I have noted in previous posts and comments that while Dafydd and Lucille’s gang operated out of Gwynedd County Council, the constituency of Caernarfon – the town which housed the offices of Gwynedd County Council, including the offices of Lucille, her henchmen and the crooked Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans – was one of the safest Parliamentary seats in the UK. From 1974, Dafydd Wigley was elected for Plaid again and again with huge majorities, which actually increased as the trafficking gang expanded. This, in the face of a wrecked local economy, where the only well-paid secure employment available was with the North Wales Police; Gwynedd County Council in some capacity; the NHS; UCNW (Bangor University); the Normal College Bangor; or the local FE institutions. All of these institutions were fully on board with Dafydd’s gang. Everybody else was in casual, very low paid work, frequently on one of the many laughable Gov’t ‘job creation’ schemes. Failing that, one could work in the children’s homes, care homes or charidees which were all part of Dafydd’s empire. Geddit???

I used to know someone who was a Labour Party activist in Gwynedd but who gave up with that particular past-time after becoming completely disillusioned with the fuckwittery and corruption of the local Labour Party, particularly in the form of one Betty Williams. This person was deeply involved with Gwynedd politics in the 1980s and they told me that Labour supporters at one of the counts (I think it must have been at the 1983 General Election) had to get the hell out of the hall because ‘Wigley’s lot’ were intent on physical violence and damage to Labour activists was feared. When I was told this some years ago, my response was ‘surely not?’ I was very firmly reassured ‘yes, they were nasty, intimidating and notorious’. So I responded with ‘Wigley couldn’t have known what they were doing’, only to be told that Wigley could not have missed what they were doing…

Rather like the paedophile gang that operated under Lord Wigley’s nose of which he knew nuzzing (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’), despite the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council Ioan Bowen Rees – Lucille Hughes was his Director of Social Services – being one of Wigley’s advisers. Ioan had previously been the County Secretary for Dyfed County Council, where there had been a paedophile gang in operation with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. See post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ Ioan had also served as an adviser to Gwynfor Evans, the first Plaid MP to be elected, who was the MP for Carmarthen, 1966-70. When Dyfed County Council was formed in 1974, Carmarthen was the main administrative centre for that Council. Gwynfor Evans is really rated by many people, because of his pacifist beliefs and his threat to starve himself to death unless a fourth Welsh language TV channel was launched. Gwynfor knew about the paedophile gang and although he did threaten to fast to his death, the real muscle behind the creation of S4C was a contingent of campaigners who discreetly reminded Thatch of what her Gov’t was concealing in terms of Dafydd, Peter Morrison etc. See previous posts.

I know many people who support Plaid who are nothing to do with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and his gang, but many members of Dafydd’s gang were actively involved with Plaid, including of course Dafydd himself. I probably should not have been so sceptical when I was told about ‘Wigley’s lot’ by that Labour activist; after all, my own experience for years as an Empowered Service User was to be constantly told that ‘doctors, nurses and social workers would never behave as you allege’. They did. They weren’t supposed to, but they were running a trafficking gang and they were a bunch of monsters. Presumably it was they and their associates who were some of ‘Wigley’s lot’ who put the fear of God into the Labour activists on election nights in the 1980s.

After noticing how safe Dafydd Wigley’s job was, I took a quick look at some other constituencies in Wales which housed the local HQs of the networked trafficking gangs. They too were very safe seats. The constituencies in nearby areas, with electorates which were deeply affected by the trafficking gangs but not 100% dependent upon their activities, were in contrast often highly marginal seats and the centre of a bun fight at every election, with all candidates scrabbling for votes so no-one dared upset any potential voter, including voters who were colluding with serious crime…

No wonder Dafydd did what he bloody well wanted.

In 1982, Merfyn Jones published his book ‘The North Wales Quarrymen, 1874-1922’. During the period of time with which that book is concerned, the Liberal Party politically dominated north west Wales; David Lloyd George was of course the MP for Caernarvon Boroughs, 1890-1945.

Welsh Wizard? Or Randy Old Goat?

However, Merfyn argues that the Liberals were economically impotent in comparison to the wealthy Tory landlords of what is now Gwynedd and the Liberals’ strategy was therefore to seize the political levers of power through the ballot box and thus undermine the authority of the landlord class. In order to win the battle, ‘an anti-Tory alliance of professional men, Ministers of religion, tenant farmers and workers’ was needed and indeed was constructed. The alliance was not automatic; it needed to be fought for and enforced. Merfyn maintains that the prime example of this process was in the case of the Penrhyn quarrymen of Bethesda.

When detailing the history of the formation of the quarrymen’s trade union in North Wales, Merfyn described in considerable detail the iron grip that Lord Penrhyn, the owner of Penrhyn Quarry at Bethesda, exerted over his quarrymen, including their political activities:

‘By the last quarter of the nineteenth century the slate quarrying areas were a bastion both of the Welsh language and also of a Welsh culture dominated by nonconformity and Liberalism. But until 1874 the Penrhyn quarrymen were also firmly controlled politically by Penrhyn Castle; those who admitted their radicalism could expect very short shrift. In 1865 the Cymdeithas Undebol Chwarelwyr Cymru had been meekly dissolved when Penrhyn had declared that he would not tolerate any attempt “to form a species of Trade Union among the quarrymen”, and that any such attempt would force him to close the quarry, and he “would only reopen it and his cottages to those men who declare themselves averse to any such scheme”.

The effectiveness of Penrhyn’s control over the men was again demonstrated in the 1868 general election…the hold of the Penrhyn family over the Caernarfonshire parliamentary seat was challenged and broken by a Liberal, Thomas Love Jones-Parry. He won the seat with 1,963 votes against the 1,815 votes of Lord Penrhyn’s son, George Sholto Douglas Pennant. In Bangor and Bethesda, however, areas under direct Penrhyn influence, Pennant had a majority. In Bethesda the number of Liberal votes was particularly small, 47 out of 359, and this despite the enthusiastic pro-Jones-Parry meetings held in the town before the election.

Those brave enough to be public Liberals in Penrhyn’s domain were soon made to pay the price…Penrhyn sacked and intimidated many prominent Liberals. In 1870 he purged his quarries of agitators, dismissing “over 80 quarrymen, most of them among the best men in the quarry in character and work…without any reason being given”.

Condemned by the Welsh press, this action was accepted by the Penrhyn quarrymen, who held an apparently well-attended meeting in June 1870 to “protest against the slur cast upon the respected stewards and generous and kind proprietor”. They resented especially the words of a local radical columnist who had castigated them as “white slaves”. On the contrary, the men protested, the sackings had been perfectly justified by the downward turn in the slate trade and even one of the dismissed men maintained that this was so and that he was no radical and had helped with the plans for a union (in 1865) against his own will. Such was Penrhyn’s power.

In 1874 Pennant comfortably regained his seat…the fear of victimisation and a genuine sense of obligation toward their master demanded a vote, not necessarily for Toryism, but for the pennant family…Even prominent nonconformist figures…and a host of deacons sat on Penrhyn’s platform and spoke on his behalf.

The Liberal Welsh press were furious and lashed out at the subservience of the quarrymen. The perceptive ‘Herald Cymraeg’ columnist on Bethesda affairs, wrote: Does Wales know I wonder, that the workers of Chwarel y Cae are slaves, perfect slaves? Ever since the election of 1868 they slip further every year into the hold of servility, until most of them have by now lost the last grain of independence…they will have to be squeezed almost to death before they will shout.’

A few observations:

Numerous female staff at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh admitted that they hated Dafydd and his behaviour around women – including them – was gross, but ‘you can tell him that if you want, I’m not going to’.

When I asked Jeff Crowther, the nursing officer/manager at Ysbyty Gwynedd, why none of them would stand up to Dafydd, he replied ‘because we’ve got jobs to keep and mortgages to pay’ and walked off.

Ella Fisk, the Angel who ran the day centre at the Hergest Unit, told me that she felt uncomfortable around Dafydd, that she would never wish to be alone with him, that he was creepy and that she had ‘heard rumours’, but that ‘isn’t evidence’. According to Ella, I didn’t have ‘evidence’ either, because Dafydd ‘had never touched me’. No Ella, because I stopped him!!! Having stopped him in the way that so many other patients did not feel able to, I was then told that I had no evidence.

The ‘Independent Advocacy Association’ which represented psych patients in north Wales told their staff not to support patients or relatives making serious complaints against the mental health services because the NHS funded the Independent Advocacy Association. Some of the complaints concerned deaths.

The Chairman of the IAA was Les Cluclus, a Hergest patient who doubled up as the Service Users’ rep. Cluclus was not democratically elected to any position; he was appointed, but by whom I never discovered. He was dependent upon the Hergest Unit for his care and his benefits. He told all of us that he ‘didn’t handle complaints about staff’. Cluclus attended a Service Users conference and told the assembled company that his job was to ‘do what the NHS wants’. One of the more competent advocates – who was new to north Wales – challenged him. The next week she was dismissed from her role at the IAA.

By 2002, the IAA had been commissioned by the North Wales Police to fulfil the role of the ‘responsible adult’ when vulnerable people were arrested and questioned. So when the Hergest Unit had the patients arrested, the ‘responsible adult’ with the remit to defend the accused’s interests was a member of the IAA. No-one was informed when this bunch of clowns were given that remit. I only found out about it when the Hergest Unit had me arrested and the biggest twat from the IAA that there was walked into the interview room, telling me that he was the ‘responsible adult’. I told him that I was a responsible adult myself and he could piss off. The policeman told me that the idiot from the IAA ‘has to be present’. I explained the law to the policeman who either didn’t know it or thought that I didn’t and I once more told the twat from the IAA to leave. At which point he did.

A secretary of Keith Thomson, the Chief Exec of the North West Wales NHS Trust, stated that he ‘ruled by fear’ and that she hated him but would ‘I would never dare say anything’. An Ysbyty Gwynedd receptionist stated that Martin Jones, Keith’s successor, was ‘alright if you reported something in another dept but you’d be sacked if you reported something in your own dept’. A highly effective method of encouraging ratting but not genuine whistleblowing Martin!

At an event at Bangor University in 2005 or thereabouts, I got chatting to a young woman who asked me if I knew if there were any jobs suitable for Welsh language graduates going in the admin depts at Bangor University. It transpired that she had been working for Gwynedd County Council, but according to her, the ‘bullying there is awful’ and if you’re not part of ‘Dafydd Iwan’s lot’ you’ve had it. She had spent the last few weeks off sick with ‘stress’ and was desperate to find another job. I subsequently met two other people – but young men – in exactly the same position, who were trying to escape the yoke of Gwynedd County Council by becoming teachers of Welsh for adults.

Sir Ronald Waterhouse stated that John Allen ‘only’ sexually abused the children in his care and that there was only evidence of him ‘occasionally’ using violence. Ronnie stated that John Allen was a kind and generous man to the boys, as evidenced by Allen giving some of them thousands of pounds and expensive gifts, such as motorbikes. When Ronnie was told that the other kids called the boys receiving such largesse ‘Allen’s bum boys’, Ronnie remarked that young people often use such language about each other, it means nothing.

Ronnie accepted the explanation of social worker Mari Roberts that she was ‘just being playful’ when she tried to suffocate one boy.

After the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal finally broke, one unidentified social worker was interviewed and remarked that she was desperate to get away from the area, but ‘who ever would employ me? I’ve worked for Clwyd.’

I could continue…

Slaves, Perfect Slaves.

It was by such a process that in 1983, a university lecturer at UCNW was told by an undergrad that her boyfriend was receiving murder threats, only for her to be completely ignored. I wasn’t the only undergrad who told Adrian Bell that some horrific things were happening to me either…

‘We didn’t know.’

‘Brain tumour? Well all the referrals from north Wales go to The Walton Centre. Now don’t you worry my dear, we’ll look after you!’ ‘Ooh. Er, I think I know who this patient is.’ ‘No effective treatment available for this I’m afraid! Just exercising our Clinical Judgement! Bechod…’

We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us.

My how things haven’t changed.

Slaves, Perfect Slaves. Or in some cases ‘spineless fucking idiots’.

Yma O Hyd!

After Alison Taylor blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care in north Wales, she never worked as a social worker again.

Now let us look at a few of those safe seats in detail to illustrate my point.

Caernarfon.

From 1950 to Feb 1974, Caernarfon was led by the Labour MP, Goronwy Roberts, later Lord Goronwy-Roberts.

Roberts was from Bethesda, where his father was a deacon of the Presbyterian Church of Wales. He was educated at Ogwen Grammar School, Bethesda and UCNW (Bangor University). Later he attended London University. While at UCNW, Roberts, together with Harri Gwynn, was one of the founders of Mudiad Gwerin, a nationalist left-wing pressure group.

Roberts served in the British Army, 1940-41 and in the TA until 1944. From 1941 until 1944 he worked as Youth Education Officer for Caernarfonshire and in 1944 was appointed lecturer in youth leadership at what is now Swansea University. So Goronwy Roberts was an early social worker.

Goronwy Roberts was elected Labour MP for Caernarvonshire in 1945, when he defeated the sitting Liberal MP Goronwy Owen, who had held the seat since 1923. Following boundary changes, he was elected to represent Caernarfon at the 1950 General Election, defeating the Liberal candidate by over 10,000 votes. He continued to represent the constituency until February 1974, when he lost his seat to Plaid’s Dafydd Wigley. Plaid have held the seat ever since.

During the 1950s, Roberts was, together with Cledwyn Hughes and others, a stalwart of the Parliament for Wales campaign. Lord Cledwyn was the MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and a big mate of Glenys Kinnock’s parents. He was Secretary of State for Wales, 1966-68, where his Minister was the child molester George Thomas. Cledwyn Hughes was mates with all the Labour Party big wigs, particularly Jim Callaghan and Woy Jenkins and he provided a substantial boost to the Windbag’s political career. Lord Cledwyn colluded with organised abuse for decades, he was concealing it in the days of Gwynne the lobotomist before Dafydd entered the arena. See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

In 1951, Plaid Cymru announced that they would not oppose Goronwy Roberts at the General Election due to his support for the Parliament for Wales campaign . Eventually, Goronwy Roberts presented the final petition to Parliament, bearing more than 250,000 signatures, in May 1956.

Goronwy was a Member of the Commons Panel of Chairmen, 1963-64 and served in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Goronwy was Minister of State at the Welsh Office, 1964–66, under the first Secretary of State for Wales, Jim Griffiths. The rot was built into the Welsh Office from its inception and Jim Griffiths set the standard, concealing abuse, neglect and corruption, although when he was Secretary of State the Welsh Office did not have responsibility for Health and Social Services. That followed very soon, when the child molester George Thomas became Secretary of State in 1968. Griffiths was President of the powerful South Wales Miners’ Federation – the Fed – and was the Labour MP for the safe seat of Llanelli, 1936-70. See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ for more background on Griffiths.

Goronwy Roberts was then Minister of State, Education and Science, 1966–67, Minister of State for Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs, 1967-69, Minister of State for Trade, 1969-70. When Labour lost power in 1970, Roberts became an Opposition Spokesman on Foreign and Commonwealth Affairs.

On his defeat at the Feb 1974 General Election, Roberts was created a life peer. He returned to Government as junior Minister in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1974-75 and then as Minister of State in the FCO, 1975-79. Roberts was Deputy Leader of the Lords, 1975-79.

Roberts was a Member of the Court of Governors at what became Aberystwyth University and of the National Museum of Wales and was a member of the Fabian Society. He was appointed FRSA in 1968 and an Honorary Freeman of the Royal Borough of Caernarfon in 1972.

Goronwy Roberts, like Jim Griffiths, knew about the molesting of George Thomas and about the organised abuse in Wales upon which Dafydd later built and expanded. Roberts knew what was going on out at the North Wales Hospital when Gwynne was lobotomising people who complained of being abused. He was still the MP for Caernarfon when Dafydd began to build his empire and he was in the Lords when Dafydd and John Allen’s business began to boom in the 1970s. Goronwy didn’t die until 1981 and he remained silent throughout and about it all, including Harold Wilson’s strategy of building his career as PM on concealing crime and corruption in high and low places. Goronwy was in the Lords when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, imprisoned in Risley and then in Denbigh by Dafydd. He will have known everyone involved in Mary’s case; he’ll have known the ring of crooked lawyers in the Caernarfon area of whom Mary complained who were in league with Dafydd and he will have known that the trafficking gang controlled UCNW, Bangor Normal College and that Aberystwyth University was a production line for crooked lawyers.

Goronwy was in office when the plans to flood Cwm Tryweryn were drawn up and he was a Welsh Office Minister when the Cwm was flooded. This was an event which caused massive resentment in Wales, particularly in the north and the huge protest from local people – including those who were kicked out of their houses and relocated because their whole village was going underwater in order for Liverpool to have a supply of drinking water – was simply ignored by the Labour Party. There are many who argue that the flooding of Tryweryn was the event which propelled the first Plaid MPs into office. It really, really pissed people off and the Labour Party were incredibly arrogant and foolish to show so little regard for people in north Wales.

Here’s Goronwy, looking dapper, his own house not having been submerged:

Goronwy had two children, David and Ann. They will undoubtedly have been influential people in north Wales, but I cannot find out anything about them, except that Ann lived in Pwllheli and died in 2016. The executors of her will were Swayne Johnson Solicitors, 17 Trinity Square, Llandudno. Trinity Square Llandudno is on Dafydd’s turf, the branch of MIND which is run by Dafydd’s gang is located there . David Goronwy-Roberts was still alive at the time of Ann’s death. I suspect that info about them has disappeared from the internet as this blog has become well-known…

Goronwy Roberts held his seat with hefty majorities, some of which were almost as gobsmacking as some of Dafydd Wigley’s majorities. I recognised the names of some of those who challenged Goronwy Roberts; they have previously featured on this blog as paedophiles’ friends. Goronwy was very safe until 1970, when his majority was substantially reduced by Plaid’s Robyn Lewis.

In Feb 1974 Goronwy lost the seat to Dafydd Wigley, but only by 1,728 votes. Articles about Goronwy Roberts mention his deep concern about the way in which he lost his seat and associated events, but I cannot find details of exactly what it was that caused the ructions. Whatever it was, Goronwy didn’t lose his seat because of his tireless support for the Oppressed of north Wales. Sexually assaulted and illegally banged up in Denbigh? It was Nuffin To Do With Goronwy.

In 1950, Goronwy had a majority of 28.2% (10,578) over the Tory candidate. Plaid did field a candidate for Caernarfon in 1950, it was John Jones. John Edward Jones, known as J.E. Jones, was born in Melin-y-Wig in Denbighshire. He studied at Bala Grammar School and UCNW. At UCNW, Jones was elected leader of the Students’ Union and conducted a successful campaign to have Welsh made an official language at UCNW, alongside English. Jones was active in Y Tair G, which in 1925 became a component of the new Plaid Cymru. In 1928, he became a teacher in London and he founded a successful branch of Plaid there; as a result, in 1930, he was appointed General Secretary of the Party and returned to Wales. In this role, he was responsible for organising Party conferences and rallies and supporting local branches. J.E. Jones was involved in the campaign against Bombing School in Llyn in 1935 and the flooding of Cwm Tryweryn in 1965 (see post ‘Tan yn Llyn’). He took care of Party press releases and all publicity and occasionally he had to shoulder most of the load in publishing the Party’s papers, Y Ddraig Goch and Welsh Nation . More than a hundred books and pamphlets were published during his term as General Secretary. Jones stood down as General Secretary in 1962, becoming an official adviser to the Party, by which time Dafydd had firmly established himself in Plaid (see post ‘Tan yn Llyn’).

The 1950 General Election was the only time that Jones stood for election. Gwynfor Evans stated that Jones ‘contributed more than anyone to the great feat of keeping Plaid Cymru together during World War II’. WWII was a difficult time for Plaid as a result of allegations by their opponents that ‘Plaid supported Hitler’, an accusation that is still made by some today. It wasn’t quite as simple as that. Some members of Plaid eg. Saunders Lewis and Ambrose Bebb, did have links with fascist movements on mainland Europe, but they grew from interests in Catholic nationalist organisations rather than any great admiration for Hitler. Some members of Plaid were opposed to WWII for a variety of reasons, but then so were many other people in the UK. It has been forgotten how many people in the UK in the years before WWII took the same stance towards the Nazis and the idea of going to war with Germany as some members of Plaid did.

What is rather wore worthy of note is that while campaigning in the 1970 General Election, J.E. Jones was killed in a car accident…

In 1951 Goronwy Roberts had a majority of 24.8% (8,896) over the Tory candidate. In 1955 Goronwy’s majority was 26.3% (9,221) over the Tory candidate

In 1959, Goronwy’s majority was 23.1% (7,942) over the Tory candidate, Tom Hooson. This was the first time that Tom Hooson stood for Parliament; he was subsequently elected as the Tory MP for Brecon and Radnor in 1979 and held the seat until he died of a heart attack in office in 1985 at the age of 52. Tom Hooson was the cousin (and political opponent) of Emlyn Hooson, the Liberal and then Lib Dem MP for Montgomeryshire, 1962-79. Emlyn Hooson was a corrupt barrister on the Chester and Wales Circuit who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang, as well as those of a few others including Jeremy Thorpe. Emlyn Hooson came from Denbighshire and was a big mate of Ronnie Waterhouse. See previous posts.

The Plaid candidate for Caernarfon in 1959 was Dafydd Orwig. Dafydd Orwig was a lecturer at the Normal College in Bangor and by the 1980s was a Gwynedd County Councillor. Dafydd Orwig was involved in the shafting of Patient F (see previous posts) and was known in Bethesda -where he lived – for simply touring the pubs and ordering the Perfect Slaves to support whatever campaign he needed backing for. Dafydd Orwig got the surprise of his life in the 1990s when he robustly supported the building of the Bethesda by-pass, but an opposing campaign driven virtually entirely by English incomers and hippies won the day. The Welsh Office Minister Lord Wyn Roberts, the paedophiles’ bestest friend (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’), really loved those hippies, much to the surprise of the hippies themselves. One of the opponents of the by-pass was Ed Ingram aka Filthy Ed, a minion of Professor Fergus Lowe in the School of Psychology at Bangor University. Filthy Ed not only had the dirt on Dafydd and the gang but he was sexually using school girls and was married to someone who starred in the hard core bestiality porn which was a side-line of Dafydd’s gang. I suspect that somehow Lord Wyn Roberts had been made aware of that. See previous posts.

Dafydd Orwig died in Nov 1996, just before the Waterhouse Inquiry began. Dr D. Ben Rees provided an obituary for the Indie, which was certainly an interesting take on the glorious life of Dafydd Orwig:

Bilingual education in Wales owes a great deal to a handful of local government politicians. In Glamorganshire, to the socialist intellectual Lord Heycock, in Gwynedd to Lloyd George’s nephew W.R.P. George and – in particular – to Dafydd Orwig, who was honoured this year by being chosen as Chairman of the new Gwynedd Council.

The new Gwynedd Council replaced the old Gwynedd Council, which had disappeared in the restructuring of the Welsh local authorities in 1996, as ordered by the Boundaries Commission which was Chaired by the well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend Professor Eric Sunderland, Principal of UCNW, 1984-1994. The local authority shake-up was most useful because it resulted in the disappearance of Clwyd County Council just a few weeks after the Jillings Report, which had investigated the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974. The Jillings Report was completely suppressed, but John Jillings and his team who conducted the Jillings Investigation were good enough to admit that there had been massive very serious abuse of children and it was very, very bad. Jillings also stated that there was evidence of organised abuse of children in north Wales stretching back decades before 1974. John Jillings refused to say whether he believed that there was a paedophile ring in operation in north Wales. John Jillings was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services. Which had a paedophile gang operating within it which was linked to the gang in north Wales. See post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’.

Orwig had done a long stint as an effective councillor. He had been a member of the Caernarfonshire County Council in 1973 and was a member of Gwynedd County Council from 1974 until local government reorganisation in April 1996. During those 23 years he took every opportunity to safeguard the Welsh language of the policy council. He did so with vigour and made sure that the translation service was given plenty to do by speaking always in his native tongue. I salute him for his courage and was always proud to hear him at the University of Wales Court of Governors pleading for his beloved language.

He argued with conviction and his vision was of a bilingual Wales with every child able to speak the language and every student understanding it.

‘Do ewe mean mari-jew-ana? Don’t ewe think I was handsome? I think ewe should be in prrrisson.’

Orwig played an active part in the academic provision of textbooks in his own discipline. He wrote his first book in 1961, Fy Atlas Cyntaf (“My First Atlas”), then he adapted Cyril Midgley’s Looking at the Map for Edrychwch ar y Map (1972) and C. Penrose’s The Landscape of Britain for Tirlun Prydain (also 1972). But his outstanding contribution was as editor of Yr Atlas Cymraeg (“The Welsh Atlas”), published in 1988. It was the culmination of eight years of hard work for him and his team of contributors.

Dafydd Orwig taught at the county school in Blaenau Ffestiniog and the Dyffryn Ogwen High School in Bethesda, before being appointed a lecturer in a teachers’ training college, Bangor Normal College, where he became an effective ambassador among future teachers.

Ceryl Wyn Davies, a teacher from Blaenau Ffestiniog, who trained at Bangor Normal, was repeatedly convicted of sex offences against children – including his pupils – but was allowed by Gwynedd County Council to continue teaching. For one of his court appearances, Ceryl Wyn employed one Emlyn Hooson QC to act for him. See previous posts . Bangor Normal trained numerous teachers who spent their careers in north Wales and quite a few who ended up teaching in other parts of the UK.

Orwig was a very politically minded individual and his support for Plaid Cymru was total. He served the party in every possible sphere, at grass roots in the slate town of Bethesda, in the council chamber and, in a number of general elections, as agent for the nationalist candidate in the Conwy constituency.

Personally he showed the way by deleting his own original surname of Jones,

Could a certain Top Doctor have possibly brought that name into disrepute??

a symbolic act which became popular with so many younger members of the Welsh Language Society.

No of course he didn’t, Dafydd was mates with many of them

The society was proud he was one of its early members.

That well-known breaker of Welsh glass ceilings, Meri Huws aka the Crack Of Doom – a bedfellow of many a Welsh Gov’t Labour Minister, including it is rumoured Rhodri The Ale Twat (see post ‘People With Energy’) – was the first Woman to be Chair of the Welsh Language Society, 1981-83. During the 1980s, Meri was employed as a social worker by Gwynedd Social Services. Meri’s patch covered the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor, where the children were violently assaulted, forced to work in local business for pitiful or no wages and were sold for sex by their social workers at various locations, including Dolphin Square in London (see post ‘Are You Local?’). The man in charge of Ty’r Felin was Nefyn Dodd, who boasted of being mates with Dafydd. Meri subsequently bagged a lecturing job at the Normal College. Like Dafydd Orwig, Meri was Passionate and Committed where the Welsh language was concerned. Meri Chaired the Welsh Language Board, 2004-12 – despite a row resulting from allegations that she was only given the job because she was shagging yet another Welsh Gov’t Minister, namely Andrew Davies – and in 2012 Meri was appointed the Welsh Gov’ts first Welsh Language Commissioner.

Dafydd Orwig was born in Deiniolen, a hill village near Caernarfon, which certainly by the 1960s was a by-word for disadvantage and hardship. I know of at least one case of someone from Deiniolen who as a six year old in the early 1970s lost his mum to suicide. His dad had great trouble looking after him and he was left to scavenge for food. He began drinking as a teenager and by his mid-20s he had a very serious alcohol problem and suffered with his ‘nerves’. By that time he was living down the road from Dafydd Orwig in Bethesda. He didn’t Bottle It Up like Men Do, he Shared and asked the GP in Bethesda for help. They gave him a prescription for valium and no further appointments. However, when I asked the Bethesda Police for advice after this man’s drinking caused a disturbance at my house – although he had not damaged anyone or anything – they offered to arrested ‘the fat bastard’ for me. I told them that the last thing that he needed was arresting and they said that in that case they couldn’t help. At the time, Dafydd was being paid a lot of money to provide an alcohol abuse service in Gwynedd.

The fat bastard was later the target of malicious allegations by a fucking nightmare of a lodger, Donna Morgan, who moved into my house. The fat bastard and his wife had been very generous to Donna – as had I. They had given her daily lifts in and out of Bangor University, where she was doing a Social Policy degree; they had bought her groceries and purchased toys and clothes for her small boy. To show us how grateful she was, she bounced a cheque for £500 on me and stole everything of any value in my house, leaving me a note telling me that if I went to the police, two of her mates would ‘vouch for’ her and testify that I was mad and a danger to her son. I tracked Donna down and the police ordered me not to go near her, because she was ‘in hiding’. Not from me, but from the father of her son who was a gangster. So I obtained a civil court order against her in an attempt to get my £500. When I served tried to serve it on Donna in the Students’ Union in Bangor University, the Welfare Officer Fran Tate – a paedophiles’ friend who later worked for the CAB where Lucille Hughes was a senior manager – tried to have me thrown out by the security men. They couldn’t chuck me out because I had an order from a judge allowing me access to the building. So they helped Donna get away out of a different entrance. I subsequently bumped into her in Bangor, so I served the order on her there. She gave me look of bovine incomprehension and scarpered. No-one ever heard from  her again.

I later found out that Donna Morgan was a gift from the Social Services. She had grown up in care in Conwy and they knew that I had advertised for a lodger and sent her my way because they thought that I deserved her. She was also shagging some of the police officers at Bangor Police Station – or according to them she was – and they cheerily arrested people at whom she pointed the finger. Which after Donna ran from the Bethesda/Bangor area, included a man whom she accused of raping her. She eventually fessed up that there was no truth in her allegations, but not until he had been arrested and held in custody, after being denied bail.

Donna Morgan also made friends with a man called Barry, who was a transgender mature student at Bangor University. He sounded like a very vulnerable man with quite serious difficulties, so he must have been overjoyed when Donna stuck the knife into him as well.

The fat bastard had a lucky escape; after Donna began to make allegations about him, his wife told the two paedophiles’ friends who were going to Vouch For Her in the event of me going to the police that if Donna continued telling malicious lies, she’d slap her one. The two Vouchers were a cocaine addict/dealer called Malcom Fox and his girlfriend Denise Baker. Denise Baker later worked as a psychologist at the Hergest Unit and at Manchester University, where she was sacked after being deemed to be a risk to vulnerable people. Sadly her boss Prof Louis Appleby, the Westminster Gov’ts Mental Health Tsar, not only didn’t warn anyone about Denise, so she got another job with vulnerable people, but somehow many years after she left his employment she was given a PhD on the basis of her ‘work’ with Appleby’s team. She then metamorphosed into Dr Denise Baker-McClearn,  having married Sean McClearn, a children’s social worker with Anglesey Social Services. Denise’s stepfather was a social worker as well, in the south of England. After being sacked from yet another job, Dr Denise Baker-McClearn gave up being a ‘health psychologist’ and ran a pop-up restaurant, where most of her customers were her husband’s colleagues. Then Denise opened a ‘social enterprise’, a cafe in Bethesda with was run entirely on donations of left-over food from supermarkets and other generous organisations who didn’t realise with whom they were dealing. It ended in much bad feeling when Denise stood accused of harassing and intimidating an Empowered Service User who lived in the flat above the cafe, who after a few encounters with Denise didn’t dare leave her flat. Dr Baker-McClearn has now left north Wales after having helped so many with her ever-giving heart and moved elsewhere after amending her name yet again after her husband kicked her out. See previous posts.

So much for Dafydd Orwig’s ambassadorial talents and his toxic mycelia, which penetrated much of Bangor University, particularly after the Normal College merged with the University in 1996. Following the merger, Dafydd Orwig’s associates were to be found in great number in the University, especially in the School of Education. They won’t all have liked him because he was a nasty piece of work, but it will have been the usual story – Fings Break…

Dafydd Orwig died on Nov 10 1996. Nov 10 is my birthday. If I’d have known that he had pegged out, I’d have had a double celebration, particularly as in 1996 those we know and love were working extra hard at pursuing Patient F, as well as me, through the courts.

Now for a brief overview of Dr D. Ben Rees, who wrote that hagiography of a deeply unpleasant man. David Benjamin Rees is a Welsh and English-language publisher, author, lecturer and Minister in the Presbyterian Church of Wales since 1962 and leader of the Welsh community in Liverpool. He leads one of Liverpool’s five remaining Welsh chapels. Dr D. Ben Rees’s small publishing house, Modern Welsh Publications Ltd, was established in 1963. From 1963 to 1968 it operated from Abercynon in South Wales. Since 1968 it has operated from Allerton, Liverpool and is the only Welsh language publishing house still operating in Liverpool. D. Ben Rees writes largely on pacifism, ‘Welsh culture’ and theology.

In 1964, the year that Harold Wilson became PM, Goronwy Roberts’s majority over the Tory candidate, Shelagh Roberts, was 30.17% (9,862).

Shelagh Roberts was born in Port Talbot and was educated at Milford Haven County School, Ystalyfera School and then St. Wyburn School at Birkdale. After leaving school she started work with the Inland Revenue in Liverpool. Roberts was a member of Kensington Borough Council, 1953 to 1971, while she had a go at becoming the Tory MP for Caenarfon. She was then a member of the GLC, 1970-81. In 1981, Shelagh Roberts was appointed a Dame for her ‘political work’. Which at that point had only ever encompassed losing the election at Caernarfon in 1964 and then sitting on the GLC when the London Boroughs sent hundreds of kids in their care to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused and trafficked into prostitution; the GLC knew about this but concealed it, continuing to send the kids to north Wales…

Dame Shelagh was a member of Port of London Authority, Basildon Development Corporation and the Race Relations Board. The Dame represented London South West in the European Parliament, 1979-89. Her ‘service’ in the European Parliament was briefly interrupted in 1979 when it was discovered that she held an ‘office of profit’ – Shelagh was a member of the Occupational Pensions Board which was no doubt an office of enormous profit – under the Crown and was disqualified from serving. The Dame then resigned the office of profit and was re-elected as an MEP a few months later. After losing her seat to Labour in 1989, as a booby prize, the Dame was made Chairman of the London Tourist Board, serving until her death. It was announced on 31 December 1991 that the Dame was to be created a life peer – after the careers of the key witnesses to the crimes of Dafydd et al had all been ruined – but she died from cancer in January 1992, aged 67, before she could take her seat in the Lords. Roberts never married.

In 1966 when Harold Wilson took the nation by storm, Goronwy’s majority was 33.95% (10,678) over the Tory candidate. Then in 1970, Goronwy’s majority was slashed to 6.76% (2,296) by Plaid’s Robyn Lewis. Robyn Lewis is the Godfather of the corrupt solicitors of Pwllheli and served as the Archdruid for National Eisteddfod purposes for a long while. Lewis has spent much time in dispute with other paedophiles’ friends and has been active in both the Labour Party and Plaid. See previous posts.

So although Goronwy Roberts made much of the implied dirty tricks at the Feb 1974 General Election, the writing was on the wall by 1970 when Robyn Lewis nearly finished him.

The Marxist historian Eric Hobsbawm was one of those radicals who for years spent his summers at Croesor, in a cottage on the Brondanw estate which he rented off Sir Clough Williams-Ellis (see post ‘The Village’). In his autobiography ‘Interesting Times’, Hobsbawm devoted a chapter to Croesor. He wrote about how he and most of the other summer visitors from England were faced with a great deal of unpleasantness from a contingent of local people in north Wales from the late 1960s/early 70s which became so bad that most of the summer visitors gradually stopped going to Croesor. The real crunch came when Clough’s grandson Robin Llywelyn inherited the estate and cancelled the tenancies of the summer visitors. I spoke to a number of people who, like Eric, had been part of the ‘Welsh Bloomsbury Set’ at Croesor and they all remembered the terrible bad feeling which had saddened a lot of people who had been staying at Croesor for the summer for decades and had been good friends with some of the local people. I was given a variety of reasons as to what the cause was. Robin Llywelyn’s rationale was that he would only let houses to local people, not to second homers. Second home ownership in Gwynedd was causing much bad feeling at the time, understandably so in some cases. Yet the cottages in Croesor were not sought after by local people; people who grew up in Croesor told me that they loved it there but they all wanted to leave and did because there was no employment there. It would be difficult to argue that, in Croesor, second homers were squeezing locals out in the way that they did in places like Abersoch. Other local people told me that there was bad feeling that people like Eric couldn’t understand because he and the other summer visitors were wealthy – Eric et al didn’t perceive themselves to be, but compared to people in Croeser they were – and the summer crowd ‘played’ at chopping wood, living the simple life etc, but it was just playing; they weren’t looking at a lifetime of bugger all money and bad housing. In his writing, Eric attributed the hostility to the summer visitors to the rise of Welsh Nationalist feeling, which he claimed was whipping up hatred unnecessarily. Eric was a central European Jew who had spent his early life in Vienna and Berlin and later moved to London with the rise of Hitler. He was bound to hate nationalism of any kind.

However, Eric told me something which he didn’t mention in his book. He cryptically remarked that the real cause of the aggro at Croesor ‘was to be found in Croesor School’. There were great anxieties in Croesor over the future of the school, which ironically only remained open as long as it did because of a group of English incomers who wanted their children to learn through the medium of Welsh and drove their kids several miles from their homes elsewhere to attend Croesor School. A number of former pupils of Croesor School told me a few other things about the school, but they told me in confidence, so I’m not going to blog about their info.

However Eric knew about Dafydd and that trafficking gang, as did everyone else, locals and visitors, in Croesor/Llanfrothen. They also knew that Dafydd was somehow linked to Bertrand Russell, who in his later years lived near Croesor and was a friend of Clough. Whatever aggro was caused by the dynamics of a Welsh speaking village hosting a crowd of upper middle class Bohemians every summer, as well as the anxieties regarding the future of the school and the rise of Plaid and Robin Llywelyn pledging allegiance to Plaid, the real problem was that bloody trafficking gang, which by the time that Robin kicked all the summer visitors out was running the whole of north Wales…See previous posts.

In Feb 1974, Dafydd Wigley won the Caernarfon seat with a majority of 5.00% (1,728) over Goronwy. Tristan Garel-Jones stood as the Tory candidate and came third. Garel-Jones was elected as the Tory MP for Watford in 1979, retaining the seat until 1997, when he was made a life peer. Following his election to Parliament, Garel-Jones served in various Whip positions positions and also as Minister for Europe, 1990-93. He was seen as an effective Whip who successfully delivered Parliamentary votes in favour of Thatch’s legislation and was considered to be ‘a mixture of Machiavelli and Ivan the Terrible’ by the Thatcherite right-wing. Garel-Jones is said to be the inspiration for the fictional Whip turned PM, Francis Urquhart in ‘House of Cards’. What no-one did while Garel-Jones was doing his ‘You might very well think that; I couldn’t possibly comment’ bit, was to confront him with ‘don’t lean on me you threatening bastard or I’ll blow the whistle on Peter Morrison and the rest of them as well…’

Garel-Jones was a leading pro-European and remained so despite the Conservative Party moving to a more eurosceptic position. Many of the paedophiles’ friends were very keen on Europe, as were Dafydd and John Allen themselves, as they held ‘clinics’ and took children for ‘holidays’ there…

Garel-Jones voted for Thatch in the first round of the leadership challenge by Heseltine, but reserved the right to vote against her if it went to a second round. He subsequently voted for Douglas Hurd. Hurd colluded with Dafydd and the gang throughout Hurd’s time as Home Secretary. Hurd’s uncle was a botanist who had links with the Plant Biology Dept at Bangor University, of which two members of staff were married to members of the trafficking gang and other members of staff were very friendly with them (see eg. post ‘Additional Security Measures’).

After he stepped down from the Commons in 1997, Garel-J0nes was given a life peerage. Garel-Jones is a supporter of Humanists UK and a Vice Chairman of the All-Party Parliamentary Humanist Group.

In Oct 1974 Dafydd Wigley held the seat with a majority of 8.400% (2,894), over the Labour candidate Emlyn Sherrington. Kremlyn Sherrington spent many years as a lecturer in the School of History in Bangor University, where he was known for trying to cultivate the company of women some forty years younger than himself. Which I always thought was a bit of a joke until someone told me that he did rather more than pursue them, he got as far as exposing himself to them at University functions. I’m sure that they were not that wowed, but Kremlyn obviously didn’t realise. Kremlyn’s colleagues in the School of History included Dinah, who was married to Ron Evans, the corrupt lawyer who was employed by Gwynedd County Council to frame witnesses and who concealed Dafydd’s gang for years and Nia Powell, who I was told has a father who was a judge. I have no idea which judge Nia’s dad was, but whoever he was, it really would be surprising if he didn’t collude with Dafydd et al; he’d have been the only judge who didn’t. Nia was a student at Aberystwyth University when Neil Hamilton, also a student, famously goose-stepped around the institution. The Crack of Doom was also a student at Aber and is of a similar vintage to Nia and Neil Hamilton.

In Oct 1974, the Liberal candidate for Caernarfon was a Dewi Williams. There was a Top Doctor, a GP, in Caernarfon of that name who was on board with the gang and there was another Top Doctor as well with the same name who sat on the Council of Bangor University. I don’t know if either of those Top Docs were the Dewi Williams who stood in Oct 1974, but standing as the Liberal candidate is the sort of thing that a Top Doc might do.

In May 1979 when Thatch thrashed Labour, Wigley’s majority rose to 24.90% (8,724) over Labour’s Thomas Merfyn Hughes. Now that was a curious incident, because Thomas Merfyn Hughes within a few short years was the election agent for the Plaid MP Elfyn Llwyd, a dodgy barrister who was Chair of Gwynedd Law Society and on board with Dafydd et al. Merfyn Hughes was a retired social worker who lived in Croesor. Merfyn came to a nasty end in 2010. His body was found in someone else’s garden in Llanfrothen, at the foot of a steep embankment, concealed from view behind a greenhouse. His body lay undiscovered for 36 hours. Merfyn had the honour of being the subject of the most bizarre inquest conclusion in the history of Gwynedd, which is certainly some honour. The notorious coroner Dewi Pritchard Jones concluded that Merfyn had been walking home from the pub in the early hours, had fallen down the embankment, landed in the other person’s garden and decided to have a nap there. It was a cold winter’s night, so as Merfyn was having 40 winks, he froze to death without noticing. Presumably he also hid his body.

I noted Merfyn’s death because in 2005 I encountered him on the phone. He was at the time a senior manager for Gwynedd Social Services and had the remit of managing the paedophile’s colleagues in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. They were unlawfully refusing to hand over my file – which they should never have had anyway because I wasn’t and had never been a ‘client’ of theirs – so I rang their manager, who was Merfyn. He pissed me off by calling me a Service User, but to be fair he told me that because Keith Fearns et al were unlawfully witholding documentation, he would physically go down to their office and remove it from them. Which Merfyn did. He then sent it to me and I discovered not only the usual lies and plans to frame me, but mountains of information from various third parties which they should never have had, should never have asked for and should never have been given when they did ask for it. It was mind blowing, even by the standards of the paedophile gang. They had been keeping records for years of my university courses, my job applications, medical conditions unrelated to mental health, my friendships, my housing arrangements, absolutely everything, it was extraordinary. Interspersed with all the info were numerous notes about how they were ‘most concerned’ to hear that I was now doing this course or that job or living at that address and that they would now be ‘sharing information’ to alert everyone to the dangerous nutter at large. All completely unlawful, even if I had have been a dangerous nutter and they had been providing me with any sort of ‘service’.

Merfyn was found dead, aged 63 yrs, in Nov 2010. By that time, Brown and I had begun publishing about the mental health services in north Wales. We had appeared in the broadsheets and were openly discussing our plans to publish a book about my appalling experiences at the hands of Dafydd et al. It was clear that the police would soon be forced to re-open the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the need to review the Waterhouse Inquiry was being discussed.

For the full background on Merfyn’s death, see post ‘A Particularly Worrying Death’.

Such was the concern over Gwynne and Dafydd’s habit of banging people up in Denbigh who had crossed the paths of their mates, at one point an issue was made of there being no Welsh speaking psychiatric social worker in north Wales, thus targets were being ‘assessed’ in English, a language which many of them could not speak at all well. The argument was a red herring because Dafydd and Gwynne were first language Welsh – Dafydd was from Bethesda – as were scores of Angels at Denbigh. If anyone had really wanted to stop the gross abuses they could have. However in response to this, a Welsh speaking psychiatric social worker was appointed. I imagine that this simply made it even easier for Dafydd and Gwynne to incarcerate people; ‘ooh but they were interviewed in their mother tongue, OF COURSE the assessment was full and proper and they are definitely MAD’. It was people who lived in Croesor who told me about this, so I am wondering if the Welsh speaking Perfect Slave of a psychiatric social worker who was installed back in the early 1970s was Merfyn Hughes.

I hate to think what was happening to that social worker who once stood as the Labour candidate against Dafydd Wigley for election to the Commons. Fings Obviously Broke.

Didn’t any of you wonder what had gone on Windbag/Miranda/Gordon??? Or indeed you Betty Williams, who would have personally known Merfyn Hughes?

Fallen down an embankment in the middle of the night, landed in someone else’s garden, gone to sleep, died and then hidden his own body?

‘You might very well think that; I couldn’t possibly comment.’

Lord Wigley is still churning out a weekly column for ‘The Daily Post’, perhaps for his next piece he could write a few words about his memories of Merfyn Hughes before Merfyn met his slapstick death.

1979 was the year in which Dafydd had Mary Wynch unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. By 1979, Dafydd did exactly what he wanted, along with the other rotten Top Doctors and the ring of crooked solicitors in north Wales of which Mary complained. Risley was fully complicit and as Mary later demonstrated, the Treasury Solicitor was also part of the corruption. By 1979 there was havoc at UCNW and there was en masse abuse of children in the numerous children’s homes that were now springing up all over north Wales. The supply of kids and young people to the VIP trafficking gang was well underway.

In 1983 Wigley’s majority had increased to 31% (10,989). Mary Wynch was by now on her way to the Master of the Rolls; Dafydd et al knew that, but the wider public didn’t. Wigley’s nearest rival had been the Tory candidate. Betty Williams, the Labour candidate, came third; Michael Foot was still leader of the Labour Party at the 1983 General Election and had known about Dafydd and the gang for years. Betty Williams studied at Bangor Normal College and served as a Gwynedd County Councillor and the Mayor of Arfon in 1990. In 1997, Betty became the Blair’s babe for Conwy. She held the seat until 2010, throughout it all ignoring complaints about the abuse of mental health patients. Betty knew about Dafydd’s gang and simply kept schtum. See previous posts.

Alice Cooper’s 1972 hit ‘Elected’ was a reworked version of their debut single ‘Reflected’, from their 1969 album ‘Pretties for You’.

Ioan Bowen Rees was appointed Gwynedd County Council’s Chief Exec in 1980 and remained in post until 1991. Lucille Hughes had held a senior management post in Gwynedd Social Services since the mid-1970s. In 1981 Lucille was given responsibility for the children’s section and in Oct 1983, she became Director of Social Services for Gwynedd. Ioan had stood as the Plaid candidate for Conway in 1955 and for Merthyr Tydfil in 1964. See post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’

In 1987, Wigley’s majority rose to 36.60% (12,812). His nearest rival was the Tory candidate, Felix Aubel. Labour’s David Williams came third.

Felix Aubel was born in Cardiff to an anti-Communist soldier from the former Yugoslavia and a teacher from Aberdare. Aubel has stood many times for Parliament but never won election: he was once described by the Welsh language campaigner Ffred Ffransis as being ‘too honest’ to be an MP. In 1983, Felix stood as the SDP candidate in the Cynon Valley, then again in the subsequent by-election in 1984. Aubel left the SDP in disagreement with their policies on defence and devolution and joined the Conservatives. Aubel’s best performance as a Tory candidate was in the 2001 general election when he came within 750 votes of toppling the Lib Dems in Brecon and Radnorshire. Aubel stood down as a candidate in 2004 and says he is busy enough with his lecturing, media career and Congregational ministry in Carmarthenshire to consider standing again. In a 2010 interview he said that he remained loyal to the Conservative cause.

Here’s Felix campaigning with Jeffrey Archer in Cardigan in 1996:

By 1987 when Felix was trying his chances in Caernarfon as a Tory, Dafydd’s gang ruled supreme. Patient F had been framed and unlawfully imprisoned in Risley and then Denbigh after he’d told a few too many people that he knew that kids in the Ty Newydd children’s home in Bangor were being mistreated and the gang had declared all out war on me, Brown, Brown’s brother and our friends who were witnesses. I had been unlawfully arrested and held in Denbigh and my housemate Anne had been killed. Alison Taylor had been suspended from her job and was well on the way to being sacked. The Windbag tried his hardest to ingratiate himself to Tony Francis’s mates in the NHS, but it wasn’t enough to win Paedophilia HQ. The criminality was enormous, but no-one, no-one in authority was challenging it.

The Gang Of Four never fielded an SDP candidate in Caernarfon, although Dr Death personally knew some of the Top Doctors in Dafydd’s gang and Dr D.G.E. Wood was a big fan of Dr Death. Every member of the Gang Of Four knew about Dafydd and his gang and maxed out on this knowledge when they developed their initial election strategy (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

In 1992, Wigley’s majority increased to 39.90% (14,476). His nearest rival was Peter E.H. Fowler, the Tory candidate. The Labour candidate was Sharon Mainwaring. In the 1990s, Sharon Mainwaring was a Director of several companies, all based in Swansea, one of which was Atebion, . Atebion set up a branch in Bangor, it advertised itself as a ‘training organisation’ for wimmin having a hard time who wanted to return to work. I was one of those lured through its doors. There was only one course offered – word processing/typing. I though oh well it’ll be useful, I can earn a bit of extra cash part-time. I should have known better, it was of course a con. Not a complete con, but certainly not value for money. We all paid well over £100 – everyone being utterly skint and saving up out of benefits – for the privilege of being sat in front of a word processor for a few hours, after being given an instruction book and told to follow it. We taught ourselves while a bint in Next clothes wafted in and out of the room now and then without speaking to any of us. There was no qualification at the end of it. I never used those ‘skills’ again. A lot of people have done very well out of Helping Wimmin, but not the Wimmin who have handed over money to be Helped. Sharon Mainwaring was also a Director of Lliw Valley Women’s Aid, 1992-94, yet another organisation – founded by Jane Hutt – which concealed Dafydd and all the associated gangs while Helping Wimmin. Mainwaring’s name also crops up associated with ‘Care and Repair Cymru’, an organisation which does odd jobs for the needy. ‘Care and Repair’ do do things for people but only the things that would be done under normal circumstances by Housing Associations, Councils etc if they actually did their jobs properly.

Mary Wynch had appeared in a TV documentary in March 1991 and a group of Lib Dems had signed an Early Day Motion in support of her a few days after the TV documentary. Everything went quiet very soon after that; every Lib Dem who signed the EDM subsequently received a peerage, except for the Lib Dem who tabled it, David Bellotti, who instead had his career in Parliament destroyed. See post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’. By 1992, my career and the careers of three other witnesses had been completely wrecked and there had been repeated attempts to imprison me on the basis of the gang’s perjury. The North Wales Police had held an investigation into the possibility of a VIP paedophile gang in north Wales/Chester and in 1992 had colluded that there was no evidence for one. Alison Taylor had been trashed by everyone. A civil war had broken out in the School of Social Sciences at Bangor University, elicited by the paedophile gang (see previous posts eg. ‘Badlands’). Reinforcements were called in by the gang and there were many TV programmes, chat shows, books and articles about the wonders of psychiatry, ‘Welsh culture’ and its proud traditions in literature, music and arts and a flurry of interest in the history of psychiatry in north Wales, of which not one account contained more than a grain of truth. Dafydd’s Denbigh Dungeon didn’t get a mention, although it was still in operation.

Just days after Dafydd Wigley romped home with his huge majority, the Brighton firebomb killed five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. The man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead shortly after and over the next few years a few of the witnesses who had managed to survive the firebomb were found dead. See post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

Yma O Fucking Hyd.

In the 1997 General Election, things had begun to take a little turn downward for Lord Wigley. He retained the seat, but his majority was reduced to 21.60% (7,449), over his nearest rival, the Labour candidate Eifion Wyn Williams. It was the General Election of Miranda’s landslide and Betty Williams had been redeployed to Conwy to do her bit for Miranda’s Wimmin. North Wales had begun to look a little tarnished after a steady supply of dead former kids in care and psych patients as well as the Jillings Inquiry – even though Cherie and Miranda’s mate Michael Beloff QC (the son of Lord Max Beloff, a mate of Ioan Bowen Rees) had ensured that the Jillings Report was completely suppressed (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’) – plus numerous allegations that there definitely was a big paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire that was indeed being concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t. The Waterhouse Inquiry had begun and Hergest patients were being arrested constantly for ludicrous reasons, including Patient F and me. The gang were frantically busy behind the scenes – once more – trying to make a case for banging me up in a secure mental hospital.

By 1997 the UK pop scene was becoming overwhelmed by the New Talent from Wales; Cool Cymru was upon us. A great many of the young songsters were the offspring of people who had facilitated or colluded with Dafydd and the associated gangs. Gruff Rhys, who’s band the Super Furry Animals received inexplicable boosts to their careers from Big Names in the music industry, was the son of Ioan Bowen Rees; Gruff used to practice with his band at the end of the terrace where I lived. Cerys Matthews was a former psychiatric nurse who had, for reasons never explained, given that up; her dad was a Top Doctor who had worked in Cardiff and then West Wales, where there were trafficking gangs linked with Dafydd’s lot. Huw Bunford had been a colleague of John Owen, a teacher and TV scriptwriter from south Wales who abused his pupils for years and was found dead in Oct 2001 days before his trial was due to begin. See posts ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ and ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’.

In 1999 my friend’s baby  – my friend was a witness to the criminality in north Wales – died as a result of negligence at Musgrove Park Hospital in Taunton. She was told by a Top Doctor that he knew that the staff were going to lie if my friend took legal action. When I finally received copies of my medical records, there was information about my friend’s baby’s death in there.

Dafydd Wigley did not fight the 2001 General Election. The Plaid candidate was Hywel Williams, a former psychiatric social worker, who shared platforms with members of Dafydd’s gang and had been the Director of Social Work at Bangor University. Hywel won – the constituency was from 2001 known as Arfon – with a majority of 12.10% (3,511), over the Labour candidate Martin Eaglestone. Whom I met a few years ago, at a friend’s house. Martin was very frosty to me and I thought ‘that’s not very good for a candidate on the campaign trail’, but I later realised that Martin probably knew who I was, as did a few other frosty campaigning candidates.

Don’t mention the war! Or indeed Dafydd and the paedophile gang.

Between 1997 and 2001, the most enormous punch-up occurred within Plaid over Dafydd Wigley, but I have never found out what it was all about. Wigley stepped aside on the grounds of his heart trouble. He did have heart trouble but there was also a Grade A scrap.Years later Wigley’s wife Elinor Bennett wrote a little bit about it, maintaining that her husband had been treated appallingly after years of loyal service, but there still wasn’t much light shed on matters. Because Hywel Williams had been so fucking rude to me and other Empowered Service Users when we dared raise concerns about the abuse of mental health patients, I just thought ‘oh it’ll have been Hywel and a bunch of thugs causing trouble’, but I now know that Dafydd Wigley colluded every bit as much with the gang as Hywel did. Only Wigley was a better actor. I have a new respect for Hywel – he made it obvious that he didn’t give a fuck about us, he openly had coffee with the people who threatened and assaulted us and appeared on Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s twitter feed, whereas Dafydd Wigley pretended to be nice to us.

There’s nothing like honesty and transparency in politics. If you’re going to be mates with a gang of paedophiles, then do be seen around Gwynedd supping with them a la Hywel.

Ym O Hyd!

Hywel. His attributes his alopecia to stress. I can understand that.

Hywel held the seat in 2005, with a majority of 18.60% over Martin Eaglestone. The Tory candidate was Guy Opperman. Opperman is now the Tory MP for Hexham, having been elected in 2010. Hexham is near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, the location of a long-standing trafficking ring linked to Dafydd’s gang which supplied both kids and staff junior and senior to north Wales. Opperman was born in Marlborough and was educated at Harrow School. He has a degree in law from the University of Buckingham and a diploma from the University of Lille, France.

Opperman was called to the Bar in 1989 and spent 20 years as a barrister of which 15 years were spent predominantly at the criminal bar. Opperman prosecuted and defended in a number of murder and rape trials. Opperman did many years of pro bono work with the Western Circuit Free Representation Unit and the Bar Pro Bono Unit, providing free legal assistance in hundreds of cases on behalf of Victim Support and CAB. Lucille has been involved with the senior management of CAB for many years. Ronnie Waterhouse also had his fingers in the CAB pie, as does Tal Michael, the son of paedophiles’ and Miranda’s friend Alun Michael, the former First Secretary of Wales who scarpered immediately that the Waterhouse Report was published. See previous posts.

Opperman was awarded the Bar Pro Bono Award by Miranda’s Attorney General, Lord Goldsmith QC, for his voluntary work on behalf of victims in Criminal Injuries Compensation Appeals. Peter Goldsmith was given his peerage just before the publication of the Waterhouse Report and became AG the year following its publication. In 2009, the then Attorney General, Baroness Patricia Scotland QC, presented him with a Pro Bono Hero award in the House of Commons for his work on preventing hospital closures. Patricia is a paedophiles’ friend of the highest order and three previous blog are dedicated to Patricia and her pals.

Opperman was a Councillor in Kennet, Wiltshire, 1995-99.

Opperman led a legal campaign to oppose the closure of the NHS’s Savernake Hospital at Marlborough which he credited with saving his mother’s life from cancer. Although Opperman probably doesn’t know with any certainty that they did, but campaigning on behalf of the Top Docs is a favourite past-time for politicians.

Opperman runs a series of social action projects in the North East. In 2010, he established a work experience scheme based in his Hexham office to give young people an insight into politics and experience in work. Since its inception almost 100 local young people have taken part in the programme. During Christmas 2011, he collected presents for soldiers serving abroad in Afghanistan. In 2012, he coordinated the collection of more than 300 toys for disadvantaged children in north east England as part of the Northumberland Conservatives’ Christmas appeal, “Buy One More Toy”.

This is all good clean fun Guy, but those kids would probably have benefited more from you exposing the horror which passes for ‘children’s social services’ in your neck of the woods.

In September 2012 Opperman was appointed as PPS to Mark Harper, the Immigration Minister at the Home Office. Which is not quite as fluffy as campaigning on behalf of the NHS. Theresa was Home Secretary at the time and oversaw deaths and abuses in immigration detention centres and was responsible for those Vans Of Hate telling darkies to go home. While Home Secretary, Theresa organised the Macur Review of the Waterhouse Inquiry, which, surprise surprise, was another heavily redacted cover-up, that maintained that there was nothing untoward with Ronnie’s original. Not that Theresa would ever want the sordid truth to be revealed, Theresa having been one of the Councillors of the London Borough of Merton, which was served by St George’s Hospital Medical School when St George’s was facilitating the trafficking ring which was directly linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales.

Opperman has previously described himself as “rather on the left” of the Conservative Party and has previously opposed regional pay but supported the Living Wage, regional banks, and industrial activism. He called for his Party to do more to show it supports “the hard working people in our public sector”. Like Angels and Top Doctors!

Opperman’s interests in Parliament include assisted dying and prison reform.  On 8 August 2013, Opperman declared his support for the Living Wage in an article for the New Statesman. In this article he asked: “How and why did we let it become acceptable for a full-time job not to pay enough to live on?”. Fancy making any points about the problems that excessively high pay among some people in the NHS is causing then Guy?

Although he led a campaign to oppose the closure of Savernake Hospital, Opperman has overseen multiple NHS service closures in his constituency, for instance, the shutting of the overnight urgent care services at Hexham hospital. Er – would it be the distressed psych patients who are turning up to use that service?

Guy Opperman was appointed as Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Department for Work and Pensions on 14 June 2017. He quickly found himself mired in controversy in the national press, when footage from 2013 was uncovered showing him stating that he understood what it was like to live on a zero-hours contract because he once worked as a £250-per-hour barrister. Weeks later, in response to the group Women Against State Pension Inequality, he was quoted as saying that older women who face cuts to their state pension could take up apprenticeships as a route to re-employment. Well people who carry on like me would be quite willing Guy, but there is quite a problem of age discrimination in the job market. Furthermore, the WASPI protesters have paid into their pensions, it’s just that the rules were changed after a few decades of them doing that… Opperman faced criticism in October 2017 for pulling out of a pensions fringe event at the Tory Party Conference in an apparent attempt to avoid a nearby protest staged by WASPI.

Opperman was criticised in the ‘Financial Times’ in September 2017 for being “clueless” about the Lifetime ISA and for following a “line of pensions Ministers with no interest in pensions stretching back to the 1990s”.

In April 2011, Opperman was diagnosed with a brain tumour after suffering from headaches whilst at work in Parliament. He was rushed to hospital on the advice of his fellow Conservative MP and doctor, Dan Poulter and underwent emergency surgery. He recovered fully after several months. Yeah, Guy would have, he’s campaigned on behalf of the Top Doctors. You’re only left to die by The Walton Centre if you and your nearest and dearest have challenged the paedophiles’ friends a la Nerys the Bangor sociologist (see previous posts).

Guy Opperman has raised almost £10,000 for charity including over £4,000 in 2011 for the National Brain Appeal at the National Hospital for Neurology and Neurosurgery which he credits with saving his life after suffering from a brain tumour. But as Guy is not a neurosurgeon, once again he wouldn’t actually know. The Top Docs would and they also know a useful PR vehicle when they see one. Guy and Labour MP Paul Blomfield, who also had a brain tumour in 2011, walked the first section of the Pennine Way in 2012 to raise money for Headway UK. That’ll be the Headway UK which employed someone whom I know as a manager. He left after a few months because he was rather unhappy about what Headway UK were up to… In 2012, Opperman walked 280 miles from Sheffield to Scotland raising £2,500 for the Great North Air Ambulance.

I presume that Guy Opperman’s view on Health Policy can be summed up by the usual: ‘Ah the doctors they were wonderful’.

Opperman was a Director of his family engineering business until 2009. He is a supporter of Middlesborough Football Club. 

In October 2012, Opperman had his first book published, Doing Time, an examination of the prison service and offender rehabilitation in the UK. In it he offers a consideration of re-offending, prisoner training, drug rehabilitation, prison management and payment by results in the prison system. I haven’t read ‘Doing Time’, but I guess that it does not contain an analysis of the corruption in forensic psychiatry which is resulting in so many people who have experienced organised abuse ending up in prison.

Opperman is a member of the Advisory Board of the High Pay Centre and has co-authored an essay with Green Party MP Caroline Lucas and TUC General Secretary Frances O’Grady entitled “Better Business: Moral Matters”. In the essay he contrasts community-focused businesses in his own Northumberland constituency with the lack of responsibility demonstrated by the banking sector. There are great swathes of the Community in the North East who, like great swathes of the Community in north Wales, are going to great lengths to conceal the shameful recent past – which is profoundly influencing the present – of their Community.

Hywel remains the Plaid MP for the constituency – now known as Arfon – but he very nearly lost the last election.

Wrexham.

Wrexham has been held continually by Labour since 1935, the only blip being in 1981 when Tom Ellis, the Labour MP, defected to the SDP. At the 1983 General Election, normal service was resumed and the Labour MP, John Marek, won the seat. I need to qualify my use of the phrase ‘normal service’ in this context. John Marek provided anything but normal service and later defected to the Tory Party, having created his own Party along the way, of which he was the only member. However Marek did all that after he became the AM for Wrexham. As an MP, John Marek was Labour.

Bryn Estyn was located just outside of Wrexham and was staffed by local thugs. Because of the scale of abuse at Bryn Estyn, it was well worth everybody’s while ignoring what was happening there, although it wasn’t a huge employer per se; it was more a case of the organisations running it – the Home Office until the beginning of the 1970s, then the DHSS until the mid-1970s and then Clwyd County Council. These organisations were huge employers and their reputations needed to be upheld. The abuse of boys at Bryn Estyn stretched back decades – almost certainly to when it was established as a Home Office Approved School in 1943 – but things really started swinging in the late 1960s/early 1970s when Dafydd and John Allen went into business. The arrival at Bryn Estyn of Matt Arnold as Headmaster and his friend and colleague in paedophilia Peter Howarth – they had both relocated from Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead where they had operated a paedophile ring there – was the end for the boys at Bryn Estyn.

John Allen’s empire the Bryn Alyn Community was located just outside of Wrexham. It was a private enterprise which opened at the end of the 1960s, but housed kids in care who were funded by their local authorities. There were kids from north Wales at Bryn Alyn, but most of them were kids from metropolitan areas, such as the London Boroughs, the West Midlands, Manchester and the North East. Bryn Alyn soon became a huge enterprise. Kids were circulated around children’s homes in north Wales, as were staff and indeed the visiting abusers. By the late 1970s, a great many people had a vested interest in ensuring that events at Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn were kept very firmly under wraps. In Gwynedd, virtually everyone’s employment depended in some way on Dafydd and the gang; it was not quite as extreme in Wrexham, because Wrexham did have heavy industry which provided much employment. However that industry died during the 1970s and Wrexham was left in a very sorry state. It became notorious in north Wales for being – at least in the eyes of those who weren’t from Wrexham – a dump. There were massive socio-economic problems and the towns council estates, especially Queen’s Park, were infamous. Queen’s Park hosted riots and in 1985 its name was changed to Caia Park, but it was still an area where people would refuse to live even if quite desperate.

Wrexham was a very safe Labour seat until the late 1970s; I presume that the loss of the big Labour majorities will have been because of the severe economic problems faced by the town. The threat to Labour in Wrexham was always from the Tories or Liberals. Plaid fielded candidates but they trailed a long way behind, probably because of the very ‘English’ nature of the town; Wrexham is on the border and one very rarely hears Welsh spoken in the town.

Caernarfon was a safe seat with a consistently high turn out, always around 80%; Wrexham had much lower turn outs, usually about 55% but sometimes only around 45% or so.

From 1935 to 1955 the Labour MP for Wrexham was Robert Richards. Richards grew up in Montgomeryshire and studied at what became Aberystwyth University and then St John’s College, Cambridge. He lectured at Glasgow University, 2009-11, then moved to UNCW where he held the Chair in Economics until 1922. Richards entered the Commons as the Labour MP for Wrexham for the first time in 1922, but was later voted out and then back in again. Robert Richards died in office in 1955 at the age of 70.

In 1950, Richards had a majority of 32.35% (17,925) over the Conservative and National Liberal candidate. In 1951, Richards’s majority over the Conservative and National Liberal candidate was 26.67% (14,635).

At the 1955 by-election held after Richards’s death, Labour’s Idwal Jones won with a majority of 27% (10,926) over the Conservative and National Liberal candidate. James Idwal Jones was born in Rhosllannerchrugog, one of the few Welsh speaking villages in the Wrexham area. He was educated at  Ruabon Grammar School and at the Normal College, Bangor. Idwal Jones became a teacher in 1922 in Holt but then moved to positions in Glyn Ceiriog and Penycae ( in north east Wales, but further away from Wrexham).In 1938 Idwal Jones was appointed as Headmaster at Grango School in his home village of Rhosllannerchrugog.

Idwal will have been networked in with all those in education who spent years concealing organised abuse in north Wales.

Idwal first stood as a Labour Parliamentary candidate in 1951 for the West Denbighshire constituency, but was unsuccessful. After being elected for Wrexham in May 1955, Jones held the seat until he retired from the Commons at the 1970 General Election. He died at Ponciau, Wrexham in 1982, so he was around a long time to join in with the ‘How Very Dare You’ if people raised complaints about Gwynne, Dafydd and the gang.

Idwal Jones was the brother of Thomas William Jones aka Lord Maelor, Labour MP for Merioneth, 1951-66. Merioneth was a constituency in what is now south Gwynedd, which included Croesor, Llanfrothen and the surrounding area, domain of Sir Clough, Bertrand Russell and the local people who were rendered even more vulnerable to Gwynne and Dafydd after the appointment of the social worker who could illegally incarcerate them in their very own language of Heaven.

One of my favourite books is William Blake’s ‘The Marriage of Heaven and Hell’. Blake’s conception of Hell begins not as a place of punishment, but as a source of unrepressed, somewhat Dionysian energy, opposed to the authoritarian and regulated perception of Heaven. Blake’s purpose is to create what he called a “memorable fancy” in order to reveal the repressive nature of conventional morality and institutional religion.

Plate from Marriage of Heaven and Hell; ‘Denbigh Is Unique’ – Dafydd, arguing against the closure of his proud institution circa 1994.

Thomas William Jones, Baron Maelor was born in Ponciau and educated at Ponciau School before becoming a coal miner at the nearby Bersham Colliery. He later attended the Normal College, Bangor and qualified as a teacher. During WWI, Lord Maelor was a conscientious objector, but was granted recognition only to serve in the Army as a  non-combatant. He received a six-month prison sentence by court-martial for refusing to obey orders, on grounds of conscience, which he served at Wormwood Scrubs; under the Home Office Scheme he was transferred to Knutsford Work Centre and then Princetown Work Centre in Dartmoor Prison. 

Jones was Labour MP for Merioneth, 1951-66. He was a poet and a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards, which provides a popular networking opportunity for Dafydd’s mates. Thomas Jones served as President of the International Eisteddford at Llangollen, which provides another networking opportunity for associates of the gang; Ronnie Waterhouse was President of the International Eisteddfod. See previous posts.

Lord Maelor died in an overnight fire at his home in Ponciau in Nov 1984. Which was when it was all kicking off in north Wales – Brown and me refusing to withdraw our complaint about Gwynne the lobotomist and being threatened by D.G.E. Wood et al; Mary Wynch fast heading towards the Master of the Rolls; and Alison Taylor given a formal warning by Gwynedd County Council, then reporting injuries to kids in care to the police, only to be told that her concerns were unjustified. At some point in 1984 George Thomas ended up in hospital because of an STI and there was a panic lest all became public. The Top Docs kept their mouths shut and Leo Abse told a pack of lies to the press as a cover story (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

It was concluded that the fire which killed Lord Maelor was begun by a ‘smouldering cigarette’. No evidence for this, just the observation that Lord Maelor was a heavy smoker. The comedian Viv Stanshall, someone else who could have named a few names, also went up in smoke because of a presumed cigarette, in Viv’s case as a result of ‘smoking in bed’. Viv Stanshall died in March 1995, while Nicola Davies QC was reviewing the North Wales Police paperwork – most of which was found to be missing – in order to decide whether an Inquiry should be held into the abuse of kids in north Wales. By 1995 Ronnie Waterhouse had already altered his retirement plans and was on his tour of Wales, dining and staying over with many of the people who’s failures/collusion led to en masse abuse in north Wales/Cheshire. Not that Ronnie knew that he would be Chairing any Inquiry of course…

It may be that it is just about possible to accidentally start a fire big enough to kill one with a lit fag if one carefully drops it into a pile of highly inflammable material. But otherwise it is very difficult. I have shared houses with very heavy smokers – no-one beats Empowered Service Users for heavy smoking – and they certainly burn things but they do not start fires. What happens, even when Smoking In Bed While Tanked Up With Drugs, is that the fag drops onto the bedding and burns a small hole. That is it. I watched this at close quarters for years. It is incredibly annoying because there’s small holes in all the bedding, but it absolutely does not start an inferno from which there is no escape. Cigarettes are not chip pans on fire which have had water thrown over them.

There was a TV advert when I was a teenager which Warned Against The Dangers Of Fires Started By Ciggies. It featured an elderly man with a northern accent coming in at the end of his graft, sitting in his chair and saying ‘Ee it’s been a good day’, as he drops off to sleep, dropping his fag onto the carpet which catches fire and then engulfs him in flames as he slumbers soundly throughout it all. It’s nearly as unlikely as Dewi Pritchard Jones’s explanation for Merfyn the Croesor social worker’s death. That advert was screened at the time of the panic over all those second homes going up in flames in north Wales. Cigarettes or Welsh Nash? Neither, most of it was the trafficking gang and fuckwittery on the part of the security services.

I only know of one example where a discarded lit dog end did start a fire. It was in the drought of 1976 and an old boy in Somerset chucked his lit cigarette butt into a very, very dry hedge. It smouldered away happily as he went off home and turned into a fire a la gorse fires in hot weather and the hedge went up. It was impressive, but even that burnt itself out, it didn’t require the fire brigade. How do I know this? Because it was my grandpa who set that hedge on fire. Not my Tory grandpa who hated Edward du Cann and Tom King, but my other grandpa. My grandmother was appalled at such vandalism and we all were told to keep the identity of the culprit a secret. So if anyone wants to know who was responsible for that blackened hedge in Otterhampton in 1976 it was Grandpa Ford.

I do not believe that these witnesses to the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al who combusted at crucial times had made the sort of mistake that Grandpa Ford did. Hedges and droughts were not involved, people don’t just go up in flames when they’re smoking a fag. Although it would be very convenient for some serious criminals who murdered five witnesses with a firebomb in April 1992 if they did.

I’ll take a bit of time to look at the Merioneth constituency at this point, because it did include what later became the tinderbox of the Croeser/Llanfrothen area and Bertrand Russell’s domain.

Between 1852-68, Merioneth was held by the Tories. William Watkin Edward Wynne, (MP, 1852-65) was a landowner and an antiquarian. He was born in Denbighshire, went to Westminster School and Jesus College, Oxford. William Wynne served as High Sheriff of Merionethshire in 1867 and became constable of Harlech Castle in 1874. 

The 1859 General Election was characterised by allegations of coercion against tenant farmers who supported the Liberal challenger David Williams. In 1865, William Wynne’s son William Robert Maurice Wynne, W.R.M. Wynne, succeeded him as the Conservative candidate. The Liberal press in North Wales was optimistic that the Liberals would capture the seat on this occasion and advised Wynne to withdraw. However, the Liberal campaign lacked organisation and very few public meetings were held. W.R.M. Wynne held the seat with a slightly reduced majority, and this has been attributed by the historian Ieuan Gwynedd Jones to ‘a sense of terror’ that had struck the mainly Nonconformist tenant farmers.

In 1868, following the extension of the franchise, some Conservative supporting newspapers believed that the 1867 Reform Act – the Second Reform Act – would actually benefit the Conservatives, especially after a revision of the electoral register resulted in the removal of a large number of electors in the Liberal stronghold of Ffestiniog. Eventually, however, Wynne withdrew rather than face another contest which he was likely to lose.

W.R.M. Wynne made a notable contribution to the cultural life of Wales by donating the Peniarth Manuscripts to the National Library of Wales, Aberystwyth.

Following his withdrawal from Parliamentary life, Wynne remained very active within local government. He served as High Sheriff of Merionethshire in 1886 and was Lord Lieutenant of Merionethshire from 1891 until his death. Wynne served as Chairman of the Merionethshire Quarter Sessions, was also a magistrate for Montgomeryshire and Carnarvonshire and served as constable of Harlech Castle. He was also a member of Merionethshire County Council from its formation in 1889 until his death, one of comparatively few Conservative members.

Wynne held extensive estates, totaling over 9,000 acres, primarily in Merionethshire. Although unable to speak Welsh fluently he was said to be on good terms with his tenantry. Some farms on the estate were said, at the time of Wynne’s death, to have been held for forty years without an increase in rent.

Wynne died at Buckingham Gate, London, on 5 February 1909. He was buried in the family vault at Llanegryn and the Dean of Bangor officiated at the funeral service. Tenants from the estate officiated as bearers at the funeral. In a mark of respect for Wynne, the then Liberal MP for Merionethshire, Osmond Williams, cancelled all political engagements in the constituency in the week following his death.

From 1868 until Lord Maelor was elected in 1951, Merioneth was held by the Liberal Party. The Liberal MPs who held the seat were famous names in the history of Wales: David Williams, Samuel Holland, Henry Robertson, T.E. Ellis, Osmond Williams, Henry Hadyn Jones and Emrys Roberts.

David Williams was born on the Llyn Peninsula. His younger sister Margaret was married to the notable Welsh preacher, John Breese. Williams stood unsuccessfully as Liberal candidate for Merioneth in 1859 and 1865 before being elected in 1868.

Williams suffered from ill health throughout his time as MP and only attended the Commons to vote on one occasion, for the passing of the Irish Church Disestablishment Bill. Williams died in December 1869 and was succeeded, after a by-election, by Samuel Holland.

David Williams’s eldest son Sir Osmond Williams also represented the seat, 1900-10. David Williams’s youngest son was the noted Top Doctor, Leonard Llewellyn Bulkeley Williams and his youngest daughter Alice Williams was a painter, bard and welfare worker. Alice was the Chair of one of the first British branches of the Women’s Institute at Penrhyndeudreaeth. She died in Chelsea in 1957.

Samuel Holland succeeded David Williams as the MP for Merioneth. Samuel was the son of Samuel, a Liverpool merchant and was born in Liverpool. He was educated in England and Germany and joined his father’s company as an office boy. At eighteen Samuel Holland was made manager of the Rhiwbryfdir quarry near Blaenau Ffestiniog and there conceived the railway from Blaenau Ffestiniog to Porthmadog, then known as Port Madoc.

Holland was appointed High Sheriff of Merionethshire for 1862.

In 1875 Holland was active in setting up the Dr Williams’s School in Dolgellau. He became the first Chairman of the school’s Board of Governors.

In 1885 Samuel Holland was succeeded as MP by Henry Robertson. Henry Robertson was a Scottish mining engineer, industrialist and a prolific railway builder; he built railways across north Wales, to transport the products of his industrial concerns. After receiving an offer from a Scottish bank to invest in the North Wales mineral district in 1842, Robertson purchased Brymbo Iron Works and under him it became Brymbo Steelworks, Wrexham. Robertson was co-founder of Beyer-Peacock, a locomotive manufacturer. His son Sir Henry Beyer Robertson was knighted by Queen Victoria for the achievements of his father.

Henry Robertson also served as Liberal MP for Shrewsbury, 1862-65. He resigned his Merioneth seat as a result of his opposition to Gladstone’s Home Rule Bill.

Robertson’s wife was the daughter of a London solicitor. His homes were: 1851: Richmond Place, Chester; 1861: St Mary’s Court, Shrewsbury. In the 1860s, he also bought a large estate in Llandderfel, near Bala, Gwynedd. 1871, 1881: 13, Lancaster Gate, Paddington, London (at the time of the 1871 Census, Robertson was an MP sitting at Westminster). In 1871, he built Pale Hall in Llandderfel, which became his country seat.

T.E. Ellis, Tom Ellis, succeeded Henry Robertson as Liberal MP for Merioneth in 1886. Ellis was the leader of Cymru Fydd, a movement aimed at gaining home rule for Wales. He was born near Bala, the son of a tenant farmer. Ellis attended Bala School, where his fellow pupils included Sir O.M Edwards. Owen Morgan Edwards is considered by some to be a hero of Welsh cultural and national life. O.M. Edwards was an historian and educationalist and served as a schools inspector. He was one of a network of people who became very influential in Wales and he wrote prolifically. O.M. Edwards’s son, Ifan ab Owen Edwards, is best known for founding the Urdd Gobaith Cymru (‘Welsh League of Youth’). Both father and son had numerous links with the University of Wales, Welsh literature, poetry and political activism. There is a statue to both of them at Llanuwchllyn, near Bala. See previous posts for details of their extensive network.

T.E. Ellis progressed onto what is now Aberystwyth University and then to New College Oxford. On leaving Oxford, Ellis briefly went into journalism and also acted as a private tutor to the son of a South Wales shipping magnate. He then became Private Secretary to Liberal MP, John Brunner. 

After being elected as Liberal MP for Merioneth, Ellis became a spokesman for Welsh concerns and in 1890 in Bala called for a Welsh legislative assembly. Ellis co-operated closely with David Lloyd George and played a major role in the campaign for Welsh disestablishment. When Ellis became a Whip in Gladstone’s Gov’t, he withdrew from Cymru Fydd and the leadership was taken over by Lloyd George and Herbert Lewis (the MP for Flint Boroughs). Ellis became an admirer of Cecil Rhodes, whom he met in Cape Colony.

This is the statue of T.E. Ellis on the main shopping street in Bala:

Tom’s mate Cecil, causing trouble at Oxford:

Tom Ellis’s son was the academic Thomas Iorwerth Ellis. Thomas Ellis went to Westminster School and studied at Aberystwyth University and Jesus College, Oxford. He taught at Cardiff School for Boys and then at what became Swansea University. Thomas Ellis was Headmaster of Rhyl County School, 1930-40. In the 1940s he lectured at what became Lampeter and Aberystwyth Universities. Ellis helped to found the New Wales Union in 1941 and was Secretary for 25 years. He served as warden of the Guild of Graduates of the University of Wales for six years and as High Sheriff of Cardiganshire, 1944-45. Ellis was also a member of the Court and Council of the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth and of the National Library of Wales and served as a member of the Governing Body, Representative Body and College of Episcopal Electors of the Church in Wales. He died on 20 April 1970. Ellis moved among all those who kept the lid on Gwynne, Dafydd and the gang. Ellis’s wife Mari was a writer and women’s rights activist. Mari was a graduate of UCNW and later worked at the National Library of Wales.

The MP for Merioneth, 1899-1900, was Sir O.M. Edwards, who was elected unopposed. Edwards did not enjoy Parliamentary life and left the House after one year.

Sir Osmond Williams was elected unopposed in 1900 and held Merioneth until 1910. Sir Osmond was the son of David Williams and the brother of Alice. He was born in Ardudwy and was educated at Eton. Osmond married Frances, daughter of John Whitehead Greaves, who was part of the slate industry in north Wales. Greaves worked existing slate deposits in partnership with other entrepreneurs, initially at Glynrhonwy but adding other sites. He used the income this to prospect for new veins which he could exploit exclusively. Greaves opened the Llechwedd Quarry in 1846. His slate won a Class 1 Prize Medal at the Great Exhibition of 1851 and orders flowed in, including a contract to supply Kensington Palace.

Sir Henry Haydn Jones succeeded Sir Osmond as MP and retained the seat until 1945, for some of the time unopposed. Sir Henry was born in Ruthin, the son of Joseph David Jones, a schoolmaster in the town and a Welsh musician and composer. After the early death of his father, Haydn Jones was brought up by uncles at Towyn (now Tywyn) where he was educated at the Board School & Academy. In 1903 he married Barbara, the daughter of Lewis D. Jones, a Welsh-born Chicago ironmonger and quarry owner.

In 1889 Haydn Jones was elected as one of the first members of Merionethshire County Council, representing the Towyn Urban District. A year later he was the Chair of the Council. He was eventually elected an Alderman.

In 1909 the Bryn Eglwys slate quarry, the Abergynolwyn estate and village and Talyllyn Railway came up for sale. Aware of the distress which would be caused by permanent closure of the quarry, Sir Haydn bought the lot himself in 1911 for £5250 and became the sole owner of what became the Abergynolwyn Slate and Slab Company. In 1935 he extended his quarry ownership, leasing the Aberllefenni Slate Quarry in the neighbouring Corris district.

The quarrying and slate business did well until the early 1920s when demand fell and the Bryn Eglwys quarry was only kept open by pillaring the easy to obtain slate rather than by digging out new underground chambers. At times there was a three-day week, but the quarry soldiered on until 1941 when Sir Haydn’s lease expired. He continued on a yearly lease until 1946 when a roof fall caused by the continued pillaring closed the quarry for good.

By buying Bryn Eglwys, Haydn Jones had become effectively owner of the Talyllyn Railway built to carry slate from the quarry to Tywyn. After the quarry collapse and closure in 1946, the railway had little reason to continue operating. Haydn Jones declared that the railway would remain open while he remained alive and it continued to run until 1950. After his death his widow reached an arrangement with L.T.C. Rolt and his associates allowing them to lease the railway. Today the railway operates as a tourist attraction.

In 1945 Emrys Roberts was elected for Merioneth and held the seat until 1951. Emrys Roberts was born at Caernarfon and educated at Caernarfon Grammar School, at the now Abersytwyth University where he graduated in law and then Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, followed by the Graduate Institute of International Studies in Geneva. Emrys served in the RAF during WWII, reaching the rank of Squadron Leader. He was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1944. Sir William Mars-Jones, Ronnie Waterhouse’s mate and Dafydd’s umbrella for many years, was a member of Gray’s Inn.

Roberts was sometime Chairman of the Welsh Liberal Party. He was Chairman of the Development Board for Rural Wales, 1977-81 and a member of a large number of other public bodies in Wales including being Chairman of the Eisteddfod Council. He was active in the Parliament for Wales Campaign launched in 1950, Chaired by Lady Megan Lloyd George but by the time the campaign got into top gear both he and Lady Megan had lost their Parliamentary seats. So the other paedophiles’ friends from a previous era, such as Goronwy Roberts, had to take over.

In 1950, Emrys Roberts increased his majority after a campaign invigorated by a meeting addressed by the veteran Liberal, Lord Samuel.

The Plaid Cymru candidate in Merioneth for a number of elections in the 1950s and 60s was Gwynfor Evans. Gwynfor Evans was the first person to be elected as a Plaid MP, for Carmarthen in 1966. Gwynfor knew about the organised abuse in Wales and when he stood as the Plaid candidate for Merioneth he will have known about the activities of Bertrand Russell and some of the summer visitors to Croeser, as well as the rather high price local people paid if they Crossed Gwynne and Dafydd’s Path.

The immediate post-war period continued to be difficult for the Liberal Party in terms of political positioning. Together with Lady Megan Lloyd George and Edgar Granville, Emrys Roberts was one of a group of MPs determined to stand up against what they saw as the Party’s drift to the Right under the leadership of Clement Davies and to save its Radical soul. In 1950, Emrys Roberts criticised Davies saying that the party was being badly led and that Davies should be consulting the Deputy Leader (Lady Megan) rather than the Chief Whip on matters of policy in the first instance. As a reward for the pro-Labour leanings of Emrys and Lady Megan (more of which in a minute) and support of the Labour Gov’t in Parliamentary votes, the Conservatives decided to renew their opposition against Lady Megan in Anglesey and Emrys Roberts in Merioneth and their intervention was a critical factor in the loss of these two long-standing Liberal seats. The Conservatives declined to stand candidates in the constituencies held by Clement Davies, Roderic Bowen and Rhys Hopkin Morris, who had the reputation of being more right-wing, all of whom held their seats. After the 1951 General Election, a number of leading Radicals gave up on the Liberal Party with Lady Megan and Edgar Granville defecting to Labour, followed soon after by other former MPs Dingle Foot – Michael Foot’s brother – and Wilfrid Roberts. Dingle Foot QC was Solicitor General in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t, which will have involved concealing much wrongdoing, including that in north Wales.

Emrys Roberts did not join the Labour Party but he largely withdrew from up active politics and devoted himself to a business career. He later became the Director of the Branded Textiles Group. However he did not lose his interest in politics. In 1982 at the height of the difficulties afflicting the Liberal/SDP Alliance over seats negotiations and the dip in support for the Alliance in the polls, Emrys Roberts wrote to The Times proposing that the Alliance parties should have a single, joint, leader for the next general election and that there should be a merger of the parties once the election was over. He reminded readers that in 1951 he and Lady Megan Lloyd George had entered into talks with Mandy’s granddad Herbert Morrison, proposing a working relationship between the Labour Gov’t, with its majority of eight and the Liberal Party which had nine MPs. According to Emrys Roberts, Morrison was well disposed to the idea but Attlee’s decision to dissolve Parliament and call the Oct 1951 General Election put an end to it. Roberts added that the Lib-Lab Pact concluded between David Steel and Jim Callaghan in 1977-78 achieved what he and Lady Megan had been trying to do in 1951.

Readers will have noticed that I don’t have to indulge my interest in an earlier geological era for long before I arrive in the sphere of latter day paedophiles’ friends. Emrys Roberts began his life at the knee of the Ancients but well before he died, he was cheek by jowl with Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Clement Freud, Dr Death et al. These complete idiots were part of the mass of rocks which could not be shifted when some people tried to get to the bottom of the most dreadful abuse of vulnerable people and associated serious crime in the 1980s and 90s. People died, there were corpses turning up all over north Wales. I am not that old but I knew some of those people; the kids who suffered so terribly in the children’s homes of north Wales were my age. We’re not talking orphanages for Victorian waifs here, we’re talking about people who were kids in the 1970s and young adults in the 1980s. Some of the old crocks who did it are still alive and snuggling down in their comfy chairs in villages across north Wales with the proverbial paned and a slice of bara brith, relying upon the network to get their grandchildren a place at medical school or a job as a social worker. They are not harmless old Taids and Nains, these were vicious bastards who ensured that the most terrible suffering continued because they were making a lot of money out of other old gits who wanted to have sex with children.

Ooh here’s Taid on the dresser, everyone knew Taid:

From 1968-1977, Emrys Roberts was Chairman of the Mid-Wales Development Corporation and then Chairman of the Development Board for Rural Wales from 1977–1981. Roberts was a member of the WDA, 1977-81 – who’s reputation for corruption remains unsurpassed to this day (see previous posts) and Director of the Development Corporation of Wales, 1978–81.

The committees upon which Emrys Roberts sat and his interests are reflected in his correspondence and papers, which are deposited in the National Library of Wales. They include those relating to the National Eisteddfod, 1959–76; the Development Board for Rural Wales, 1973–81; and Wales and West North Television. Emrys Roberts was also Vice-President of the Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, which seems to be simply a group of paedophiles’ friends who give medals to each other.

It would be entertaining to chug over to the National Library if I was still near Aberystwyth and take a look at Emrys’s papers to see if I could spot any mention of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. However I know from previous digging that whereas people were more than happy to drop Dafydd’s name at every opportunity until the mid-1970s, after that he became so embarrassing that no-one would mention him. But they wouldn’t stop his wrongdoing and they didn’t actually tell him to take a running jump when he rang them up/dropped in on them/wrote to them. Instead they took orders from him, having been so deeply compromised as a result of the history that I have been blogging about. This was a relatively small, incestuous collection of silly, vain, pompous people who landed Wales deep in a slurry pit as a result of their grandiose ambitions and corruption.

Emrys Roberts died in October 1990. So he lasted long enough to give Dafydd et al a helping hand right up until the North Wales Police investigation into the possible presence of the paedophile ring was launched.

The combusting Lord Maelor held Merioneth between 1951 and 1966 and faced a number of challenges from Gwynfor Evans as Plaid candidate. In 1964 the Plaid candidate was Elystan Morgan. Elystan Morgan is yet another lawyer who is an Aber graduate who has willingly served Dafydd and the gang throughout his life. Elystan Morgan is nothing if not persistent. He stood as the Plaid candidate for Wrexham twice in 1955 and again in 1959 and after having no luck in Merioneth in 1964, joined the Labour Party and in 1966 was elected as MP for Cardiganshire. He served as a Minister in the Home Office in Wilson’s Gov’t. Elystan Morgan is a member of Gray’s Inn along with the best of Dafydd’s mates. He was Chairman of the Welsh Parliamentary Labour Party, 1971-74. After losing his seat in Feb 1974, Elystan concentrated on his legal career but in 1979 Elystan was back in action, trying to become the Labour MP for Anglesey. Elystan Morgan was given a peerage in 1981, becoming Lord Elystan-Morgan. He was a recorder, 1983-87 and a Circuit judge, 1987-2003. Elystan Morgan was President of Aberystwyth University, 1997-2007. See previous posts for more gen on Elystan Morgan.

At the 1966 General Election, Merioneth was won by Labour’s William Edwards, who retained the seat until Feb 1974. William Henry Edwards, Will Edwards, was a lawyer who was born in Amlwch, Anglesey. His father was a tenant farmer and his mother was a seamstress. Will Edwards was educated at the local Grammar School and at Sir Thomas Jones’ Comprehensive School. He read Law at  Liverpool University and was of a similar vintage to those other two well known alumni of Liverpool University, Dafydd and Lucille. Will then studied at the London College of Law. He became a solicitor in Bala and visiting lecturer at Liverpool College of Commerce.

Edwards contested West Flintshire in the 1964 General Election. After his election for Merioneth in 1996, he became PPS to Secretary of State for Wales, the Windbag’s mate Lord Cledwyn. Will Edwards became a front-bench spokesman on Welsh affairs, in a team headed by the molester George Thomas, but he was sacked by Harold Wilson in 1972 over his support for entry into the EEC. Edwards lost his seat in the Feb 1974 General Election to Plaid’s Dafydd Elis Thomas and was unable to regain the seat in the October 1974 General Election.

Will Edwards was then appointed to lead Labour’s campaign in Wales for a “yes” vote in the referendum to remain in the EEC. In 1981, he was selected to fight Ynys Mon (Anglesey), but withdrew in March 1983, shortly before that year’s General Election, in protest at Labour’s policies of withdrawal from the EEC, unilateral nuclear disarmament and closure of US military bases in the UK.

Will Edwards was a member of the Historic Buildings Council for Wales, 1971-76 and began to edit The Solicitor’s Diary for Waterlow’s in 1973. In 1987, a Law Society tribunal struck him off the roll of solicitors for infringing the solicitors’ accounts rules and improper use of clients’ funds. In the light of how solicitors in north Wales were conducting themselves at the time, Will Edwards must have either been very bad indeed or the other paedophiles’ friends turned on him for some reason.

In later life, Will Edwards suffered from diabetes and heart disease. He died in the Wrexham Maelor Hospital in 2007. Will wasn’t refused NHS treatment on the grounds that he Hadn’t Taken Responsibility then. He lived long enough to contribute to the efforts to ensure that matters Dafydd and the trafficking ring remained safely buried.

When Will died, an obituary was published in ‘The Guardian’ which painted an interesting portrait of Will who nicked his clients’ money and concealed a paedophile gang. Here are the highlights:

‘An engaging and talented man… He got into trouble for taking political life seriously, but provoked greater difficulties by not taking it seriously enough…Edwards…was a young solicitor of considerable charm…He became well known in Welsh politics, while his energetic social life made him a popular figure with colleagues and journalists who did not think that Westminster duties were incompatible with having a good time. That attitude raised fewer eyebrows then than perhaps it would today, but combined with a reluctance to suck up to his political superiors meant Edwards was looked on with some suspicion…He was also passionately pro-Europe…There were other problems closer to home. In Welsh-speaking rural Wales, MPs have traditionally been people of a respectable, moderately radical character…But in an area of very conservative social views, Edwards’ displays of affluence – like the personalised car number plates – were considered inappropriate. Disparaging comments were made…there was more than a bit of swagger as he walked down the main street of Bala. Party colleagues reported indications that he was not being assiduous enough.

It would be wrong to suggest that Edwards did not care about his constituents. He argued passionately on their behalf on specific issues, but it was difficult to avoid the impression that he found the details of political life less than wholly absorbing. That played into the hands of a politician who had been enthusiastically canvassing Merioneth… Plaid Cymru’s Dafydd Elis Thomas… Later in the 80s, financial transgressions got him struck off as a solicitor by the Law Society. While still relatively young, he was hit by ill-health, including diabetes and, later, heart disease. It was a sad, premature decline and a contrast to the days when his verve and sense of mischief were at everyone’s service.’

Everyone is rude about Dafydd El shamelessly toadying to Royals, but I don’t think that he has yet been caught stealing other people’s money only to be excused by having the qualities of ‘verve and a sense of mischief’.

Who was the obituarist who considered that helping yourself to your clients’ dosh is just part of life’s rich tapestry and it most post unreasonable of the constituents not to vote for an MP who robbed them, being a bunch of old stick in the muds in Bala? It was the late Patrick Hannan, the Welsh journo and TV/radio broadcaster. Hannan went to school with Sir Anthony Hopkins and then to Aberystwyth University. He worked on the ‘Western Mail’ in the 1960s and joined BBC Wales in 1970. Hannan presented ‘Wales Today’ and then spent 13 years as the BBC’s political correspondent in Wales and had a series on BBC Radio Wales. He broadcast on Radio 4 with his colleague Peter Stead and produced documentary programmes for BBC 2, BBC Wales and HTV. Hannan married Menna Richards, who became Director of BBC Wales. He died in 2009. One of Hannan’s books was published by Gomer Press. Hannan was the son of a Top Doctor in south Wales.

A few observations: Sir Anthony Hopkins came over all Welsh at about the time of the Waterhouse Report and its aftermath. He waxed lyrical about being Welsh and there was much media hype as to Sir Anthony’s Welshness and his work with the Snowdonia Society and other Welsh Things. Sir Anthony’s burst of patriotism didn’t last long. Once the PR job was done, he went to live in the US – where he had spent many years previously – and even took US citizenship. See previous posts.

Among the frantic re-creating of Wales’s image during the 1990s and the early years of the new millennium when there was so much adverse publicity about child abuse in north Wales and even a possible VIP paedophile ring, many Old Favourites written by north Wales writers from yesteryear were republished, particularly by Kate Roberts. Kate Roberts grew up in Caernarfonshire, worked as a school teacher for a while and then married and went to live in Denbigh, where she spent the rest of her life. She and her husband were involved with Plaid and Welsh language campaigning and they owned a small publishing house in Denbigh. It was that publisher, Gwasg Gee, which republished many of Kate’s works and associated literature, as well as Gomer Press. See post ‘Feet In Chains’.

Menna Richards attended the funeral of John Owen, a schoolteacher and scriptwriter for Welsh language TV, who was found dead in 2001, days before he was due to stand trial for a series of sex offences against children. When John Owen was initially charged there was a great deal of How Very Dare You and Standing By Him. After his death, as more and more former pupils and their relatives came forward and said that John had abused them, they had complained but nothing had been done, gradually the How Very Dare You turned into admissions of Er Yes, We Knew. It seemed that a great many people knew about John Owen and many, many complaints had been made about him over decades

Hannan and Menna will of course Not Have Known About Jimmy Savile…

Hannan’s own obits were full of comments about the fearless reporter who was not afraid to take on the powerful. Yet Hannan and Menna couldn’t say one word about a gang of old paedophiles in north Wales who were murdering witnesses.

• One of Hannan’s own books was A Useful Fiction: Adventures in British Democracy (2009).

In the General Election of 1970 the Plaid candidate for Merioneth was Dafydd Wigley. He polled very well, but not enough to topple Emrys.

Dafydd El held Merioneth until 1983, when the seat disappeared in a reorganisation. In 1979, Dafydd El’s nearest rival was, incredibly enough for that constituency at that time, the Conservative candidate Robert Harvey. Robert Harvey was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was foreign affairs leader writer for the Torygraph, 1987-1991 and assistant editor of ‘The Economist’, 1981-1983.

Harvey first stood for Parliament, unsuccessfully, at Caernarfon in Oct 1974, where he was beaten by Wigley. In the Conservative landslide of 1983, Harvey was elected as the MP for Clwyd South West, a constituency that only existed between 1983-97.  It was created from the constituencies of Denbigh, Wrexham and Merioneth and was not a safe seat, it was always up for grabs. Harvey became a member of the Commons Foreign Affairs Committee. He served for one term before his defeat at the 1987 General Election by Labour’s Martyn Jones.  

Clwyd South West was never fought by anyone who was going to say a word about the trafficking gang, although one wonders why an Eton educated Torygraph journo would want to become an MP in north Wales, either in Gwynedd or Clwyd.

Sir Peter Morrison was a personal friend of Thatch and was elected as the Tory MP for Chester in Feb 1974. Morrison’s brother Charles was a Tory MP and Charles was a big fan of Ted Heath. Peter Morrison’s father, Lord Margadale, had been a Tory politician. The Morrisons were a landed family with numerous members of their extended family also active in Tory politics. Peter Morrison abused kids in north Wales, including some at Bryn Estyn.

To return to events at the constituency of Wrexham in elections. Some familiar faces were circulating. The Plaid candidate for Wrexham in 1955 was Elystan Morgan.

In 1959, Labour’s Idwal Jones had a majority of 24.07% (12,957) over the Conservative and National Liberal candidate. Elystan stood for Plaid again.

In 1964, Idwal had a majority of 25.27% (13,238) over the Conservative and National Liberal candidate. The Plaid candidate was John Richard Thomas.

In 1966, Idwal had a majority of 34.01% (17,443) over the Conservative candidate.

Elystan didn’t rear his head in Wrexham after 1964, because he had of course joined the Labour Party which led to him being elected in Cardigan.

In 1970, Tom Ellis was the Labour candidate for Wrexham and won the seat with a majority of 28.23% (15,440) over the Conservative candidate. Ellis was born in Rhosllanennerchrugog and was educated at Ruabon Grammar School. In 1957 he became manager of the nearby Bersham Colliery. Ellis undertook further studies at the Universities of Wales and Nottingham. He was a President of Wrexham Fabian Society.

Ellis first stood for Parliament without success in Flint West in 1966. He was elected for Wrexham in 1970, and re-elected in Feb 1974, Oct 1974 and May 1979. Ellis also served as an indirectly elected MEP, 1975-1979.

Ellis was one of the core handful of Woy-esque Labour MPs who were prepared to leave the Labour Party without the Gang of Three of Dr Death, Bill Rodgers and Shirl. Ellis contemplated joining the Liberals. In 1981, Ellis became one of the founding members of the SDP. Ellis was one of three Welsh MPs to join the new Party and he was elected to serve as the President of Welsh Social Democrats. As a result of boundary changes, Ellis did not contest Wrexham in 1983, instead he stood in the new constituency of Clwyd South West, finishing second to the Tory Robert Harvey. Ellis stood again in Clwyd South West in 1987, finishing third. After the merger of the SDP and the Liberals, Ellis stood for the then Social and Liberal Democrats at the 1989 Pontypridd by-election.

In Feb 1974, Tom Ellis had a majority of 22.32% (13,083) over the Conservative candidate. In Oct 1974, Ellis had a majority of 28.96% (16,366) over his nearest rival which was then the Liberal candidate. In 1979, Tom had a majority of 19.66% (12,149) over the Conservative candidate.

In 1983, John Marek won the seat for Labour, with a majority of 0.9% (424) over the Conservative candidate Cynthia Kay Wood. John Marek held Wrexham for Labour until 2001. Marek stood down after he was elected to represent Wrexham in the National Assembly of Wales in 1999. This was initially for the Labour Party, but he was deselected in 2003 and formed Forward Wales, for whom he was re-elected. In 2004, Ron Davies of the Moments of Madness and Looking for Badgers resigned from the Labour Party, joined Forward Wales, subsequently standing unsuccessfully as a candidate. Marek was defeated at the 2007 election.

Marek lectured in maths at Aberystwyth before becoming an MP. He was elected a member of Ceredigion District Council in 1979 and served until 1983; he was Chair of its finance sub-committee, 1982-83.

Marek joined the Assembly in 1999 and caused much havoc. In 2000, Marek was elected as Deputy Presiding Officer against the candidate preferred by the Labour leadership. This move and his frequent criticisms of the Labour-led Wrexham County Borough led to his deselection as the Labour Party’s candidate for the National Assembly elections of 1 May 2003. Marek then stood as a candidate for the John Marek Independent Party and defeated the official Labour Party candidate, Lesley Griffiths, a former secretary of his and the most loyal paedophiles’ friend. It was later that year Marek formed Forward Wales. He ran for re-election in the 2007 Welsh Assembly election, but was defeated by Lesley Griffiths. On 29 March 2010, Marek joined the Tory Party and he was later confirmed as the Party’s candidate for the 2011 Welsh Assembly election, where he again came second to Griffiths in the Wrexham constituency.

In 2006 Marek was appointed a Vice President of Wrexham A.F.C. by new owners Nev Dickens and Geoff Moss and remained a Vice President until the club passed into the ownership of the Wrexham Supporters Trust.

Marek’s majority over the Conservative candidate in 1987 was 8.3% (4152). Owen Paterson was the Tory candidate for Wrexham in 1992; John Marek had a majority over Paterson of 13.1% (6716). Paterson subsequently became the Tory MP for North Shropshire in 1997, a seat which he currently retains. In 1997, Marek’s majority over the Conservative candidate was 32.3% (11,622).

Ian Lucas, a lawyer who grew up in Gateshead and went to New College, Oxford, won Wrexham for Labour in 2001, with a majority of 30.5% (9188) over the Conservative candidate. Ian remains Wrexham’s MP.

In 2005 and 2010, the Liberal candidate for Wrexham was Tom Rippeth, a Professor of Oceanography at Bangor University. Tom Rippeth and one of his friends moved into the house with whom I and other witnesses to the crimes of Dafydd and the gang used to share in 1987 and caused much grief and trouble as Dafydd’s war against us was underway. I have been told that Rippeth knew that I was someone who had been targeted by the gang back in 1987 and Rippeth found that he could do very nicely out of this. See previous posts.

2010 was a good year for unscrupulous bastards challenging Ian Lucas at the polls. The Plaid candidate that year was Arfon Jones, who as a police constable in the 1970s, chauffeured the senior officer Gordon Anglesea to the venues where Anglesea molested kids in care. Arfon is now the Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has starred in many of my previous blog posts…

Denbigh.

The constituency of Denbigh existed between 1918 and 1983. During the years of Gwynne and Dafydd Denbigh didn’t enjoy the huge majorities enjoyed by Dafydd Wigley in Caernarfon, but for decades the sitting Tory MP proved impossible to unseat, although many of those we know and love tried their luck.

Sir Henry Morris-Jones was the MP for Denbigh, 1929-50. Morris-Jones was a Top Doctor who was born in Waunfawr, near Caernarfon. He was educated at Menai Bridge Grammar School, Anglesey and St. Mungo’s College of Medicine in Glasgow. In 1931 Morris-Jones married Leila Paget-Marsland, a widow. They were not blessed with children.

Morris-Jones qualified as a Top Doctor in 1906 from Glasgow, gaining a further licence for surgery from Edinburgh and was for twenty years a GP in Colwyn Bay. During the WWI, Morris-Jones served in the 2nd Battalion of the Worcestershire Regiment as a medical officer in France. He later served as Chairman of his division of the BMA and of the Colwyn Bay Medical Society.

Morris-Jones took an active part in the public life of the town of Colwyn Bay and the County of Denbigh. He was elected a member of Colwyn Bay Urban District Council, later becoming its Chairman. He was High Sheriff Designate of the County, 1929–30 and also served as a member of the County Council. Morris-Jones was also appointed a Deputy Lieutenant of Denbighshire and was a JP. 

At the 1929 General Election, Morris-Jones was nominated to be the candidate for Denbigh and on 4 April he was selected by the local party to stand in succession to the sitting MP, Ellis William Davies, who was resigning on grounds of ill-health. Morris-Jones had a straight fight against the Tory, Captain Alan Crosland Graham of Ruthin, the Political Private Secretary to Lord Balfour. The Liberal party improved its position nationally in 1929, but it did not make the breakthrough it had hoped for under the leadership of a reinvigorated Lloyd George. In this climate and without a Labour opponent in Denbigh, Morris-Jones was able to increase the Liberal majority from 1,421 to 8,189.

While in Parliament, Morris-Jones took a particular interest in public health and agriculture both nationally and as they affected Denbighshire. He was an honorary Treasurer of the Parliamentary Medical Group from time of election in 1929 and was later appointed as a member of the Committee of Trustees set up under the MPs Pensions Act.

In 1931 an economic crisis led to the formation of a National Liberal Gov’t led by Labour PM Ramsey MacDonald, initially supported by the Conservative and Liberal parties. A group of Liberal MPs were concerned to ensure that the National Government had a wide cross-party base and formed the Liberal National Party to support MacDonald’s administration. Morris-Jones joined this group and thereafter sat in the Commons as a Liberal National. At the 1931 General Election, Morris-Jones was unopposed in Denbigh. So on 16 October Morris-Jones retained his Parliamentary seat as one of 65 MPs returned unopposed.

In 1932, Morris-Jones was appointed an Assistant Government Whip and he held that post until 1935. From 1935 to 1937 he was a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury. In May 1937 when Neville Chamberlain succeeded Stanley Baldwin as PM, Morris-Jones was offered the position of Chief Whip to the Liberal National group after the formation of the new Government but preferred ‘for personal reasons’ to return to the backbenches.

As the prospect of another General Election approached, the Liberal Party policy of not opposing sitting Liberal National MPs came increasingly under threat. In Denbighshire there was a willingness to challenge Morris-Jones, who was seen more and more as a surrogate Tory. At a meeting of the Liberal Association on 24 October 1935, it was agreed to adopt John Cledwyn Davies, the Director of Education for Denbighshire and the Lloyd George Coalition Liberal MP for Denbigh from 1922-23. Morris-Jones refused to stand down and the two members of the liberal family fought each other in the General Election in November 1935. The Conservatives supported Morris-Jones and the intervention of a Labour candidate helped take votes away from Davies. Across the country the Liberal National vote remained steady and Morris-Jones held the seat with a majority of over 5,000.

For brief period during the WWII, commencing in February 1942, Morris-Jones decided to leave the Liberal Nationals. In July 1942 he was signatory to a motion which while praising the armed forces indicated a lack of confidence in the Government’s conduct of the war. It was later recorded that Morris-Jones had rejoined the official Liberals; however at the time Morris-Jones described himself as having become an Independent. In the end the political and electoral realities overcame the sense of Liberal family and Morris-Jones rejoined the Liberal Nationals in March 1943, presumably sensing or calculating it would be the safest way to enable him to continue as an MP.

In 1937 Morris-Jones was Honorary Treasurer and Honorary Secretary of the Reception Committee co-ordinating the Royal Visit to North Wales. As part of the coronation celebrations the King and Queen were to visit North Wales in July 1937. They were to open an extension to the National Library of Wales at Aber and and make a ceremonial visit to Caernarfon Castle. At this time Lloyd George was Constable of the Caernarfon Castle and Morris-Jones was involved in discussion and debate with him and others about the arrangements for the visit; some bad-tempered exchanges took place over the choice of music for the Royal programme which Lloyd George felt was not up to the dignity of the occasion.

In 1941-2, Morris-Jones served as Chairman of the Welsh Parliamentary Party. Liberal MPs from Wales had always regarded themselves as a separate Parliamentary entity, certainly from as early as 1886. They saw their role as promoting distinctly Welsh causes and being the party of Welsh nationalism. This role diminished with the decline of Liberalism in Wales during the 20th century and establishment of Plaid Cymru in 1925, but there remained a sentiment at Westminster that Welsh parliamentarians should meet together in the interests of their country.

Morris-Jones was also a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards. He also served as a member of the Governing Body of the Church in Wales, 1950-62.

At the 1945 General Election,  Morris-Jones faced official Liberal and Labour opposition in Denbigh but was supported as the Government candidate by the Conservatives. With the opposition split, he held on. Although he stood down as an MP at the 1950 General Election, Morris-Jones remained loyal to the Liberal Nationals, or National Liberal Party as it became known after 1948. He served as Vice Chairman of the Executive of the National Liberal Party in 1952 and the following year (1953–54) he went on to be Chairman.

The National Liberals again held Denbigh against split opposition in 1950, albeit with a reduced majority. It remained a National Liberal seat until 1959 when a Conservative candidate was put up, successfully retaining it. It then stayed Conservative until the constituency was abolished in 1983.

As a Top Doctor, Morris-Jones took a keen interest in the legislation to set up the NHS. He was not in favour, taking the side of the professional organisations in opposing measures to force doctors into the NHS. By 1948 he was much more closely aligned with the Conservatives and their thinking. That Morris-Jones was a man of traditional views in relation to medical matters can be deduced from his association with the campaign to prevent the sale of contraceptives from slot machines, as a ‘temptation to youth’. Dafydd hadn’t yet arrived at the North Wales Hospital when Morris-Jones was worrying about those slot machines.

In the late 1940s, Morris-Jones wrote to ‘The Times’ expressing his reservations about the creation of the NHS. A year after the introduction of the NHS, Morris-Jones was again writing to ‘The Times’ to highlight what he saw as the decline in status of the GP. He believed that there was evidence to show that after a year of the NHS there had been a deterioration in the art of medicine as practised by GPs, an expansion of their workload, an increase in bureaucracy, difficulties in seeing cases through and getting patients into hospitals.

My how Top Docs complaints haven’t changed.

Although Seriously Grim was de rigueur for asylums at the time, throughout the post-war years the North Wales Hospital seemed to have a reputation for being much grimmer than most. It will have originally been built to help poor wretches, but it certainly lost its way and I suspect that was the case during at least the latter years of Morris-Jones’s time as the MP for Denbigh.

In 1945, the Labour candidate who opposed Morris-Jones was none other than Sir William Mars-Jones, Ronnie Waterhouse’s colleague and friend. Mars-Jones came from a Denbighshire farming family and made it big as a lawyer and then a High Court judge in London. He retained close links with north Wales throughout his life and provided a very big umbrella for Dafydd and the gang throughout his life, assisted by the rest of the Mars-Jones’s in north Wales. See previous posts.

In 1950, after Morris-Jones stood down, Emlyn Garner Evans was elected as the National Liberal MP for Denbigh, having a 2.69% (1209) majority over Glyn Tegai Hughes, the Liberal candidate.

Emlyn Garner Evans was born in Llangollen and read law at Aber. He went onto Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge, by which time he was already an active member of the Liberal Party. Evans was President of the Cambridge Union and of the Cambridge University Liberal Club. He stood as the Liberal Party candidate for the City of Chester in 1935 but did not win. In 1936 Evans spoke in a debate with Harold Wilson and in the same year he became President of the Union of University Liberal Societies and was elected to the Liberal Party Council.

Evans became Editor of The New Commonwealth Quarterly, a journal published by the New Commonwealth Society which studied international relations, in 1935. (Churchill was Chairman of the institute’s British section from 1936.) Evans also helped to found the World Youth Congress in 1936, and was elected President of its political section in 1936 and re-elected in 1938. On the outbreak of WWII Evans joined the RAF and served overseas in North Africa and Italy.

At the end of WWII Evans was adopted as Liberal candidate for Denbigh and unsuccessfully fought the seat at the 1945 General Election. He resumed his legal training and was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in 1946. William Mars-Jones was a member of Gray’s Inn. When a joint statement of principles of Liberals and Conservatives was published in a pamphlet called “Design for Freedom” in February 1947, Evans was one of the signatories. Although the full merger was not agreed, the Liberal Nationals were reorganised into the National Liberal Party later in 1947, and Evans joined.

When Morris-Jones announced his retirement Evans was selected as his replacement by the local National Liberal Association in April 1948; he then attended several local branches of the Conservative Association (with whom the National Liberals were in alliance) and committed himself to defeating the Labour Government. Evans was adopted as candidate in November 1949.

The election saw some confusion as the National Liberals claimed the official mantle of Liberalism. Evans faced a Liberal opponent and won the seat with a narrow majority of 1,209 over the Liberal candidate Glyn Tegai Hughes.

Glyn Tegai Hughes was a scholar and a literary critic. He was the son of a Welsh Methodist Minister and a Methodist preacher himself. Glyn Tegai will have known George Thomas, who was a very high profile Methodist. Glyn Tegai was educated at Newtown and Towyn County Grammar School, the Liverpool Institute and Manchester Grammar School. After WWII, he went to Corpus Christie College, Cambridge. Glyn Tegai served as President of Cambridge University Liberal Club and was Chairman of the Union of University Liberal Societies. In 1950 Hughes was a founding member of Undeb Cymru Fydd, the all-Party organisation that was created to campaign for a Parliament for Wales. Glyn Tegai served as Chairman of Undeb Cymru Fydd, 1968–70. He served as Chairman of the Liberal Party in Wales and during the 1959 General Election campaign he featured on TV with Robin Day. Day was one of Ronnie Watehouse’s closest friends; Waterhouse himself was of course from an influential Liberal family in north Wales.

In 1967 Glyn Tegai became a Member of the Welsh Arts Council, serving until 1976. In 1971 he was appointed National Governor for Wales BBC and Chairman of the Broadcasting Council for Wales, serving in these roles until 1979. In 1977 Glyn Tegai became Vice-President of the North Wales Arts Association, serving until 1994. In 1980 he became a Member of the Board of the Channel Four Television Company, on which he sat until 1987. In 1981 Glyn Tegai became a member of the S4C Authority, serving util 1987. In 1988 he became Chairman of the Welsh Broadcasting Trust, serving until 1996.

In 1951 Glyn Tegai was appointed as a lecturer in English at Basle University, Switzerland. In 1953 he was appointed as a lecturer in Comparative Literary Studies at Manchester University.  From 1964–1989 Glyn Tegai was Warden of the Gregynog Centre, University of Wales.

Garner Evans was re-elected for Denbigh in the 1951 General Election with a majority of 7,915 over the Labour candidate, which was Idwal Jones. 

Glyn Tegai didn’t contest the 1951 election, because he was working in Switzerland at the time.

In Parliament Garner Evans was made Secretary to the Parliamentary Committee on Atomic Energy. Dafydd worked at Windscale in the 1950s, where he gained knowledge of wrongdoing and cover-ups at Gov’t level that stood him in good stead (see previous posts). Garner Evans pressed for more help for his constituents: in December 1953 he stated that the best aid the Government could give to agriculture in Wales was a marketing policy and in November 1954 he insisted that the Home Secretary could not manage Welsh affairs without additional Ministerial help and called for new Minister of State in the Lords. Early in 1955, Evans was one of six MPs to visit the British Army of the Rhine and bring back a report calling for National Servicemen to be paid the same as the regular Army.

Meanwhile, hundreds and hundreds of people were locked up in the asylum on the outskirts of Denbigh, in appalling conditions, invisible to the outside world, their deaths at the hands of those ‘caring’ for them going unnoticed and no doubt undocumented.

There was some local criticism of Garner Evans. In December 1954 an extraordinary meeting of the Conservative Central Council in the constituency was called to hear a report on a complaint against him: it was alleged that he had addressed a meeting in Llanrwst when “not in a fit condition to do so”. The meeting passed a vote recording its displeasure, but also adopted Evans as its candidate for the next election. A model of business which was applied to Dafydd throughout his entire career, even when Dafydd’s condition was so unfit that it was lethal.

The return of Glyn Tegai Hughes ensured that Garner Evans’ majority was cut in the 1955 General Election to 10.94% (4,641). The Labour candidate for Denbigh that year was Robyn Lewis.

Evans spoke in January 1956 in favour of encouraging the Welsh language through education and broadcasting, arguing that Welsh nationalism was caused by fear of the loss of language and culture. When the Government appointed a Minister with responsibility for Welsh Affairs, Evans echoed Labour complaints about the lowly status of the new Minister and described his powers as “nebulous”.

Continuing concerns at Garner Evans’ political and personal performance both in Parliament and in the constituency prompted a meeting of the Conservative Central Council to be called in May 1958. Despite Garner Evans pleading to the meeting that “I have spent pretty well all my life trying to bring Liberals and Conservatives together”, the delegates passed a motion of no confidence in Evans. The association President then said that he would then move to discuss with the National Liberals how to select a candidate acceptable to both parties. In November 1958 Conservative Central Office reported that Evans had told them he would not be a candidate for re-election. The Conservative Association subsequently selected Geraint Morgan.

This situation put the National Liberals in a quandary as they had not withdrawn support from Garner Evans. In July 1958 Evans issued a statement to his electors pledging continued support for the Government and urging the Conservatives not to take any “hasty action” which might place his and other National Liberal seats in jeopardy. The same month, a meeting of the National Liberals pledged support for him; however the Conservatives undertook prolonged negotiations.

It was only on the eve of the 1959 General Election that a deal worked out by Conservative Chairman Lt-Col. J. C. Wynne-Edwards was agreed, under which Geraint Morgan agreed to run as a ‘Conservative and National Liberal’ candidate. Morgan spoke to the National Liberals and persuaded them to pledge official support to him. During the election campaign, the Liberal candidate attacked the Conservatives for withdrawing support from Evans.

Geraint Morgan QC, the Conservative candidate, won Denbigh at the 1959 General Election and he remained Denbigh’s MP until the constituency disappeared in 1983. Geraint Morgan has featured on this blog before. He was a barrister who had studied at Aber and at Trinity Hall, Cambridge. Geraint Morgan was a member of Gray’s Inn and practised on the Northern Circuit. Morgan spoke several languages and was fluent in both Welsh and English and a ‘Welsh language champion’.

Morgan did very little in Parliament; he rarely spoke in the House and spent most of his time involved with his legal work. However the patient batterers of Denbigh loved him. He replied to all their letters diligently, in Welsh if required. When the A55 was upgraded, Geraint succeeded in bagging his constituents compensation. Which was more than those victims of a trafficking gang illegally imprisoned ever got. Now what political muscle did Geraint exert at Westminster to get those constituents compensation re the A55???

Geraint had only been the MP for Denbigh for two years when Enoch Powell visited the North Wales Hospital and had that row with the reception committee, which ended with Powell saying ‘I will not allow you to do this to people’ and walking out. They’ll have only shown him the best wards as well. Powell of course didn’t carry out his promise, the matter of the horror story which was Denbigh was quietly dropped very soon after he got back to London. See previous posts.

Ironically Geraint was appalled over the Profumo Affair.

The constituency of Denbigh disappeared in 1983; that decision must have been made a few years previously. Mary Wynch was illegally imprisoned in 1979, the year in which Thatch was elected. Mary began litigation as soon as she got out of Denbigh. I wonder if the disappearance of the constituency might have been related to that?

At the 1983 General Election, Geraint Morgan entered the fray re the selection as Tory candidate for the new seat of Clwyd North West which involved a massive punch-up between a Thatcherite friend of Dafydd’s gang, Beata Brookes and a Tory wet friend of Dafydd’s gang, Sir Anthony Meyer. Conservative Party Central office tried to parachute Beata Brookes in as the candidate. I wonder why? Anthony Meyer successfully sued in law to have the imposition of Brookes as the candidate declared unlawful. A new selection meeting was held, where the choice was between Meyer and Brookes. Geraint Morgan’s application to be included was rejected, despite (according to eyewitnesses) his having considerable support from the floor of the public meeting (open to Conservative Party members, who were not permitted a general vote). See previous posts for further details of the chaos and those involved.

Thatch must have been in a real quandry. Three willing facilitators of a paedophile gang, all wanting to be the Tory candidate for Clwyd North West, but the one that she favoured, Beata Brookes, was universally loathed.

After leaving Parliament, Geraint Morgan continued to practise law as a Crown Court Recorder.

Some of those others who had a desire to be the MP for Denbigh who, like everybody else, ignored what was happening to hundreds of people in the North Wales Hospital, as well as the wider trafficking gang and associated criminality, have been regulars on this blog. I have provided extensive details in previous posts, so I’ll just give a quick resume here.

Dafydd himself stood for election as the Plaid candidate, twice. In 1959 Dafydd polled 3077 votes and in 1964 he polled 3444.

In 1966 Sir Alun Talfan Davies, a barrister and judge, stood as the Liberal candidate. He was a member of Gray’s Inn and was retained by the NUM. Davies was a counsel to the Public Inquiry into Aberfan. From 1967 to 1990, Davies was Chairman of the Trustees of the Aberfan Fund, which allocated the money raised by public subscription following the disaster. As well as sitting as a Circuit judge in various courts in Wales, Davies was a member of the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board, 1976-85 and a member of the Court of Appeal of Jersey and Guernsey.

Sir Alun had been a member of Plaid during the 1930s, but he defected to the Liberals, becoming Chairman of the Liberal Party for Wales. Talfan Davies read law at Aber and at Gonville and Caius, Cambridge. His daughter married the Welsh Rugby International Barry John.

Meredith Edwards was the Plaid candidate in 1966. Edwards was an actor and writer who was born at Rhosllannerchrugog and went to Ruabon Grammar School. He worked with the Welsh National Theatre Company and with the Liverpool Playhouse and also starred on TV and in films. Edwards was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Meredith Edwards
in ‘A Run For Your Money’ (1949)

In 1970, Ann Clwyd, who came from the Denbigh area, stood as the Labour candidate. Ann is a Feminist Socialist.

In Feb 1974, Kremlyn Sherrington was the Labour candidate.

In Oct 1974, Paul Flynn was the Labour candidate. Ieuan Wyn Jones stood as the Plaid candidate. Ieuan came from the Denbigh area, his dad was a Nonconformist Minister there and Ieuan subsequently practised as a solicitor at nearby Ruthin. Ieuan must have been really desperate to represent the patient batterers and people traffickers, because he stood as the Plaid candidate again in 1979…The year of the Mary Wynch Scandal Ieuan…

So that is a small part of the history of the Slaves, Perfect Slaves. It’s been going on for a very long time. One persistent feature of north Wales has been the presence of a great many orphanages and children’s homes, long before Dafydd and John Allen went into business. The numerous homes, which were run by a variety of charities and religious organisations, were a presence in north Wales by the late 19 century, which seems a bit odd because the region wasn’t heavily populated. Many of the children’s homes even used the same buildings that Dafydd’s gang subsequently purchased and used. I can only assume that there was a demand for children’s homes because so many people in north Wales were so poor that they had trouble affording the upkeep of their own children. Then there were the many families who had lost their fathers in industrial accidents… The average lifespan for some grades of worker in the slate quarries was less than 40 years old.

Slaves, Perfect Slaves.

Anyone up for giving the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board another few million?

I haven’t had time to follow the news for the past few days, but I did catch a quick glimpse of an article which stated that the North Wales Hospital has finally been purchased by Denbigh Council. There won’t be an excavations of the site now then in pursuit of bodies. Not with everybody knowing Taid…