable ‘training’ of the Independent Advocates as well as the selection. She certainly did a good job there – she carefully failed to select any of the more capable volunteers, systematically selecting only profoundly vulnerable people who were completely dependent upon the mental health services themselves and who were in awe of professionals. Marilyn was quite unpopular with other ‘service users’ who alleged that she was rigging everything for herself – and of course Marilyn certainly didn’t ever present a challenge to the grossly abusive mental health services in north Wales, no matter how many patients were harmed or died. At one point I was told that Marilyn had experienced a severe breakdown, I think because her partner had committed suicide (exactly the same fate befell another ‘service user representative’ in north Wales – they certainly weren’t treated any better than other patients no matter how much shit they were concealing as a favour to the mental health services). Marilyn disappeared from Bangor and a couple of years later I asked someone what had happened to her. I was told that Marilyn had landed a job – as an Independent Advocate for women at Broadmoor! That was when Savile was active down there. I bet that they could hardly believe their luck when Marilyn applied for the job. Or did a few helpful people point Marilyn in the direction of that job perhaps?

I mentioned in yesterday’s post ‘The London Connection’ how Professor Oliver Brooke, prof of paediatrics at St Georges Hospital Medical School was imprisoned in 1986 for possession of child pornography, only to be released on appeal a few months later by a sympathetic judge, Lord Lane, who likened Brookes’ collection of child porn to a collection of cigarette cards. (There are now allegations that far from being a mere collector of mementoes given away with fags in a previous era, Brooke was actually a major figure in a pan-European child porn ring.) A quick search regarding Lord Lane reveals that he was a most controversial man, who became such an embarrassment that at one point scores of MPs were clamouring for his resignation. He seems to have particularly disgraced himself over an appeal of the Birmingham Six, which he disallowed on the grounds that police officers were never corrupt and that was that. Of course Lord Denning famously followed a similar logic, maintaining that if the appeal of the Birmingham Six was allowed it would have to be accepted that the police, the forensic science service and the prison service were completely corrupt – which indeed they were – and that this would be such an ‘appalling vista’ that the appeal simply could not be permitted. Sadly I have news for Lord Denning, ie. that this blog is demonstrating beyond doubt that there is a vista even more appalling than he feared – a vista concerning the concealment of criminal activity within the child care and mental health services that is so dreadful that the word ‘appalling’ doesn’t begin to describe it. Which might explain why Lord Lane kept the Birmingham Six banged up but released a Top Doctor who doubled up as a Top Paedophile on the grounds that he was the equivalent of a stamp collector. Lord Lane eventually became one of the most senior judges in the UK.

Now onto the latest news: I have read this morning that a policeman from Waunfawr, a James Burns, is facing charges of assault and actual bodily harm at Caernarfon Crown Court. A previous report mentioned that he was being investigated regarding perverting the course of justice as well. In a previous incarnation PC James Burns was one Jimmy Burns, a nursing assistant at the Hergest Unit.

Mail online continues to dig up mountains of dirt in their undercover investigation of fertility clinics and I see that today they also have utterly damning coverage of the state of post-natal care. Numerous women are alleging that although they were well cared for during delivery, it seems that all resources are being put into that, to the very great detriment of post-natal care. There are anecdotes of exhausted new mothers not being given anything to eat or drink, of not being given pain relief, of not being supported in breastfeeding etc. As with other NHS revelations, I’m not sure how the lid has been kept on all this for so long – I have heard first hand accounts from women for years of these sorts of practices, from north Wales and elsewhere. One story that I have heard consistently is that if the woman has already had one baby, there is very little care offered at all, on the grounds that she ‘knows the ropes’. One woman told me how at Ysbyty Gwynedd the newly delivered baby was placed on her abdomen and the midwife literally walked off telling her that she knew what to do because the midwife had read on the notes that this was her second baby… Cathy Warwick, a leading light from the Royal College of Midwives, is quoted talking about good practice. This is the Cathy Warwick who was so rude and hostile to James Titcombe, the man whose baby died as a result of negligence at Morecombe Bay NHS Trust and who subsequently exposed the scandal there, that he resigned from his post at the Care Quality Commission. If Cathy had been a little more honest many years ago about the state of NHS maternity services, she would not now be having to give comments to the Mail online…

There seems to be huge coverage of matters mental health in the media at the moment, on Radio 4 it’s very nearly wall to wall mental health (well I suppose Prince Harry has Bravely Spoken Out recently). This morning it was mental health problems in footballers and eating disorders in men. As ever, someone from the Royal College of Psychiatrists was wheeled out telling everyone that they ‘needed to talk about it’ and ‘ask for help’. I don’t know what is actually going to happen if the nation starts following this advice – all they’re going to find is a bunch of completely mad negligent psychiatrists, who if they are like Rob Poole won’t turn up to the appointment, or if they are like David Healy will demand that they are arrested rather than treated or if they are Tony Roberts will order everyone to DO NOTHING, even in the face of severe suicidal depression. Oh well there’s always Dafydd. I look forward to the Today programme soon reporting on the experiences of all those people who ‘asked for help’…

Lastly, Buck House has announced that Prince Philip is standing down from public duties. So he’ll have no more opportunities to hurl racist abuse at Johnny Foreigner only to hear it repackaged by the BBC as a ‘gaffe’. (I’ve never quite understood Prince Philip’s problem with foreigners – he’s mostly Greek with a dash of a few other nationalities thrown in and his wife’s family are German.) The World At One gave a brief resume of his glorious years of service to the British State and mentioned how he sustained the Royals through the ‘difficult years’ of the 80s and 90s. You know, that business with someone called Diana. That ended in a car crash. Which precipitated so many allegations of murder that one Lord Thomas Scott Baker had to be summoned to hold the inquest to Shut Everybody Up. As someone who had learnt his trade at the knee of the Chester and Wales Circuit where he had inexplicably imprisoned a distressed disorientated woman who had passed through the hands of the North Wales Hospital yet a year later released a rather less disorientated woman who had murdered someone, he was obviously the ideal man for the job.

Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena

My previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ details the massive co-ordinated effort that Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services made to label me ‘dangerous’ on the basis of scare stories and baseless allegations made by themselves and circulated around to people who had often never even met me. I described how although I was working in London during the week I had bought a house near Bethesda and I used to go there at weekends – this piece of personal information about me was documented and circulated around managers and administrators. Once these authorities were aware that I had purchased a property in Gwynedd, they began to correspond with each other about who would ‘treat’ me and indeed section me – obviously it would be required. The services of a tame forensic psychiatrist from Cardiff, a Dr Chris Hunter, were engaged and a ‘case conference’ was held about me without my knowledge to which people who had never met me were invited to give ‘evidence’. Neither had I ever met Chris Hunter – indeed I only became aware of his existence some two weeks ago when these previously unreleased documents were sent to me. Yet Hunter had even offered to prepare a Court report about me if necessary – although I wasn’t facing any charges. At the same time that this was all going on, Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services flatly refused to investigate the very serious abuses that were taking place in the mental health services in north Wales and had taken no action against anyone in the wake of my very serious complaints. All this was happening with the knowledge of the Mental Health Act Commission and the advice of legal representatives from the Welsh Office, the British Medical Association and the Medical Defence Union. My blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ takes us up to the end of 1989 with the documents now in my possession showing that without my knowledge, Gwynedd Social Services and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were preparing to secure High Court Injunctions against me to prevent me even communicating with them, so vexed were they at my continued attempts to follow up my complaints and obtain a copy of my medical records.

This blog post takes up the story at the beginning of 1990. The documents reveal that on the 9th Jan 1990, I tried to ring the District General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority and spoke to his secretary, June Roberts. June Roberts noted that I ‘was not rude or threatening’. On the 16 Jan 1990, David Hinchcliffe, an administrator at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, made a ‘note for file’ stating that he had received three telephone calls from me asking why the authorities at Denbigh and Clwyd hadn’t investigated my complaint about Janice Davies [an abusive nurse at Denbigh – my complaint about her was simply ignored] and why they hadn’t taken any action against Dr DA Jones. Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they had ‘fully dealt with’ my complaints (they hadn’t) and that ‘all further appropriate action had been taken’ (no action had been taken against anyone, despite me being illegally held and at one point assaulted by staff). Hinchcliffe notes that I requested a meeting with the two nurses whom I had complained about and that he told me that this was not possible. I had then asked him why my solicitors letters that had been sent to Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities had been ignored – Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they hadn’t been received (they were probably shredded on receipt). On Jan 17th Dilwyn Griffiths, an administrator at Clwyd Health Authority, made a report describing how I’d phoned him and ‘again raised questions’ regarding what action was going to be taken against Janice Davies and Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Dilwyn notes that he told me that there was nothing further that he could add to correspondence that I’d already received, that I ‘continued to go on about wanting action over [my] complaints’ and he then told me that he was extremely busy and had nothing to say to me, so I then hung up.

On Feb 9, David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths saying ‘as requested I have passed on all the relevant information…All individuals are aware of the need to report to me any future incidents…My only comment regarding the letter from the legal advisor to [me] is that perhaps it could have given blanket cover to both Health Authorities.’ This is obviously referring to one of the many threatening letters that I was sent by Andrew Park, the lawyer from the Welsh Office, but I’m not sure which one it was. Park did send eventually send me a letter ordering me to not to write to or visit the premises of Clwyd Health Authority, but that wasn’t until April. I am wondering whether Park had sent Hinchcliffe a draft or something.

However, Andrew Park and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were not the only busy people at the beginning of 1990. Readers following this part of my story will remember that in the autumn of 1989, Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services, was sending letters to the members of Arfon Community Mental Health Team – most of whom I had never met – encouraging them to gather ‘evidence’ about me in order that they could obtain an injunction. Well, on Feb 21 1990, Keith Fearns, the notoriously abusive ‘team leader’ of the Arfon Team (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for the background on Fearns and his buddies), swore an Affidavit in order to assist Gwynedd County Council in getting an injunction against me. Fearns admitted in this Affidavit that he had never met me but ‘had spoken to me over the telephone’. He stated that I had rung him at his home and made ‘insulting and abusive’ calls to him. I have no memory of these calls and I note that Fearns stated in his Affidavit that he ‘didn’t happen to make a record of them’. Which is odd, because they made a record of everything else, including a number of things that never happened. Fearns stated that his colleague Jackie Brandt (whom I had made a serious complaint about which was never investigated) was in such danger from me that she wasn’t allowed to answer the office phone, or be allowed to be ‘unprotected’ in the office, that they had to ensure that male staff were always on the premises and that on occasions they had to ask Brandt to leave the building to avoid contact with me. Staff had ‘suffered stress’ because of my ‘harassment’, Brandt had ‘suffered severely’ and frequently had to change her workplans because of ‘potential physical attack’. Fearns goes on to explain that they have been ‘trained to deal with people who are mentally ill…are used to dealing with clients who threaten us…but [my harassment] is so distressing and so persistent and is so far above the level which we can be expected to tolerate or cope with…we seek the protection of the Court…I anticipate that the Community Mental Health Centre will become [my] primary target.’ So Fearns had never met me yet made these florid allegations without producing any concrete evidence at all. Indeed at the time that Fearns made this statement, I had only ever met Jackie Brandt about twice and one other member of this team that I was allegedly terrorising once. I didn’t even know that the others existed. I was spending most of my time in London so had hardly ever been to this building that had to batten down the hatches because of my ‘potential physical attacks’. However I was writing them a lot of letters and phoning them in an attempt to get a response to my complaint – this constituted the ‘harassment’. Interestingly enough, the file also contains handwritten notes about me made by the ‘team’ as they logged my reign of terror – the notes are flippant with derogatory comments about me. They do not have the flavour of a group of people living in fear. However, a lot of patients were living in fear of this team – they were known to be highly abusive, women patients feared male members of this team visiting them at home and one patient told me that he’d been threatened with physical assault in his own house by one of them. Many years after all this, the ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that a number of them – including Fearns – had been dismissed for seriously neglecting patients. Brandt also swore an Affidavit on Feb 21 which was remarkably similar to Fearns’s but much shorter – odd, considering that she was alleged to have been the target of my ‘harassment’. So on the basis of no evidence at all and on the statements of a man who had never met me at all and a woman who had met me twice, Gwynedd County Council obtained an ex parte High Court Injunction against me, preventing me from going within 200 yards of the Arfon Team’s office in Bangor and preventing me from communicating from any of them. Now there’s a way to deal with complaints when social workers abuse the Mental Health Act! The man who granted them this injunction and seems to have asked no questions – despite the ‘evidence’ being letters of mine which detailed the law breaking and abuses by the mental health services – was a Justice Kay QC. Justice Kay emanated from Liverpool and did this favour for Gwynedd County Council at a relatively early stage in his career. He eventually became Sir John Kay, the Lord Justice of Appeal, a major figure in British legal circles and died some years ago. His Daily Telegraph obituary paid tribute to his ‘formidable intellect and common sense’ – so one wonders what exactly he thought was going on in north Wales at that time then. This obituary also stated that he was one of the ‘most powerful advocates’ on the Northern Circuit. Read all about his glorious legal career here https://www.theguardian.com/news/2004/jul/07/guardianobituariesWell fancy Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns, living in obscurity in north west Wales, being able to seek him out as a potential ally. The documents relating to this injunction show that the legwork was done by a Mrs Janet Ruth Case and H. Ellis Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd. Frances Jones, solicitor, was involved in preparing some of the exhibits (my letters of complaint).

They were also busy out at Denbigh in February 1990. David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths referring to yet another request from me for a copy of my medical notes, enclosing a copy of a truly splendid letter from Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Once more Jones stresses that I must never be given a copy of my records – on which of course unbeknown to me the nurses had documented Dafydd Alun Jones’s collusion with a corrupt police officer to illegally detain me at Denbigh. Jones makes a reference to my ‘disturbed behaviour’ and states that giving me access to my records will only ‘increase [her] unhappiness’. How touching that Dafydd should be so concerned about my happiness at this point – after illegally imprisoning me in a locked ward where I was assaulted by staff, then threatening me, then trying to bribe me, then trying to have me arrested all over again for a crime that had never happened and then telling everyone that I was phenomenally dangerous and would end up in a ‘ward for the criminally insane’. But he only ever had my happiness at heart… I’m interested in yet another reference to me being ‘disturbed’ as well – Dr X at Ysbyty Gwynedd had used the same phrase. This phrase was very popular in the 80s and 90s with health and welfare staff and it tended to be applied to people who were daring to mention things that a lot of people would rather everyone remained silent about. Famously, when Margaret Hodge was leader of Islington Council in the 80s, there was a paedophile ring operating in the children’s homes run by that Council. One of the children who had been abused wrote to Hodge many years later and she publicly denounced him as a ‘disturbed individual’ (just like Dr X did to me). Hodge was married to a judge by the way, Henry Hodge. So presumably she knew exactly how illegal child molesting is. Hodge has since justified her slur about the man who wrote to her by saying that we ‘didn’t understand’ child abuse back in the 80s. Oh yes we did Margaret, we all knew exactly what child abuse was which was why so many people went to such lengths to prevent people who were being molested from being heard. But there we are, Margaret is now Dame Margaret Hodge  – I bet the kids who were molested in Islington haven’t ended up with a title like that…

Now the documents reveal a little mystery occurring in April 1990. Whilst I was working in London, I had come across an article in the British Journal of Psychiatry in the March 1990 edition, written by a Dr Carl S. Littlejohns, who gave his correspondence address as the North Wales Hospital Denbigh no less. Outraged as I was at yet another person from that institution hiding under the guise of being a competent psychiatrist when he will have known what was going on there, I wrote him a letter. I see that there’s a copy of my letter included in the files – it’s not rude or threatening, but it is reminding Carl Littlejohns of exactly what was going on in that institution at the time. There is also a copy of a letter from Littlejohns, dated 10 April, to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh, saying that he had received a ‘rather strange letter and am not sure what to do with it’ (actually, someone should probably have taken it to the police considering the serious abuses that it was describing). BUT – Littlejohns himself has not signed this letter – it is signed ‘pp Carl Littlejohns’ with an indecipherable signature. Then there’s a copy of a letter dated 11 April from Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) to Laurie Wood saying ‘Please find enclosed the latest epistle from [me]. As it makes reference to an ex-employee of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, I thought you might be interested to see it. Did you speak to your colleague at St Georges Hospital and if so what was the outcome?’ Handwritten on this letter was a message saying ‘discussed with Alun Davies 12/4/90’. Now, I don’t think Carl Littlejohns himself ever received my letter. I think that he had by then left Denbigh (hence the reference to ‘an ex-employee’ in Davies’s letter), but someone had opened his mail, realised that the letter was from me and wrote a ‘reply’ from Littlejohns to Laurie Wood in preparation, but actually sent my letter to Alun Davies (who was one of the key figures co-ordinating the attempts to have me declared dangerous and locked up). Davies then sent Littlejohns ‘reply’ to Laurie Wood, along with his snotty letter about my ‘epistle’. Readers who remember reading my previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ will know that by this time I was working at St Georges Hospital in London and that our friends from the north Wales mental health services had not only got one of their contacts at St Georges to trail around after me but had even accessed mail sent to the hospital for me in an attempt to discover my address in London. And now here was Davies asking Laurie for information from one of his mates at St Georges…These people were really anxious about something…

As for Carl Littlejohns, I googled him a few days ago. He works as a psychiatrist in Chester, in a private hospital. Yet another person who will have witnessed what went on at Denbigh but has obviously kept schtum for all these years.

On the 30 April, a letter was sent from the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh. He states that he’s enclosing a copy of the letter that had been sent to me by their legal advisor (Andrew Park from the Welsh Office). Laurie Wood is told that Park has ‘omitted any references to assaults on staff, as, from the information we have provided, there does not seem to be any evidence that actual assaults on staff have taken place’. There is then yet another command for everyone to keep a record of ‘incidents’. There is also a copy of a letter that Park wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd stating that he has written to me but ‘I thought it best to omit the references to assaults since I am not convinced we have evidence of them’.

So there we are, straight from the horse’s mouth. For the last three years, these people had all told each other and numerous other people how dangerous I was, that I’d end up in Broadmoor, that I’d attacked numerous people, that I’d tried to stab them, that I’d throttled a junior doctor, that I’d assaulted Dafydd Alun Jones and so on and so forth. But when they actually had to produce evidence of ‘assaults’ they admitted that they couldn’t – because no assaults had ever taken place. But Park still did his best and wrote to me accusing me of having ‘threatened, harassed, abused’ etc etc – and stated that I was not to enter premises owned by Clwyd Health Authority or communicate or attempt to communicate with any member of Clwyd Health Authority. The only exception was that if I was following up a complaint I could write to the General Manager.

Of course I knew that Park’s letter was legally meaningless and replied to this effect and told him to stop threatening me. I also asked him who I had ‘threatened, harassed and abused’ and when. I reminded him that at the Independent Professional Review into my complaint nearly a year previously, that one of the Assessors, Professor Robert Bluglass, had remarked that Dafydd Alun Jones’s ‘clinical standards’ ‘must be raised’ yet this clearly hadn’t happened. And that my complaint about being assaulted by staff had never been investigated. On the same day, May 1 1990, I also wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority, asking why my complaint about the assault on me hadn’t been investigated, why Bluglass’s suggestion that Jones’s clinical standards should be raised had been ignored and whether patients were still being abused and intimidated at Denbigh.

The General Manager (actually an administrator called Dilwyn Griffiths who seemed to handle all the General Manager’s mail, the General Manager – another Dr David Jones – clearly didn’t worry himself about minor matters such as people being illegally imprisoned in Denbigh and assaulted whilst they were in there) then wrote to Andrew Park telling him that he’d received my letter and was enclosing it and ‘would appreciate your advice as to how we should now deal with the matters which she has raised’. (Once more, an investigation into the outstanding issues wasn’t even considered – the response was, as ever, a request for legal advice from the Welsh Office.)

So far, this blog post has been concerned mainly with Gwynedd County Council and Clwyd Health Authority and their attempts to get me into Court. But Gwynedd Health Authority had been busy in this direction too. Gwynedd Health Authority had previously tried to gain an injunction against me in 1989 but their application was refused as they didn’t manage to convince the Court that I was actually doing very much. But they weren’t deterred, they just tried a bit harder. In May, they applied for an injunction against me yet again and I went down to Cardiff for the hearing, in front of a Justice Pill. I was represented by a barrister called Ian Murphy and Gwynedd Health Authority was represented by a barrister called Crispin Masterman.  The Health Authority wanted to get an injunction preventing me from even writing to them. They were unsuccessful because Justice Pill didn’t accept their overblown statements that I was disabling their whole system simply by writing to them.  The case ended by me giving an undertaking to the Court not to threaten or assault members/staff of Gwynedd Health Authority – which I was quite happy to do. Once more, the mass of ‘evidence’ that Gwynedd Health Authority had produced was copies of my letters. Letters that had described, in detail, again and again, just what was going on in Ysbyty Gwynedd and Denbigh – very serious abuses of patients, institutional corruption and law-breaking. Justice Pill, Crispin Masterman and Ian Murphy had all read those letters. They did not behave in Court like the appalling Judge Huw Daniel did (please see blog post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’), but they completely ignored the evidence before their eyes that something terrible was happening in north Wales. Ian Murphy and Crispin Masterman are now both Judges and frequently appear in the press in south Wales when cases that they preside over are reported. Justice Pill became Sir Malcolm Pill and before he retired was a Lord Justice of Appeal. Here he is https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malcolm_Pill These were not stupid people. What on earth did they think was going on in north Wales? The only one of them who made any reference at all to the serious law-breaking on behalf of the mental health services was Ian Murphy, who did tell me that I could sue Clwyd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. (I did begin to do this but somehow that case just faded away – but not before it had severely antagonised the mental health services, but I’ll be blogging more about that soon.)

After the morning in front of Justice Pill, Andrew Park from the Welsh Office wrote to Mr PM Rees (an administrator in Gwynedd Health Authority) with a blow by blow account of the Court case. But Andrew Park had not been deterred by Pill’s refusal to issue an injunction and neither was Park satisfied with my undertakings. He was already making plans: ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings we shall need to act quickly’. (The phrase ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings’ is interesting – one would have expected him to say ‘if she should breach her undertakings’. It would perhaps be overly cynical of me to suggest that Mr Park might have felt that he was in a position to influence whether a breach was going to take place…) Mr Park then unveils a well-thought out plan, involving Gwynedd Health Authority setting up a central record of all approaches made by me, with full details of absolutely everything including any visits to Health Authority premises, any letters, any telephone calls. ‘In short a complete dossier of [my] activities since 24 May 1990 [the date of the Court case in front of Pill] should be available to me at short notice in the event of the Authority wanting to act further against [me].’ He then explains that they would then be in a position to prepare an Affidavit to bring me back in front of the judge again (with the possibility that I would be imprisoned for breaching my undertakings). But Park had also spotted another potential hazard to be dealt with. At the Court case in Cardiff, Justice Pill had mentioned that I could apply for Legal Aid in order to apply for a Court Order to gain access to my records. Park explains to PM Rees that ‘further on into the future, the Authority might well wish to prepare a list of the reasons why it will not disclose voluntarily the notes of [my] treatment to [me]’. Park then notes that he rang Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) on the day of the Court case about the outcome of the proceedings, but won’t be writing to him as well.

Just to ensure that everyone involved was kept up to speed regarding the latest Court case against me, On June 13, Alun Davies wrote to Laurie Wood, the manager at Denbigh, sending him copies of Park’s correspondence relating to the case in front of Justice Pill ‘for information’.

Readers might have assumed that after all this, energy – and funds available – for dragging me through various Courts might have been waning a little. Not at all.  Gwynedd County Council, Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt had been beavering away at their end. On June 26 1990, Both Keith and Jackie swore ‘supplementary Affidavits’. Once more, no real evidence was produced against me. Jackie stated that she had seen me walk past her office and I had waved at her as I walked away – which she stated was ‘intimidating’. In fact me waving as I walked off into the distance was so intimidating that Jackie stressed that Fearns had then walked her to her car ‘as a precaution for her safety’. Fearns’s ‘supplementary Affidavit’ stated that he’d seen me standing outside their building on May 29. I knew nothing about any of this until I was served with papers in London, demanding my presence in Court in Chester in July because Gwynedd County Council were taking me to Court for breaching the injunction and were requesting that I be imprisoned.

I have described this Court hearing in my blog posts ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ and ‘The North Wales Child Abuse Scandal’. I’ll give a quick resume here. Jackie and Fearns were not the only people who turned up to give evidence against me, two other members of the notorious Arfon ‘Team’, Maggie Fookes and Bob Ingham, turned up as well. I had met Ingham once and I had never even heard of Fookes at the time of this Court hearing. I arrived at the Court with my always very supportive solicitor but when I arrived there was a bit of a panic – our barrister hadn’t turned up. She did turn up in the end, literally minutes before the start of the case, very stressed and angry because she had been sent to the wrong Court. The Court venue had been changed just before the hearing and no-one had told her. However, the Arfon Team and their barrister had been told. My barrister said that she had wanted to meet me properly beforehand and go through the case but now we didn’t have time. However she did tell me that the Arfon Team had obviously all lied in their statements – they had all claimed to have seen me outside their offices or witnessed instances when I had ‘harassed’ Brandt, but the times and dates all clashed. Their statements were completely inconsistent. Brandt’s own statement was truly bizarre. As part of her ‘evidence’ as to how dangerous I was, she had stated that she had given her pet dog away in case I hurt it to upset her. I had no idea that she even had a pet dog, so where her fears for this putative dog’s safety came from I do not know. We had a problem though – with the change of Court venue, we had also had a change of judge. My barrister warned us that the judge we were now landed with was notoriously harsh, a Justice Roche. Roche seemed to be in a very bad temper throughout the whole hearing. He became angrier and angrier – not with the lying witnesses, but with my barrister. My barrister was a young woman and obviously fairly inexperienced and Roche did all he could to intimidate her. When she pointed out the inconsistencies in the witness statements, Roche made a generous offer to the Arfon Team liars – he asked them if they’d like some time to rewrite their statements, presumably so that they could co-ordinate their lies. For some reason that I have never fathomed, their barrister then backed off, saying that this case had already cost Gwynedd County Council an awful lot of time and money and that they’d just proceed on the few charges against me (I think it was something like three) concerning the instances where Fearns et al had got their stories straight. So Roche was forced to throw numerous charges against me out of Court (the Arfon liars had maintained that I’d breached the injunction on many occasions). The upshot was that even Roche didn’t manage to imprison me, although I got the impression that he’d very much liked to have. When I told my friend Brown about the change of venue that my barrister didn’t know about and the newly imposed bad tempered judge, Brown observed that he wished he was able to nobble Judges. For years I wondered whether someone had been busy behind the scenes or whether it was all just a dreadful cock-up. But look what I’ve found among all the documents released to me last week. A letter from H. Ellis-Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd, ‘FAO Arfon Community Mental Health Team’. Which was unusual in itself – regular readers of the blog might remember that it was usually H. Ellis-Hughes’s deputy, Ron Evans, who was involved in correspondence about me and who seemed to have a hotline to Lucille Hughes (Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s ex-partner and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services). But this letter was from Ellis-Hughes himself and had been signed by him. The letter was dated July 2 1990 and stated that he was attaching ‘exhibits’ (letters from me) and tells the Arfon liars to ‘thoroughly familiarise themselves’ with the Affidavits. He goes on to say that their counsel, Mrs Janet Case, has confirmed that she required them to be present in Court on July 10 1990. He continues ‘the Court is situated at 77 Northgate Street, Chester. The time for the hearing is 10-30am…I would be grateful if you could arrive at 9-30am for a conference with Counsel before the hearing. Please let me know immediately if there are any problems regarding your attendance at Court’. However, in the same distinctive handwriting that had signed this letter, presumably H. Ellis-Hughes, in the margin by the instructions as to how to find the Court there is written in brackets ‘See P.S. below’. And below the typed text of the letter is a long hand-written message, again in the same handwriting, saying ‘PS. The venue for this hearing has been changed. The hearing will be held at the Crown Court, The Castle, Chester, same date and time. This is located by the race-course, on the right as you drive into Chester over the bridge, opposite the police headquarters. There is a car park, advise the attendant that you are witnesses. I would suggest that we meet outside the barristers robing room at 9-30 am. A Court Clerk on the door will ask you the name of the case…and will then direct you’.

So more than a week before the case, Ellis-Hughes was sending the Arfon liars precise instructions to ensure that they ended up at the right court. Information that my barrister wasn’t even given on the morning of the case. Yet Ellis-Hughes didn’t have his letter retyped with the instructions regarding the change of venue, although he had plenty of time to do this. He just added an extensive note by hand. So presumably anyone else who might be copied into correspondence or have access to it would also think that the case was going to be heard at 77 Northgate Street. The change of venue was obviously a very closely guarded secret.

I have recently googled Justice Roche and Mrs Janet Case (whose address was given as King’s Street, Chester) to see if they too had reached the dizzy legal heights that some of the other people involved in this skulduggery thirty years ago had. They seem to have disappeared off the face of the earth. No trace of either of them.

Whilst Gwynedd County Council did their best to imprison me, life continued at Clwyd Health Authority and the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept. On the 24 July, David Hinchcliffe (administrator at Denbigh) sent a memo to Dilwyn Griffiths (administrator at Clwyd Health Authority). The memo stated that I had rung a Kay Hemsley at Denbigh ‘threatening Sister Janice Davies’ (Davies was one of the nurses that I had complained about who was never investigated). Mr Park from the Welsh Office was soon onto it. In August he wrote to Dilwyn thanking him for his letter and saying that he was sorry to hear of the threat to Janice Davies and continued ‘Presumably this has been reported to the police. If not I would strongly suggest that it should be. The Authority could ask me to consider civil action in relation to the threat, but the difficulty is to persuade the Court that the threat was actually made or that it was [me] that made it…’ So it’s that hoary old chestnut again that they did keep stumbling across – no bloody evidence at all.

But all hell was soon to be let loose. On 10 September 1990, a memo was sent from Hinchcliffe to Dilwyn Griffiths, apologising ‘for the delay’ and stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. On the 18 September, Dilwyn sent a letter to the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept ‘FAO Mr Park’ stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. Andrew Park remember was a lawyer. So what was his response upon hearing that a former patient had made these allegations against a doctor who had now been successfully sued in a high profile case that had gone before Lord Denning, a doctor working in a hospital with a truly appalling reputation? Did Park suggest an investigation? No. On September 28 Park wrote to Dilwyn at Clwyd Health Authority saying ‘I am sorry to hear that [I am] making a nuisance of herself’. Park then asks for a signed dated note of Hemsley’s account of the conversation ‘which should include some indication’ as to why she knew the caller was me. (There was of course a problem when Kay Hemsley had reported that I’d threatened Janice Davies – there was no evidence that I’d ever done so, as Park had been obliged to point out.)

Kay duly produced the statement as requested. There is a copy of it in the file, dated 11.10.90: ‘I hereby confirm that on the 17th August 1990 I received a telephone call [from me]. She asked me to confirm that Dr DA Jones was continuing to have sexual involvement with his patients and what was I going to do about it. I obviously told her that I was not prepared to comment on her statement in any way but she continued to voice her opinion that he had been having sexual relationships with lady patients and would no doubt be continuing to do so. At some stage she put the phone down…’ Kay remembers Andrew Park’s instructions and also states that she knew it was me calling because I had identified myself to her.

What no-one did at any point was to ask whether my allegations concerning Jones might have been worth investigating.

But Andrew Park was really determined now. On 2 October 1990 he wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor at Gwynedd County Council (the now notorious H. Ellis-Hughes). Park stated that he was acting for Gwynedd Health Authority and enclosed a copy of the Order from Justice Pill made after I’d given my undertakings in May. He also makes a reference to Gwynedd County Council obtaining an injunction against me. Park states that ‘The Health Authority seems to think that the terms of your injunction are more favourable than the one that it has. I shall be grateful if you will let me have a copy of any Order your Counsel has obtained against [me] and indeed to have any background information that you can give concerning your authorities proceedings against her. I would of course be pleased to pass on any information that I could in return.’

So Park had asked those masters in quashing dissent, Gwynedd County Council, for their help and advice in the wake of me raising questions of Dafydd’s sexual misconduct with patients.

So during 1990, a number of leading legal figures in Wales read numerous letters that I had written alleging serious abuses in the north Wales mental health services – mental health services jointly run between Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services and Health Authorities. Some of these people were, to recap – Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy, Justice Roche, Janet Case and Janet Cases’s articled clerk, Mrs J.M. Hughes. Not one of them suggested an investigation into what on earth was happening in north Wales, despite High Court cases being repeatedly brought against me – because I was writing letters of complaint.

What else was happening in north Wales during 1990? Well Mary Wynch had successfully sued Dafydd Alun Jones for falsely imprisoning her in Denbigh for a year, that received a lot of press coverage. But something else happened as well. Yorkshire TV dropped their filming of a documentary about a paedophile ring that was alleged to be operating in children’s homes in north Wales – but young people had started to come forward with allegations that they had been sexually molested whilst in care in the region. In October 1990, just as Andrew Park was asking Gwynedd County Council for their advice on how to obtain an injunction against me and was offering to exchange useful information about me with them, Stephen Norris pleaded guilty to indecency against three boys in his care whilst he was Officer in Charge of a children’s home in Clwyd. The case had been heard at Chester Crown Court. (Regular readers will know that I have been correlating some of the things that happened to me with events resulting from Alison Taylor’s attempts to blow the whistle on the north Wales paedophile ring. I am getting some of my info from this blog https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/  This website mentions that one of the people alleged to have been involved in the paedophile ring was Peter Morrison, who in 1990 was appointed Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary. Sir Peter Morrison was the MP for Chester.) Legal circles are small and full of gossip. No doubt Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy and many, many other people who read those letters that I was writing were very well aware that the case against Stephen Norris was happening. But as injunctions rained down upon my head and repeated attempts were made to imprison me, not one of them batted an eyelid. In much the same way that no-one in the legal depts of the BMA, MDU or Welsh Office had noticed anything amiss a year earlier. Can I just emphasise that these people were LAWYERS. They were indeed experts with regard to their knowledge of law-breaking….

I have mentioned that whilst all this was happening I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London. Some interesting things were happening down there as well – but that is a story for another blog post…

 

 

 

 

 

Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE…

A previous blog post (‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’) describes how, after both Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and the Mental Health Act Commission completely failed to investigate my complaints regarding my unlawful detention in the North Wales Hospital as well as the other unlawful and unscrupulous conduct of the north Wales mental health services, I was offered an Independent Professional Review regarding my complaint. This was organised by Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Complaints Officer for the Welsh Office – yet unbeknown to me, the Welsh Office had for many months been supplying legal advice to the north Wales mental health services regarding how to respond (or rather not respond) to my complaints. The post (‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’) describes the meetings and huge amount of correspondence that was passing between the north Wales mental health services and the Welsh Office lawyers regarding me, as well as meetings and correspondence between the people that I was complaining about and Prof Owen, who was organising the investigation into the very same people. There was also a lot of people offering to give ‘information’ to Prof Owen – one of these was my former GP, Dr DGE Wood, who was not even named in my complaint. I had no idea that Wood was playing any part in all this.

Although I had requested the Review by the autumn of 1988, it was July 1989 before the Review was held. Because no-one had responded to my complaints it was by then more than two years since the events that I had complained about.

However, Prof Owen had seemed genuine in his desire to see this complaint dealt with and I was informed that the Assessors reviewing the complaint would be Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry. Colin Berry was a psychiatrist from Coventry. Bluglass held a Chair at the University of Birmingham and in the 1980s and 1990s was the biggest name in forensic psychiatry in the UK. He had written the 1983 Mental Health Act, as well as one of the best known textbooks in forensic psychiatry. He was frequently called upon to lead enquiries and investigations. So I presumed that such a man would recognise bad practice and law-breaking when he saw it. Indeed he very obviously did – although his reaction was interesting. Although the Review was supposedly being held by both Bluglass and Berry, it was clear to me at the hearing that Bluglass had the upper hand and was leading the way.

The initial paragraphs of Bluglass’s and Berry’s report state that they had been nominated by the Joint Consultants Committee (I wonder who was sitting on that) to carry out a review of my complaints about my clinical management at Ysbyty Gwynedd Bangor and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. They state that they had been provided with comprehensive documentation, including copies of case records and correspondence and had studied these at length. A number of witnesses were called to give evidence to the Assessors – I am aware that one nurse from Denbigh who was requested to give evidence refused to attend. The Assessors also took evidence from staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd and although they stated that they would be reviewing my clinical management at Ysbyty Gwynedd as well as at Denbigh, nothing relating to events at Ysbyty Gwynedd was mentioned in their report. There was also no reference at all to the one person who did not break the law – a social worker who had refused to section me when requested/ordered to do so. When I had tried to find out who this social worker was, I was told that there was no record of her. However, documents recently released from my lawyers reveal that she was a social worker called Ann Williams from Gwynedd Social Services and that her identity was known and had been documented by Ysbyty Gwynedd staff by the time that this Review was accepting evidence. There was no mention of her at any point during the Review.

The Assessors stated in their report that they interviewed me, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones from Denbigh, Dr X from Ysbyty Gwynedd, a Dr Ramiah from Clwyd Health Authority, Dr Neil Davies from Denbigh, a charge nurse from Denbigh called Michael Williams and Terence James, a social worker who worked at Denbigh. The Assessors also had discussions with Professor Owen, Dr DJ Jones (Chief Administrative Medical Officer, Clwyd Health Authority), Alun Davies (Administrator from Ysbyty Gwynedd) and Dr Duncan Egdell (Community Physician, Clwyd Health Authority). All of these people (except for Prof Owen) had either been the subject of my complaints or had been the senior managers of the subject of my complaints and had all failed to respond to my complaints.

Bluglass’s summary of the background to my complaints in his report had a few noticeable omissions. He fails to mention the appalling behaviour of a Dr Shah in Bangor Police Station before I was admitted to Denbigh (please see blog posts ‘Hippocratic Oath or Hypocritic Oaf?’ and ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’) and as previously stated social worker Ann Williams wasn’t mentioned, although Bluglass will have undoubtedly known about her attempt to protect me. He states that Dr X had obtained an injunction against me but fails to mention that many of the allegations made by Dr X to obtain that injunction were demonstrably untrue and – the documentation available to Bluglass will have shown this. Bluglass refers to me investigating the ‘private life’ of Jones and that I had referred to ‘various matters’ in my letters. I presume that Bluglass is referring to me putting in writing that Jones had tried to threaten and then bribe me into dropping my complaint about him and me mentioning that a number of patients had made statements alleging that they had had sexual relationships with Jones (at one point he was cohabiting with two female patients at once) – Jones was also in the process of being sued by another patient, Mary Wynch, for false imprisonment. None of this was in the least bit ‘private’ – Jones was notorious in north Wales and such activities were openly discussed. Bluglass was however careful not to mention them in the report. Bluglass stated that I was ‘warm and responsive’, that my letters were ‘well written’ and that I had ‘considerable abilities’. But lest anyone was in danger of taking me seriously, he also stated that I ‘vehemently and excitedly sought to defend and justify [my] actions’ (well I was being accused of doing an awful lot of things that I hadn’t actually done – what I had done was written an awful lot of letters about some people who were involved in criminal activities whilst I was being told how unreasonable I was), that I felt that I ‘had been deeply wronged’ (er, illegally held in a locked ward, threatened constantly and accused repeatedly of very serious offences – yes I think I’d been given a pretty hard time for complaining about some psychiatrists), that I was ‘generally hostile and vindictive to Dr [Dafydd Alun] Jones and made a variety of allegations about him’  (look what he was doing – if only someone had investigated those allegations…) and that I ‘was clearly obsessed with my complaints (well it had been a full-on two year battle to even be heard). The ‘summary’ of my complaints as stated by Bluglass was substantially inaccurate and therefore constrained the terms of the Review – Bluglass stated that the interviews he conducted with staff ‘focussed upon matters relating to the main complaints’.

Bluglass was ‘concerned to have Dr Jones’s explanation as to why an informal patient was admitted to a locked ward’. Jones explained that it was because I ‘was potentially violent’, an explanation that Bluglass accepted. No evidence of my potential violence was requested or offered. Bluglass  was ‘concerned that apparently Dr Jones had only once [ever] briefly seen [me] and had not examined [me] but then gave oral evidence before the Court [to section me]… Dr Jones agreed that he’d given oral evidence. He said that he must have examined her but was unable to draw our attention to any notes relating to the examination and could not recall whether he’d actually examined her, or if he had done so, when the examination took place’. So it was pretty bloody obvious that no ‘examination’ of any sort took place at any point – Jones simply had me picked up by the police and carted off to Denbigh. When I discharged myself, he ordered nurses from Denbigh to transport me to Bangor Police Station, whereupon I was taken next door into Bangor Magistrates Court to find Jones there giving evidence declaring that I was mad and thus I was taken straight back to Denbigh again. Bluglass noted that ‘there are virtually no medical notes from [Jones] in the case record. We were concerned about this…the excellent nursing notes mentioned several times that there was no evidence to justify compulsory admission and no obvious grounds for detention…no recorded medical notes justifying…detention…we asked Dr Jones what discussions he’d had with nurses and others with regard to…the decision to detain her…but he could not draw our attention to any form of case conference…we were concerned about the time it had taken for Jones to respond to the complaints…Dr Jones explained that there were two other patients of a similar nature to this…all generated enormous number of letters and involved complaints…’ Those ‘excellent nursing notes’ actually recorded in detail how Jones had cooked up a plan with the Superintendent at Bangor Police Station to have me detained in Denbigh and that the nurses were most unhappy at being involved in all this – there is also no mention of my ‘violence’ in the ‘excellent nursing notes’. Of course at the time of Bluglass’s Review I was still being prevented from accessing my medical records, so I had no idea that the nurses were complaining about Jones’s law breaking.  Jones also seems to have fessed up to the fact that there were other patients making similar complaints to me – so how many people were being unlawfully banged up in Denbigh?

Bluglass asked Jones what diagnosis he ‘had in mind’ when he made yet another recommendation for my detention on December 29 1987. Jones explained that were times when he thought that I was on the ‘border of a psychosis’ and other times when he thought that I had a ‘severe personality disorder’. However he agreed with the discharge letter of Feb 9 1988 from a senior registrar that the diagnosis would lie between a schizophrenic disorder and borderline personality disorder. (This ‘diagnosis’ was made by a senior registrar whom I had never met – and I left Denbigh in January, not February.) Bluglass asked Jones for any further grounds that I had schizophrenia. Jones replied that he had not taken out an injunction against me, although Dr X had. Jones then stated that I had used ‘foul and obscene language in front of his small children and he felt that people who were reasonably normal do not use foul language’. Jones added that he hadn’t seen anything which would definitely say that I was psychotic. So it’s fairly clear that diagnoses made at Denbigh were rather flaky. Regarding the foul and obscene language – I do swear, but at the time when Jones made this allegation I did not even know that he had small children.  Interestingly enough, Bluglass has a daughter, Amanda, who likes to think of herself as an avant-garde artist. At one point a few years ago Amanda Bluglass was displaying her edgy crafts on the internet – one such exhibit was a little tapestry of a cosy cottage with the slogan ‘Happy Fucking Holidays’ embroidered underneath. Maybe Jones should hurry up and incarcerate her.

Bluglass then invited Jones to tell him if he’d have done anything differently in retrospect. Jones had replied that ‘he did not know if it would be in his power to do anything differently’. So Jones is clearly unable to do anything other than bribe, threaten, slander and libel people and then cook up plans with his colleagues and the local police to have them arrested for crimes that he knows didn’t actually take place knowing that the charges will eventually have to be withdrawn – but not until they’ve been imprisoned in Denbigh. Bluglass stated that he was also concerned about the use of observation and security rooms at Bryn Golau Ward as well as the management of the ward and was told that there was no operational policy. However Bluglass notes that he’s not going to investigate further. So no further enquiries were made about what was very obviously Jones’s private prison.

When Bluglass interviewed Dr X, a psychiatrist from Ysbyty Gwynedd, Dr X told him that he was ‘very concerned’ about my ‘behaviour, allegations and correspondence’. He stated the opinion that I had a ‘paranoid personality disorder’ and exhibited ‘delusional thinking’. Indeed – I did keep insisting that there were gross abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services.

A charge nurse from Denbigh, Michael Williams, told Bluglass that I was ‘revengeful in attitude’ and ‘had a behaviour problem’. However Mr Williams ‘agreed that the ward was very full, was difficult and oppressive’. He confirmed that very little information had been given to Bryn Golau Ward before I was admitted there – only that Jones had phoned the ward and told them that I was ‘dangerous’. He also admitted that he was ‘not aware’ of Jones examining me before sectioning me. So Mr Williams knew what Jones was up to as well then. (In fact I think Mr Williams knew a few other things about Jones too. When I was incarcerated in Denbigh, Jones turned up to see me at midnight. Mr Williams came into the room and I told him that he could leave again because Jones didn’t need a bodyguard no matter what I had been accused of. Mr Williams told me – in front of Jones – that he was staying in the room and it was for my protection not Jones’s.)

Bluglass then interviewed a social worker, Terence James. He told Bluglass that I didn’t want to be in hospital, that I was depressed and that ‘feelings were heightened on the ward’. The situation was ‘volatile’ – so he agreed to section me to keep me there.

Dr Neil Davies was also interviewed by Bluglass. He maintained that it should have been left to the police to deal with my ‘offences’ and that I ‘was not an immediate threat’ to myself and others.

So during the course of these interviews, it must have been clear to Bluglass that I had been illegally admitted to and detained in Denbigh, that the ‘diagnoses’ being applied to me were inconsistent and didn’t stand up to scrutiny, that Jones was in cahoots with some corrupt local police officers, that my complaints and complaints of other patients were not being dealt with, that there were serious problems regarding Bryn Golau Ward and that the nurses witnessing all this were so horrified that they documented their feelings about it. Of course, with Bluglass being the leading forensic psychiatrist in the UK at the time, he will also have known about Mary Wynch’s legal case against Jones which had already gone before Lord Denning and was making legal history (please see blog post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Making Legal History’).

So this must have been why Bluglass stated that since my referral to Dr T. Gwynne Williams (the retired lobotomist from Denbigh), I had become ‘increasingly and seriously irresponsible, often abnormally aggressive and hostile…obsessively preoccupied with…that way that [I had been] advised and managed…[making] unremitting efforts to obtain case notes and have them changed’. Yet he then went on to say that the information provided to the ward by Jones was ‘insufficient, limited or non-existent…quite clear that Dr Neil Davies agreed that there were no grounds to detaining [me]…concerned that [I] was not in hospital as a condition of bail…[there was] no obligation on the part of staff to transport her to the police…nurses did not feel that there was sufficient grounds to detain [her]…she was dealt with as though she was detained legally…concerned that Dr Jones…gave oral evidence…without having first examined [me]…then gave…once again…very little information to the ward when she was returned…notable lack of medical notes or details of any examination….Dr Jones’s explanation that he did not record notes because of the possibility of legal action was not good practice’. Bluglass stated that he was ‘concerned’ to hear from staff that friendships between patients on the ward were discouraged and ‘worried’ that the ward atmosphere was oppressive and that I was depressed’. However it wasn’t all bad – Bluglass went on to say that he that it wasn’t ‘unreasonable of Jones to have prescribed chlorpromazine with me in an ‘excitable state’’. (He’d just been told by the social worker that I was depressed – and he also knew that I was being held there illegally, but clearly Jones’s plans to render me senseless with a liquid cosh were fine…)

Bluglass then makes it clear who was the real villain in all this. He stated that I had ‘caused considerable annoyance and distress to many other people’. (A friend of mine knew someone who many years ago had tried to challenge some of the people involved in the child abuse ring in north Wales. When this person became disabled many years later, she was denied help from Gwynedd Social Services on the grounds that she had ‘upset people’.)  Bluglass remarked that I had ‘some justification’ for complaining about being detained in a locked ward and that he was ‘very concerned’ about my management, my transfer to police custody and the procedure by which I was detained. It was a of ‘considerable concern’ that Jones had given evidence without examining me and there was ‘further concern’ about the failure to properly inform the ward about me, the lack of medical records and case notes or information about further assessments. Bluglass was ‘very concerned’ about the time taken to respond to my complaints and how Jones had delayed his response despite constant reminders. He recommended that the response to complaints should be re-examined by the Health Authorities concerned in order that a more expeditious response could be obtained. (Thirty years later, the NHS in north Wales is still regularly slammed by the Public Services Ombudsman for not responding to complaints.)

Bluglass finishes the report by saying that he hopes that I will now feel reassured that matters ‘have been investigated’ and that where criticism can be sustained he has drawn attention to such matters and that Clwyd Health Authority will be addressing these. But he then gets onto the most important bit – that it is ‘quite unreasonable’ for me to behave in the way that I have and there are more appropriate ways of dealing with complaints and that ‘doctors and others are caring individuals’ but they cannot be expected to ‘absorb’ continual harassment without complaint. Bluglass ends by saying that he hopes that I will now accept this report as resolving my complaint. So I was unlawfully imprisoned, threatened constantly, assaulted, arrested for a crime that I had not committed and many very serious unsubstantiated allegations against me were documented as fact by these ‘caring individuals’ who then refused to answer any letters that I sent about these events – these letters being construed as ‘harassment’….

When I received this extraordinary report, Brown commented that Bluglass’s ability to write reports like this was probably why he was appointed to lead so many investigations into troubled psychiatric services. About ten years ago, I made contact with someone in England who’s son had become psychotic, had been sectioned and then murdered by another patient who was known to be violent. Observation was so poor in the institution concerned that the body of the young man who had been murdered had been partially eaten by the man who had murdered him. An investigation was held which the parents of the murdered man described as extremely distressing because they felt that throughout the investigation everything possible was done to discredit their son and absolve the institution concerned of blame. The investigation was led by a Professor Bluglass. The parents of the murdered man tried to ask further questions both regarding the murder of their son and the investigation, which they felt had been a complete whitewash. I was in contact with these people via a third party – they had gone into hiding because so many unpleasant things had begun happening to them.

After Bluglass wrote his report, I received a brief letter from a Mr D Griffiths ‘for General Manager, Clwyd Health Authority’ telling me that a copy of the report had been sent to Jones and Dr X and that the Authority’s Chief Administrative Medical Officer would be discussing the contents of the report with Jones. I tried to ask further questions and pointed out that my complaints about the aggressive and at one point assaultative behaviour by two members of staff at Denbigh had not been addressed. Within three weeks I had received an unsigned letter from Clwyd Health Authority refusing any further investigations and telling me that the file regarding my complaint was being closed. This letter was copied to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Duncan Egdell and one Dr Peter Higson (who was by then the Acting Manager at Denbigh). No disciplinary action had been taken against anyone. The files recently released by my lawyers contain a letter written by Professor Owen after the Review, that warmly thanks Alun Davies for the ‘excellent’ way in which he organised the Review.

When my lawyers finally extracted my medical records through a Court Order in 2005, I found a number of references to Bluglass on my records that had been made some years after his investigation. In 1991 I was admitted to Springfield Hospital in London (I’ll be blogging about this soon) and a Dr Robin Jacobson had rung Dafydd Alun Jones for ‘information’ about me. He certainly got it – among many other things, Jones told Jacobson that he was ‘very angry’ with Bluglass’s criticisms but had maintained that Bluglass had stated ‘off the record’ that I had a ‘homicidal capacity’ and ‘will end up as a criminal psychopath in a special hospital’. In 1994, Jones had written a letter to Ian Rickard, a nurse manager at the Hergest Unit. In this letter, Jones stated that Bluglass had said that I ‘could/would end up in a ward for the criminally insane’ – Jones recalled it ‘as a chilling observation’. When I read all this in 2005, I wrote to Bluglass to ask him if he could explain these comments. Bluglass flatly denied making them – however Bluglass did tell me that Dr Jacobson had asked for a copy of his report but Bluglass had refused to supply him with one. I wrote back to Bluglass and received a letter from him stating that it was all a long time ago and that he really couldn’t remember much about it. (So Bluglass too suffers from the sort of sudden memory problems for which Dr Peter Higson is well-known!) I presume that either Jones was making up his own Gothic horror story, lying through his teeth, or Bluglass was. Or that they both were.

I have heard of two other people’s experiences of Bluglass. One of these people was a nurse who had worked in the clinic run by Bluglass in Birmingham, the Reaside Clinic, who told me that Bluglass was not a very nice man and that there were some very unpleasant things happening behind closed doors in the Reaside Clinic. Another person was someone who had adopted a daughter from Birmingham. This girl had been raped when she was six. By the age of 12 she was in a secure unit in the Reaside Clinic and drugged up with chlorpromazine on the grounds that she was ‘very disturbed’. I bet she was. I was told that Bluglass and his colleagues did all they could to oppose the adoption and the release of this 12 yr old from the ‘secure clinic’.

A few years ago I had a surprise. I discovered that Robert Bluglass had requested that his name be removed from the Medical Register. The usual reason for this is that a doctor is in very deep trouble and is jumping before he is pushed. At the same time nearly all references to Bluglass disappeared from the internet and he stood down from his academic posts. So I presume that something quite momentous had happened, but whatever it was has been kept very quiet. He hasn’t suffered too badly though. Not so long ago a friend told me about an art gallery in Warwickshire, ‘Compton Verney’, one of the finest art galleries in Europe. Compton Verney is so mind-blowing that I presumed that it was in public ownership, but my friend said ‘oh no, it’s a private owner’. I later found out that the owner of Compton Verney is none other than a Professor Robert Bluglass. So that’s what one does with one’s time when one’s career of excusing people who have wrecked other people’s lives or indeed even killed them comes to a brutal end….

My blog post ‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’ describes how the various dreadful things happening to me at the hands of the mental health services seemed to be happening in parallel with the efforts of Alison Taylor to alert the authorities to the fact that a paedophile ring was operating across north Wales through Gwynedd Social Services and Clwyd Social Services. At the same time that Alison was approaching Thatcher’s Ministers with her allegations, I was writing to Thatcher’s Ministers with my allegations. In September 1989 I was told by Clwyd Health Authority in an unsigned letter that the file regarding my complaints had now been closed after Bluglass’s thorough and extensive investigation and that I would not be receiving a copy of my medical records. In September 1989 Alison Taylor was filmed for a Yorkshire TV programme about the paedophile ring in north Wales. This TV expose didn’t end up going anywhere – by February 1990 Yorkshire TV instead had turned their attention to a child abuse scandal in England.

Readers might be forgiven for imagining that after Robert Bluglass had been deployed to discredit me and deal with the difficulties in north Wales, the north Wales mental health services might have decided that the job had been completed. Sadly not….

 

 

 

 

 

THE BLOG POST THAT WAS HACKED CAN NOW BE READ

Last night one of my blog posts was hacked. I have now taken advice and am happy to say that I have reposted the post (below) that was hacked. Many thanks to the concerned readers who e mailed me. This is a message for one of them, Pete, who is currently in India – Pete, I tried to reply to your e mail but the message inexplicably bounced saying that it couldn’t be delivered to your address. Can you e mail me again on a different address so that I can try and reply to that? Or correspond with me via the comments section on the blog? Thanks.

 

 

My previous blog posts ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ and ‘An Expert From England’ describe the flurry of correspondence behind the scenes regarding me that was happening in the wake of my complaints about the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I was completely unaware of just how frantic this activity had been until last week when my lawyers released files that I had not seen before. Dr James Earp, the ‘independent expert’ from Leicester, had been tasked with writing a report about me for Bangor Magistrates Court after the mental health services in north Wales moved mountains to bring a charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ against me. Earp compiled and submitted his report in the autumn of 1987, by which time I was living in Leicester. I was unable to visit the Bangor area until the court case had been heard because of my bail conditions. (Since moving away from north Wales I had remained a regular visitor because I enjoyed hill walking.) Although I was no longer living in north Wales it seemed that a lot of people in north Wales were still taking a very big interest in me, some of these being people whom I had never heard of, let alone met. The recently released files contain scores of documents compiled by such people, demonstrating just how frenetic the correspondence and meetings about me were. The documents also reveal a degree of collusion between various people and organisations that I had been completely unaware of. Although I didn’t know these people at the time, I do recognise some of their names now – their names have featured in connection with the investigations into the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales. One of these people was Lucille Hughes, then Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Hughes was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring operating in Gwynedd Social Services but failing to act. She ‘retired’ on the eve of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. I was told many years ago that Lucille Hughes was a former partner of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and had remained on good terms with him. She now sits on the Board of Trustees of CAIS, the charity that Jones founded and still chairs. Interestingly enough, despite all these meetings and correspondence about me, the one thing that no-one was doing was attempting to investigate the very serious complaints that I had made about the mental health services in north Wales. Instead it seems that a huge well-oiled machine went into action to ensure that my complaints were never investigated and to paint a picture of me as a phenomenally dangerous nutter. There was a key player involved in this in a way that I had never before realised – Dr X from Ysbyty Gwynedd. (For more background on Dr X please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’. I am not naming him on this blog because he killed himself some four years ago and his widow, who was also a psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd, is still alive and living in north Wales.)

Whilst I was in Leicester I continued to pursue my complaints about the mental health services. This did not go unnoticed, although no-one was replying to my letters. The files released from my lawyers however have given me some idea of what was going on behind the scenes.

On 7 January 1988, Lucille Hughes wrote to Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns to inform them that ‘today’ I had made a complaint about Brandt. Brandt had sectioned me in Ysbyty Gwynedd on 17 Sept 1986 and my representations about her gross incompetence were being ignored. (Please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ for details regarding this event.) I was getting nowhere with either Gwynedd Health Authority or the Mental Health Act Commission. So I wrote to Gwynedd Social Services who employed Brandt. Fearns was the co-ordinator of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, one of Brandt’s colleagues. I had never heard of him at the time that Lucille Hughes wrote this letter to him, but I later did encounter him (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for more background on Fearns and his dreadful conduct) and heard many first hand accounts of his intimidating, aggressive, unpleasant behaviour. Fearns survived as a social worker in Gwynedd for decades, but some years ago he and his ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that he was dismissed for serious neglect of patients. He now works as a CBT therapist and has even written a book about CBT such is his expertise.

Although Fearns had never met me, on the day that Lucille wrote to him and Brandt notifying them that I’d complained about Brandt, Fearns wrote a letter to Alun Davies (Administrator for the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd) telling him that he knew that Davies was ‘collecting examples of [my] behaviour’ and that he hoped that Davies ‘will add these to your list’ (there is no indication in the files as to what these ‘examples’ are). Fearns stated that they wanted a ‘procedure’ to prevent me from entering the building where the Arfon Team were based and that ‘we would of course seek the assistance of the police in exploring any authority policy to preclude her access’. So upon receiving my complaint about Brandt, rather than responding to the complaint, the first reaction of Gwynedd Social Services was to collude with Alun Davies (who had been involved in the sectioning of me by Brandt) and to call for police ‘assistance’.

On January 27 1988 Brandt wrote to Mr W. Oswyn Rees (Area Officer for Arfon Area Office, Gwynedd Social Services) defending her conduct on the day that she sectioned me. Brandt’s letter was also signed by Fearns. This letter was copied to Mr R. Evans (I assume that this is a reference to Rob Evans, Assistant Director, Gwynedd Social Services) and Mr R. Evans (Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Offices).

The files contain a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from H. Ellis Hughes, the County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council, dated 9 February 1988, although this letter contains the instruction to ‘ask for Ron Evans’. The letter is regarding me writing to Brandt and asks Davies for ‘information that you might consider useful’. However there is a handwritten note on this letter saying ‘sent on 22/2/88 R’. Presumably ‘R’ is Ron. But why did Ron not send this letter until 22 February if it was typed up on the 9 February? Here’s a clue. The files contain another document dated 22 February 1988, that is a ‘report’ written by Bob Ingham, a CPN with the Arfon Team. This ‘report’ is Ingham’s version of a visit that I made to the Arfon Team’s offices in an attempt to get some answers from Brandt. I remember the incident well. Ingham wedged himself in the hall to bar my way and at one point grabbed me by the arm and dragged me along for a few yards. I told him that he was assaulting me and he then rang the police to report me for ‘threatening’ them all. When I asked him who he was he refused to tell me but just said ‘I’m in charge here’. The police did not arrest me because they were of the opinion that I hadn’t broken any law. Ingham’s report states that Brandt ‘had been advised’ not to speak to me or answer my letters. Ingham notes that he ‘liased with Ysbyty Gwynedd’ about the incident and that he spoke to Mr Campbell and Dr X about the situation. Mr Campbell was presumably Mr D. Campbell, Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Dr X was the psychiatrist who told Brandt to section me on September 17 1986.

On 2 March 1988  Fearns wrote a letter to W. Oswyn Rees (the Arfon Area Officer, Gwynedd Social Services) referring to me having been bound over to keep the peace. (This had been the result of the charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ that the mental health services had brought against me.) Fearns states in his letter to Rees that ‘the staff group here would therefore strongly urge both [Gwynedd] County Council and the area Health Authority to pursue this matter legally as [my] behaviour appears to be in breach [of court orders] and as such may be interpreted as contempt of court…’ Now I do not remember any Court Orders against me at that time that I was breaching by either writing to Brandt or visiting her office. Yet a man who had never met me was urging legal action against me by both Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd Health Authority, allegedly at the behest of a ‘staff group’ most of whom I’d also never met except for one whom I’d made a complaint about. Fearns’s letter was copied to Rob Evans (Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services) and Ron Evans (of the Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Council). One week later, on 9 March 1988, Lucille Hughes (Director, Gwynedd Social Services) wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor, but sent it as FAO Ron Evans of the Legal Dept. Lucille made reference to a copy of a ‘report’ by Fearns of 2 March, regarding me visiting the Arfon Team’s offices on 22 February 1988. (So Fearns had helpfully compiled a ‘report’ about an incident that he did not witness and which occurred when he was not even in the building.) Lucille asks Ron ‘Do you feel that all appropriate steps have now been taken to protect our staff…Can you advise on any aspect of the case which you feel still causes you concern?’ A copy of this letter was sent to W. Oswyn Rees – who of course the week before had been urged by Fearns to prosecute me for contempt of court. And it seems that Ron Evans from Gwynedd County Council’s Legal Dept was right at the centre of all this – and there seemed to be a hotline between Lucille Hughes and Ron.

In June 1988 I was admitted to one of the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I was visiting north Wales. For once this was not as a result of unscrupulous people breaking the law, but as a result of a very helpful nursing officer who used to work at Ysbyty Gwynedd (the same nursing officer mentioned in blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ who, after a junior doctor made a statement to the police maintaining that I had ‘attempted to stab him’ saved my bacon by making a statement saying that he was in the room at the time and I had done no such thing). I was depressed with suicidal feelings and accepted the nursing officer’s offer of a bed on the ward – of course I had no idea at the time what was happening behind the scenes and my perception then was that the main problem in north Wales was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and his regime at Denbigh and to a lesser extent an incompetent social worker and a number of junior doctors who didn’t know what they were doing. Whilst I was on the ward, the consultant who had been allocated to me on a temporary basis wrote to another consultant who was taking over my care. On 23 June she wrote to a Dr Devakumar stating that ‘[I had] been relatively co-operative whilst on the ward…..she claims and expresses continued paranoid ideas regarding one particular consultant psychiatrist’. I presume that she was referring to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. This statement is fascinating because the doctor who wrote it used to work at the North Wales Hospital herself and found things there so horrific that she worked very hard to escape to Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Among the documents from the files there is also another letter that seems to have been written in the summer of 1988. This is a letter from Dr X to his solicitor Ann Ball of Hempsons, the lawyers used by the Medical Defence Union. The letter from Dr X indicates that although Ann Ball had advised him to take no further legal action against me he was clearly thinking of asking her to invoke his existing injunction against me. (For the background as to how this injunction was obtained please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’.) This was not the only letter that I have read written by Dr X and his wife demonstrating that they were ignoring their own legal advisors. There were angry letters written by them in previously released files berating their legal advisors for not understanding how ‘dangerous’ I was when Dr X and his wife were being told very frankly by their lawyers that they seemed to be over-reacting.

Dr X was not the only person over-reacting. There is a truly splendid letter written by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) dated 24 June 1988. This letter is Jones’s rather florid account of an encounter that he had with me in an open-plan secretaries office in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I asked him some questions that he didn’t want to answer. He made a fist and raised his arm and I thought that I was about to get thumped – so I told him that it wouldn’t be a good idea to assault me because there were witnesses present (although from what these documents suggest, Jones could have murdered me on the spot and no-one would have remembered seeing a thing). Jones lowered his arm and with a wonderful bit of ham-acting asked one of the secretaries to call someone to ‘accompany Sally back to the ward’. But Jones’s letter tells a somewhat different story. He states that ‘ [I] accosted [him] in a menacing way in the typing pool…she has repeatedly made threats and there is a general feeling among the consultant psychiatrists that she is a potential hazard…it is disturbing that she is able to wander seemingly at will and quite unsupervised…when she is quite obviously a problem of grave concern…’ Jones continues in a similar vein, alleging that Ysbyty Gwynedd is attempting to do a job for which it is not equipped ie. cater for a dangerous nutter like me. There is a letter dated 29 June to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) written by Mr D. Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd) which is clearly a response to the rant that Jones had sent a few days earlier. Mr Campbell refers to a memorandum that Jones had sent Huw Thomas and comments that he is ‘concerned about the second paragraph’ and refers to a conversation with a nursing officer ‘about his remarks to Dr Jones’, so there was obviously some allegations flying around between the staff. Mr Campbell states that I was a voluntary patient ‘and there was no need to confine her to the ward. Indeed any such confinement would have been illegal…supervision was relaxed as she was not seen as being a danger, either to herself or others…she has long-harboured a dislike of Dr Jones. Unfortunately their paths crossed and she took the opportunity to ‘bend his ear’…’ Mr Campbell copied this letter to a Mr J Caddell, Dr DA Jones, Dr X’s wife, Alun Davies and a nursing officer.

Mr Campbell’s letter to Huw Thomas seemed to have tipped Jones over the edge. On 5 July Jones wrote to Huw Thomas ‘I think this patient is potentially dangerous. I speak from extensive experience in working with patients with personality disorder and with the experience probably of more forensic work than many general psychiatrists. You may possibly be aware of occasions when she has seemingly offered menace to other doctors…several members of staff…have been subject to her verbal threats and persistent harassment…at least 5 or 6 names spring to mind as having been given cause for perturbation. The third paragraph of this letter is quite unacceptable. It was well known that she was lying in wait for me at my clinic….To suggest that there was a casual crossing of paths is quite misleading. I do not understand what Mr Campbell wishes to convey by his expression…’bend his ear’. There was certainly a distinct air of menace…This paragraph is distorted to the point of impertinence….This is a grotesque distortion of events….and misses the point of the potential hazard. I wrote to you in grave concern….this young woman may commit grave injury to herself or to some other person. I am sending copies of this correspondence to my consultant colleagues. I think there is danger in this case and I think the tone of this letter is quite unacceptable.’ Jones copied this letter to Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Mr D. Campbell, Alun Davies and a nursing officer. So this was what happened when someone dared challenge Jones, although that person was in a senior role himself – the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd. (It is interesting that Jones relies on his ‘extensive experience’ with ‘personality disorder’ and ‘forensic’ patients to try and pull rank. One reason why Jones had such vast ‘experience’ was that he constantly diagnosed patients as having ‘personality disorders’, denounced them as ‘dangerous’ and had them arrested. Thus he constructed himself as an ‘expert’ in such matters.

It seems that Jones’s tactics had been very effective. Two days later, 7 July 1988, a letter was sent to Alun Davies from Dr X and Dr Devakumar. There was a reference to the correspondence that had been exchanged ‘about the recent upsetting incident involving [me]’ and a meeting was requested ‘between consultant medical staff especially Dr Jones who seems most at risk and the administration possibly with legal advisors also present’. Although this letter was signed by both Dr X and Dr Devakumar, the rest of the letter is written as though it was written by one person only. It continues ‘personally…I feel the only recourse is to law…with her history of assaults and the use of knives could lead to tragedy…Dr DA Jones has expressed his professional opinion that this lady poses a severe threat to him…the fact that she…has recently attempted to assault Dr DA Jones cannot be ignored…all the consultants would wish to see…a definite policy towards her….involve immediate police action…and recourse to an injunction both by the Health Authority and perhaps….through the Medical Defence Union…this lady is in fact a severe danger….it should be remembered that this lady has assaulted medical staff in the past….a tragedy could occur….’

So the Assistant Director of Nursing challenging Jones had resulted in the sending of letters from the consultant psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd stressing how severely dangerous I was, an opinion backed up by references to ‘assaults’ and ‘the use of knives’ – allegations which had previously been made by the psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd but had been demonstrated to be quite untrue when the police held investigations into these allegations. I note that Mr Campbell’s initial letter in which he was very clear that I was not a danger to anyone which so enraged Jones was not copied to Dr X or Dr Devakumar. Was this why they felt able to subsequently write lurid letters backing up Jones? There was clearly so much gossip and tittle tattle about me circulating around the mental health services that it would have been inconceivable that they hadn’t heard about Mr Campbell’s  letter, but if it hadn’t actually been copied to them they could plead ignorance. But a myth had been born – a myth of serious danger, of assaults and of attacks with knives. On 14 July Huw Thomas wrote to Jones thanking Jones for his letters ‘expressing your concern’ and telling him that Alun Davies was arranging a ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ on 15 July to ‘discuss the problem’. There are no documents in the files revealing who was invited to this ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ or who said what there – but in my experience when a multi-disciplinary meeting was held in the psychiatry dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd, it meant that social workers were invited too. What’s the betting that Keith Fearns attended this meeting to ‘discuss the problem?’

On 12 August 1988, by which time the multi-disciplinary meeting had presumably taken place, Mr PM Rees, an administrator from Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote me a letter in which he stated once again that they would not release my medical records. This letter makes reference to the letters that I had previously received from Keith Best MP and Mark Robinson (Under-Secretary of State for Wales) outlining the legal position ie. that doctors are usually willing to check the accuracy of records and that decisions as to whether they should be released rests with the doctor with responsibility for the patient’s care but the decision should be made in the patient’s best interests. (Which was very obviously not happening in my case.) The files also contain a copy of a letter from Alun Davies to me written in August 1988 refusing to release my records, again mentioning Mark Robinson and Keith Best.

People were clearly busy in August 1988. The files contain two letters that are both dated 24 August 1988. One was written by Dr X to Huw Thomas (General Manager, Gwynedd Health Authority).  This letter reveals that Dr X had acquired a new status – he signs the letter in his capacity as ‘Secretary to Consultant Psychiatrists’. Dr X refers to enclosing ‘relevant correspondence’ regarding me. He also refers to a letter from Mr Park, acting for AJ Beale, Solicitors to the Welsh Health Authorities, addressed to the District General Administrator, stating ‘it is with the advice of the Welsh Office that disclosure of the notes should only take place in the context of a Court Order under Section 33 or Section 34 of the Supreme Court Act 1981. It was then the Welsh Office had advised no disclosure of these notes together with the Medical Defence Union. It is the opinion of all the psychiatrists and the GP involved that disclosure of these notes would be harmful to the individual concerned…in view of the fact that this individual has a criminal record with two convictions for breach of the peace and assault…’ Dr X then mentions ‘two assaults against junior medical staff and an assault against a consultant psychiatrist recently…’  He then goes on to grumble that they’ve received no ‘legal guidance and protection’ and will therefore seek involvement of BMA representation. This letter which once more makes reference to assaults that never happened also manages to lie about my ‘criminal record’ – a criminal record that was only ever gained in the first place because Dr X and his colleagues insisted on pressing charges against me for ridiculous ‘offences’. This is then used to justify refusing me access to my records – records which we now know contained details of law breaking and the most unscrupulous behaviour by mental health professionals in collusion with numerous other people. Dr X copied this letter to Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Dr DA Jones, Dr DGE Wood (my former GP, who had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist, but who seemed to be still taking a very big interest me), Dr WB Davies (BMA) and Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority).

The other letter written on the same date was sent to Dr DJC Davies, Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority (who had been copied into Dr X’s letter described above), from Mr AH Chadwick of the BMA. Chadwick’s letter refers to a meeting in Dr DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988. This was the day after Dr X and Dr Devakumar sent the florid letter to Alun Davies regarding the danger that I posed to DA Jones, following Jones’s hissy fit when his idiocy had been challenged by the Assistant Director of Nursing. Chadwick writes ‘I expressed extreme concern re the antics of the above named lady. I also registered my concern with the apparent lack of positive involvement by the administrators at Ysbyty Gwynedd. I have today been requested by the four Consultant Psychiatrists for urgent assistance re the ongoing matter….received further alarming reports…informed of incidents of physical violence against both medical staff…there is an urgent need to arrange a meeting…between interested parties…legal representation from the Welsh Office and from the North Wales Constabulary are essential…If we do not receive a positive response to this letter by Friday 9 September we shall not hesitate to vigorously pursue this matter elsewhere.’

So the BMA were enlisted to exert yet more muscle regarding the battle against the ‘dangerous psychiatric patient’ – who happened to have made some very serious complaints about the people who were telling as many people as possible how dangerous she was. And those complaints had still not been investigated.

But the pressure was working. On 2 September Mr PM Rees wrote to Dr X about me. The letter refers to the letter that Dr X wrote to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) on 22 August and states that it ‘has been passed to me for my attention’. He continues ‘you will…be aware that Dr Cedric Davies has received a letter…from Mr Chadwick of the BMA. I enclose a copy of a letter I have today sent to Mr Chadwick…I am attempting to arrange a meeting with representatives of the Legal Dept and the North Wales Police as requested’. Mr Rees reiterates that there is ‘no intention’ to disclose my notes to me. This letter was copied to Huw Thomas as well as to the Chief Administrative Legal Officer and Alun Davies.

Mr PM Rees wrote another letter on 14 September, this time to Dr Devakumar, confirming that he had ‘as requested, through the BMA, arranged a meeting with Chief Inspector Parry of North Wales Police to discuss the problems posed by [me]’. Rees states that he hopes that Devakumar attends the meeting on 18 September. He continues ‘I have been in contact with the Authorities Legal Advisor Mr Andrew Park in the Welsh Office…[who] needs further information about [me]…he will be willing to travel to Bangor to discuss matters personally’. This letter was copied to the Chief Administrative Medical Officer, to Alun Davies and to AH Chadwick of the BMA.

All this was not sufficient for Alun Davies however. One of the documents from the files is a note from him dated 30 September in which he makes reference to an article that he has seen in the Times regarding ‘a new criminal offence – poison pen letters which may be appropriate for this particular case’. The files contain another (undated) document compiled by Alun Davies which seems to have been written about this time. This is a letter from Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, North Wales Police, Bangor, stating that he is enclosing ‘a copy of a letter’ from me to Jones. Davies makes reference to Parry ‘advising’ them recently.

 By this time the mental health services in north Wales might have had a reason to have been going into overdrive and working very hard to involve as many people as possible to promote the myth that I was a dangerous nutter who should not be believed at any costs. Because my complaints had not been investigated properly by either the Mental Health Act Commission or Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, I had requested an Independent Professional Review. I’m not sure if this option still exists in the UK NHS complaints procedure, but back then, if a serious complaint had not been resolved to the satisfaction of the patient, one could request an Independent Professional Review, in which the complaint would be reviewed by independent practitioners from outside the geographical area. I think that the granting of such a Review was discretionary – I seem to remember someone telling me that someone must have been very concerned at what had happened to me for me to have been granted an Independent Professional Review. I hoped that finally, some light would be shed on the appalling practices in north Wales. The man appointed to set up the Review was a Professor Robert Owen, a surgeon from Cardiff. I met Professor Owen and he gave me the impression of being someone who was very unhappy with what seemed to have been going on and who was determined to get to the bottom of it. I remember him commenting to me that ‘David Jones [Dafydd Alun Jones’s real name] may run rings around everyone else but he’s not going to run rings around me’. Internally I breathed a sigh of relief. However, something was happening that Brown always told me that he suspected was going on but that I had no evidence of until I read the newly released documents last week. Professor Owen was doing an awful lot of communicating with the people whom he was investigating and their colleagues.

The files reveal that on 28 November 1988 Dr X wrote to Dr DJ Jones, Area General Manager for  Clwyd Health Authority. Dr X makes reference to the fact that the Medical Ombudsman was now involved in my case ‘and that you are due to set up some form of enquiry into her care’. Dr X maintained that ‘consultation should take place between all parties because of the legal ramifications and history of assault…I enclose a summary of this lady’s behaviour up until August 1988. Since then Gwynedd Health Authority have met with Mr Park of the Welsh Office…Police are involved under the Malicious Communications Act…the Medical Defence Union are involved to enforce a High Court injunction’. Dr X expresses ‘concern’ that no contact regarding the enquiry has been made with Ysbyty Gwynedd or Brandt. He continues ‘the clinical notes should not be released to this patient by anybody…based on the advice of the Welsh Office Legal Department…it is felt by medical staff that serious harm might result to the patient and to others if they were released in any form…we would all be grateful for a clarification as to the nature and scope of the enquiry by the Ombudsman…I would be happy to provide any information as I am sure other colleagues would….it is important that he seeks it prior to proceeding any further…’ Dr X then bangs on about the risk that I was to staff. This letter was copied to Dr DJC Davies, Dr DA Jones, Alun Davies, Dr WB Davies (BMA) and the Medical Defence Union. So Dr X, who by now had a track record of making serious allegations about me that everyone, himself included, knew were not true, was offering ‘information’ to the enquiry and indeed stating that the Ombudsman shouldn’t proceed further until he had sought this ‘information’. Dr X introduces in this letter another allegation – that of police involvement under the Malicious Communications Act. I have never been charged with any offence under that Act – presumably my communications were not considered malicious enough. Dr X mentions the involvement of the Medical Defence Union to enforce an injunction – yet I have copies of letters demonstrating that Dr X was ignoring the advice of lawyers from the MDU with regard to this.

 Another document constitutes Gwynedd Health Authority notes made at a meeting held with the Welsh Office Legal Dept on 14 December 1988 regarding me. The following people were present at this meeting: Alun Davies, A Park (solicitor, from the Legal Dept at the Welsh Office), Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr DA Jones, Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer, Gwynedd Health Authority), Mr G Palmer (Chief Administrative Nursing Officer), Mr D Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing), a nursing officer, Chief Inspector G Lloyd (North Wales Police), Robin Williams (administrator). Dr X and Dafydd Alun Jones ‘outlined in detail to Mr Park their involvement with [me[‘. Chief Inspector G Lloyd mentioned the Malicious Communications Act and stated that mail from me should be referred to the police ‘with a view to prosecuting [me] under this legislation’. Mr Park advised an injunction.

 So the people whom I had complained about or had vigorously supported those whom I had complained about all had a meeting with the legal representative from the Welsh Office and were offering ‘information’ to the man charged with setting up the investigation into my complaint. Mr Park from the Welsh Office was a lawyer – presumably he was therefore aware of how often the mental health services had broken the law in my case.

 But the mental health services clearly didn’t feel that they’d done quite enough to cover their tracks just yet. On 20 December 1988 Alun Davies wrote to PM Rees stating that he was forwarding my case notes and correspondence to Professor Owen. Davies states in this letter that before I was admitted to Denbigh, Dr DA Jones saw me at Bangor Police Station. This is not true. Jones did not see me or assess me in any way before I was admitted to Denbigh – he only turned up to speak to me several days after I’d been admitted. So Jones did of course break the law – people can only be detained under the Mental Health Act after they have been assessed by the appropriate people. No-one assessed me at all. So Professor Owen was about to be told another whopper.

An internal memorandum from Alun Davies dated 22 December 1988 was sent to the following people: Dr X, Mrs J Evans (who I think was a lawyer), a nursing officer, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees. Davies states ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me] to Clwyd Health Authority who in turn referred the matter to the Welsh Office Complaints Dept. Prof Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore invite you to a meeting…on 4 Jan 1989….’ Davies notes that if anyone’s unable to attend, another date will be arranged.

So Professor Owen was appointed by the Welsh Office to investigate my complaint – after lawyers employed by the same Welsh Office had spent many, many months providing legal advice to the people that I was complaining about and telling them that under no circumstances should they release my records to me.

But there was someone else who was also keen to speak to Professor Owen. On 29 December 1988, Debra Lewis, secretary to Alun Davies, sent a letter to Professor Owen. In the letter she explained that she had been contacted by Dr DGE Wood, who couldn’t attend the meeting. (Regular readers will remember that it was DGE Wood who effectively started the ball rolling regarding me and the mental health services. Whilst I was still an undergrad, Wood had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams, a retired lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Wood subsequently told me that I ‘wasn’t allowed’ to complain when I raised extreme dissatisfaction with Williams.) Wood had left a message for Professor Owen telling him that Wood ‘has many details and correspondence he would like to discuss with you’. Wood was so keen to discuss these details and correspondence with Professor Owen that he provided a phone number and details of the morning which he’d left free in his diary in order for Prof Owen to ring him. I noticed something else interesting on this letter, which was sent to Prof Owen’s home address. I had assumed that Prof Owen lived in or near Cardiff. But he didn’t – he lived at Colwyn Bay. Not a million miles away from Denbigh. And in the area that was at that time covered by Clwyd Health Authority. So Professor Owen would have known all about Denbigh and Jones and the horrifying anecdotes doing the rounds locally. He would also have been living in close proximity to all the senior people in Clwyd Health Authority and may well have mixed with them socially.

So clearly the land was being carefully prepared for the ‘Independent’ Professional Review, which took place in March 1989. I shall blog about this soon.

 Previously this blog has discussed the emerging links between the problem of the serious abuse of children in care that was pervasive in north Wales and the problems in the mental health services in the region. Richard Webster wrote a now notorious book ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’ some years ago in which he maintained that the ‘secret’ was that there was no paedophile ring at all and that Bryn Estyn was merely another rather mediocre children’s home. Webster died a few years ago, but a blog that he wrote is still available online and is obviously being maintained by someone. This blog’s purpose seems to be to throw mud at Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse that was happening. However, Webster’s blog very helpfully provides a ‘North Wales Timeline’ which lists a series of dates on which various events happened https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/

It is interesting to compare the dates of certain happenings on Webster’s timeline with happenings in my life at those times. For example, at about the time when Jones was unlawfully banging me up in Denbigh, Alison Taylor was being investigated and was then suspended by her employers, Gwynedd Social Services. At about the same time that Alison Taylor was telling Margaret Thatcher that there was serious abuse happening in children’s services managed by the social services in north Wales, I was writing to Thatcher’s Ministers alleging that serious abuses were happening in the mental health services in north Wales. Alison Taylor was dismissed by Gwynedd County Council just a few weeks before Lucille Hughes busied herself writing letters about me and asking Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, if he had any ‘advice’ regarding me. At the beginning of 1988 Alison Taylor wrote to Tony Newton, the Health Minister, describing a brutal assault that she’d witnessed. At the beginning of 1988 Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns started taking a very big interest in gathering ‘information’ about me in partnership with people from the mental health services with a view to bringing the full force of the law down upon my head despite the noticeable lack of serious crimes for which I had been convicted. Webster’s timeline also mentions that in 1988 Gordon Anglesea, the notorious former North Wales police officer who was last year imprisoned for abusing youngsters in care in north Wales but who has since died in prison, was promoted to Superintendent in the North Wales force in Colwyn Bay. The HQ of the North Wales Police was at that time in Colwyn Bay. As was Professor Owen. Webster’s timeline also mentions a man called Frank Beck, and notes that an investigation into Beck’s offending began in March 1989. Beck was a social worker in Leicester who was later convicted of serious offences against children. Allegations of organised child abuse in Leicester were made, involving other people as well as Beck, including Lord Greville Janner, a former Leicester MP. After Beck was convicted, a report was compiled that was highly critical of the management of Leicester Social Services in the 1070s and 80s. Social services work hand in hand with the mental health services in the UK. The first ‘independent expert’ who wrote a court report about me regarding my problems with the mental health services in north Wales who seemed to miss what was staring him in the face was Dr James Earp. Earp worked in Leicester.

I want to relate one more memory here that always troubles me. Readers may remember that some of the correspondence about me detailed in this post was copied to a man called Rob Evans, Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services. I met Rob Evans in person many years later when I eventually discovered the extent of Keith Fearns’s intervention in my life and complained about it. It was very obvious to me that Keith Fearns could have had Rob Evans for breakfast. As Rob Evans flailed around trying to find excuses for Fearn’s dreadful behaviour, he gave me a little speech about how practice in social work changes. As an example, Evans told me that when he worked in child ‘protection’, he used to take away the children’s shoes because if he didn’t they’d run away from the children’s home. Much more recently, I was reading the evidence that the people who were abused in children’s homes in north Wales gave at the trials. One man remembered not being able to run away from the home where he was being molested because his shoes had been taken away.