Holding The Country To Ransom – Part I

My posts ‘Don’t Mess With Daddy’ and ‘Hey, Hey DAJ, How Many Kids Did You Kill Today?’ discussed Dr Hywel Francis, Labour MP for Aberavon, 2001-15 and his toadying to Top Doctors in the context of his past membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain and his pride in his dad Dai Francis’s membership of the CP of GB as well as Dai’s position as General Secretary of the South Wales NUM and the Chairman of the Wales TUC. Dai – and therefore Hywel as well – had the dirt on Dafydd and the paedophiles as well as George Thomas going back to the dawn of time as well as the not-quite-so-noble-as-Nye-Bevan-would-have-us-believe-origins-of-the-NHS. Dai and Hywel wielded a great deal of power as a result of being in possession of this gen.

Yet throughout the 1984-85 Miners’ Strike, as Thatch wrecked south Wales, Hywel was one of the many dogs which did not bark. He knew that Dafydd’s gang was supplying kids to Thatcher’s friend and Minister Sir Peter Morrison as well as to others for sex, but he didn’t so much as whimper quietly. He kept as quiet as the Windbag et al. Could that have been because of the necessity to unite against a small group of young people who had found out some of what was going on in north Wales with regard to Gwynne the lobotomist, Dr D.G.E. Wood and the Windbag’s mate Dr Tony Francis and the role that those Top Docs and their associates were playing in concealing the molesting activities of south Wales Labour’s Mr Big, George Thomas aka Viscount Tonypandy and of course all those Labour Borough Councils in London and elsewhere, who were sending hundreds of kids to children’s homes in north Wales, where there were abused and trafficked into sex work? A lot of people were particularly anxious in 1984 when George Thomas was hospitalised with an STI and got into a panic because he thought that everything was about to be blown, but dear old Leo Abse came to the rescue as usual (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). It was in 1984 when the threats from the Top Docs really began to rain down upon the heads of Brown and me…

What with the collusion of Plaid and Dr Death’s lot as well, Thatch must have been rolling around laughing. They all wanted to Bring Down The Tories, but the whole lot of them were occupying the same sewer…

I have explained in previous posts that the Top Docs began to view Brown as some sort of armed revolutionary in 1984-85, when he was involved with work investigating the way in which the mass media reported the Miners’ Strike and generally publishing the sort of things that Dr D.G.E. Wood didn’t read in his Daily Mail.

 

Brown and I knew quite a bit about the dirty tricks played in the Miners’ Strike, but it is only recently that I have discovered how many of the key players were also involved in concealing Dafydd’s gang, as well as associated gangs and how important the collusion with that cesspit was with regard to events regarding the Miners’ Strike.

Some months ago I read ‘Digging Deeper’, the 1985 volume about the Miners’ Strike edited by Huw Beynon and it was a real revelation. I supplemented it with other reading, including Ian MacGregor’s account of the strike with a view to blogging quite extensively about the links to Dafydd et al of everyone involved, but sadly I’m not going to have the scope for that. However, I will cover some of the major figures with the strongest links over a series of posts.

In this post I’ll explore some of those involved in the run-up to the Miners’ Strike. The Tories themselves have been quite upfront regarding the Thatcher Gov’ts aim to destroy the NUM as part of the wider offensive against the trade union movement in general and how the fight with the NUM was very carefully planned and co-ordinated years before the strike and involved the police, who were effectively turned into a national paramilitary force for the purpose of doing battle with the NUM.

Although Thatcher did conduct a major offensive against trade unions and a very effective one, it is worth pointing out that Thatch went after a certain sort of union in particular and not necessarily ‘militant’ ones. Thatch went for the jugular with regard to unions representing stereotypical ‘workers’, even if they were relatively highly paid ‘workers’. The most powerful union in the country today and when Thatch did battle with the NUM is and was the BMA. The BMA is a union is spite of all the posing and as Ken Clarke observed, the BMA presents the biggest challenge of any union to Gov’ts of all hues. The BMA wins every time. The RCN also does pretty well for itself. Other public sector unions with a high proportion of NHS workers such as UNISON and UNITE don’t have the muscle of the BMA, but they are still very much with us, unlike the ‘workers’ unions which Thatch destroyed.

The Tories found it very hard to take on NHS ‘professionals’; indeed when COHSE had a scrap with Ken Clarke, he split the union by offering the members of COHSE who were Angels more dosh than the other members of COHSE. Those selfless ever-giving Angels took the bait, trousered the cash and poor old COHSE was finished. Ken had the same problems with COHSE that he had with other unions containing Top Doctors and Angels; not only did they have a squeaky clean image – as opposed to miners who hold the country to ransom – but Fings Break in the NHS if the Top Docs et al get cross and the Top Docs and Angels were crucial to keeping the lid on the Westminster Paedophile Ring. David Williams, the General Secretary of COHSE, trained as an Angel at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. They had every Gov’t by the knackers and Ken Clarke et al knew it. See post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’.

Today the trade union movement mainly represents professional or semi-professional public sector workers. That is not coincidental.

The plans to do battle with the unions began back when Thatcher was elected as Tory leader in Feb 1975. Lord Peter Carrington’s first task under Thatch as the new leader was to produce a detailed report on the lessons from the 1973-74 dispute between the NUM and Heath’s Gov’t which brought the Gov’t down. Carrington had briefly been Secretary of State for Energy in 1974. The document compiled was based on discussions with businessmen and former civil servants.

Carrington’s history in the Tory Party went back to the 1940s. He served as First Lord of the Admiralty under Harold Macmillan and he had the dirt on the Profumo Affair as well as whatever it was that Lord Louis Mountbatten and his mates got up to in that era (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). Carrington knew Admiral Sir Alec Bingley, who’s wife Lady Juliet and son William loyally colluded with Dafydd et al’s wrongdoing for decades when they held leading roles in MIND. William Bingley continued doing all that he could for Dafydd and associated gangs when Bingley became Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission. See previous posts. MIND had been serving the purposes of organised abuse on the part of the Top Docs at least as long ago as the 1960s, when Sir Kenneth Robinson, Health Minister in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t, was involved with the National Association for Mental Health (MIND). See previous posts. The collusion was so absolute that it could be argued that MIND was no more than a front for organised abuse.

I have mentioned in previous posts the Bingleys’ strong links with Malta. Sir Alec was stationed there when he was Commander of the Mediterranean Fleet and Lady Juliet – the social worker daughter of a Bart’s surgeon – involved herself with Good Works in Malta, such as establishing hospital services. Lady Juliet was a personal friend of Dom Mintoff, the PM of Malta and retained close links with Mintoff and Malta after the Bingleys left Malta. Again and again paedophiles from the UK were found to have settled or worked in Malta and some of the recent historical prosecutions of paedophiles, including those linked with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, have involved people extradited from Malta. I wondered why Malta was such a magnet for abusers but I was told yesterday that Malta is a centre of serious organised crime…

Carrington was a member of Heath’s Gov’t and Defence Secretary, 1970-74. Brian Faulkner, N Ireland’s former PM, stated that it was Carrington who was the origin of the policy of torturing detainees in N Ireland in 1971-72. Not only were Top Doctors linked to Dafydd involved with the detentions/torture, but Carrington will have known about the activities at Kincora Boys’ Home as well as the paedophile child psychiatrist Dr Morris Fraser who was allowed to continue practising as a Top Doctor after he was convicted of assaulting a child. See previous posts for further details about Peter Carrington.

Lord Mountbatten has been repeatedly named as one of those involved with the abuse of boys at Kincora and there are allegations that this was the real reason for his assassination. Mountbatten had a home in Eire, just 12 miles from the N Ireland border.

The 5th Duke of Westminster, Robert Grosvenor, spent most of his life at his family seat in N Ireland. Robert Grosvenor was MP for Fermanagh and Tyrone, 1955-64 and later sat in the Lords. Grosvenor also served in the TA for many years. Recently someone e mailed me suggesting that Sir Peter Morrison had been sexually abused by Robert Grosvenor when Morrison was a child and the e mail contained sufficient information to suggest that this was not simply wild speculation. See previous posts for information about Robert Grosvenor.

Robert Grosvenor’s son, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, was the 6th Duke of Westminster and a close friend of Carlo. Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor was the President of the City of Chester Conservative Association when Peter Morrison was the constituency MP and while Morrison’s child molesting was the subject of open gossip among the constituency party and the constituents. Peter’s sister, Dame Mary Morrison, was HM the Queen Lilibet’s Woman-of-the-Bedchamber for decades from 1960. Throughout it all, Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW, where Dr D.G.E. Wood, Dafydd et al were running a branch of the trafficking ring. Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor spent his early childhood on the family estate in N Ireland.

Boys from Bryn Estyn were taken to Grosvenor’s estate in Chester, at that time one of Grosvenor’s main homes, for ‘work experience’ sessions and refused to return but would not explain why. Gerald Grosvenor’s ancestors donated the land upon which the original St George’s Hospital Medical School at Hyde Park Corner was built and after St George’s relocated to its new site in Tooting, in the 1980s the Duke demanded that the old St George’s building should be given to him. It was a prime piece of Knightsbridge real estate and worth a great deal of money. The Duke was the richest man in the UK at the time. The Tories pretended to put up a fight, with Ken Clarke saying that the Hyde Park Corner site should be sold and the dosh reinvested into the NHS, but what with the barrel of crap which was Peter Morrison, not to mention the rest of the Ugandan activities in high and low places over decades facilitated by Top Doctors – including those at St George’s – which everyone was sitting on, the Gov’t rolled over and Grosvenor was allowed to buy the Hyde Park Corner site for £6k. See previous posts. The old St George’s Hospital is now the incredibly posh Lanesborough Hotel.

The Duke had a thing about posh hotels. When in Jan 1987 Dafydd ordered the Angels of Denbigh to drive me to a railway station and put me on a train to London after telling me that if I ever set foot again in north Wales I’d be arrested, the Duke was Director of Claridge’s! Not that Clwyd Health Authority booked me accommodation at Claridge’s, they just paid for the train ticket to London and then forged documentation which stated that I was still in the North Wales Hospital… After I arrived in London I had repeated encounters with sex offenders and other nasties who came after me (see previous posts).

The Duke had many, many public roles at the time that I was put on that train, including: President of the Spastics Society (Scope); President, National Kidney Research Fund; President, RNIB; and President, North East Wales Search and Rescue Team. Dafydd’s gang were involved in all of these organisations and over the following years, the Duke became involved with yet more organisations dominated by Dafydd and his mates. In Jan 1987 the Duke was also Director of the International Students Trust and Pro-Chancellor of Keele University.

The Duke was President of Scope, 1982-2005. David Hanson, the Labour MP for Delyn in north Wales, began working for Scope in 1982. There were allegations that Scope concealed the abused of vulnerable people. David Hanson served as a Councillor on a number of Boroughs in Cheshire during the 1980s, when Dafydd’s gang were busy in north Wales/Cheshire. David is married to Margaret Hanson, who was also a Councillor in Cheshire and a team family and children’s social worker in Cheshire. Margaret is Vice-Chairman of the lethal and troubled Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. David was elected as the Labour MP for Delyn in 1992. In 2001, Miranda appointed David as his PPS (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’). Just the man for the job in the aftermath of the Waterhouse Report!

Hanson (left) speaking to Policy Exchange in 2013:

The Duke of Westminster was appointed Life Vice-President of the NSPCC in 1988, a post which he retained until his death. Esther Rantzen was/is a Trustee of the NSPCC. The Esther who’s charidee Childline ignored calls from kids in north Wales who were being abused and who ignored a letter from me – in 1988 – giving her details of the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al. The Esther who didn’t know about Jimmy Savile; Savile visited Bryn Estyn and one boy claimed that Savile watching him sexually assaulted by a group of men.
The Duke of Westminster was President of the Abbeyfield Society, 1989-95. The Abbeyfield Society, which ‘helps’ elderly people, linked up with the Chester branch of Soroptimist International. Lucille Hughes was a leading light in the Soroptimists in north Wales/Chester. See comments following my post ‘Topsy and Tim’.

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

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Royal Family: A 24 year old postgrad illegally imprisoned, threatened, assaulted and physically put on a train to London, while documentation is forged to conceal her true whereabouts and attempts are made to murder her and her friends. Are you fucking mad or just completely stupid?

 

Charles, Prince of Wales

 

Like his dad the 5th Duke, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor was an enthusiastic member of the TA, reaching the rank of Major General. Gerald was just Major when I was illegally imprisoned and transported from the Colonies of north Wales. Considering that Gerald had only managed to get two O levels despite going to Harrow and spent much of his time with a gang of mad old paedophiles, becoming Major General was quite an achievement. See previous posts for further information on Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor.

Gerald will have of course known of Brown’s dad, who was a Colonel in the TA. Brown’s dad, like Brown’s mum, was found suddenly and unexpectedly dead in bed, but it happened to Col Brown when he was quite a bit younger than Brown’s mum. Col Brown was found dead not long before the publication of the Waterhouse Report.

Col Brown was one of you lot you stupid gits! I’m glad that I’m not one of your friends if you kill them as well, I might as well write this blog.

Peter Morrison’s family were all high Tories and known to Lord Carrington. Morrison’s brother, Charles Morrison, was Tory MP for Devizes, 1964-92 and a loyal Heathite; Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester, 1974-92, was one of the key figures who persuaded Thatch to stand for the leadership of the Tory Party.

Charles and Peter’s father was John Morrison, Lord Margadale, the Tory MP for Salisbury, 1942-65. Ted Heath lived in Salisbury from Feb 1985 and his ashes are interred at Salisbury Cathedral. Or should that be ‘in turd’ at Salisbury Cathedral? Talking of turds, in July 1974, Robert Grosvenor, the 5th Duke of Westminster and an ardent Europhile, allowed Heath to rent a property in Wilton Street, Belgravia for an annual rent of £1,250 (just under £10,000 at 2014 prices), a tenth of the market value. The house had three storeys and a basement flat for Heath’s housekeeper and Heath continued to use it as his London home until old age prevented him from climbing the stairs.

Thank goodness that Thatch put an end to subsidised council housing, it really was a scam. If you can’t afford it, you can’t have it that’s what I say. Which is why I’m not living in Belgravia.

 

By the time that Thatch was planning her moves re the confrontation with the union movement, Peter Carrington (who had been Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1972-74) was very well-versed re VIP molesters and those who were colluding with Dafydd et al in order to conceal years of scandal.

After Carrington compiled his report on the basis of the events of 1973-74, Thatch ordered Nicholas Ridley to draw up a plan in order to prepare the ground for a battle with the unions. Ridley was the Tory MP for Cirencester and Tewkesbury, 1959-92. The Royal Agricultural College, which was and still is located at Cirencester, served as a sort of finishing school for very, very posh farmers. Farmers who were so posh that they didn’t do much farming themselves, they employed many other people to do the work on the estates that they inherited or would inherit. Captain Mark Phillips, The Princess Snap’s husband, went to Cirencester, as did Charles Morrison and many more mentioned on this blog and their associates. Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor was greatly interested in land management, being the Vice-President of the Country Landowners Association, Vice-President of the Royal Smithfield Club, President, Holstein UK & Ireland (formerly British Holstein Society) and Life Governor of the Royal Agricultural Society of England. Grosvenor will have had links with the Royal Agricultural College. There were always rumours that a great deal of wrongdoing on the part of the students at the Royal Agricultural College was successfully concealed because of their unbeatable connections.

 

Ridley will have known about the molesters of Westminster and he was a member of the Executive Committee of the National Trust, another organisation which did Dafydd’s gang so many favours (see previous posts).

Both Ridley and his wife came from aristocratic families. They had three daughters: social worker Susanna Rickett, designer and writer Jessica Ridley, and historian Jane Ridley, Professor of History at the University of Buckingham, an institution laden with people who concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al as detailed in previous posts.

 

The Ridley Plan was leaked to ‘The Economist’ in 1978. When Thatch finally went to war with the NUM in 1984, it was clear that Thatch’s Gov’t had followed the Ridley Plan virtually to the letter. The Ridley Plan was a general contingency plan for a confrontation with the union movement per se. The Ridley Plan ordered: the rigging of the return on capital figures so that an above-average wage claim could be paid to the ‘vulnerable’ industries; that the eventual battle ground should be chosen by the Tories in a field which they believed that they could win; that every precaution should be taken against a challenge in electricity or gas – the most likely battlefield ‘will be coal’; that the Thatcher Gov’t should build up maximum coal stocks, particularly in the power stations, make contingency plans for the import of coal, encourage the recruitment of non-union lorry drivers by haulage companies to help move coal where necessary and introduce dual coal/oil-firing in all power stations as quickly as possible. The Ridley Plan suggested that the greatest deterrent to any strike would be ‘to cut off the money supply to the strikers and make the union finance them’. It stated that there should be a large, mobile squad of police equipped and prepared to uphold the law against violent picketing and that ‘good non-union drivers’ should be recruited to cross picket lines with police protection.

The Ridley Plan was a political response to what Thatcher’s Tory Party perceived was the potential power of a mass labour movement. The Tories were determined to elicit a confrontation entirely on their terms in order to cripple the potential of a workforce bringing down the Gov’t.

 

In 1981 the Tories actively avoided a confrontation with the NUM because they considered that the ground for the confrontation with the unions was not yet prepared. The NCB (National Coal Board) at that time was Chaired by Derek Ezra and he announced a major pit closure programme. The south Wales miners went on strike, as did miners in parts of Durham. Thatcher was deeply unpopular at the time, the Tory Cabinet retreated and the pit closures programme was withdrawn. Joe Gormley, the President of the NUM, declared victory and ordered a return to work.

In 2002, the BBC revealed that Joe Gormley was an MI5 informer, who supplied the security services with the miners’ plans for industrial action in the early 1970s. Despite receiving warnings from the top of the union, MI5 and the Government failed to head off the 1972 strike. A Special Branch officer claimed that MI5 told the Government that the strike would not happen; the strike did happen and it brought down the Gov’t. Special Branch claimed that Gormley, a right-winger, was increasingly concerned that the far left was gaining control of the union and agreed to talk to Special Branch. So MI5 sprang into action and continued springing to defend against the Red Threat after Thatch ascended the throne and therefore spent their time hassling my friends and I, because concealing a gang of paedophiles who were murdering witnesses was just so important and one couldn’t possibly have the young adult offspring of mostly Tory families – you stupid old gits MI5 – publishing what they had found out.

Joe Gormley too knew something about the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the associated rot which was being concealed by the trade union movement.

It was David – now Lord David – Howell, the Secretary of State for Energy, 1979-81, who’s career was considered to have been damaged by the Tories retreating from a war with the NUM in 1981. David Howell was the Tory MP for Guildford, 1966-97. Howell assisted the Top Docs of Guildford along with their research fraud and plagiarism when they needed a hand (see previous posts).

John Biffen admitted on an episode of ‘Weekend World’ in 1981 that taking on the miners would be suicidal for the Gov’t.

By 1981 Mary Wynch was heading for the Courts with her litigation against Dafydd and the gang.

Thatch prepared for the mother of all battles with the NUM over the next three years. One of her first moves after the Gov’t climb down in 1981 was to order the Civil Contingencies Unit, in the strictest secrecy, to set up a committee, MISC 57, Chaired by civil servant Robert Wade-Gery, which also drew on the skills of the Unit’s secretary, Brigadier Tony Budd. The task of the committee was to examine the files on 1973-74 and prevent the vulnerability arising from low coal-stocks.

Sir Robert Wade-Gery was the son of the Oxford Historian Theodore Wade-Gery. Robert Wade-Gery was educated at Winchester College and New College, Oxford. New College was a recruiting ground for the British security services; MI5 recruited Peter Mandelson via a New College academic when Mandy was at St Catherine’s College, Oxford (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Wade-Gery was a Fellow of All Souls and in 1951 he joined the Foreign Service and began a career as a diplomat. Wade-Gery served at Bonn, Tel Aviv and Saigon. He was Minister at Madrid, 1973–77 and at Moscow, 1977–79. Wade-Gery was Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet, 1979–82, under Callaghan and then Thatch and High Commissioner to India, 1982–87. He left the Diplomatic Service and was a Director of Barclay’s  Capital, 1987–99. Wade-Gery was a member and Treasurer (1991–2005) of the International Institute for Strategic Studies and was Chairman of the Governors of SOAS, University of London (1990–99).

The Torygraph’s 2015 obituary of Wade-Gery told us that he was Very Clever. So that’s why he prioritised the jobs and pensions of a gang of paedophiles and their associates over the lives of witnesses to their crimes. The Torygraph also told us that Wade-Gery joined the Central Policy Review Staff set up by PM Edward Heath, in 1970 to ‘ginger up’ Whitehall.

Wade-Gery got on well with Thatch. When he was sent to Dublin to conduct secret negotiations with the Republic , he was given a choice of travelling under his own name and being met by an armed escort, thus signalling his presence to the IRA, or travelling as an anonymous visitor. He chose the latter, but used a passport under an assumed name, a cloak-and-dagger element ‘that delighted him’. I wonder if Wade-Gery acquired his fake ID from Dafydd, Dafydd’s been doing IDs for years now.

During the Falklands conflict Wade-Gery was joint secretary of the War Cabinet. He was at lunch at Chequers on Sunday May 2 1982 when the decision was taken to attack the General Belgrano. Wade-Gery passed the instruction to the Admiralty and minutes later the General Belgrano was sunk. He ‘always believed it was the right decision’. Pity about all the poor sods on board and the lies that were subsequently told in order to pretend that the Belgrano was somewhere where it wasn’t and presenting a threat when it wasn’t.

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It’s the Stigma that’s the problem!

 

Wade-Gery, ‘could be grand in both intellect and manner’. While he was ordering the death of numerous people and concealing a sex trafficking gang with a side-line in drugs and child porn. As well as in fake IDs.

The Wade-Gerys entertained vast numbers of British visitors. On one occasion Sir Robert ‘memorably gave lunch to Norman Tebbit and Rajiv Gandhi, their wives and no other guests, knowing that they were probably the only two senior politicians alive who had begun their professional lives as airline pilots’. Tebbs had been the union rep for the airline pilots as well and a very effective one.

In 1984 the BBC filmed a documentary, ‘With Respect, Ambassador’, in which Wade-Gery was photographed taking tea on the lawn of his Residence. The image appeared on the cover of ‘Radio Times’ and the splendour of the scene, complete with silver and turbaned servants, caused fury in London, where the diplomatic service was under attack for living too luxuriously.

Let them eat Largactil!

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Wade-Gery’s ‘mastery of facts, power of expression and willingness to engage in new projects were admired, and he established a role for himself as [Barclay’s Capital] roving emissary to Asia and eastern Europe whenever business opportunities arose. Taiwan was an early prospect, and Wade-Gery was indefatigable in pursuit of connections at the highest level…In the early 1990s, Wade-Gery was closely engaged in [Barclay’s Capital’s] international privatisation work, notably in Poland, Hungary and Czechoslovakia.’

‘Serious organised crime? That’ll do nicely Sir.’

 

Some of the victims of Dafydd’s gang in north Wales were 11 and 12 years old. Some of those who were fitted up by the gang and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre were fifteen years old. The deaths of the children in care who’s bodies were found hanging in Risley were recorded in the statistics as deaths of ‘male prisoners’. See post ‘Include Me Out’. They were children who had been abducted by a paedophile gang which was afforded complete protection at the highest levels of Gov’t for decades.

‘Paedophile ring in north Wales you say, concealed by Whitehall and Westminster? But I’m a Fellow of All Souls!’

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 ‘These young people making the allegations are criminals.’ Yes, they’ve been arrested and convicted for ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’, the social worker concerned being a colleague of the paedophile ring which doesn’t exist.

 

In 1982 Glyn England’s contract as the Chairman of the CEGB was not renewed; Glyn England was ordered to substitute oil for coal in power stations to accumulate coal stocks. Thatch appointed Sir Walter Marshall, the key ideologist of the nuclear power industry, as Glyn England’s replacement. Glyn England was a founder member of the SDP who subsequently remained loyal to the Lib Dems. Glyn was born in the Rhondda. When he was older, he lived near Bristol and was Chair of the Mendip Society. England and his wife both donated their brains to Bristol University’s brain bank when they died. A fellow traveller of Dr Death who was a pal of Bristol University School of Medicine? Surely Glyn England knew Dr D.G.E. Wood… Glyn England didn’t die until 2013 so he hung around a very long time to cause trouble.

Walter – later Lord – Marshall was Chair of the CEGB, 1982-89. Marshall was born in Cardiff, studied at Birmingham University and joined the AERE (Atomic Energy Research Establishment) Harewell in 1954, where he worked with Lord Brian Flowers. Flowers was from Swansea and spent years covering up all the crap at London University (and Manchester University) caused by Dafydd’s associates. See previous posts. Marshall became Director of the AERE in 1968 and Chairman of the UK Atomic Energy Authority in 1981. Marshall was Chairman of the World Association of Nuclear Operators, 1989-93.

Walter Marshall knew what is was at Windscale that Harold Macmillan’s Gov’t concealed which Dafydd also found out about and subsequently blackmailed people in high places over for years (see post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’).

 

For further information behind the scenes with regard to the 1984-85 Miners’ Strike, particularly the role and activities of Civil Service mandarins in the Dept of Energy, see post ‘That’s Entertainment’.

 

Ian MacGregor was appointed as Chair of NCB on 1 Sept 1983 by Nigel Lawson, Secretary of State for Energy. Lawson was the MP for Blaby in Leicestershire and he knew about the Leicestershire Child Abuse Ring which involved the Labour MP Greville Janner, the social worker Frank Beck who was a Liberal Councillor, as well as many others. The Leicestershire gang was linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales/Cheshire.

MacGregor’s brief was to close pits and reduce capacity. MacGregor was an ‘outside appointment’. He had previously been the Chairman of British Steel, where he reduced the number of workers by half. There had been a similar reduction in the number of workers at British Leyland when MacGregor was on the Board. MacGregor had established himself ‘throughout the west’ as a leader with an anti-union reputation when he was in the US.

It was Eric Varley who introduced Ian MacGregor to state owned industry in Britain re British Leyland. Eric Varley was a right wing Labour politician who was a big pal of the odious Labour politician Gerald Kaufman. After Kaufman died it became clear that he and Varley were even bigger friends than everyone thought, because Kaufperson left absolutely everything to Eric Varley in his will, excluding Kaufman’s children. There was a scrap, although Kaufman’s family didn’t have to work too hard because Varley had died some years previously. The will however came as a big surprise to everyone. See previous posts for more info on Varley and Kaufman.

Ian MacGregor himself had a few links to people who provided an umbrella for Dafydd and the Top Docs before MacGregor got anywhere near the NCB. If I have the scope to do so, I will revisit MacGregor’s background in a future post.

 

Walter Marshall and MacGregor were ready to implement the Ridley Plan.

During the miners’strike, MacGregor used Tim Bell and David Hart as PR people. Tommy Thompson of Opinion Research and Communications carried out polls of miners’ and the general public’s opinions which were fed back to MacGregor.

 

Thatch’s confrontation with the NUM finally happened in 1984 and was the result of deliberate engineering by Thatcher’s Gov’t who were by then ready for it. Thatch was still high in public opinion as a result of the Falklands’ victory. The invasion of the Falkland’s had only occurred because of the gross incompetence of the British Gov’t and the action on the ground hadn’t been quite as glorious as the media portrayed, but the media reporting was all very carefully managed. Furthermore, Thatch’s Gov’t had made diplomatic links with Galtieri shortly after Thatch was elected and the British press weren’t interested in Galtieri torturing and killing his opponents (who were often trade unionists and socialists) or dropping nuns out of helicopters over the ocean until it was useful PR for the British Gov’t.

Killing your political opponents? The British state would never have sunk so low. Killing the witnesses to a gang of sex traffickers in high places? Ooh, that’s different…

 

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On 1 Oct 1983 the NCB announced its pay offer of 5.2% and gave notice of a rapid scheme of pit closures. Thatch denied that there had been any contact between the Gov’t and Ian MacGregor or anyone at the NCB. The Gov’t had actually been in contact with MacGregor constantly via intermediaries and was throughout the strike. Ian MacGregor also maintained private links with Norman Willis, General Secretary of the TUC, throughout the strike. The NUM announced an overtime ban on 23 Oct 1983.  On 1 March 1984, the NCB announced the imminent closure of Cortonwood Colliery in Yorkshire and this was the detonator for the strike.

A Cabinet sub-committee, MISC 101, was established and embarked on twice-weekly meetings. MISC 101 was Chaired by Thatch and composed of: Leon Brittan (Home Secretary); Nigel Lawson (Chancellor); Peter Walker (Energy); Tebbs (Industry); Tom King (Employment); Nicholas Ridley (Employment); and the Attorney General Sir Michael Havers, with Brigadier Budd and David Goodall of the Civil Contingencies Unit in attendance.

All the members of this sub-committee knew about Dafydd’s gang, the related gangs and the involvement of some Westminster and Whitehall figures in organised abuse. All the sub-committee members concealed it. While he was AG, Michael Havers actively blocked the prosecutions of certain people for child sex offences, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman and Cyril Smith. See previous posts.

It has been repeatedly alleged that Leon Brittan was a child abuser himself. I have no evidence that he was, but I do have evidence that under Brittan, the Home Office colluded with much criminality, including that of Dafydd et al in north Wales. The Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens gave Brittan a dossier which listed the names of Westminster figures and others whom Dickens claimed were abusing children. Dickens also maintained that the gangs involved were dealing in drugs and child porn. Who ever could Dickens have been thinking of? Brittan later claimed never to have received Dickens’ dossier; then he remembered that he had received it; then he couldn’t remember what was in it or where he had put it. When Brittan was Home Secretary, dozens of files containing information about and details of allegations of the abuse of children by Westminster figures and others went missing and have never been found. See previous posts.

 

Eric Heffer was Chairman of the Labour Party, Oct 1983-Oct 1984, under the Windbag’s leadership. Fatty Heffer wrote the introduction to Beynon’s edited volume ‘Digging Deeper’. Fatty fumes away about the union movement providing insufficient support for the 1984-85 NUM strike and bangs on about how the state apparatus – the police, the law, the judges, the Civil Service and the media – were all used against ‘the workers’. Which is completely true. But the same state apparatus was also used against the victims of a vicious criminal sex abuse gang and there were a few people in north Wales who would have made credible witnesses to that gang and who would have willingly worked with people on the left to bring Thatcher’s lot down. Fatty Heffer et al were not interested in what was happening to us because Fatty and his wife Doris, a former medical secretary, were part of Dafydd’s Liverpool empire. Fatty and Doris were well in with the Top Doctors. Furthermore Fatty and Doris were on excellent terms with Thatch but that was not reported until after Fatty died (see previous posts). The media did Fatty a few favours there; Fatty in his flat at Dolphin Square, the apartment block to which kids from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were being trafficked (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

 

The NCB Area Director of the South Wales Coalfield, 1973-85, was Philip Weekes, one of the Windbag’s ‘boyhood idols’. Which is a bit weird really, because most boys of the Windbag’s generation idolised Biggles or the like.

Weekes’s obituary tells us that ‘Weekes was the last regional NCB boss to join the NCB’s campaign to try to persuade the miners back to work. It was widely believed at that time that only the threat from on high that Weekes’s plans for further investment in the stricken coalfield might be in jeopardy induced him to bow to the NCB’s high command.’ Whoever believed that must have forgotten that the NUM went on strike because Thatch planned to close the coal industry down, including the south Wales coalfield. Although in the end, the strike ‘represented the wreck of his hopes for mining in South Wales, throughout it he worked behind the scenes with the unions to ensure that basic maintenance work on the pits was carried out’. As the Area Director of the South Wales Coalfield, the Windbag’s hero will have known that the ostentatious maintenance work was a con, because Thatch was going to close those pits down…

Philip Weekes was ‘born on the outskirts of Tredegar, the son of a pharmacist who ran the local Boots. He was educated at Tredegar County School from where he went to University College, Cardiff’. So Weekes came from Nye Bevan territory and will have known the Great Man from Tredegar who buggered off to live in the poshest part of south west London when he was able to, because they don’t have a Fortnum and Mason in Tredegar.

‘After graduating in mining engineering, Weekes joined Tredegar Iron and Coal in 1939. In 1942 he joined the RAF with the idea of training as a pilot. Owing to a sight defect this was not to be and by 1944 Weekes was back in the coal industry. By 1946, Weekes was manager of the Wyllie Colliery, near Caerphilly and took it through nationalisation the following year. In 1948 he became manager of Oakdale Colliery, one of the South Wales coalfield’s biggest pits. In 1950 Weekes was seconded to the Colonial Office and sent to Nigeria to assess the situation at the Enugu mines, where miners had been rioting’.

‘Returning to Wales in 1951, Weekes held a number of posts on the ground followed by a spell as Director of Studies at the NCB Staff College in 1964, a period as Deputy Director (mining) in the South Midlands area in 1967. Thereafter he was Chief Mining Engineer and then Director General of Mining at the national HQ in London.’

In 1973 Weekes was made South Wales Area Director. ‘On the horizon, pit closures loomed on a massive scale, with thousands likely to be thrown out of work. The miners’ strike over pay that brought down the Government of Heath in February 1974 was a filip to miners’ morale’, although ‘the tide of closures was irresistible. Wyllie…had already closed in 1968. By the early 1980s, among seven pits on yet another “in jeopardy” list was Oakdale…already by then down to 900 men employed from its peak of more than 2,000. Though he frequently had to steel himself to make blunt pronouncements, Weekes strove where he could to compensate for the closure of uneconomic pits by investing in and developing new projects’.

Weekes knew that the ‘new projects’ in which the Gov’t invested were laughable. Thousands and thousands of people were put out of work and small corners of the coalfield were converted into tourist attractions which employed a dozen or so people on the lowest wages. The tourist attractions are nice to visit but they didn’t replace British industry. I saw a Mr Angry in the audience on a Vincent Kane TV programme say this once and Kane shut him up. Kane was talking to a Gov’t PR vehicle who was boasting about the new investment and all the accompanying Regeneration Of South Wales and Mr Angry stood up and yelled out ‘this is complete crap’ and began reeling off some very embarrassing facts and figures. Vincent Kane told Mr Angry that there was no point in him shouting because he didn’t have a microphone, so no-one would have heard him. Well I did and I wasn’t even in the studio, I was at home watching the tele. Who was given the microphone on so many of Vincent Kane’s shows? Dafydd. See previous posts.

During the 1984-85 strike, Weekes helped to ensure that in South Wales, the strike was policed by ‘local officers’ and not by those brought in from metropolitan areas. It was suggested by Weekes’s fan club that it was because of this that the violent clashes between pickets and police seen in other areas were almost entirely absent from the South Wales area.

Would someone like to explain how the Area Director for the NCB in South Wales managed to wield that sort of influence over policing? It is known that the policing of the 1984-85 strike was being ordered at Gov’t level; Thatch and the Cabinet had that ridiculous Cobra room constructed, which was equipped with hotlines to Chief Constables. Microphones descended from the ceiling to enable Thatch and the Cabinet to direct the troops.

‘Emergency, emergency, students from Bangor with parents who are Tories have tripped over the Westminster Paedophile Ring – get us Dafydd NOW!’

In the summer of 1984, Brown and I attended a public meeting in Bangor which had been called by Cledan Mears, the Bishop of Bangor, 1982-92, to discuss the heroin problem which had hit Bangor and Anglesey. There were teachers in the audience who ALL complained about the removal of local police officers from north Wales to man the picket lines in other parts of the UK. The guest of honour at this meeting who had been invited to address the audience, being an Expert On Drugs, was one Dafydd. It was farcical. See post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’.

The previous Bishop of Bangor, Gwilym Williams, who also served as Archbishop of Wales, had been fully on board with Dafydd’s gang (see previous posts). As were huge swathes of the North Wales Police, even if they had been redeployed to beat up the pickets at Orgreave. It would have been very difficult for Cledan Mears not to have known what Dafydd et al were up to. Mears went to Abersytwyth University, had served as a curate in Mostyn and in a village near Wrexham, before becoming the vicar of Cwm near Ebbw Vale. From 1959 to 1973, Mears was a lecturer at what is now Cardiff University, after which he became the vicar of St Mark’s Gabalfa, his last position before his ordination to the episcopate. 

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Weekes’s ‘manifest distaste for the tactics of the NCB under Ian MacGregor inevitably communicated itself to headquarters in London. The last straw was his being summoned to HQ and told by the NCB Chairman to offer redundancy to every miner in the South Wales coalfield. He refused. He retired a few months later.’

Weekes knew what Thatcher’s plan was, he knew why MacGregor had been put in post and Weekes scarpered with his pension intact as Thatch proceeded to destroy south Wales…

Weekes’s had a great time in retirement, as good as any Top Doctor. He gained a private pilot’s licence – even though there had been that problem with his eyesight when he was young – and ‘devoted himself to regeneration projects in South Wales’. He was Chairman of Garden Festival Wales, ‘a project to transform industrial wastelands in Ebbw Vale into gardens, housing, leisure parks and sites for the new industries.’

Can someone let me know where the new industries are? If they’ve replaced the south Wales coalfield, I’ve somehow missed them, as has the Welsh economy.

‘Weekes acted as Consultant when more than 200 men of the Tower Colliery, Hirwaun, closed in 1994, returned the following year to reopen it, and was, from 1994 to 1999, Chairman (unpaid) of the workforce buyout company, Goitre Tower Anthracite, through ‘which the men operate it as a co-operative to this day’.

Tower Colliery was in Ann Clwyd’s constituency and in 1994 Clwyd staged a sit-in to protest against its closure. The world was treated to photos of Battling Ann wearing a hard hat and with black coal dust smudged on her face. Ann is one of many who knew about Dafydd’s gang – Ann grew up near Denbigh and she and her husband were journos – but remained silent until the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal could be concealed no longer in the 1990s. Ann did speak out then, rather more than most other politicians, but she had kept quiet for many decades. See previous posts.

John Redwood was the Secretary of State for Wales who, in 1995, helped the miners buy out Tower Colliery. While he was doing that, Redwood was colluding with the serious criminality of Dafydd and the gang. As Director of Thatch’s Number 10 Policy Unit, 1983-85, Redwood really has to take some responsibility for the carnage in the south Wales coalfield himself.

The much-publicised enterprise at Tower Colliery with which Weekes et al assisted ceased operation in 2008. There are now discussions as to whether the site can be turned into a museum or a tourist attraction. Well they’ll be able to get a grant from the Welsh Gov’t and it’ll provide six jobs through the summer months when a few people on minimum wages are needed to serve the coffees and bara brith to the visitors.

Vincent Kane is dead and this is a blog not a TV programme, so Kane can’t shut me up…

 

From 1992 until recently, Philip Weekes was also Chairman of Silent Valley Waste Disposal. Er, yes, a most appropriate summary for Thatcher’s policy re the Valleys with which Weekes so ably assisted.

In addition Weekes ‘had been for 15 years a governor of the United World College of the Atlantic, was a member of the Prince of Wales’s committee, 1978-89 and a member of the Independent Broadcasting Authority Wales Advisory Committee, 1983-90.’

Well-in with the paedophiles’ friends then.

The Windbag’s friend the Baroness of Ely, who’s dad the Rev Bob was the Labour Leader of South Glamorgan County Council, went to Atlantic College and as an adult the Baroness sat on the governing body, just like Philip Weekes! See previous posts.

Weekes was given an OBE in 1977 and was advanced to CBE in 1993. He’d made someone happy then.

Philip Weekes was survived by his wife Branwen and by a son and two daughters. His younger son was Huw Weekes, an HTV journalist and broadcaster with HTV. Huw was found dead at the age of 43, on a beach near Llantwit Major in Jan 2001. A verdict of misadventure was returned. Huw was said to have drowned and taken an overdose, although it was said that he did not leave a suicide note so no-one could be certain that he had planned to kill himself. HTV newsreader Tara Eugene told Huw’s inquest in Cardiff that she had received a telephone call from Huw hours before he was found dead. She had raised the alarm after Huw had threatened to kill himself. The inquest heard that Huw had been suffering from severe depression for three months. His brother Gareth said after the hearing: “His family and friends were desperately worried and we did our best to help him through, but none of us was aware of how ill he really was. The family always believed that Huw’s death was most probably an accident which occurred when he was in a confused state of mind.” A police officer told the inquest that Huw been found in hiking gear and with an ordnance survey map of the area in his rucksack. The cause of death was given as drowning due to a high level of the tranquilizer Temazepam in his bloodstream. The coroner stated that Huw’s ‘reactions had been altered by the drug in his system and he became immersed in sea water’. Temazepam is addictive but it is mild. One doesn’t lose one’s senses when immersed in sea water, even if one takes a lot of Temazepam. The coroner at Huw’s inquest was Dr Lawrence Addicott, the coroner for Cardiff and Vale, who has a track record of drawing some odd conclusions when faced with the deaths of people whom Top Doctors have neglected.

Huw was born in Newport and began his journalistic career at the age 18 as a reporter on the Weston-super-Mare Mercury. From there he moved onto the Bristol Evening Post before beginning his broadcasting career in 1980 at BBC Radio Newcastle. In 1982 Huw become a presenter at Yorkshire Television and then Tyne Tees Television, before returning to Wales in 1988 to present the HTV news.

So Huw knew a great deal about Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and the associated gangs in Yorkshire and the north east of England. He had also passed through D.G.E. Wood’s family’s manor of Bristol.

Huw died 11 months after the Waterhouse Report was published.

After Huw died, Rhodri The Ale Twat, who was by then FM, expressed his sorrow.

A conference in Huw’s memory was addressed by Jane Hutt, the AM for the Vale of Glamorgan and at that time the Welsh Gov’ts Minister of Health.

The theme of the conference was a very familiar one: the battle to fight the Stigma of depression. Dr Chris Manning, Chairman of the event and of Depression Alliance, ‘the leading UK charity for people suffering from the condition’, explained that: ”Stigma leaves people feeling isolated and unable to talk about their problems. This is why so few people seek medical help until they get too ill. In these cases people will often lose their jobs, and may lose their homes and families as well.’

Chris Manning knew as well as I did that when Huw was found dead, ‘stigma’ was neither here nor there. People in Wales – and in the rest of the UK – were screaming as loudly as they could and there would still be no ‘help’ forthcoming. Huw DID ask for help; that is how he was known to be severely depressed and that is why his colleague Tara ‘raised the alarm’. Presumably no-one bothered to respond. But no-one ever did, I was watching what was happening in the mental health services at the time. Patients were being TOLD to ‘go on and do it then, it’s your responsibility’. If you say that to a suicidal person, many of them will kill themselves.

Whatever a patient’s problem, it was constructed as being their fault, while that smug bitch Jane Hutt sat in the Senedd and bollocked on about Stigma. North West Wales had the second highest suicide rate for women in the whole of England and Wales at the time of Huw’s death and one of the highest rates for men. Was it the Snowdonia climate then Jane? It was often a bit chilly and wet up there and the Stigma probably descended upon the patients along with the mist and the cloud. Then how did I witness one adult man crying and begging for help at the Hergest Unit to no avail, only to be arrested by the police when he became so desperate that he later rang up an Angel and told her that he felt like ‘chopping a gas pipe’? He didn’t even try to do this, he just told an Angel that he felt like it; Tony Francis ordered the Angel to call the police and have the patient arrested. He spent three weeks in Walton Prison, was released to the ‘care’ of Dafydd’s ‘nursing home’ at very great cost to him and his wife and all charges against him were subsequently dropped.

The year after Huw died of Stigma, Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, rang the police eight or nine times in one day demanding that I should be arrested, because I had told his secretary, over the phone, that he was a fat idiot. When the police refused to arrest me, Davies phoned them back and said that I’d threatened to kill him. I was arrested. Not immediately, because when Davies made the calls I was sitting in the locked ward of the Hergest Unit, having been sectioned. I was discharged after Davies spent all day ringing the police  and within an hour of arriving home, the police turned up and arrested me for ‘threats to kill’. The case circulated around the courts for nearly two years and the charges were withdrawn on the first day of the trial.

Davies made all of those phone calls from the National Assembly, where he was in a meeting with Jane Hutt and her officials.

All down to Stigma was it Jane?

 
 

 

Kim Howells, an NUM official in Weekes’s era, said: ‘There were many who believed that Phil Weekes, a brilliant mining engineer and communicator, should have been made Chairman of the Coal Board in the early Eighties. If that had come about the story of mining in Britain would be very different.’ It would have also been very different if the whole bloody lot of them had not have been concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring because if someone had piped up about Peter Morrison, Thatcher’s Gov’t would have fallen. As I suspect that Kim Howells knows…

This was the problem Kim:

 A Friend Of Tony Francis
Kinnock, Neil.jpg

 

Thatch appointed Peter Walker as Energy Secretary in June 1983 in preparation to take on the NUM. By June 1983, Brown, me and our friends had been placed under surveillance by the security services and Brown had received his first murder threat.

There was much comment that Walker was an odd choice for Thatch; Walker was a well-known Tory wet who, after the Miners’ Strike, was very critical of Thatch’s economic policies. What Walker did know all about though was George Thomas and Peter Morrison’s molesting, Dafydd’s gang in north Wales as well as a great many other matters.

Walker was the MP for Worcester, 1961-92; there was a paedophile ring in the Hereford/Worcester area, which was publicly admitted in the 1990s by David Tombs, the Director of Herefordshire and Worcestershire Social Services (see previous posts). Tombs maintained that he ‘warned’ people about the Westminster Paedophile Ring but was told by civil servants that he’d never be able to confront it because so many people were involved. However, some months ago I received an e mail which maintained that Tombs was one of the UK Directors of Social Services who had caused major problems by colluding with the gangs and only outed the situation in his own area after many years as investigations and inquiries began across the UK in the 1990s.

Walker was a member of Heath’s Gov’t. In 1970 he was appointed Minister of State for Housing and Local Gov’t; he was Secretary of State for the Environment, 1970-72; Secretary of State for the DTI and President of the Board of Trade, Nov 1972- March 1974. It was Walker holding the latter role during the Miners’ Strike of 1973-74 that people believed was the reason why Thatch appointed him as one of her key people to handle the 1984-85 Miners’ Strike. It is far more likely to have been because Walker knew what was being concealed by all political parties and knew that the Windbag’s mates employed as Top Docs in north Wales were in the thick of it. Mrs Windbag of course came from Holyhead, where her Labour activist parents had kept quiet about Dafydd et al for years. By 1983, the children’s home in Holyhead and Y Gwyngyll, the children’s home in Llanfairpwll on Anglesey, were known to be centres of abuse; events at Y Gwyngyll, the home in Llanfairpwll, really did raise eyebrows and as a result Gwynedd County Council were forced to hold an inquiry in the mid-1980s. The Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Ioan Bowen Rees, commissioned his old mates from Dyfed County Council – where Ioan had previously been County Secretary – to investigate and they of course found no serious cause for concern. See previous posts.

 

After Ted Heath’s Gov’t fell, Walker served as Shadow Defence Secretary, Oct 1974-Feb 1975. When Thatch won the General Election in May 1979, Walker was Minister for Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. In which capacity he would have dealt with landowners like the Duke of Westminster and Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon aka Lord Kenyon from north Wales, who’s son Thomas was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in the care of the social services in north Wales. Among many other things, Lord Kenyon was President of UCNW; Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority; a member of the North Wales Police Authority; a JP; a Director of Lloyds Bank; and the most senior Freemason in north Wales. See previous posts for further details of Lord Kenyon and Thomas’s adventures. Walker would also have known Professor Richard Howarth, the Agricultural Economist from UCNW who by 1982 was dining with Thatcher and somehow became one of her advisers, despite the laughable standards and chaos prevailing in the Agriculture Dept in which he worked (see previous posts). Mary Wynch was working as a secretary in the same Dept when Dafydd had unlawfully arrested and imprisoned her just three years previously. By the time that Howarth was supping with Thatch, Mary was on her way to the Master of the Rolls and people at Gov’t level knew that.

Walker didn’t just have recent dirt on those in High Places, he had dirt going back many, many years. Walker had risen through the Young Conservatives, becoming a branch Chairman at the age of 14 and later National Chairman. He knew Beata Brookes, Tory MEP for north Wales, 1979-89, who was a mate of Dafydd’s and had been a social worker in Denbighshire when she was young. Beata was the daughter of a wealthy farming family in north east Wales, of whom the male members were enthusiastic Freemasons. Like Peter Walker, Beata Brookes was a big wig in the Young Conservatives in the Pre-Cambrian. Walker was one year younger than Brookes.

Here are the two clean-living Young Conservatives:

Peter Walker 1961.jpg

 

Rhyl Life: QUIZ ANSWER # 148

 

By the time that north Wales was supplying the Westminster Paedophile Ring in the 1970s, Beata Brookes had as many public roles as Lord Kenyon, but whereas Lord Kenyon’s positions also included senior roles in the world of Museums/Arts, Beata just ensured that she was a leading light in every disability charidee in north Wales, as well as in Clwyd Health Authority and Clwyd Social Services. There was no escaping Beata Brookes if one was ‘in care’ or disabled. Beata’s brother was a leading light in countryside sports/farmers/landowners organisations. For more information about Beata and the story of how she caused a civil war in the Tory Party when she tried to stand for Parliament in 1983, see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’. It was Beata’s Parliamentary ambitions which eventually led to Sir Anthony Meyer standing as a ‘stalking horse’ in a leadership challenge to Thatch in 1989 and in my blog post on Brookes, I gave Sir Anthony rather more credit than he deserved; when I wrote it, I presumed that Meyer was so appalled at the trafficking ring being facilitated by Brookes et al that he tried to blow them all out of the water. I found out later that Meyer himself was in it up to his eye-balls, but he just hated Thatch and Brookes and was hoping and expecting Heseltine to stand as the ‘real’ leadership candidate in 1989. See previous posts for the full story of Meyer’s dealings (and Heseltine’s) which were every bit as dirty as Beata’s.

 

Peter Walker was a founder of the Tory Reform Group (TRG). The TRG was formally established in June 1975 from the merger of four like-minded groups: PEST (Pressure for Economic and Social Toryism), two separate London dining clubs – named the Macleod Group and Social Tory Action Group – and a consortium in the North West also known as the McLeod Group led by two Young Conservative activists and parliamentary candidates Steve Perry (PPC Liverpool Edge Hill) and Stuart Lindsay (former PPC Ellesmere Port). Edge Hill and Ellesmere Port were constituencies within Dafydd’s empire. At his home in Westminster, Walker met with the aforementioned Tories and they agreed to come together to form the TRG.

From the start, the TRG was an activist group with membership, as opposed to being a think tank. The TRG hoped to spread its view through publication of pamphlets, discussion with MPs, use of media, and by widening its membership. Weekly lunches were inherited from PEST. London PEST had organized a Tuesday Luncheon Club in local pubs. These lunches provided a programme of speakers as well as opportunities for members to become involved in constituency activities.

In January 1976, TRG released its first publication, entitled ‘Home Run’ by Nicholas Scott MP, the President of TRG, arguing for a nationwide extension of the GLC’s sale of council houses to their tenants. Nick Scott was a well-known drunk who’s alcohol problem eventually became very, very severe. Scott was the Tory MP for Paddington South, 1966-74. The constituency was a wealthy one on the doorstep of St George’s Hospital and was a hub of Top Doctors. The local Labour Party fielded Bertrand Russell’s son Conrad as their candidate against Scott. By the 1970s, Bertrand Russell lived in north Wales and knew all about Dafydd’s gang (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’). Scott also served as the MP for Chelsea, 1974-97.

Everyone involved in the establishment of the TRG had the dirt of the Westminster Paedophile Ring. The President of the Macleod Group was David Knox, the Tory MP for Leek, Staffordshire, 1970-83 and Staffordshire Moorlands, 1983-97. There was a big ring in Staffordshire which eventually revealed itself in the Staffordshire Pin-Down Scandal and the terrible problems in the NHS there; both had been concealed for years. See previous posts.  One Vice-President of the Macleod Group was Robert Carr, the MP for Mitcham, 1950-74 and then Carshalton, 1974-76. There was a trafficking gang in the Mitcham area. Furthermore Carr was a member of Heath’s Gov’t: Secretary of State for Employment, 1970-72; Lord President of the Council, April-Nov 1972; and Home Secretary, 1972-74 and in all of these roles concealed organised abuse. The Lord President of the Council is also the visitor for UCNW. Lynda – now Baroness – Chalker was another Vice-President; Chalker was MP for Wallasey, 1974-92, a constituency within the Liverpool branch of Dafydd’s empire and concealed abuse in her many roles (see previous posts). Vice-President Sir Nigel Fisher was MP for Hitchin, 1950-55 and Surbiton, 1955-83 and from 1951 was PPS to Gwilym Lloyd-George, which placed Fisher at the centre of the action. Nigel Fisher was a big mate of Ian McLeod himself, who was quite mad and at the centre of Harold Macmillan’s Knight of the Long Knives (see previous post), so knowing Ian Mcleod will have been even more exciting than knowing Gwilym Lloyd-George. Fisher’s second wife Patricia was the Ulster Unionist MP for North Down, 1953-55. Patricia’s father Sir Walter D. Smiles had preceded her as the Ulster Unionist MP for North Down. At the time of Sir Walter’s death in 1953, Patricia was living in Cheshire… Patricia’s first husband was the cricketer  Neville Montagu Ford, a descendent of the 4th Lord Lyttelton. Their daughter Sally married Sir Michael Grylls (father of TV pseudo-survivalist Bear). Michael Grylls was one of those involved in the Cash for Questions/Ian Greer lobbying scandal, along with Peter Morrison and Neil Hamilton, as discussed in previous posts. Neville Montagu Ford’s brother Sir Edward was Assistant Private Secretary to King George VI and then to HM the Queen Lilibet. So Patricia and her circle were more people who knew about Ugandan discussions in Royal Places.

 

When Peter Walker was 14 yrs old, he spoke at a Conservative Conference and was invited to meet Leo Amery, who had plotted the overthrow of Lloyd George’s Coalition in 1922. Amery told Walker to become financially independent before entering the Commons, because it would stop him having to be compromised ‘if resignation were necessary’. Obviously an occupational hazard that one must plan for. Walker followed Amery’s advice and went into the insurance business, soon forming a partnership with the future MP for Taunton, the crook Edward du Cann, who not only knew my grandfather (who told me that du Cann was a crook years before du Cann was exposed as, er, a crook and a very big one too), but just before the Waterhouse Inquiry du Cann made a lot of loud noises about ‘having a lot to tell’ and how he ‘was going to tell it’. Du Cann never did reveal all, but he did become very affluent after threatening to tell all, despite being virtually bankrupt at the time when he threatened to land everyone in it. See previous posts.

Tory Party: Do you not think that it would have been a great deal easier to have made friends with Brown and me, rather than pay off all the worthless turds who blackmailed you over us? It would have been much easier, far cheaper and you wouldn’t now have this blog to put up with. We didn’t want money, not being Edward du Cann ourselves; we’d never have voted for you, but we would have been quite happy with appropriate action against Dafydd et al.

 

Peter Walker also invested in property companies and formed a City partnership with Jim Slater, Slater Walker Securities, a scam of an asset stripping vehicle which collapsed in scandal in the early 1970s. Walker worked on JFK’s Primary election campaign team and was PPS to Selwyn Lloyd – who was Chancellor of the Exchequer under Macmillan and a few other things as well – when Lloyd was Lord Privy Seal, 1963-64. Walker and Lloyd remained close friends – Lloyd was godfather to one of Walker’s sons.

In 1965 Walker organised Heath’s leadership campaign.

After retirement from politics, Walker became Chairman of Kleinwort Benson and Thornton and Co. Other business positions Walker held included: Chairman of Allianz Insurance plc; Vice Chairman of Dresdner Kleinwort; non-executive Director of ITM Power plc; Director of Rothschilds; Tate and Lyle; Dalgety and British Gas.

Walker was Chair of the Carlton Club.

Walker was a ‘determined supporter’ of the hospice movement, becoming a Patron of St Richard’s Hospice in Worcester when it was founded in 1984. He campaigned determinedly for greater NHS support for St Richard’s and the wider hospice movement. During a House of Lords debate in 2000, Lord Walker stated: “Anyone who visits hospices and meets the volunteers – the people running them and guiding them – will recognise their unique spiritual and compassionate contribution to the health service.” For some reason the hospice movement is dominated by the paedophiles’ friends, in north Wales and elsewhere as well. The contributions to the Lord debate in 2000 illustrated this. See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

 

So what job did Peter Walker bag once he had co-ordinated the defeat of the NUM using his knowledge of Dafydd and Wrongdoing in High Places? He was appointed Secretary of State for Wales of course, where he remained overseeing the charnel house until May 1990 (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). In 1992, just after the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal died in the Brighton firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), Walker picked up his peerage.

 

So that covers a few of the events and people involved during the time when Thatcher inflicted the most dreadful suffering, particularly on south Wales, yet neither Hywel Francis nor the Windbag barked. Hywel’s reward came in 2001 when he became the Labour MP for Aberavon. The long-term deal was completed in 2015 when the Windbag’s son, the husband of the PM of Denmark, returned from his decades of living abroad and succeeded Hywel in his safe Labour seat, Windbag junior being Committed To The People Of Aberavon. The idea was for Windbag junior to be in place in time to sit in the Cabinet which Ed Miliband was going to form when Ed became PM in May 2015. There was just one problem.

Computer Said No:


2015UKElectionMap.svg

 

 

Poor Ed, he was from an impeccable pedigree himself, what with Uncle Harry being a Top Doctor, a paid up member of the Socialist Health Association and working with folk at Guy’s and Tommy’s who had concealed Dafydd’s wrongdoing and dad Ralph being a Marxist academic who also had all the shit on Dafydd and the gang (see previous posts)…

 

I have discussed in previous posts how many of the kids forced into sex work by Dafydd’s gang were the young men who died of HIV/AIDS in the late 1980s/90s. It was known that the kids were being infected with STIs by their abusers, even when they were ‘in care’; Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon died of an AIDS related condition in the early 1990s, by which time he had infected other people. Matt Arnold, the Headmaster of Bryn Estyn died in 1994 from an ‘unspecified blood disease’. My post ‘Include Me Out’ describes how basic medical care and humanity was unavailable to the prisoners in the medical wing of Risley Remand Centre – most of whom were Dafydd’s patients or kids in care – yet one thing that was prioritised was a visiting pox doctor. That will not have been out of any concern for the inmates; it was because the gang didn’t want to get infected themselves…

By the late 1980s, there were so many rent boys in London dying of AIDS – many of whom had been trafficked there by Dafydd’s gang – that in order to ensure that the stories of those dying young men never reached the ears of the wrong people, associates of Dafydd’s gang in London set up a hospice for terminally ill AIDS patients. The Labour MP Peter Shore and the Tory Ken Clarke, then in the DoH, worked together to make funding available (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’). The young men died in the care of people who knew exactly how they had ended up working as rent boys by the age of 17 and those people ensured that the scandal was kept under wraps. Of course, the Top Doctors knew how those boys had become infected and they kept schtum as well.

A recent issue of the ‘London Review Of Books’ discussed the HIV/AIDS crisis of the 1980s. It was remembered that the number of AIDS cases began to have a real impact in 1985 and after that the numbers just went ever upwards. So those boys were infected from the mid-1970s onwards, under Callaghan and then Thatcher’s Gov’ts… The LRB article mentioned a few familiar names in terms of the Top Doctors who were the Experts re HIV/AIDS eg. Michael Adler at the Middlesex Hospital (Gwynne the lobotomist’s alma mater who protected Gwynne until the day that he died) and Tony Pinching at St Mary’s. To whom is Michael Adler married? One Baroness Margaret Jay, Jim Callaghan’s daughter. Callaghan was instrumental in enabling George Thomas’s mate Leo Abse to rewrite legislation relating to children in care which resulted in hundreds of them being sent to children’s homes in north Wales (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Margaret Jay married Adler in 1994; Adler had been Chair of the National AIDS Trust when Jay was its Director. When Miranda became PM, he appointed Jay as Health Minister and Minister for Wimmin. I can only wonder if Miranda did that as a two fingers up to any of Dafydd’s victims who dared to still be alive. In 1997, Tony Francis, Dafydd et al were pushing out all the boats in their attempts to have me banged up in a secure hospital on the grounds of my extreme dangerousness.

In 1996, Miranda and Cherie’s friend and colleague, Michael Beloff QC, served as the legal adviser to Municipal Mutual, the insurers of Clwyd County Council (as well as of the North Wales Police) and ensured that the Jillings Report regarding the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974, was completely suppressed and pulped. See previous posts eg. ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’.

If the Baroness and/or Miranda would like to leave a comment on this blog, I’d be delighted to hear from them.

 

Top Doctors and Angels are not the only people who knew what was happening but kept quiet. Some sociologists did as well. One sociologist who definitely knew – who died in 2012 – was Tony Coxon. I met Tony Coxon a few times at conferences and he was very entertaining but he knew about Dafydd and the related gangs.

Tony Coxon became famous for developing the British Household Panel Survey after he was appointed as the first Director of the ESRC Research Centre, now the Institute for Social and Economic Research, at the University of Essex, in 1989.

Tony was born in Sale, Cheshire and educated at the King’s School, Canterbury and Cheadle Hulme school, Stockport. In his teens Tony Coxon decided that he had a vocation to the priesthood. Initially he trained at the College of the Resurrection, Mirfield, West Yorkshire, from where he was supported as an undergraduate at Leeds University studying sociology and philosophy. However he did not return to Mirfield and after graduation at Leeds continued his studies to complete his doctorate.

There have been allegations of abuse at Mirfield and of course the Leeds area per se was Jimmy Savile’s domain. Ed Miliband’s dad Ralph was Prof of Sociology at Leeds University in the 1970s.

Coxon left the church completely for a time, although he did retain a  commitment to Christian socialism which remained with him for the rest of his life. Coxon was a member of the Third Order of Anglican Franciscans. He was a pacifist and a conscientious objector during national service;  a  member of CND, the Committee of 100 and the Independent Labour Party.

Following lectureships at Leeds (1964-69) and Edinburgh (1969-75) universities, Tony Coxon then joined what was University College Cardiff, becoming Professor in 1975. His research interests included religion, occupations, social networks and male sexuality. He was the Principal Investigator of Project SIGMA, a major longitudinal study of gay men and HIV/Aids which informed Gov’t and World Health Organisation policies at the height of the AIDS epidemic. Some of Coxon’s research involved the study of gay men’s diaries.

Tony Coxon knew exactly what was happening; being based in Cardiff he’ll have known about Dafydd et al and he knew that kids in care were being forced into sex work. He could have named many celebs and ‘VIPs’, including politicians, who were abusing kids. But like everyone else, it was a case of I Know Nuzzing…

In retirement, Tony Coxon returned to Cardiff as a visiting and then honorary Professor.

At Leeds, Tony married and subsequently had three children. He later came out as gay in 1978. In 2005, Tony underwent a civil partnership with Philip Hawkins.

Phil Hawkins is also involved in HIV/AIDS work and one look at Phil’s CV leaves one in no doubt that like Tony Coxon, Phil knew what was going on as well:

1999 –  Consultant, Sigma Essex Research & Consultancy
2003 – 2004 Centre Manager. Ionad Chaluim Chille Ìle (Islay Columba Centre)(p/t)
2002 – 2003 Learning Support Officer, Web-based Learning, Department of Health and Human Sciences, University of Essex (p/t)
2001, 2002 Senior Research Officer, Project Sigma, Health & Social Services Institute, University of Essex (p/t)
2001 Research Counsellor & Computing (SPSS) Facilitator, Health & Social Services Institute Summer School, University of Essex
2001 Teaching Fellow, Essex Summer School in the Social Sciences, University of Essex
2000 Research Counsellor, Health & Social Services Institute Summer School, University of Essex
1999 – 2000 Research Officer (HIV and AIDS), The Terrence Higgins Trust (p/t)
1998 Assistant Instructor, Swiss Summer School in the Social Sciences, Lugarno
1997 – 1999 Manager, Service Development, Community Education Services, Essex County Council

  • Research and Development in Adult Education
  • Internal and External Funding Manager
  • Strategic Management of IT
1993 – 1997 Principal Officer, Special Projects, Community Education Services, Essex County Council
1990 – 1992 Community Education Officer, SW Essex, Essex County Council
1988 – 1990 Staff Development Officer, Youth Service, Essex County Council
1980 – 1988 Assistant Community Education Officer, SE Essex, Essex County Council
1977 – 1980 Youth & Community Services Officer, London Borough of Haringey
1974 – 1977 General Secretary, Mansfield House University Settlement, Plaistow, E13.
1971 – 1974 Teacher of English, The Rokeby School, Stratford E15.

2012 – Member, Children & Young People and Economy & Culture Scrutiny Committees, Cardiff Council
2012 – Councillor, Cardiff County Council, Riverside Ward
2007 Candidate, Argyll & Bute Council, North Kintyre & The Islands ward
2000 – 2003 Deputy Leader of the Labour Group, Colchester Borough Council
2002 – 2003 Councillor for Wivenhoe Cross Ward, Colchester Borough Council
2002 – 2003 Member, Planning and Standards Committees, Colchester Borough Council
2001 – 2002 Cabinet Member without Portfolio, Colchester Borough Council
2001 Parliamentary Candidate, North Essex Constituency
2000 – 2001 Chair, Best Value Review Panel, Colchester Borough Council
1999 – 2000 Member, Planning and Human and Financial Resources Committees, Colchester Borough Council
1999 – 2002 Councillor for Wivenhoe Ward, Colchester Borough Council
1996 – 1997 Member, Essex Environmental Forum
1995 – 1997 Member: Planning, Licensing, Social Services (LGR), Libraries (LGR) Committees, Southend Borough Council
1996 – 1997 Labour Spokesperson, Highways & Transport Committee, Southend Borough Council
1995 – 1997 Vice-Chair, Community Services Committee
1995 – 1997 Councillor for Milton Ward, Southend Borough Council
1994 Agent, Borough Council Elections, Southend Borough Council
1994 – 1999 Member of the Co-operative Party
1993 – 1995 Delegate to Southend Constituency GC
1993 – 1995 Chair, Milton Ward Branch, Southend-on-Sea, Essex
1988  Member of the Labour Party

1971 B.Ed.  (English, History & Education) University of Newcastle-upon-Tyne
1994 M.A. (Post Compulsory Education & Training) University of Greenwich.

1995 Formula Funding and Financial Delegation in Local Authority Youth Services and Adult Education, Youth Work Press, Leicester.
2006 With Mills, D., Jepson, A., Coxon, A., Easterby-Smith, M, Spencer, J. Demographic Review of the UK Social Sciences, ESRC, Swindon.
2006 With Tiliopoulos, N., Bikker, A., Coxon, A. The means and ends of religiosity: A fresh look at Gordon Allport’s religious orientation dimensions, Personality and Individual Differences 42, 1609-1620, Elsevier.
2007 With Coxon, A. Demographic Review of the UK Social Sciences – Scotland, ESRC,  (unpublished)
2007 With Mills, D., Jepson, A., Coxon, A., Howe, C.,  Lunt, I., Orme, J., Spencer, J. Review of the 1+3 Training Model, ESRC, unpublished.
2007 With Coxon, A., McVie, S., Palmer, J., Rice, R. Scoping Study of Quantitative Methods Building Capacity in Scotland, SFC/ESRC, unpublished

 

 

While Hywel Francis, the Windbag and others were not barking as Thatch took a wrecking ball to Wales, Thatch’s favourite Council leader, Sir Paul Beresford, led the flagship Tory-led Council, Wandsworth, in south London. St George’s Hospital Medical School relocated to Tooting in a number of stages during the latter half of the 1970s. The elitist grandiosities employed at St George’s still hadn’t recovered from the trauma of being uprooted from their natural habitat in Knightsbridge and replanted in Tooting when I began working at St George’s in 1989. In previous posts I explained how the relocation of St George’s was undertaken as part of Harold Wilson’s Gov’ts ‘democratisation’ of medicine and medical education, the idea being to put the grand new hospital and medical school where the common people were ie. Tooting. It was certainly very convenient for the long standing paedophile ring that had operated in Wandsworth and the surrounding area; the Top Docs of St George’s with their Royal and celeb connections joined in the fun (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). No-one could touch them, what with them being mates with Top Doctors To The Royals and the Duke of Westminster’s family having an historical link with St George’s…

My documents show that Lucille, Dafydd and Tony Francis had a direct line to St George’s/Springfield Hospitals and to Wandsworth Social Services. Top Docs at St George’s and Springfield admitted in writing that they knew that Dafydd – and they suspected Tony Francis as well – was sexually involved with patients; yet they were nonetheless happy to co-operate with the gang in north Wales. Messages were sent back and forth with phone numbers and bleeps which people very helpfully gave each other to discuss the danger that was me…

Donald Naismith, the Director of Education for Wandsworth, was known to be an active paedophile. See previous posts. Children targeted by the south London ring disappeared and were found dead.

This was Thatch’s exemplar of a Council. Paul Beresford became a Wandsworth Councillor in 1978 and was Council Leader, 1983-92. Bereford was a dentist, but a very posh one; he had a Park Lane practice. I read the other day that most of Thatcher’s Cabinet were patients of Beresford’s.

Beresford was knighted in the 1990 New Year Honours ‘for political and public service’. In 1986, while Beresford led Wandsworth, Oliver Brooke, the Prof of Paediatrics at St George’s, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn (see previous posts eg. ‘Oliver!’). Ollie was a key player in a pan-European paedophile ring with connections to Dafydd et al in north Wales. By the time that Beresford bagged his K, Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd Social Services, with the help of a great many people including Andrew Park, the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer, were busy taking me to the High Court on the basis of the perjury of Dafydd’s gang and were making plans to have me banged up (see posts eg. ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’ and ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

In the General Election of 1992, Paul Beresford was elected as the Tory MP for Croydon Central, where he succeeded John Moore, who had been one of the Health Secretaries who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the linked gangs, including the one at Wandsworth (see previous posts). Croydon had its own horror story in the shape of Warlingham Park Hospital, where patients were battered and raped by the staff and found dead in suspicious circumstances, including a family of patients who ended up being sent to live in Bethesda by a group of crooked Top Doctors and lawyers who swindled them out of their inheritance (see post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’).

Beresford was elected as the Tory MP for Mole Valley in 1997, succeeding Kenneth Baker. Mole Valley is a Surrey constituency. Patient F from Bethesda, who was framed, imprisoned and fleeced of his property and money, then denied access to his child, by Dafydd’s gang after F found out that boys in the Ty Newydd children’s home in Bangor were being mistreated by their social workers and challenged the social workers and told other people what was going on, came from Surrey. The father of F’s ex-wife particularly hated F and I have been told was involved with the wrecking of F’s life by Dafydd et al. F’s ex father-in-law was a dentist. A very wealthy Tory supporting dentist. From Surrey. From 1996 onward, Tony Francis et al were making strenuous efforts to have F imprisoned again, once more on the basis of perjury with a bit of help from corrupt police officers. See previous posts.

The London Boroughs of Merton and Mitcham are also served by St George’s Hospital Medical School. The MP for Mitcham and Morden, 1982-97, was another ally of Thatch, Angela Rumbold.

Rumbold was was a graduate of King’s College, London. She qualified as a barrister but never practised. Rumbold’s father was the physicist Prof Harry Jones, who was Pro-Rector of Imperial College until his death. Harry was one of those old fossils at Imperial who will have known the other old fossils Lord Brian Flowers and Professor Wynn Humphrey Davies (see previous posts), who came from Wales and used their academic and political muscle to conceal the crimes of Dafydd et al as well as the wrongdoing of the Top Docs in London University. I have not yet researched Harry Jones, so I don’t know what his origins were.

Angela married solicitor John Rumbold. After raising her children Angela worked as the Chief Executive for The National Association for the Welfare of Children in Hospital. Following that post, between 1974 and 1983, Angela Rumbold served as a Councillor in Kingston-upon-Thames and became Deputy Leader of Kingston-upon-Thames Council. While sitting as a Councillor, Angela Chaired the Council of LEAs, 1979-80 and served as a member of the doctors’ and dentists’ pay review body. The late Professor Huw Bentall, a surgeon at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School, virtually ran Kingston-upon-Thames, as a result of his ownership of Bentall’s, the upmarket department store in the town. Huw Bentall was involved in dishonesty with regard to ‘research’ and the ‘success’ of interventions at Hammersmith (see post ‘Interesting Facts’). Hammersmith became part of Imperial College in the 1990s, Brian Flowers oversaw the merger.

Huw Bentall had links with north Wales which were strengthened in the 1980s when his son Richard Bentall married the daughter of Eifion Jones, the Dean of Science at UCNW, when Richard was doing his PhD in psychology at UCNW. Richard Bentall is a clinical psychologist who knew all about Dafydd and the gang and he subsequently worked as an academic at UCNW (Bangor University). Richard Bentall has become quite famous and has made a name for himself as a ‘radical psychologist’. He has held Chairs at Bangor, Liverpool and Manchester. Richard’s wife – now his ex-wife – did a degree in Plant Biology at UCNW. The Plant Biology Dept at UCNW was full of people who knew about the trafficking ring, because one of the lecturers in that Dept, Chris Wood, was married to Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the trafficking ring. Adrian Bell was one of the lecturers who was mates with D.G.E. Wood. Adrian did his first degree at Kingston-upon-Thames Poly…

During the 1990s, St George’s merged with Kingston-upon-Thames University, which surprised me when I remembered how ludicrously snooty the staff at St George’s were; first they relocate to Tooting, then they merge with an ex-poly… The merger happened when the investigations into a possible VIP paedophile ring in north Wales/Chester were underway. Perhaps Richard Bentall or Adrian Bell could tell us how the plebs at Kingston managed to get hitched to the Snobbiest Top Doctors On The Planet.

When Rumbold was a Kingston Councillor, she also worked at the GLC as a researcher and at Conservative Central Office. Both organisations which concealed the organised abuse of vulnerable people, in north Wales and elsewhere.

Rumbold was Chairman of the Teachers’ Negotiating Committee until it was closed down by Act of Parliament.

Angela Rumbold served as: PPS to the Secretary of State for Transport; as Under Secretary at the Dept of the Environment; Minister of State for Education and Minister of State at the Home Office. In 1992 Rumbold became the Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The year that the five witnesses to the crime in north Wales were killed by the Brighton firebomb…Rumbold remained Deputy Chairman of the Party until 1995. She was then Vice Chairman of the Tory Party, 1995-97.

Rumbold’s erstwhile junior colleague Robert Key recalled her advice, delivered with “a wicked smile and that dusky chuckle”, that anger and revenge are very important motives in politics. The deaths from the firebomb didn’t do Angela any harm, she became a Dame in 1992. I hope that she enjoyed an extra-long dusky chuckle. Dame Angela probably had a few more dusky chuckles in the following years, because a few people who had managed to survive the firebomb were subsequently found dead. A sense of humour like that is useful if one is a Minister in an endemically corrupt Home Office which is colluding with organised crime.

In 1994, during the “Back to Basics” row, Rumbold had to resign from a job with a lobbying firm amid a row over the firm’s role in helping to win a £1 billion contract for the construction of a Channel Tunnel rail link station. Was that perhaps one of the firms with a terrible safety record which oversaw the deaths of a few construction workers? Angela will have been chuckling duskily again.

After leaving the Commons in 1997, Rumbold duskily chuckled her way back to many of her voluntary activities. She was Chair of the Governers of both Danes Hill School in Oxshott and Surbiton High School in Kingston-upon-Thames as well as Vice-Chair of the Governing Body of Tolworth Girls’ School, a large secondary modern, also in Kingston upon Thames.

Rumbold was Chair of Governors of Wimbledon High School, a school attended by many of the offspring of the Top Docs and other senior staff of St George’s and a Governor of More House Girls’ School in Knightsbridge. She was Chair of the Court of Governors of Mill Hill School for nine years and set up its Pre-prep School Grimsdells. Angela also Chaired the Minerva Fund for replacement of bursaries in Girls’ Day School Trust schools after the closure of the Assisted Places Scheme.

Rumbold was co-Chair of the Association of Governing Bodies of Independent Schools and Chair of the Finance and General Purposes Committee of the Independent Schools Council. She was a member of the Trust and Governing Council of the United Church Schools Trust and Chair of the United Learning Trust, an Anglican charidee and the largest sponsor of academies in the country. Angela will have had a good dusky chuckle at the complaints of clergy molesting children.

In 1987 I was friendly with someone who’s mum taught at an independent girls’ school which was attended by Angela Rumbold’s children. My friend’s mum loathed Angela Rumbold for her hypocrisy, because while Rumbold regularly lectured the parents of the nation’s children on the necessity of being involved in their schooling, Rumbold never, ever went to parents’ evenings, let alone school plays etc. It was after Rumbold knew the mum of someone who knew me – and who knew what Dafydd et al had done and continued to do to me – that Rumbold was transferred to a job as a Minister at the Home Office.

John Major appointed Rumbold as a Home Office Minister when he became PM – just as I was being forced out of my job at St George’s, when St George’s were facilitating the trafficking ring in south London which was linked to Dafydd et al in north Wales. At the same time, Tony and Sadie Francis made yet another bid to have me imprisoned, although Hempsons, the MDU solicitors, knew that they did not have the evidence for their allegations against me. Hempsons also knew that I had repeatedly reported the serious abuse of patients in north Wales. I had a long telephone conversation with Ann Ball, the Francis’s solicitor from Hempsons and I discussed the abuse of psych patients in north Wales with Ann Ball in detail. Weeks later Ann tried to have me imprisoned on the instructions of the Drs Francis. Ann sat opposite me in the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand, knowing that I had witnessed the very, very serious abuse of patients and had written to just about every authority that I could. Years later I discovered that Ann had advised the Drs Francis not to proceed with their litigation against me. They ignored her advice and Ann represented them nonetheless.

Ann Ball. Hempsons. The MDU. These people are lawyers.

The icing on the cake? At that time, the North Wales Police were mid-way through their investigation into a possible VIP paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire. They concluded that there was no evidence of any such ring.

Former kids in care and psych patients in north Wales were being found dead constantly.

 

This was the Home Secretary at the time; the man who preceded Sir Paul Beresford as the MP for the constituency which housed so many people known to Patient F’s former father-in-law:

The Lord Baker of Dorking
Official portrait of Lord Baker of Dorking crop 2.jpg

Kenneth Baker is a lifelong member of Peter Walker’s product, the Tory Reform Group.

 

In the aftermath of a dusky chuckle following a bout of anger and revenge:

Angela Rumbold BBC.jpg

 

My friend’s mum who taught Rumbold’s children also taught Jimmy Tarbuck’s daughter; I presume that would have been Lisa Tarbuck. In contrast to the Rumbolds, I was told that Mr and Mrs Tarbuck were quite devoted to their daughter and turned up at every school do concerning or involving her.

Rumbold was elected for Mitcham and Morden in 1982 when the sitting Labour MP, Bruce Douglas-Mann, defected to the SDP. Dr Death knew what was going on at St George’s and in north Wales. The whole Gang Of Four knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). Douglas-Mann resigned as an MP and sought re-election under the SDP banner. The resulting by-election was held during the Falklands War and Rumbold won.

Bruce Douglas-Mann was MP for Mitcham and Morden, 1970-82. Douglas-Mann was born at Bexhill, Sussex, the son of a solicitor, Leslie John Douglas-Mann. Bruce Douglas-Mann was educated Upper Canada College, Toronto, Canada and following national service in the Royal Navy, read PPE at Jesus College, Oxford, 1948-51. Jesus College, Oxford has strong Welsh links and many paedophiles’ friends in Wales studied there, including the corrupt judge Huw Daniel (see previous posts). Douglas-Mann qualified as a solicitor in 1954 and served as a Councillor on Kensington Borough Council, 1962-65 and on the Royal Borough of Kensington and Chelsea from 1964. As a solicitor Douglas-Mann specialised in trade union law and claims over industrial accidents and injuries. He also worked on obscenity cases and briefed barrister John Mortimer on the film ‘Last Tango in Paris’. Douglas-Mann was Chairman of the Society of Labour Lawyers, 1974- 80, a great many of whom did many kind turns for people involved with organised abuse (see previous posts). 

Douglas-Mann was elected MP for Kensington North in 1970, before being elected for Mitcham and Morden in Feb 1974. Douglas-Mann spoke out on the plight of refugees. In 1971, in the East Bengal (now Bangladesh) refugee crisis, he said it was “the worst tragedy the world had known” and the following year, when Idi Amin ordered the expulsion of Asians from Uganda, Douglas-Mann said that returning them would be “like sending Jews back to Hitler in the 1930s”. Douglas-Mann was involved in housing case work as a solicitor and served as Chairman of the Parliamentary Party’s Housing and Construction group throughout the second Wilson and Callaghan Gov’ts. Douglas-Mann worked strenuously with housing associations and knew inside-out the ‘renting and enforcing hell hole’ of North Kensington. Although he was elected for North Kensington in 1970, he was made Minister of State for Housing only in 1974. Following Norman St John Stevas’s introduction of the Parliamentary Select Committees in 1979, Douglas-Mann served on the PSC concerning the environment, because housing was part of its remit.

A number of politicians and lawyers who facilitated or concealed abuse were involved with housing.

 

One of the Tory Councillors for the London Borough of Merton, a neighbouring Council to Mitcham which was also served by St George’s Hospital while the trafficking ring were busy within, did very well for herself. One Theresa May. Theresa was a Merton Councillor, 1986-94, where she was Chairman of Education (1988–90) and Deputy Group Leader and Housing Spokesman (1992–94).

Do you remember a man called Donald Naismith Theresa?

Theresa May portrait.jpg

 

Best of luck with your Blitz on the UK’s ‘epidemic’ of Mental Health Problems Theresa! Somehow I don’t think that you’re going to have much success on that front…The mental health system is still run by those Top Docs at St George’s/Springfield who colluded with a pan-European trafficking ring. They’re on the Gov’t advisory bodies and every committee that there is. They are the Directors of Services, both in the NHS and in the private sector. They are Professors of Medicine who provide the Expert Opinions and the Independent Reports. They sit on the Boards of the drug companies and they run NICE. They tell you what to do and you cannot stop them can you, because they know what you ignored when you were a Councillor in Merton…

 

Thatch’s stated desire to destroy the union movement but leaving those unions which served the most powerful professions who were abusing their positions untouched was far from the only irony of her regime. Thatch stated in the 1980s that ‘we must get rid of the social worker’. Someone will have explained to her that if she did that the supply of kiddies for the Westminster Paedophile Ring would come to a halt. More importantly, if social workers felt like biting back there could be some very embarrassing leaks. I used to wonder why, during the late 1980s and the 1990s, so many MPs had previously been social workers. I know the answer to that now. MPs in a previous era were aristocrats and gentlemen. Then under Thatch the House filled up with businessmen, often rather spiv-like ones. Under Miranda the place became choc full of ‘radical lawyers’ and social workers…

One of the many paradoxes of Thatcher’s administrations, which had been sold to the public on their ability to apply the principles of a grocer’s shop and housewifely thrift to the national economy, was that far from implementing Tory Cuts, public spending rocketed. The 1980s punch-up over rate capping was bugger all to do with reigning in public spending, it was about aiming fire at the Labour Councils. It was Heseltine, in his role as Thatch’s first Environment Secretary, who targeted spending by Councils. I have recently accessed data detailing the spending of Councils during the early 1980s. So details of the spending of those Councils was available to Thatcher’s Gov’t and to Heseltine. Didn’t Tarzan notice how much money certain Councils were spending sending children in care to children’s homes and residential schools in north Wales? Millions and millions and millions of pounds. Bit odd don’t you think Tarzan? Yet you never said a word about it in public, even during the great Rate Capping Rows. Furthermore, it was the Loony Left Councils whom you hated who were the culprits.

The Tories 1983 manifesto committed to abolish the GLC and the Greater Manchester, Merseyside, West Midlands, Tyne and Wear Councils. On the basis of their ‘profligacy’. Not on the basis that they were all spending a bomb filling the bank accounts of a gang of paedophiles in particular. They certainly were profligate but that profligacy would have ended overnight if the Tories themselves had not been concealing what was happening in north Wales. Two other profligate Councils which the Tories identified in the early 1980s were West Yorkshire and South Yorkshire. Anyone for organised abuse with Thatcher’s mate Jimmy Savile at the centre of it?

 

When young black men rioted in the inner cities in the early 1980s, Thatch made some wonderful comments about their ‘animal spirits’. There were certainly plenty of animals about, but they weren’t rioting in the streets.

Former British PM Margaret Thatcher dies at 87 | Globalnews.ca

 

 

As the Mental Health Crisis deepens, Theresa has announced the appointment of a Minister for Suicide Prevention. Someone might as well give Princess Middleton the job. She knows as little about it all as the Gov’t and she’s been to exactly the same Summits and Conferences as the Gov’t Ministers, but at least Princess Middleton can go along and have a cup of char with the Empowered Service Users and it’ll be a nice morning for them; they won’t hate her like they do politicians who have for years systematically ignored their complaints of abuse at the hands of the mental health services. It’s Stigma that is the problem! Particularly with Men Who Bottle It Up And Won’t Share.

There was a suicidal patient at the Hergest Unit – a man – who had begged and begged For Help and for someone to Talk to him about how bad he was feeling. No staff would Talk to him; I watched them actively walk away. After God knows how long of this, he staged a dirty protest in his room. It was grim, he covered himself and the walls with turds. As the staff screamed at him ‘why have you done this?’ he yelled back ‘because none of you will talk to me, so I have done something which will force you to talk to me.’ Tony Francis finally paid him a visit and told the patient that if he ever did that again, the NHS would refuse to treat him. That man has spent the last 15 years repeatedly trying to kill himself. Some five years ago, his lawyer finally extracted his records from the NHS. He showed them to me. Back in the early 1990s, Tony Francis had written the most extraordinary letters about him to other Top Docs – this was before the Dirty Protest – stating that he would never treat this patient, no matter how ill he became and no-one would ever be able to make Francis treat him because Francis was exercising his Clinical Freedom. Furthermore, Francis strongly recommended that no other Top Doc should treat this man. Indeed they didn’t, the patient ended up going abroad for treatment. The man in question was well-known in the climbing fraternity of north Wales and was actually very well-liked. He had been in Gwynedd since 1979. Before that he had worked as a trainee social worker and then as a youth leader in north London. He knew about the abuse of kids and vulnerable people in Islington and Haringey and he knew Little Nell Hodge and the Radical Lawyers. He had made the mistake of telling people in north Wales that he had witnessed the lot.

‘Let’s Share Shall We? You Share First.’

Marjorie

 

A UK network facilitating organised abuse involving every Top Doctors’ body and social services organisation in Great Britain. The Final Solution was to deny whistleblowers all healthcare for all conditions. It happened to me and it happened to the man who witnessed the crimes of Little Nell et al. Everyone knew that it was happening. No-one warned us. We were positively encouraged to Share with Top Doctors who wanted us dead. When we flatly refused to see loonies like Dafydd, Top Docs like Tony Francis were wheeled out and whenever we raised our concerns, we would be reassured by everyone that Tony was just having a bad day, or he was in pain or ill and he didn’t mean to have us arrested/put us in danger at all.

Now just let’s see how Theresa will provide a mental health service with that lot in charge.

 

It was reported yesterday that four Lords who are all former N Ireland Secretaries of State have raised concerns about the ‘waste of money’ that will be happen if historical prosecutions of offenders in N Ireland go ahead. The Concerned Lords are Lords Hain, Reid, Murphy and King.

Lord King has a great many questions to answer, as does Lord Murphy. Lord King, is your Lady wife Jane still making one sausage roll last all evening lest she ends up looking like a Somerset farmer’s wife, as was her fear at the Tory party buffets in Bridgwater in the 1970s? I was only 10 yrs old at the time but even I thought that it was bloody ridiculous. Furthermore, will you tell us the truth about the young Irish students who were jailed in 1988 for not actually doing anything to you at all, but who just happened to be camping across the fields from your palatial residence? Planning to murder you? There was no evidence. The mum of one of those jailed was a psychiatrist, so will have known about the gore, about shoot to kill and probably about Kincora as well. Why have ALL references to the trial and convictions of those young people disappeared from the internet?

Tom King – a mediocrity at Thatch’s side throughout the antics of Dafydd and the Paedophiles…

Lord Murphy is a Bachelor who has not been blessed with children. Lord Murphy was far too busy with matters theological, being a devout Roman Catholic. It was Lord Murphy who took receipt of the Waterhouse Report, in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales and told the world that he was very glad that the abuse of children in north Wales had now been transparently extensively investigated and that there Has Been No Cover-Up.

I too have reservations about historical prosecutions, but if we’re talking waste of money, I’ll remind Lord Murphy the Bachelor that the Waterhouse Inquiry cost £13 million quid. Then there were the millions which Councils paid to send kids to children’s homes in north Wales and the salaries of all those highly paid professional people who facilitated the trafficking gang in north Wales and elsewhere…the cost of keeping the victims in prisons and in hospitals… Historical prosecutions will be just another drop in the ocean Lord Murphy.

Tell you what King and Murphy, if you’re worried about the dosh – God knows you’ve wasted enough of it screwing everybody over – just agree to one last investment. Excavate the grounds of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, recover the bodies of the victims who are buried out there and date the remains and if possible identify them. Because people were murdered out there as recently as the 1980s. When you’ve done that, no-one will ever be able to do the We Didn’t Know bit. Because you all knew. All of you. We told you what was happening so people then tried to kill us as well.

10,000 documents King and Murphy. I’ve only been blogging on the basis of the Top Docs and lawyers documents so far. I still have all the records compiled by Angels, I have stacks of pharmacy records and there are many, many more names on those records of middle layer people whom  I have not yet had time to research; I will do that though, because by now they will be Top Layer people. There is only one of me doing this, but there are a lot of people reading this blog and they have their own various lines of inquiry and are following up names that I might not have realised the significance of… It’s what I’m putting it all up online for, there is no way that I will be able to extensively research everyone, but in true Group Therapy style, I’m Happy To Share! Particularly because I know how many lives have been ruined by this lot.

 

As far as the animals are concerned, as MP Nigel Evans’s friend said when the excessive behaviour of Nigel and others became public during Nigel’s 2013 trial for serial sexual assaults on young men, it is just Crazy Crazy Westminster. Remind me never to take a job as a Parliamentary researcher, I don’t want to wake up in the middle of the night only to find myself being anally raped by my boss.

 

We Didn’t Know.’

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Remember Girls – Never Get Into A Car With A Stranger!

I mentioned in a previous post that when I was young I was keen on a comic called ‘Bunty’ which was substantially composed of stories of girls in boarding schools tackling serious organised crime. Along the top of the pages featuring the crime-cracking school girls were words of advice to the readers which frequently included ‘Remember girls – never get into a car with a stranger!’. The ‘Bunty’ readers were sadly never warned against people traffickers who doubled up as Top Doctors, but then the criminals in ‘Bunty’, as with the criminals in Enid Blyton stories, were always a bit working class. The likes of Professor Oliver Brooke or his lawyers never got a look in.

Sadly, girls growing up in the 1970s were expected to graduate from ‘Bunty’ to a sickening publication called ‘Jackie’, which was the best-selling teenaged girls’ magazine at the time. I spent my teenage years sneering at ‘Jackie’ and I was lucky enough to have a close friend who also found ‘Jackie’ deeply vomit-inducing, with its advice on shaving one’s legs and armpits and reminding one that the most important thing in the world was gaining the approval of a 14 year old boy. My mate and I would sit in the classroom at school in the morning just before formal lessons began on the day that the latest issue of ‘Jackie’ would be available and just about every other girl in the room would have their nose stuck in ‘Jackie’. Years later I read Angela McRobbie’s work – which I think was based on her PhD thesis – ‘Jackie, A Study of Adolescent Femininity’, which very effectively analysed the toxic messages conveyed to girls by that publication. It was also more recently admitted that the notorious problem page in ‘Jackie’, the Cathy and Claire page, while only publishing readers letters which were concerned with a crush on a teacher or a drip of a boy whom the reader was too shy to approach, was receiving letters from girls who were being sexually exploited or who were suicidal but there was a policy of ignoring those letters. They were deemed ‘unsuitable’ for inclusion in the magazine and furthermore no-one even replied to those letters privately. I was interested to hear about this, because my anti-Jackie friend and I used to discuss the possibility that people with serious problems were writing into ‘Jackie’ but were being ignored.

For many years the Editor of ‘Jackie’ was Nina Myscow, who later found fame and fortune writing offensive things in the tabloids and insulting the wanna-be acts on ‘New Faces’. Perhaps Nina could let us know if those desperate readers whom we now know wrote to Cathy and Claire after being sexually assaulted named their assailants and if so were any of the people named known to the public as celebs?

The one thing that I did get wrong about ‘Jackie’ was my belief that it had a predominantly working-class readership. Because of the staggeringly bad ‘careers advice’ dispensed by Jackie – when girls wrote in expressing an interest in vet science or medicine they were always reminded that you had to be ‘ever so clever to do that’ and it was suggested that they should think about secretarial work or nursing instead, with no consideration at all that some of the readers will have been capable of achieving the A levels necessary – I presumed that ‘Jackie’ was aimed at girls in the sort of school that I attended, but I later found out that it did have a readership among girls who’s parents had professional jobs as well.

Recent revelations about the sexual exploitation of teenagers – boys as well as girls – over the past decades by people involved with the pop music industry makes ‘Jackie’ and other teen magazines of the recent past even more worrying in terms of their uncritical promotion of an industry which was grossly abusing people whom those magazines were targeting. One reason why Jimmy Savile was considered untouchable was that he was running a racket in which youngsters were being procured for the sexual use of ‘VIPs’. ‘VIPs’ including everyone from politicians to people involved with the music industry. Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, which had links to Savile, served the same purpose. The trade in young people for the music industry went back years, before the early 1960s, which was how Savile became so influential, he pioneered it.

My post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’ mentioned the paedophile/trafficking ring in Leicester and the fact that Lord Robert Kilpatrick, the Dean of Leicester Medical School, colluded with it. Kilpatrick’s wiki entry says very little about him, despite him having been such a big name in the medical establishment for so many years, so I haven’t previously blogged much about him. However Kilpatrick’s 2015 obituary published by ‘The Scotsman’ tells us more.

According to ‘The Scotsman’ Robert Kilpatrick was a ‘much-respected reforming’ President of the GMC, 1989–95 and ‘was instrumental in encouraging doctors at all levels to listen to their patients’. Kilpatrick was such a reforming President that the GMC continued to fail to take any action at all against Dafydd et al or indeed Harold Shipman and were also in possession of a forged document purporting to be a letter from me after Kilpatrick had done all that reforming (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

In 1993 Kilpatrick published the first ‘Tomorrow’s Doctors’ report, which provided a universal curriculum for medical students, ‘recommending a greater emphasis on clinical and practical experience’, which ‘influenced medical training worldwide’. So what went wrong?

‘The Scotsman’  assures us that Kilpatrick was a ‘towering figure in UK medicine’, serving ‘with distinction’ as Dean of Sheffield Medical School, 1970-73, Dean of Leicester Medical School, 1973-89 as well as President of the GMC and of the BMA. So after concealing the paedophile gang that was operating in Yorkshire, in which Savile played a key role, Kilpatrick graduated to concealing the gang in Leicester which obviously had Leicester Medical School eating out of its hand from the day that the Medical School was established in Leicester University, which had been colluding with the gang for years (see post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’).

Finlay Scott was the GMC’s Chief Executive during Kilpatrick’s years and told ‘The Scotsman’ that: ‘Robert was an outstanding clinician and President of the GMC. It was his energy and drive that got the legislation through Parliament on performance procedures in the profession’.

 

Peeling Oniontown - VICE

 

Robert Kilpatrick was born to a miner working in the Fife coal fields. He was a ‘star pupil’ at Buckhaven High School and at 16 he won a scholarship to Edinburgh University to read medicine. Being less privileged than many of his peers, he had to partly support himself and worked as a potato gauger and in local factories in the vacations. Kilpatrick was awarded a Rockefeller Fellowship at Harvard. He returned to the UK in 1955, was appointed senior lecturer at Sheffield University and then became Dean of the Medical School. Kilpatrick was the first Dean of Leicester Medical School, ‘where his pioneering spirit and thirst to educate and improve methods were immediately recognised’. He turned ‘the fledgling school into a major force in the profession and it was soon hailed internationally’. I wonder how Kilpatrick achieved that then?

Even more intriguingly, Kilpatrick ‘introduced a highly innovative medical course and through persuasion and charm found the funding to support the programmes.’ So someone gave him dosh as well!

‘Over the ten years of his stewardship he furthered the role of research…and improved patient care in all the Leicester hospitals’. So that’s why the recent explosion involving Dr Bawa-Gharba and the death of her young patient revealed massive lethal failings throughout Leicester Royal Infirmary and negligence so serious that staff too frightened to be identified have stated that the hospital has been dangerous for many years but that this has been concealed (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

Kilpatrick became ‘so esteemed within the medical profession that he sat on several important advisory commissions. In 1989 he left Leicester to assume the post of president of the GMC’. Dr James Earp of the Towers Hospital Leicester concealed the criminality of Dafydd et al in the autumn of 1987 (see post ‘An Expert From England’). In 1989 the then biggest ever investigation into institutionalised child abuse was launched in Leicestershire. In April 1990 Leicestershire social worker Frank Beck was arrested for sexual misconduct in Leicestershire children’s homes during the 1970s and 1980s. Beck spent the next eighteen months on remand and on 29 November 1991, following an eleven-week trial at the Leicester Crown Court, Beck was sentenced to five life-terms for sexual and physical assaults against more than one hundred children in his care. He was sentenced to a further twenty-four years on seventeen charges of abuse, including rape.

In their book, Abuse of Trust, Mark D’Arcy and Paul Gosling suggest that in 1977, Beck and a co-worker, Colin Fiddaman, killed a 12-year-old boy, Simon O’Donnell, by throttling him whilst he was being sexually abused, though the subsequent inquest into O’Donnell’s death concluded that the boy had committed suicide after running away from a children’s home run by Beck. In 1998, a former resident, Peter Bastin, stated that he witnessed Beck and Fiddaman removing what he believed to be O’Donnell’s body from the home on the night before the child was found dead in a local factory. In the same year, Bastin was awarded a rumoured £50,000 compensation for the abuse and suffering he received from Beck.

Frank Beck maintained that he was innocent and had been fitted up. Beck was planning an appeal against his conviction when he was found dead in Whitemoor Prison on 31 May 1994. By 1994 the North Wales Police’s investigation into the abuse of children in care in north Wales had concluded, finding ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire and the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council had been launched in Jan 1994.

Some children who had been in care in Leicestershire who named Frank Beck as their abuser also named Beck’s friend, the Labour MP for Leicester North West, 1970-74 and Leicester West, 1974-97, Greville Janner. Janner denied everything. He was interviewed by the police in 1990 in the presence of his solicitor Sir David Napley, who was so certain that Janner would be charged that Napley retained George Carman QC. Napley and Carman had successfully defended Jeremy Thorpe, the Leader of the Liberal Party, when he stood trial for conspiracy and incitement to kill his former gay partner Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Janner wasn’t charged, although years later the CPS admitted that there was sufficient evidence to charge him and no-one could explain why he hadn’t been charged. Frank Beck was elected as a Liberal Party Councillor for Blaby District Council in 1983 and successfully defended his seat in 1987. Nigel Lawson was the Tory MP for Blaby, 1974-92 and was a Cabinet Minister in Thatcher’s Gov’t while Sir Peter Morrison, who was molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and other locations, held a number of different roles in that Gov’t.

The Frank Beck case led to the Kirkwood Inquiry, Chaired by Andrew Kirkwood QC. Sittings were held in secret to protect innocent third parties, but not all evidence was released to the public. Kirkwood also held a meeting with Greville Janner in private and an agreement was made that Janner’s name would not appear in the Report. The Kirkwood Inquiry reported in 1993, was strongly critical of the management of Leicestershire Social Services during the 1970s and 1980s and of the conduct of several key managers as well as of the police. The Top Doctors were not criticised although it was known that mental health treatment of youngsters in care in Leicestershire had consisted of Top Docs having meetings with social workers not the children and advising the social workers on how to handle those terribly difficult children. Frank Beck abused children while giving them ‘therapy’. Before Beck was convicted, two Directors of Social Services for Leicestershire, Dorothy Edwards and Brian Rice, gave Beck glowing testimonials and references.

It was while Frank Beck was held on remand that I was forced out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School and told by Professor Nigel Eastman, who was providing a ‘second opinion’ on me, to go back to north Wales. In the winter and spring of 1991 there were a number of attempts by Dafydd and the gang in north Wales to imprison me on the basis of their perjury. The Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services, Rob Evans, who was responsible for children’s homes in Gwynedd and then mental health services, trained as a social worker after studying Social Sciences at Leicester University in the mid-1970s (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

Richard Webster, who rubbished Alison Taylor (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ and ‘Heart Of Darkness’) and maintained that allegations of a paedophile ring in north Wales were a result of mass hysteria and false memory syndrome, said very similar things about the allegations of serious abuse of children in Leicestershire.

 

Meanwhile Robert Kilpatrick developed a ‘towering reputation’ after his huge successes at Leicester Medical School. ‘The Scotsman’ tells us that Kilpatrick’s ‘earnest desire to raise the profile and expertise of the profession never ceased. Many colleagues recall how he had the knack of choosing the right Whitehall mandarin to approach. With his erudite and compelling manner (always free of medical jargon) he delivered his case which was listened to by ministers and their advisers. Baroness Jay, the Labour leader in the Lords, spoke for many when she said: ‘Sir Robert has been generous with his time and most courteous in answering detailed questions. In a way this bill is his Private Member’s Bill.’

 

Kilpatrick knew that he was on to a winner with Baroness Jay then. Baroness Jay began life as Margaret Callaghan, the daughter of Jim Callaghan, the former PM. Jim and Audrey Callaghan both concealed and colluded with the organised abuse of children (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Margaret Jay is a graduate of Somerville College, Oxford – like Thatch and Shirl – and between 1965 and 1977 Jay held production posts within the BBC. She then became a journalist on ‘Panorama’, Thames TV’s ‘This Week’ and presented the BBC 2  series ‘Social History of Medicine’. Elwyn Parry Jones, a paedophiles’ friend who grew up in Llangollen, worked as a journo for the BBC for years and was Deputy Editor of ‘Panorama’, 1977-85 (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).

Margaret Jay ‘has a strong interest in health issues’, notably as a campaigner on HIV/AIDS. Jay was a founder Director of the National Aids Trust in 1987 and is also a Patron of Help the Aged. Between 1994 and 1997, Baroness Jay was the Chairman of the charity Attend (then the National Association of Hospital and Community Friends). In 2003, she was elected Vice-President of Attend.

After Blair’s General Election victory in 1997, Jay became Health Spokesman and Minister for Women in the House of Lords. From 1998 she was Leader of the Lords. Jay retired from active politics in 2001. Among the numerous non-executive roles that she has taken on since retiring from politics, Jay was a non-executive Director of BT Group. She was Co-chair of the cross-party Iraq Commission (along with Tom King and Paddy Ashdown) which was established by the Foreign Policy Centre think-tank and Channel 4.

Margaret Jay’s first husband Peter Jay was a friend of Dr Death and it was Dr Death who, in his capacity as Foreign Secretary, gave Peter Jay a job as Ambassador to the US. Peter Jay’s mother Margaret (Peggy) Jay was a member of the GLC, so she will have known about the abuse of kids in boroughs such as Islington, Lambeth and Hackney as well as the abuse of kids from London Boroughs who were sent to children’s homes in north Wales.

While in the USA, in 1979, Baroness Jay had an affair with the journo who exposed Watergate, Carl Bernstein. The Baroness didn’t think to ask Bernstein to expose the role that her own parents had in colluding with the sexual exploitation of kids in care then. Not one to be outdone, Peter Jay then had an affair with the family’s nanny, fathering a child in the process. Peter originally denied paternity, but I don’t know whom he tried to blame. The Jays divorced in 1986 and the Baroness lived for a while with the Cambridge economist Robert Neild. In 1994, the Baroness married Top Doctor AIDS specialist Michael Adler, who had been Chair of the National AIDS Trust when she was its Director. Neither Adler or the Baroness have acknowledged that many of the young men who died of AIDS in the late 1980s/1990s were rent boys who had been kids in care forced into sex work (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

No wonder everyone ‘listened to’ Robert Kilpatrick. Kilpatrick became Lord Kilpatrick in Feb 1996. William Hague announced the North Wales Child Abuse Inquiry on 17 June 1996, although Sir Ronnie Waterhouse seemed to know that he would be Chairing that Inquiry during 1995.

 

 

The Baroness Jay of Paddington:

 

Frank Beck:

BECK

 

The Lord Lawson of Blaby
Official portrait of Lord Lawson of Blaby crop 2.jpg

 

The Lord Janner of Braunstone
Lord janner.jpg

 

Marion Janner OBE with her ‘support dog’ Buddy, to whom Marion believes that she gave birth (see post ‘Have The Lambs Stopped Screaming?’):

  • About - Star Wards

 

The Royal College of Psychiatrists and the King’s Fund are as deluded as Marion – they think that Marion has ‘transformed patient care’ in her capacity as a mental health campaigner. Somehow Marion has managed to adopt two learning disabled children, as well as give birth to that dog.

Robert Kilpatrick’s superhuman qualities knew no limits. His ‘constant activity’ was achieved despite Kilpatrick suffering from type-I diabetes. He ‘regularly had to inject insulin but he followed a strict exercise regime and walked everywhere, both in London and Edinburgh’. Kilpatrick retired to a house in Edinburgh from where he made occasional trips to London to speak in the Lords, principally arguing against euthanasia, although Kilpatrick knew that witnesses to the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al were being unlawfully denied NHS care for life-threatening conditions.

Kilpatrick was a keen golfer throughout his life. He was a member of Edinburgh’s New Club as well as a member of the Royal & Ancient, ‘which he loved for its friendship and tradition’. The Royal and Ancient Golf Club is now known as the The R&A. The Royal and Ancient had a male-only membership policy, this must have been one of the traditions which so endeared it to Kilpatrick. In 2012, former British PM Gordon Brown called on the club to abandon this tradition in favour of a non-discriminatory policy, as did Louise Richardson, the Principal and VC of the University of St Andrews. Louise Richardson was the first female VC of St Andrews, which caused a problem because the Royal and Ancient refused to let her cross their threshold what with her being in possession of ovaries, yet another tradition of the Royal and Ancient was that the VC of St Andrews should play a high profile role in the club. The policy was changed, along with the name of the club.

Professor Robert Bluglass, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang in the summer of 1989 (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’), was a student as at St Andrews and is a leading light in their alumni network. It was in 1989 that the police investigation into child abuse in Leicestershire was launched and that was the year in which dear old Kilpatrick, being so esteemed, left his job of running Leicester Medical School to take up the office of Chair of the GMC.

Bluglass quaffing champagne at an Old Warwickians’ dinner:

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

Lord Robert Kilpatrick in ermines:

  • Democracy Live | Your representatives | Robert Kilpatrick

 

In February 2015 The R&A’s first female honorary members were announced. They included Princess Anne. In 2015, Lady Angela Bonallack became the first woman to take part in a match as a member of the club; specifically, she was the first woman to play in the club’s annual match against the Links Trust. Lady Bonallack seems to have been granted this honour as a result of being married to Sir Michael Bonallack, Secretary of The Royal and Ancient Golf Club of St Andrews, 1983-99 and Captain from 1999-2000. Sir Michael has also been President of the Golf Club Managers’ Association, 1974–84, Chairman of the PGA of Great Britain and Ireland, 1976–81, Chairman of the Golf Foundation, 1977–82 and President of the English Golf Union, 1982. He is the current President of the British and International Golf Greenkeepers Association (BIGGA) and also served as President of the One Armed Golfers Society, the Professional Golfers Association of Europe and as Chairman of the advisory committee for the Official World Golf Rankings. Sir Michael is also President of the National Association of Public and Proprietary Golf Courses (NAPGC).

Michael Bonallack was given a knighthood in 1998. Presumably for services to golf-playing protectors of sex traffickers and paedophiles. In 1972, Bonallack was given the Bob Jones Award, the highest honour given by the United States Golf Association in recognition of distinguished sportsmanship in golf. He is a member of Augusta National Golf Club and was inducted into the World Golf Hall of Fame in 2000.

 

Here’s The R&A clubhouse. It beats the shack which doubles up as the clubhouse of the Bangor Golf Club, of which so many of the associates of Dafydd’s gang are members (see previous posts):

 

 

 

Frank Beck’s seemingly ‘bomb-proof’ invincibility saw him fend off a continued escalation of complaints about him abusing youngsters, until finally, in March 1986, his career in Leicestershire was ended by a complaint of sexual abuse made by two male residential social workers who claimed that Beck had made advances toward them during staff supervision sessions. This time, Beck was suspended from duty and he subsequently handed in his resignation rather than subject himself to investigations under the Council’s protracted disciplinary procedures and risk dismissal.

As the complaints rolled in about Beck, a senior solicitor for Islington Borough Council called Keith Vaz decided that he’d quite like to be the Labour MP for Leicester East and he was selected as the prospective Labour candidate for that constituency in 1985. At that time Vaz found a job as a solicitor at the Leicester City Council-funded Belgrave Law Centre. When Vaz worked for Islington Council, there had been a paedophile ring operating in the Council’s children’s homes. Before working for Islington, Vaz was employed as a solicitor to Richmond-upon-Thames Borough Council, while there was a paedophile gang operating in Richmond-upon-Thames. Vaz was elected as Labour MP for Leicester East in June 1987.

Vaz was recently placed under investigation by Parliament as a result of his shenanigans involving rent boys and the attempted procuring of drugs while he passed himself off as a washing machine salesman. The investigation was suspended when Vaz produced medical evidence from a Top Doctor.

 

My post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’ mentioned that while the welfare services ran a paedophile gang in Leicestershire, Sue Townsend, the staunch socialist, supporter of the NHS and chronicler of teenage angst that caught the hearts of the nation in the form of the Adrian Mole books, lived in Leicester and rented out rather poor properties which were never maintained to her tenants for rather high rents. Townsend was from Leicester, left school at 14 and worked in a series of casual poorly paid jobs. She married young and had three children by the time that she was 23, at which point her marriage ended and she became a single parent, enduring the hardship which she later wrote about at every opportunity.

Legend according to Sue states that one day her 13 year old son asked why they didn’t go to safari parks at weekends ‘like other families’ and that it was this comment which began her writing that evolved into the Adrian Mole books, looking at life through the eyes of a teenager. Townsend then chose to ‘research the world of teenagers’ and started attending youth clubs as a volunteer organiser, which led to her training as a youth worker. She won’t have been able to have avoided knowing what was happening to teenagers in care in Leicester. While employed as a supervisor at an adventure playground, Townsend went on a canoeing course and met her second husband Colin Broadway. Their relationship took a while to get off the ground because Colin was married to someone else so Sue didn’t speak to him. She obviously didn’t keep her legs crossed for ever though, because Colin was the father of her fourth child, Elizabeth. Subsequently, Townsend became pregnant twice more, underwent abortions, but later realised that abortions were ‘wrong’ so wrote about that as well. 

Colin encouraged Townsend to join a writers’ group at the Phoenix Theatre, Leicester, in 1978, when she was in her early thirties. Initially ‘too shy to speak’, she did not write anything for six weeks, but was then given a fortnight to write a play. This became the thirty-minute drama Womberang (1979), set in the waiting room of a gynaecology department. At the Phoenix, Shy Sue who couldn’t speak or write became the writer-in-residence and ‘Womberang’ subsequently won the 1981 Thames Television playwright award.

During her time at the Phoenix, Shy Sue was mentored by several theatre directors including Ian Giles and principally Sue Pomeroy who commissioned and directed a number of her plays. Townsend was also introduced to William Ash, then Chairman of the Soho Poly (now Soho Theatre), who also played a significant part in shaping Townend’s early career. Bill Ash was a lifelong friend of Tony Benn and co-founded the Communist Party of Great Britain, which numbered among its members a great many people who knew about Dafydd and the gang in north Wales, as well as other organised sexual exploitation gangs, including the one in Leicestershire (see previous posts). Shy Sue met writer-director Carole Hayman ‘on the stairs of the Soho Poly theatre’ and went on to develop many theatre pieces with her and they later co-wrote two television series.

At the time of writing the first Adrian Mole book, Townsend was living on the Eyres Monsell Estate, near the house in which playwright  Joe Orton was brought up. Joe Orton came from Saffron Lane, a disadvantaged part of Leicester who’s residents were considerably stigmatised and known by other people as ‘Saffs’. It was the Saffs who got it in the neck from the likes of Frank Beck and the Social Services. The Eyres Monsell ward is adjacent to Blaby, which is where Frank Beck was a Councillor.

Joe Orton used to comment that he was never allowed to forget that he came from the gutter. Joe Orton was gay and famously promiscuous from a very young age. He died at the age of 34 in 1967 when his partner Kenneth Halliwell bludgeoned Joe to death with a hammer at their home in Islington before killing himself with an overdose of Nembutal, or at least that is what the official story was. There are many aspects of the account which don’t quite add up and Joe and Kenneth will also have known the identities of some people involved in the gay/rent boy scene who really did not ever want that involvement becoming public (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’).

The first two published stories of Townsend’s appeared in a short-lived arts’ journal entitled ‘magazine’, in the editing and production of which Townsend was involved, featuring the character then still called Nigel Mole. Actor Nigel Bennett, a graduate of the University of Wales, had given Shy Sue ‘help and encouragement’ to persist with the work and sent the script to John Tydeman, the Deputy Head of BBC Radio Drama. The character first came to national awareness in a single radio play, The Diary of Nigel Mole, Aged 13¼, broadcast by BBC Radio 4 on New Year’s Day 1982.

John Tydeman was Deputy Head, Radio Drama at the BBC from 1979 and then Head of BBC Radio Drama, 1986-94. He joined BBC Radio Drama in 1960 and was responsible for commissioning and directing the early plays of Joe Orton and Tom Stoppard. Tydeman had introduced the theatrical agent Peggy Ramsay to Joe Orton. After Peggy Ramsay died in 1991, Tydeman became a Trustee for the Peggy Ramsay Foundation, leading to his continued support for new writing after he left the BBC, particularly through administering the Foundation’s annual grant to the Pearson Playwright’s Scheme, originally the Thames Television Theatre Writers Scheme, of which dear old Shy Sue had been a beneficiary…

Someone at the publishers Methuen heard the Radio 4 Nigel Mole broadcast and commissioned Townsend to write the first Mole book, The Secret Diary of Adrian Mole, Aged 13¾, which came out in September 1982. The publisher insisted on the change of name because of the similarity to Nigel Molesworth, the schoolboy character who was a 1950s version of Adrian Mole, created by Ronald Searle and Geoffrey Willans. A month after Shy Sue’s book’s appearance it had topped the best seller list and had sold a million copies after a year. Adapted as a play, the stage version premiéred in Leicester and ran at Wyndham Theatre for more than two years.

The Growing Pains of Adrian Mole (1984) was reputedly based on Townsend’s children’s experiences at a comprehensive school in Leicester in the early 1980s. My post ‘Radical Leicester and Some More Free Radicals’ describes how people in teaching, teacher training and education in Leicestershire knew that there was organised abuse of children in the region. The Labour MP Lisa Nandy’s mum and dad worked with people who were concealing the abuse of children in Leicestershire. Lisa’s grandfather was Lord Frank Byers, who insulted Norman Scott so badly when Scott told a Liberal Party investigative panel about the harassment and threats that he had received from Jeremy Thorpe that Norman left the room and subsequently made a police statement (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

Townsend’s first two Adrian Mole books were adapted into a TV series, broadcast in 1985 and 1987.

So Shy Sue, the girl who grew up in Leicester, left school at 14 and lived with the Saffs, found that her career as a writer very rapidly took off after she found employment as a youth worker, at a time when Frank Beck and – according to most other people except for Greville Janners’ children – Greville Janner, as well as others, were very busy molesting disadvantaged young people in Leicestershire. How did Shy Sue from Leicester, who’s first attempts at the work which made her very wealthy and very famous seemed to equate to plagiarism of the Molesworth classics, so quickly grab the attention of big wigs in the theatre and the BBC? Shy Sue really hit the big time while huge efforts were being made to conceal the crimes of Frank Beck and co as people began to come forward alleging terrible abuse in Leicestershire which stretched back decades but had become particularly bad from the 1970s onwards…

John Tydeman’s career took a turn for the better immediately after he gave Sue a helping hand as well.

Socialist Sue was so distraught at the ravages of Thatcherism that in 1989 she wrote ‘Mr Bevan’s Dream: Why Britain Needs Its Welfare State’, a short book in the Counterblasts series. Sue did fantastically out of the welfare state, not only did she get the NHS treatment and care for her multiple health problems that the Saffs and kids in care so often didn’t, but her tales of poverty and hardship were lapped up by the swathes of welfare professionals and people in the liberal media who knew some of what was happening to vulnerable people and kids in care at the hands of celebs and ‘VIPs’…

The journalist Christina Patterson observed of Townsend in 2008: ‘Her heart, it’s clear from her books and a few hours in her company, is still with the people she left behind, the people who go largely unchronicled in literature, the people who are still her friends.’ Unless of course they were Saffs and kids in care being repeatedly sexually assaulted and trafficked by Sue’s social work colleagues.

It is quite extraordinary how frequently references to hearts are associated with those close to people who have concealed organised abuse.

  • Cilla Black kept her love for Scottie Road even when she ...

Esther, who presented BBC’s ‘Hearts Of Gold’:

Esther Rantzen TV Presenter for BBC series Hearts Of Gold Stock Photo

 

Great Ormond Street Hospital: 

Love Hearts appeal

 

 

 

The Pheonix Arts Theatre is now known as the Sue Townsend Theatre and in 1982 staged Sue’s play ‘Captain Christmas and the Evil Adults’.

The MP who currently holds the seat of Leicester South, the neck of the woods where Sue Townsend lived and where the Saffs still do live, is Labour’s Jon Ashworth. Ashworth is the Shadow Health Spokesperson and bangs on endlessly about the marvellous Top Docs and Angels being in need of more dosh.

Ashworth grew up in Manchester, went to Bury College, then to Durham University and in 2000 served as National Secretary of Labour Students. In 2001 Ashworth began working for the Labour Party as a Political Research Officer, then worked as the Economics and Welfare Policy Officer, 2002-04. Ashworth was seconded to the Scottish Labour Party in 2003 to work on the Scottish Parliamentary election campaign where he worked closely with Gordon Brown.

In 2004 Ashworth was appointed Spad to Chief Secretary to the Treasury Paul Boateng. Ashworth was a busy campaigner in the 2007 Crewe and Nantwich by-election. In May 2010 Ashworth became Political Secretary to Harriet Harman. He was described as a ‘key member’ of Ed Miliband’s team on the day after Miliband won the Labour leadership election. When Miliband won, he asked Ashworth to join his office as Head of Party Relations. In 2011 Ashworth sought selection in Leicester South and was immediately identified as the front runner and was backed by the major  trade unions, including his own Unite, UNISON and the GMB.

Ashworth is married to Emilie, the former East Midlands Regional Director for the Labour Party. She was Labour candidate for Sherwood in the 2010 General Election, but could not hold the seat. Gordon and Sarah Brown attended their wedding on 3 July 2010 in Derbyshire.

I really am fed up of Jon Ashworth bellyaching on about The Cuts and how those who work in the NHS are flawless. So here’s a few things for Jon to ponder on re his biography:

Manchester, where John grew up: Lethal mental health services, bullying and intimidation of whistleblowers; Dafydd’s mate Dr Bob Hobson worked there and formed an outpost of the abuse empire in Manchester. Durham, where Jon went to university: on the patch of major paedophile ring linked to the gang in north Wales, which was concealed by Labour MPs in the North East, including Ernest and Hilary Armstrong and Mo Mowlam, for years. Scottish Labour Party, 2003: Jack McConnell, FM of Scotland, went to Stirling University with my best friend from school, who had her career destroyed and was targeted by gangsters at the same time as me, after I refused to shut up about Dafydd; McConnell knew about organised abuse in Scotland and I rather think that Lord Jack knew what was going on in north Wales as well and knew that someone whom he knew at Stirling was close friends with a witness. Paul Boateng, Ashworth’s former boss: worked at lawyers Birnberg when Birnberg represented Mary Wynch against Dafydd et al for the first part of her legal action; Mary won, Birnberg dropped her, Mary was subsequently ruined by Michael Howard at the Home Office, despite winning her case. Crewe and Nantwich: centre of the Cheshire arm of Dafydd’s gang, the seat was held for years by Gwynedd Dunwoody, a corrupt old bag who was married to an equally corrupt Top Doctor and they produced Tamsin, who grew up into yet another corrupt politician; all the Dunwoodys knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the role of the NHS in concealing it. Harriet Harman, Ashworth’s former boss: daughter of a Harley Street Top Doctor, who is as thick as pig shit and was involved with the NCCL when the NCCL was affiliated to PIE and fighting for paedophiles’ rights. Ed Miliband, Ashworth’s mate/leader: a goon who’s Uncle Harry worked as a Top Doc at Guys and Tommy’s with Dafydd’s mates and who’s dad knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring as well.

Then Ashworth rocks up in Leicester, having had no previous links there, having been considering other seats. Leicester – site of a former paedophile gang which had close links to Westminster and was concealed by the NHS. Oh and Brown lives and works there as well, the Brown who when Ashworth decided that Leicester was the place for him had published with me on the abuses of the mental health services in north Wales and elsewhere. Jon Ashworth sought the nomination for Leicester when it became clear that Operation Pallial was going to re-open investigations into the abuse of kids in north Wales and that there was going to be a national inquiry into organised sexual abuse.

Unite, UNSON, GMB: unions with many members who have concealed or colluded with organised abuse.

Now for Christ’s sake Ashworth, piss off, bugger off, sod off. I’ve got 10,000 documents and you haven’t, all you can do is bleat about giving the Top Doctors more money. They are already among the most highly paid people in the country and the health outcomes for people in the UK are among some of the worst in Europe and it is nothing to do with Tory Cuts you big idiot. I’ve read some of your speeches re the NHS, your facts and figures are wrong, as are your conclusions but as you know nothing about the biomedical sciences that doesn’t surprise me.

 

When I lived in Leicester in the autumn of 1987, as well as Sue Townsend, there was another local person who had become famous whom I was told still had a house in Leicester and jetted back and forth between there and his place in the US – the old crooner Engelbert Humperdinck. Girls/women of my vintage howled with laughter at Engelbert Humperdinck, but for the generation before us he was promoted as highly desirable. Humperdinck is not one of those who has been named and shamed in the recent spate of stories regarding ageing stars who stand accused of sexual misconduct, but when he was younger, Humperdinck was involved in a spat with the mother of his illegitimate child, who had to take Humperdinck to court to enforce maintenance payments.

Just months after I heard about Humperdinck owning a house nearby when I was living in Leicester, I was working at the University of Surrey at Guildford and one of the PhD students said that there had been an Engelbert Humperdinck concert in Guildford the previous night and because the students thought that the very notion of such a thing was such a laugh, some of them went. Humperdinck was described to me in a highly negative way, as it was explained that during the concert he kept trying to grab hold of the young female students to drag them up on stage with him for a grope-lite fest, whilst he refused the many offers of women in their 50s who had paid good money to go and see him because they were actually fans of his, rather than because they wanted to experience the spectacle of a ridiculous old crooner with an equally ridiculous name.

Humperdinck is a Roman Catholic who makes a point of trying to visit a cathedral when he is on tour wherever he is on the planet. I am not someone who believes that all Catholic priests are molesters, but the combination of Englebert, Leicester and Catholicism is worrying.

In August 2005, Engelbert auctioned one of his Harley Davidson motorbikes to raise money for the County Air Ambulance in Leicestershire. Sue Townsend was no doubt proud of him. In 2006, Leicester University awarded Humperdinck an Honorary Doctorate.

Theophilus P. Wildebeeste PhD (Leics):

Singer Engelbert Humperdinck in photographed for Stuff Magazine in 2001 in Los Angeles California

Singer Engelbert Humperdinck in photographed for Stuff Magazine in 2001 in Los Angeles California

‘Jackie’ magazine never featured Engelbert during the course of its promotion of passive adolescent femininity, or if it did it was years before I saw people reading ‘Jackie’, but ‘Jackie’ did sell the Bay City Rollers to its readers in a big way. After the teenage craze for the Rollers had died a death, rumours were circulating that the Rollers had been used for gay sex by their manager, Tam Paton and his associates. I didn’t believe this when I was told it, I presumed that it was just another one of those tall stories with no basis at all that do the rounds about celebs. However, it was clear that the Rollers’ lives began unravelling even as they were still stars. Les McKeown, the lead singer, had several brushes with the law yet seemed to get off quite lightly. He ran over and killed an elderly lady in 1975 and not long after that he was charged with a shotgun offence, either possessing a shotgun without a licence or threatening someone with it, I can’t remember the details. In 1976, another member of the band, Eric Faulkner, nearly died at Paton’s Edinburgh mansion from a drug overdose.

The real Rollers bombshell came years after they had disappeared into obscurity when in 2000 Derek Longmuir, who had been the drummer, was convicted of possessing child porn, a great deal of it as well, after making some not very credible excuses as to why he had a house full of child porn (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’). Longmuir was by that time working as an Angel at Edinburgh Royal Infirmary, having worked there since 1993. Longmuir began training as an Angel in 1990, after having done voluntary work at the Sick Children’s Hospital in Edinburgh. Despite having a mountain of child porn in the form of photos, videos and floppy discs and having admitted making indecent photos of children at his home in March 1998, Edinburgh Sheriff’s Court sentenced Longmuir to only 300 hours of community service. He was suspended from his job as an Angel but later returned to nursing.

The Rollers came from Edinburgh. The richest and most grandiose Top Doctors are to be found in London, but it is Edinburgh which has the traditional ‘reputation’ for medical excellence. Edinburgh medics see themselves as far superior to the vulgarians in London.

They do get things badly wrong in Edinburgh though, even in circumstances where one would imagine that the Top Docs would be taking extra care. In Oct 1988, John Smith complained of chest pains and went to Edinburgh Royal Infirmary for advice. He was given an EEG and was told by the examining Top Doctor, ‘whatever it is, we don’t think it’s your heart’. Smith subsequently suddenly collapsed, was briefly unconscious and spent three days in intensive care, then ‘made a full recovery’. Over the next three months, Smith gave up smoking, lost three stone and began mountain walking. He returned to Parliament in Jan 1989. In May 1994, John Smith had a heart attack at his Barbican flat and was taken to Barts where Top Doctors ‘could not revive him’. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’. One month after Smith’s death, Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. Four days after Arnold’s death, Peter Howarth, Arnold’s friend and colleague at Bryn Estyn and Paul Wilson, stood trial for sexually and physically abusing boys in care in north Wales (see post ‘The Banality Of Evil’).

A Top Doctor’s opinion was sought for the purposes of sentencing Derek Longmuir, so presumably there is a Top Doc somewhere who does not have a problem with someone who owns a mountain of child porn working as an Angel.

 

Regarding those rumours about the Rollers having been sexually used by their manager Tam Paton. Tam Paton was gay and upfront about it but Tam Paton didn’t live quite as most other gay men do. In 1982, Paton was convicted of gross indecency with two teenage boys aged 16 and 17, below the then-legal age of consent and he served one year of a three-year prison sentence. Paton was arrested on child sexual abuse charges in January 2003, but was later cleared of all allegations. In April 2004, Paton was convicted of supplying cannabis and fined £200,000. In 2003, the Rollers’ guitarist Pat McGlynn reported an attempted rape by Paton in an Australian hotel in 1977 but police found that there was insufficient evidence to prosecute. In 2009, Les McKeown said that Paton had raped him.

In 2016, in the wake of the publication of a book about Paton and his success story with the Rollers, it was alleged by Gordon ‘Nobby’ Clark, the original singer with the band, that Paton had attempted to persuade the Rollers to have sex with the then Radio 1 DJ Chris Denning, who in 2016 was jailed for 13 years for sex offences against children. Clark said the incident happened when Chris Denning was the band’s promotions manager in 1971, while they stayed at Denning’s home in Surrey. According to Clark, Paton told the band – whose line-up at the time included brothers Derek and Alan Longmuir, Neil Henderson and Archie Marr – that ‘Chris would probably do more for us if one of us slept with him’. Clark stated that: ‘Paton had drawers full of Quaaludes (a sedative marketed in the UK as Mandrax). There was cocaine and cannabis. They would use sleeping tablets to spike kids’ drinks. Chris Denning was always there. He would come up from London especially. Whenever he saw a kid who was in a bad way from the sleeping tablets he’d be straight across. Then he’d drag them into one of the bedrooms.’

McGlynn told the author of the book – ‘The Dark History Of The Bay City Rollers’ –  that Paton was ‘drugging everyone he wanted to get his way with – drug them and abuse them. He was just an animal. Les [singer McKeown] pulled Tam off me a couple of times when he tried to rape me or he spiked my drink.’

In 2014 ‘The Express’ reported that Pat McGlynn had stated that he agreed with a former adviser to the Scottish Gov’t, Dr Sarah Nelson, that Paton had run a paedophile ring in Edinburgh. McGlynn claimed that he had witnessed high-profile individuals from entertainment, law enforcement, ‘genteel Edinburgh society’ and organised crime attend sex parties at Paton’s secluded mansion near Edinburgh. McGlynn alleged that police officers attended the parties, which were held between 1976 and 1981 and involved young boys as well as older men. McGlynn maintained that the scale of sexual exploitation as a result of Paton’s parties was enormous and that hundreds of young people were abused. McGlynn told ‘The Express’ that he had hoped that the launch of Operation Yewtree into the crimes of Jimmy Savile and others would finally expose Paton and his accomplices. Like Savile , Paton’s involvement in the music business went back decades, in Paton’s case to the early 1960s.
McGlynn said that he had been to the Edinburgh police every five years, ‘trying to get something done, hoping they would have some new evidence…The last time was about eight months ago and I told them they weren’t doing enough. They said they had done all they could, and until I could come up with some more evidence there was nothing more they could do.’

 

When Paton was jailed in 1982, an associate claimed that Paton had a ‘dossier’ of famous names who should have been jailed alongside him. After his release, Paton turned to drug dealing and running a network of rent boys, with one source claiming he became the ‘top man’ in the Scottish underworld. Paton always insisted that the boys at his parties – many of them runaways or children in care – were over 16 and willing participants. McGlynn insisted: ‘He was supplying the boys with drink and drugs. That’s the only reason they were there. They weren’t there because they liked Tam Paton. He would have a big punchbowl he would fill full of drugs – you wouldn’t even know what you were taking. He got you in a trap, he got you addicted to drugs. I remember being in the band, I’d have a few drinks and I’d wake up with that man on top of me, having to fight him off. He was vile. The boys were anything from eight up to, well, after 17 or 18 they were too old for him. He wasn’t interested. A lot of them would come to see the band and he’d get chatting to their parents and that’s how Paton would get his hands on them.’

Pat McGlynn also suggested that drug addicts would willingly bring their children to Paton in exchange for a free high, while still more youngsters were flown in from abroad – sent to Scotland by their unwitting families with hopes of achieving pop stardom.

In 1990, a 16-year-old boy from a children’s home was found at Paton’s flat on Palmerston Place. The boy had been drugged and repeatedly raped by a number of men, although the resulting Operation Planet investigation – which was rumoured to involve prominent legal figures – eventually led to just one man being jailed.

Dr Sarah Nelson stated that many survivors of the paedophile ring were afraid to speak out because they had become involved in drugs and petty crime and because they feared Paton and his associates. Pat McGlynn alleged that Paton was violent and kept guns at his house.

In the 2014 ‘The Express’ article, the then Scottish Labour Justice Spokesman Graeme Pearson said that the Paton allegations should be included in a full public inquiry into historic child abuse in Scotland.

They won’t be. Instead, Professor Alexis Jay, who has spent a career in social work in Scotland throughout these events and who was appointed to the very pinnacle of Scottish social work by Lord Jack McConnell when McConnell was Scotland’s FM, is Chairing the IICSA and is feigning horror at the abuse of youngsters by churchmen.

‘The Express’ article mentioned that Detective Chief Superintendent Lesley Boal confirmed ‘a report of an historic sexual offence’ which was made to Lothian and Borders Police in 2003. This was investigated and it was concluded that there was insufficient evidence at that stage’.

An article in ‘The Scotsman’ in 2007 reported that Paton was living in his mansion with a number of young men whom Paton claimed were homeless and had been cast out by their families, who appeared to be acting as servants for Paton. Paton and the young men co-existed with a number of Dobermans and Staffies.As well as ‘managing pop bands’ Paton had amassed an estimated £3 million fortune from his Edinburgh based property developing business and told ‘ The Scotsman’ that his lawyer had drawn up his will, leaving cash for various animal charities, including the Canine Defence League and something for the dog and cat home at Seafield, as well as a donation for the children’s hospice at Kinross.

Paton died at his Edinburgh home in 2009, after several years of serious health problems which, he boasted, were treated on the NHS, although he could have easily afforded private care.

Early last month – July 2018 – it was reported that Alan Longmuir, a founder member of the Rollers and the brother of the paedophile Angel Derek, had died. Alan was 70 and died in hospital after becoming ill in Mexico. Last week, it was reported in the Scottish press that another member of the original Rollers line-up had just died when his house caught fire. The report didn’t appear in many media outlets and there was no explanation regarding the cause of the fire or whether it was suspicious.

 

The success of the Bay City Rollers led to the formation of another Scottish band in 1974 with a similar image, Slik. Slik were favourites of ‘Jackie’. Slik were from Glasgow as opposed to Edinburgh but linked up with songwriters Bill Martin and Phil Coulter, who were writing for the Bay City Rollers. One member of Slik subsequently became a big name in more serious music circles and spoke of his embarrassment at being packaged in the way that Slik was – Midge Ure.

 

Ure enjoyed success with bands including Slik, Thin Lizzy, Rich Kids and Visage, but most notably as frontman of Ultravox. Phil Lynott of Thin Lizzy was married to the daughter of light entertainment favourite Leslie Crowther, who objected so strongly to Lynott’s drugs excesses that for a time Crowther wouldn’t have anything to do with his daughter. Lynott was an alcoholic and heroin addict who collapsed at his home in Kew in Dec 1985. Lynott’s wife took him to a drug clinic at Clouds House near Shaftesbury and he was then taken to Salisbury Infirmary, where he was diagnosed with septicaemia. Lynott died in intensive care in Jan 1986.

 

In 1984, Ure co-wrote and produced the charity single ‘Do They Know It’s Christmas?’, which has sold 3.7 million copies in the UK. The song is the second highest selling single in UK chart history. Ure co-organised Band Aid, Live Aid and Live 8 with Bob Geldof. Ure acts as Trustee for the charity, and serves as Ambassador for Save The Children.

St Bob has famously lost both his former wife, Paula Yates and Peaches, one of his daughters with Paula. They both died of drug overdoses. Peaches died from a heroin overdose and no-one could understand why because she had given it up ages ago. Paula died after being in the care of Top Docs for serious depression after her partner Michael Hutchence hung himself. Paula maintained that Hutchence did not kill himself but she was denounced as a mad grieving woman. Paula was found dead after a heroin overdose. Paula’s friends all maintained that Paula had definitely given up heroin. Paula spent her early life in north Wales. She lived at Llandudno and went to the primary school in Rowen, the village where the family lived after moving from Llandudno, as well as to Ysgol Aberconwy and Penrhos College. Paula described herself as a groupie when she was young and also modelled for ‘Penthouse’ before she became famous.

When Paula was living in north Wales, Dafydd’s gang were busy. Lord Wyn Roberts, the Tory MP for Aberconwy and Welsh Office Minister who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang for years (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’), lived in Rowen.

For more information about the deaths of Michael Hutchence, Paula and Peaches and the numerous inconsistencies in the explanations for those deaths, see previous posts.

 

Ure has been the Musical Director and performed at The Princes Trust Rock Concerts 1986,1987,1988, 2010 and 2011. He performed at Music for Montserrat, September 15, 1997, to raise funds for the Caribbean island which had been devastated by the hurricane Hugo in 1989 and in 1997, Montserrat was practically destroyed by the volcanic activity. Ure himself lost a house that was destroyed in Montserrat.

On 24 July 1999, Ure was the Musical Director of the Wicked Women concert for the Breakthrough Breast Cancer Charity held at Hyde Park in London. See post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ for details of the large scale research fraud in cancer research.

One of Midge Ure’s co-musicians was Steve Strange, who was born Steve Harrington, in Newbridge, Caerphilly. The family lived for a time in Aldershot and then moved back to Wales, to Rhyl. Steve’s parents divorced and he moved with his mother back to Newbridge. 

After attending a Sex Pistols concert at the Castle Cinema in Caerphilly in 1976, Harrington befriended the bass player Glen Matlock. He then arranged gigs for punk bands in his home town and befriended Jean-Jacques Burnel of The Stranglers before leaving for London where he worked for Malcolm McLaren. 

McLaren was callous and highly exploitative, as was demonstrated by his response to the disaster involving Sid Vicious and Nancy Spungeon. McLaren knew a lot about the sordid sexual exploitation of young people in the music industry at the time, but is no longer here to tell us all about it, although McLaren’s partner Dame Viv Westwood is. I am still waiting for Dame Viv to tell us all why some expensive Top Doctors went to the law to prevent Adam Ant aka Stuart Goddard from talking to the media and what happened to Stuart Goddard in an NHS secure unit after he had a breakdown that upset him and his friends so much. See posts ‘The Bloody State We’re In’ and ‘No One Is Innocent’.

McLaren and Dame Viv’s son used to revel in describing himself as a pornographer but he dresses it up as art these days.

 

In the late 1970s, prior to the success that Steve Strange and Midge Ure had with the group Visage, Strange and Visage partner Rusty Egan began to make a name for themselves as a nightclub host and DJ respectively. In 1978, they began organising “Bowie nights” on Tuesdays at Billy’s nightclub in Soho, before moving to the ‘Blitz’ club in London’s Covent Garden in 1979. ‘Blitz’ became an essential location in the rise of what would become the New Romantic movement. Following ‘Blitz’, Strange and Egan then fronted the “Club for Heroes” in London in 1981, before moving to the Camden Palace nightclub in 1982 for two years, attracting major celebrities on a regular basis. Their next club venture, “The Playground” in 1984, was less successful.

Later in the 1980s, Strange went to Ibiza and became an integral part of the budding trance club movement and hosting parties for celebrities such as Sylvester Stallone. During the mid-1990s, Strange promoted nights at the Emporium nightclub in Soho, London.

In November 2006 Strange took part in, and went on to win, the  BBC reality series for Children In Need, ‘Celebrity Scissorhands’. He returned to the show in 2007 and 2008 as Assistant Manager/Image Consultant.

Steve Strange was bisexual and for many years was addicted to heroin. In later years he moved back to Wales, to Porthcawl, suffered a nervous breakdown and was hospitalised in south Wales. In November 1999 Strange was arrested for shoplifting – he was caught stealing a Teletubbies doll for his nephew. In court, he was found guilty and given a three-month suspended sentence. On 12 February 2015, Strange suffered a heart attack while in Egypt and died later that day in hospital.

People in a position to name names re the sexual exploitation of youngsters in the 1970s and 80s really don’t last very long do they.

Steve Strange had a very bad relationship with his dad, who killed himself in Rhyl. Steve Strange might have hated him, but if his dad did have difficulties, there’d have been no help for him in north Wales.

Strange was mates with Paula Yates.

 

Boy George worked for Steve Strange at ‘Blitz’. By the late 1980s, George had been struggling with heroin addiction for many years. Addictions to other drugs soon followed. In 1986, Boy George was arrested for heroin possession as part of “Operation Culture.” In 1986, keyboardist Michael Rudetsky was found dead of a heroin overdose in George’s London home. Rudetsky’s parents filed a death suit in Britain against George, seeking financial damages for their son’s death. George won the court case against the Rudetskys and was not required to pay any damages. George lost another friend, Mark Vaultier, who overdosed on methadone and Valium at a party, George having never made it to the party, being arrested en route on suspicion of carrying drugs.

On 7 October 2005, George was arrested in Manhattan on suspicion of cocaine possession and falsely reporting a burglary. George denied that the drug was his. In court on 1 February 2006, the cocaine possession charge was dropped and George pleaded guilty to falsely reporting a burglary. He was sentenced to five days of community service, fined US$1,000 and ordered to attend a drug rehabilitation programme. On 17 June 2006, a Manhattan judge issued a warrant for the arrest of Boy George after he failed to appear in court for a hearing on why George wanted to change his sentence for the false burglary report. George’s attorney informed the court that he had advised George not to appear at that hearing.

On 5 December 2008, George was convicted in Snaresbrook Crown Court, London, of the assault and false imprisonment of Audun Carlsen, who was a  Norwegian who initially stood for a photography session with George, but on their next meeting George handcuffed him to a wall fixture, traumatising him and subjected him to violence. George’s defence gave the effects of his long-term drug use as a mitigating factor. On 16 January 2009, George was sentenced to 15 months’ imprisonment for these offences. He was given early release after four months on 11 May 2009. George was required to wear an ankle monitor and submit to a curfew for the remainder of his sentence.

On 23 December 2009, George had his request to appear on the final series of Celebrity Big Brother (to be broadcast on Channel 4) turned down by the Probation Service. Richard Clayton QC, representing the Probation Service, said George’s participation would pose ‘a high level of risk’ to the service’s reputation. Clayton argued that if he used the show to promote his status as a celebrity and earn ‘a lucrative sum of money’ it could undermine public confidence in the criminal justice system.

 

Another one of Midge Ure’s associates in the music business was Tony Hadley from Spandau Ballet. Hadley was a big fan of Thatch and at one time, like the alcoholic wife beater Jim Davidson, aspired to be a Tory MP. I’m not sure why Hadley has given up pursuing that particular dream, he was hell bent on that for quite some time. Hadley enjoys telling everyone that he has never claimed benefits. I rather suspect that if he was ever in need of money, Hadley would be capable of doing something far more unscrupulous than claiming benefits. Hadley is the sort of aggressive unscrupulous person who describes himself as ‘competitive’. Some years ago he appeared in a real life documentary which was a singing competition between ‘stars’, the prize being to give the winning star an even bigger break. As well as Hadley, an actress from East Enders featured who was by far the most talented of anyone on the show and seemed a really nice, generous, fair player. Hadley behaved appallingly and used every dirty trick possible to put this young woman out of action. Towards the end of the competition, she remarked ‘Tony feels really threatened by me and he’s going to do absolutely anything to win this.’ I think that she just gave up trying because she just couldn’t bear Hadley’s naked aggression and near-cheating any longer. His behaviour was so bad that it would have warranted his removal from the show, but no, the big meathead won and was filmed gloating and banging on about his future as a Tory MP.

Perhaps Hadley would like to enlighten us about the drugs and trafficking scene of which he witnessed so much when he was singing those boring Spandau Ballet songs back in the 80s. Hadley grew up in the Islington area and his mother worked for the local District Health Authority. So Mrs Hadley will have known all about the paedophile/trafficking gang which operated in Islington and which was facilitated by the NHS in that area.

 

A rather different sort of star from the Bay City Rollers and Midge Ure who emanated from Scotland was the child star who became famous when she won ‘Opportunity Knocks’, Lena Zavaroni. Lena appeared on the show when she was about 9 yrs old, dressed up as a much younger child but singing a song about a man trying to get off with her. It was all seriously weird and I never worked out who voted for Lena in sufficient numbers to ensure that she won the show five weeks in a row because all the adults who surrounded me at that time were horrified at what someone had put Lena up to. Lena ended up in a very sad way. She developed anorexia when she was about 12, never recovered fully although she did stage a come back after she almost starved to death in her mid-teens, became very seriously depressed as a young adult, was unable to work and then died in the University Hospital of Wales after she had what was effectively a leucotomy but tarted up under a different name. Cardiff is one of the few places that still performs that operation and after Lena died ‘in their care’, it was obvious from the public statements that were issued by UHW that the truth was not being told about Lena’s death.

Lena came from the Isle of Bute, off the coast of West Scotland and had led a very quiet life until she was about nine. Her family seemed to do things like sing in pubs and other local venues and got her to do that as well, but when she was ‘discovered’ she was whisked off to London and paraded around TV studios, parties etc. I presumed that her parents went with Lena to London, but it transpires that they just took her there and stayed a few days before coming home, leaving her in the care of her manager, Dorothy Solomon, who very obviously had no idea about looking after a little girl.

Dorothy Solomon was the wife of Phil Solomon, the music industry executive who was co-director of Radio Caroline. Phil Solomon made his name and his money in the 1950s/60s and retired in 1970, but Dorothy continued working, ‘managing’ Lena.

Lena then never really saw her parents or Scotland again, she was being taken off to places like Japan and America and had her nose to the grindstone. There are numerous clips of interviews with Lena and they are gob smacking. When she was first interviewed after arriving in London, she couldn’t cope with roads which had so many traffick lights, not having seen such roads before. Then there were all the interviews with horrid old showbiz men who were asking Lena questions that a lot of people wouldn’t have felt were acceptable to ask a girl of her age. As Lena got older, she was interviewed on TV about ‘being fat’, about having anorexia and other weird topics for chat shows. It is very clear that there were what would now be called ‘child protection issues’ with Lena from the day that she left Scotland, God knows what was happening to her off camera.

Interviews with Lena’s dad after her death demonstrated that he had no idea what a leucotomy was and I doubt that Lena knew either. She just knew that she felt terrible, had heard that some people who get depressed have ‘an operation on their brain’ which ‘makes them better’. I cannot find any information regarding who referred Lena for such a procedure or what their rationale was. Before the leucotomy, Lena had been an in-patient at a rather whacky therapy centre in the US, run by people who were obviously out of their depth. After Lena died there were threats to take action against the therapy centre. No such threats were made towards UHW who had given a young woman a leucotomy, somehow killed her and had not told the truth about the circumstances of her death.

Lena died in Oct 1999, four months before the Waterhouse Report was published. The man who put Lena on her first steps to stardom was the presenter of ‘Opportunity Knocks’, Hughie Green, who was notorious for being sexually exploitative and was not a particularly pleasant character. Paula Yates was distraught when, as an adult, she discovered that Hughie Green was her real father, not Jess Yates, the man whom Paula had always thought was her dad.

 

Someone who knows the details of much of the wrongdoing detailed on this blog whom I have not blogged about yet is Clare Short, the Labour MP for Birmingham Ladywood, 1983-10. Short held the seat during the years when kids in care were being abused in Birmingham and being sent to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused and trafficked. Aston University is within the constituency which Clare held. Aston was a very troubled place from the early 1980s, as a result of the activities of the VC Sir Freddie Crawford, known as ‘Thatcher’s favourite VC’. Crawford’s managerialism was so savage that Dr Ron Easterby, a former colleague of Brown’s and member of staff who committed suicide, was said by his other colleagues to have been ‘killed by the University’ (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Professor Elwyn Edwards of the Psychology Dept was inviting male freshers to his room for a ‘welcome drink’, greeting them in a silk dressing gown and propositioning them and complaints about this were not dealt with. Aston had one of the highest suicide rates among students of any UK university and within the institution this was attributed to the bizarre ideas of Dr Philip Cauthery, the student physician, who doubled up as a ‘sexologist’ and was a member of the Editorial Board of ‘Forum’, the sex magazine. ‘Forum’ was not a magazine which endorsed paedophilia, but it was discovered that paedophiles were using the small ads in ‘Forum’ to network and sell/buy child porn. Alastair Campbell used to write for ‘Forum’.

Brown was forced out of his job at Aston unlawfully in 1995, two weeks or so after Sir Peter Morrison and Bing Spear, the corrupt mandarin who ran the Home Office drugs branch (see post Little Things Hitting Each Other’), were found dead within four days of each other.

Crawford’s son was involved with drugs and crime and used to boast that he got away with anything because of who his dead was. He was found dead in an hotel in Israel, allegedly after a heroin overdose. After he stood down as VC of Aston, Sir Freddie was appointed as Chair of the Criminal Cases Review Commission, which angered a lot of people because of Crawford’s position as a leading Freemason.

All universities are dysfunctional, but Aston under Crawford was very worrying indeed. Clare Short never raised concerns about the activities of Thatcher’s Masonic henchman.

 

Short was born in Birmingham to Irish Catholic parents from N Ireland. She was supportive of peaceful Sinn Fein initiatives, although she was never a supporter of IRA violence. Short attended Keele University for a short time. At that time there were a number of people associated with Keele University who had concealed organised child abuse. Alun Michael, the Labour politician who was later imposed as FM of Wales by Blair went to Keele University at about the same time as Short. Alun Michael was a Councillor in Cardiff when that Council ignored the abuse of kids in care in south Wales. Michael inexplicably resigned as Wales’s FM when the Waterhouse Report was submitted to the Gov’t (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

When she was eighteen Clare Short married a fellow Keele student, after she had a baby when she was seventeen. The couple’s son was given up for adoption and did not make contact with his mother until 1996. Short discovered that her son was a Tory supporter who worked as a solicitor in the City of London. Short went public on her reunion with her son, as did Prezza when his wife Pauline’s son who had been adopted many years ago contacted her. Both Short and Prezza and Pauline welcomed their children and it was good to see that everyone was so happy to be in touch. Although I am sure that what Clare Short and Pauline Prescott went through when they felt obliged to give up their babies for adoption was bad, neither Prezza or Short have uttered one word about the many kids in care who were abused, trafficked and had their children forcibly removed in even more traumatic circumstances.

Short completed her degree at Leeds University and then worked as a civil servant in the Home Office. She was for a time Private Secretary to the Conservative Minister Mark Carlisle. Carlisle was the MP for Runcorn (later called Warrington South), 1964-87 and Risley Remand Centre was in or near his constituency. Dafydd and the gang used Risley as their personal prison for decades and scores of young people, including kids in care, were found dead in the ‘hospital wing’ there. It was Carlisle who was wheeled out in a Commons debate in 1973 to answer questions about the horrific conditions, practices and deaths at Risley (see post ‘Include Me Out’). The screw at Risley were violent and the prison doctor was corrupt and in cahoots with Dafydd and the gang. Clare Short will have had access to the full details and she has never ever said a word about any of it, although Short maintains that it was while working for Carlisle that she realised that she ‘could do better’ than many of the MPs whom she dealt with and thus decided to go into politics herself.

In 1983 Short was elected as MP for Ladywood, the area where she grew up. In 1983, when he was in his final year at Aston, Brown received his first murder threat, which I have now been told was related to what was happening to me at Bangor, as I had come to the attention of the trafficking gang. Our pleas for help after Brown was threatened were ignored by Aston and Bangor Universities and the Top Doctors. Brown spent as much time as he could at my house on Anglesey because he wasn’t safe in Birmingham and as soon as he sat his finals he moved in with us in north Wales. After Brown returned to the midlands to take up a lecturing job a few years later, the man who threatened to murder him attacked Brown in daylight in Nottingham city centre and tried to fracture Brown’s skull. He had previously nearly killed the old man who lived next door to him and the West Midlands police admitted to Brown that Paul Bates was considered very dangerous.

Meanwhile Clare acquired a feminist following as a result of her campaign against ‘Page 3’ photos and became the go-to Labour politician for a quote on sexual violence against wimmin.

Clare gained some notoriety shortly after her election when she implied the Govt’s Employment Minister Alan Clark was drunk at the despatch box. Clark’s colleagues on the Gov’t benches in turn accused Short of using unparliamentary language and the Deputy Speaker, Ernest Armstrog, asked her to withdraw her accusation. Clark later admitted in his diaries that he had been drunk as accused.

No-one mentioned that there were many MPs at that time who drank heavily and a few – such as Nicholas Fairbairn and Charles Kennedy – who’s alcohol problems were so serious that they died as a result. I was told in the mid-1980s that there was one woman MP who was well-known for getting regularly completely plastered in the Commons bars – a Clare Short. I know that it wasn’t at the despatch box Clare, but I received first hand witness accounts.

Alan Clark wasn’t only a lazy drunk, he was a serial sexual harasser of women, including ‘women’ under 16 who could best be described as girls. He exposed himself to teenagers, he followed women around London whom he’d seen on public transport and liked the look of and he also had sex with at least two girls under 16. This is just what Clark himself admitted to. Clark’s conduct was no secret. No MP, not even Clare, commented about it, although when Clark was doing all this, the press ran silly articles about him being attractive to the ladies. It was all a rather posher version of Dafydd. A pain in the butt who committed sexual offences and who was constructed as being a source of desire for those unfortunate enough to be bothered by him. Clark’s offensive conduct only became a talking point when he had a public spat with a Judge – who was supposedly Clark’s friend – after the Judge discovered that Clark had shagged his wife and two daughters, one of whom was 15. The UK press considered that Clark was ‘one helluva guy’, the three women involved were called ‘old trollops’ by one UK newspaper and the Judge became an object of contempt. Clark’s snooty drip of a wife Jane referred to the Judge and his family as ‘downstairs people’. Clark’s diaries make reference to his relationship with these three women and describe how he impressed the teenagers into having sex with him by explaining that he was now a Gov’t Minister and taking them for rides in his expensive car.

Remember Girls – Never Get Into A Car With A Thatcherite Employment Minister!

As Dafydd once said, ‘Don’t ewe think I was handsome?’

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones:

  • BBC News | UK Politics | Alan Clark's life in quotes

 

Alan Clark:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

Another Minister for Employment under Thatch was Sir Peter Morrison…

 

In 1986, Clare Short introduced a Private Members Bill in the House of Commons which proposed banning ‘Page 3’ photographs of topless models in the British tabloids, which resulted in an outpouring of abuse in her direction from the press which almost equalled their abuse of the Windbag. One paper bought and published alleged photographs of Short in her nightwear from her ex-husband, although she stated they were pictures of somebody else’s body with her face superimposed. Clare gave a definitive account of her attitude towards tabloid nudity and the negative role that pornography plays more generally in society in her introduction to the book Dear Clare (1991), which presents a selection of the many letters of support she received from women in response to her campaign. Those wimmin had no idea what Clare and the Windbag were keeping quiet about. The homes of my friends and I were bugged by the security services Clare, including our bedrooms, bathrooms and bogs. Brown found himself with a series of mad girlfriends who caused havoc whom we have now been told were working for the security services. All because, unlike you and the fucking Windbag, we would not keep quiet about the abuse of vulnerable people.

‘Dear Clare – people tried to kill us you weak hypocrite’.

Furthermore I was told a few weeks ago that at some point in the past, photos were taken of me and other young women of which we were unaware, I was told by hidden cameras and that those photos were passed on. I think that I was supposed to have a trauma, but not only was I not surprised, but once you’ve had a bunch of gangsters trying to murder you and your friends and no-one, no-one at all, will help, some photos are neither here nor there, no matter how much of a liberty they were. I presume that the photos were taken in somewhere like the North Wales Hospital. They were after all running an abuse ring out there and I’ve never stepped into a photographer’s studio in my life.

Short supported Prezza in the Labour Party Deputy Leadership election in 1988 and left the Socialist Campaign Group, along with Margaret Beckett and her caravan, as a result of Tony Benn’s decision to challenge the Windbag for the Party leadership.

Prezza came from Prestatyn in north Wales and studied at Ruskin College, Oxford, at the same time as Peter Howarth, who later went to prison for sexual assaults on boys in care in north Wales. Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, taught at Ruskin when Prezza was there and Arnold was one of Howarth’s tutors. For more details of Ruskin and its alumni, see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’. Prezza was MP for Hull East in Yorkshire, 1970-2010. Yorkshire was the base of an enormous trafficking gang within which Savile played a key role. Savile was friendly with many police officers in Yorkshire and also had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales.

Short supported Margaret Beckett and her caravan for the Labour leadership in 1994, against Blair and Prezza. Margaret Beckett has been the Labour MP for Lincoln, 1974-79 and has been MP for Derby South since 1983. There was a long-standing paedophile/trafficking ring in Derbyshire with links to the ring in north Wales. Some of those involved in the abuse of kids in north Wales wee recruited from Derbyshire and John Jillings, who led the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in Clwyd, was the former Director of Social Services for Derbyshire. Jillings’s Report was damning, but many felt when, many years later, the Report finally became public, that Jillings hadn’t dared admit how bad the situation in north Wales was. Jillings refused to comment when he was asked if a paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales. See post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’. Jill Tunstill, a member of the Jillings Panel, secured a Chair in Social Work at Keele University.

Beckett was Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, 1992-94, under John Smith, when the North Wales Police investigation into child abuse in the region was taking place. One of Beckett’s Shadow roles was for Health, 1994-95, while the Jillings Investigation was underway. Beckett was Lord President of the Council, 1998-01. One of the roles of Lord President of the Council is that of visitor for Bangor University. When Beckett was Lord President of the Council, the VC of Bangor University was the craven paedophiles’ friend Prof Roy Evans, who did what the trafficking gang told him to do and promoted many of their associates to senior roles. Beckett’s time as Lord President of the Council spanned Ronnie Waterhouse’s writing of the Waterhouse Report and its publication.

 

In 1989 Clare Short raised the issue of abuse of police procedure and fabrication of evidence at the West Midlands Serious Crime Squad, relaying concerns of Birmingham solicitors that many miscarriages of justice had taken place. It was eventually admitted that the West Midlands Serious Crime Squad had caused havoc and there were allegations of Masonic corruption. The Squad was dissolved and some of those who had been framed had their convictions overturned, including Ali Khan from Caernarfon. What received less publicity was that after Ali Khan had been awarded compensation, he was convicted of robbery and returned to prison. Ali Khan maintains that this was yet another fit-up as a punishment beating for daring to win against the West Midlands Crime Squad. I don’t know the truth behind Ali Khan’s allegations; the Khans are known as a ‘crime family’ in north Wales, but I do know that the West Midlands Police and the North Wales Police were corrupt and fitted people up, sometimes as a result of a joint enterprise. I had never heard of Ali Khan until the first occasion in 1986 on which Dafydd had me unlawfully arrested and when I was in the cells at Bangor Police Station I read the graffiti that Ali Khan had written and signed, detailing all the occasions on which he alleged that he’d been framed.

After the alleged clean-up of the West Midlands Police, Sir Ron Hadfield was appointed as Chief Constable of the West Midlands Police. He was in post from 1990-96. Immediately after retirement, Hadfield served as an adviser to the Waterhouse Inquiry, which says it all really. Another adviser to the Inquiry was Adrianne Jones, the former Director of Social Services for the City of Birmingham. Prior to becoming Chief Constable of West Mindlands, Hadfield had served with the Lancashire, Greater Manchester and Derbyshire forces. Hadfield was given a knighthood in 1995, after everyone had been reassured that there was no VIP paedophile ring in north Wales and when Hague et al were busy behind the scenes ensuring that the Public Inquiry which they knew would eventually be held would reach the same conclusion. Hadfield was International Vice-President of the  International Association of Chiefs of Police. 

 

Clare Short was a member of Labour’s NEC, 1988-1997, along with others who were allies of Dafydd and the gang, such as Gwyneth Dunwoody and Eric Heffer. Short was Chair of the NEC’s Women’s Committee, 1993-1996.

After Blair won the election in 1997, the Overseas Development Administration was given full departmental status as the Dept for International Development and Short was the first Secretary of State for International Development. She retained this post throughout the first term of the Labour Gov’t and beyond the 2001 UK General Election into the second.

A few months after her appointment to DfID, the island of Montserrat (one of the UK’s few remaining overseas territories) was devastated by a volcanic eruption which rendered half the island uninhabitable; when the 4,500 islanders asked for more help from the DfID, Short was reported to have remarked ‘they will be asking for golden elephants next’ and refused to visit the island. She was probably far too busy Chairing a Wimmin’s Committee discussing topless photos to give a stuff about some poor sods who’s land had been burnt to a cinder.

On 6 November 1997, Short sent a letter to Kumbirai Kangai, Minister of Agriculture in Zimbabwe, in which she stated that ‘we do not accept that Britain has a special responsibility to meet the costs of land purchase in Zimbabwe.’ She went on to write ‘We are a new government from diverse backgrounds, without links to former colonial interests. My own origins are Irish and, as you know, we were colonised, not colonisers.’ Good to know that Clare experiences Genetic Oppression which absolves her from any temptation to make herself useful in diplomatically sensitive situations. In the same letter Short did, however, offer qualified support for land reform: ‘We do recognise the very real issues you face over land reform… we would be prepared to support a programme of land reform that was part of a poverty eradication strategy, but not on any other basis.’ This letter caused a rift with the Zimbabwean Gov’t, which asserted that the Lancaster House Agreement of 1979 had contained a continuing pledge from the UK Gov’t to assist in land reform. Well they could all sod off, Blair’s Gov’t of Diversity, Wimmin and Peter Mandelson didn’t worry about matters historical and definitely wasn’t interested in keeping things like promises. 

In December 1997, Short signed the UK into the Ottawa Convention, banning the production, handling and use of anti-personnel mines. In 2001, she wrote that the ‘ready availability of small arms has a direct and negative impact upon levels of crime and conflict in developing countries. We (the DFID) are supporting various peace building and disarmament initiatives.’ The following year, she claimed that Britain was ‘committed to combating small arms availability and misuse’.

Short approved of the  NATO bombing of the HQ of Serbian state TV in which sixteen media workers were killed and sixteen others wounded, because the station was ‘a source of propaganda’. As is Clare Short.

On 9 March 2003, Short threatened to resign from the Cabinet in the event of the UK Gov’t going to war with Iraq without a clear mandate from the UN. This looked set to be a reprise of her previous resignation as party spokesperson during the Gulf War of 1991 as a protest against the Labour Party’s stance, although in 1999 she had publicly supported the NATO attack on Serbia. However, on 18 March she announced that she would remain in the Cabinet and support the government’s resolution in the Commons. Which resulted in a lot of wisecracks about Clare Short saying no when she meant yes.

Short remained in the Cabinet for two months after her decision to back the 2003 Iraq War. She resigned on 12 May. Her letter stated: ‘In both the run-up to the war and now, I think the UK is making grave errors in providing cover for the US mistakes rather than helping an old friend… American power alone cannot make America safe… But undermining international law and the authority of the UN creates the risk of instability, bitterness and growing terrorism that will threaten the future for all of us’.

On 26 February 2004, Short alleged on the Today programme that the British security services regularly intercept UN communications, including those of Kofi Annan, then Secretary General. Reacting to Short’s statement, Blair said ‘I really do regard what Clare Short has said this morning as totally irresponsible, and entirely consistent [with Short’s character].’ Is that why you appointed her then Blair?

Blair also claimed that Short had put British security, particularly the security of its spies, at risk. The same day, on ‘Newsnight’ BBC’s Short called Blair’s response ‘pompous’ and said that Britain had no need to spy on Annan. The only reason they had to spy on my friends and I Clare was to gather info to stop the trafficking ring that you, Blair and many others were keeping quiet about, but they didn’t stop them or indeed the many bent politicians who knew damn well what was happening.

On 29 February 2004 Short appeared on ITV’s Jonathan Dimbleby programme. She revealed that she had been written to by the Cabinet Secretary Andrew Turnbull. Turnbull’s confidential letter, which Short showed to Dimbleby, and which was quoted on the programme, formally admonished her for discussing intelligence matters in the media, and threatened ‘further action’ if she did not desist from giving interviews on the issue. Turnbull wrote that she had made claims ‘which damage the interests of the United Kingdom’, and that he was ‘extremely disappointed’. The ‘further action’ referred to in the letter has been interpreted as threatening either Short’s expulsion from the Privy Council (what was she doing in there in the first place?) or legal action under the Official Secrets Act. On 1 March 2004, a Downing Street spokesman refused to rule out such a step.

Andrew Turnbull will be after this blog next. Along with the Llangefni police (see post ‘A Letter From The North Wales Police’)….

Short also admitted that her original claim that Britain had eavesdropped on Annan may have been inaccurate. The security services were far too busy bothering us Clare. By the way, wasn’t Kofi implicated in corruption?

In December 2004, Short was reportedly critical of US efforts to dispense aid to countries devastated by a tsunami caused by a massive earthquake in the Indian Ocean. She was quoted as stating that the formation of a group of countries led by the US for this purpose was a challenge to the role of the UN, which she believed was uniquely qualified for the task. The UN could go to the rescue as they had previously, with ‘peacekeepers’ standing by while people were butchered a la Srebrenica or exchanging food rations for sexual favours from 12 yr old girls…

On 12 September 2006, Short announced that she would not be standing at the next General Election, stating that she was ‘ashamed’ of Blair’s Gov’t. On Friday 20 October, Short resigned the Labour whip and announced that she would sit as an Independent Labour MP. After Gordon became PM, Short said that the change offered ‘a new beginning’ and hinted that she might re-join the parliamentary Labour Party if Brown changed the policies that had caused her to leave.

On 2 February 2010, Short appeared before the Chilcot Inquiry and repeatedly criticised Tony Blair, Attorney General Peter Goldsmith and others in the UK Gov’t for allegedly deceiving her and other MPs in an attempt to obtain consent for the invasion of Iraq.

Short has condemned Israel as being guilty of “bloody, brutal and systematic annexation of land, destruction of homes and the deliberate creation of an apartheid system.” She has also stated that “the EU and Britain are colluding in this operation and the building of a new apartheid regime” because they give Israel privileged trade access. Short has expressed support for a boycott of Israel, stating at the 2007 UN International Conference of Civil Society in Support of Israeli-Palestinian Peace that “The boycott worked for South Africa, it is time to do it again”. She also told the conference that Israel is “much worse than the original apartheid state” and that Israel “undermines the international community’s reaction to global warming”.

Regarding the 2006 war between Israel and Hezbollah, Short stated that “Israel is out of control and our Government and the US is giving them a green light to continue” and that “Britain clearly now just backs President (George W.) Bush in whatever he does, in automatically backing Israel in breaching international law, in disproportionate attacks on Lebanon and attacks on Gaza”.

According to The Guardian, Short accepted £1,580 worth of flights, hotel accommodation, food and travel expenses from Hezbollah-affiliate al Manar Television in Lebanon in 2008. Al-Manar was described by the US Gov’t as a terrorist entity in 2006.

On 1 March 2011 Short was elected as Chairwoman of the EITI (the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative) at the EITI Global Conference in Paris.

Since 2006, Short has been a member of the Cities Alliance Policy Advisory Board and subsequently chaired the Policy Advisory Forum, described as a “platform for public discussion, debate and knowledge sharing” on urban poverty and the role of cities.

 

Clare Short’s second husband was Alex Lyon, whom she met when she worked at the Home Office and married in 1981. Lyon was the Labour MP for York, 1966-83, right at the centre of Savile-land.

Lyon was educated at West Leeds High School and UCL. He became a barrister and was called to the Bar at Inner Temple. Lyon was a member of the Bar Council and of the Fabian Society. He was a Methodist local preacher and Secretary of Leeds North West Constituency Labour Party. Lyon will have known the child molester George Thomas, who throughout the middle years of the 20th century was one of the UK’s most well-known Methodists and who preached all over Britain (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

Lyon was Minister of State at the Home Office, March 1974 – April 1976, under that Home Secretary who was most helpful to Dafydd and the gang, Woy Jenkins (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

In 1971 Lyon introduced the United Reformed Church Bill, which became the act which created the United Reformed Church from a union of Presbytarian and Congregationalist churches in England and Wales.

Lyon lost his seat in the Commons on the day in which Short gained hers. Lyon then ran Short’s constituency office and returned to the Bar for a short while until his health caused him problems. Lyon had developed Alzheimers and died in 1993.

In 2004, Clare published her bookAn Honourable Deception? New Labour, Iraq, and the Misuse of Power’

If Clare was deceiving anyone honourably, she didn’t manage to put an end to some truly dreadful matters.

In 2006 an article in ‘Femail’ ‘appeared about Short, entitled ‘I’ve fallen in love again’ – us ladies would be instantly drawn to such an article obviously – which detailed how Clare Short had now found happiness with her mate Mo Mowlam’s with widower Jon Norton. Jon was the City banker who made himself so useful to the Labour Party when they decided to make friends with global capitalism rather than those who were being harmed at the hands of the Top Doctors. ‘Femail’ observed that Mo and Clare ‘were two of a kind’. I expect that ‘Femail’ meant that they were ‘Strong Feisty Wimmin’ but I think that the they had a lot more in common in terms of being female politicians who made much of their status as Wimmin in a Men’s World who were Fighting For Other Wimmin, while they ignored the role that the welfare services played in a pan-European trafficking ring in their own constituencies.

 

To return to the Labour Party in Wales ignoring Dafydd et al. In 1991 I was invited to join Ogwen Valley Labour Party, on the grounds that things had been very bad under Thatcher and would continue to be particularly bad for Wales under John Major, who had just been elected. I had been forced out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School and had returned to live near Bethesda on a permanent basis. I was being arrested on a regular basis at the behest of Dafydd et al, the cases against me collapsed but of course no-one asked any questions. I knew that virtually no politicians were showing the interest that they should have been showing in what was happening to some people at the hands of the NHS and social services, but I had no idea of the degree of collusion with serious crime which was taking place.

I was invited to join the Ogwen Valley Labour Party by my neighbour at about the time that the North Wales Police launched their first investigation into the possibility of a VIP paedophile/trafficking ring in north Wales. This neighbour knew what was happening to me at the hands of the mental health services and was horrified. She showed me a great deal of support and friendship and dared challenge a member of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team over their mistreatment of me and another person who lived in our village. She was told that it could not be discussed because it was ‘confidential’. This was at a time when the Arfon CMHT were telling my other neighbours that I was a danger to their children. My neighbour was working as a support worker for Cartrefi Cymru, in the ‘independent housing’ that had been provided for people with learning disabilities who had previously lived in Bryn-y-Neuadd, the long-stay hospital at Llanfairfechan and was frank in her opinion that the management of the ‘supported housing’ was so chaotic that it constituted abuse of clients.

I accompanied my neighbour to a few meetings of the Ogwen Valley Labour Party. It was certainly a very small party, there were only about six people at each meeting. Much time was consumed by things like ‘the minutes’, which I know have to be done, but did seem to take up a great deal of time. In 1991 in north Wales, the local economy had collapsed, a vicious trafficking gang dominated the region, the police were investigating, every category of vulnerable person was being grossly abused, the regional NHS was lethal and bankrupt and had the poorest clinical outcomes in the UK for many conditions and many local businesses were exploiting the people who did have jobs on a massive scale, including big companies like Euro DPC in Llanberis who had relocated to north Wales after being given huge business support grants from bodies like the WDA.

The Ogwen Valley Labour Party was Chaired by a man involved with the trade union movement but I can’t remember if he was a TUC rep or a rep from a specific union. Their was only one cause which he maintained needed fighting in the area and that was a company called Thistle Trading on the Llandegai industrial estate in Bangor. The Chairman was very vexed about Thistle Trading and maintained that the ‘ladies’ – to be fair, the Chairman was about 65 and people of his generation would have talked about the ladies, as would many of the ladies themselves – who worked for them were being underpaid. He had declared war on Thistle Trading and he seemed to have had a degree of success. The ladies got a pay rise and were so chuffed that they were singing the Chairman’s praises. Because I found the meetings so boring and because the Chairman was only interested in the sins of Thistle Trading and once he’d won that one he didn’t see any other causes to fight, I stopped going to Ogwen Valley Labour Party meetings. My neighbour persisted for longer, but she too gave up because there didn’t seem to be any action happening.

The ladies of Thistle Trading may have been underpaid, but kids in care in Gwynedd were being beaten, raped and forced to work for local businesses for as little as 30-50p/hour or no pay at all.

The Chairman of Ogwen Valley Labour Party never spoke to me or my neighbour and neither did the Secretary, although it was they who had begged local people to ‘get involved’. I can’t remember the Secretary’s name, but I do know what she did for a living. She was a lecturer at the Normal College in Bangor. The teacher training college, which employed scores of people who colluded with the paedophile gang, including Dafydd Orwig, a Plaid Councillor who lived in Bethesda.

‘We didn’t know’. You bloody well knew what was happening to me because that neighbour of mine was terrified and was telling people.

The Windbag was Labour leader when the Ogwen Valley Labour Party prioritised the pay of the ladies of Thistle Trading above fighting a trafficking gang who were murdering people. The Windbag must have known the Chairman of the Ogwen Labour Party, he was obviously quite a big figure in the trade union movement in north Wales and Baroness Glenys Windbag came from Holyhead. But then the Windbag knew Tony Francis who was one of those facilitating the gang, as Francis used to remind his patients.

My neighbour’s husband stopped speaking to me a few months later and never spoke to me again. I didn’t know why, I hadn’t fallen out with them and my neighbour carried on being perfectly friendly to me. A reader pointed out the other day that my neighbour’s husband decided that I was best ignored after he got a job at the Psychology Dept in Bangor University. The Psychology Dept which for years had been dominated by Dafydd, but by then had been taken over by Professor Fergus Lowe, who used his knowledge of Dafydd’s crimes to build his own empire after overthrowing Dafydd. The Psychology Dept was training clinical psychologists who were on placement at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. The dungeon for Dafydd’s victims was still in operation at the time.

Perhaps Dave Lane, who was a neighbour of two people who’s lives were being wrecked by Dafydd and the gang and who subsequently purchased a house from another person who had been destroyed by the same gang, could let us know who threatened or bribed him and how. Before Dave Lane purchased the house from the man who had been destroyed by Dafydd et al, he rented a house from another man, Dave Hardwick. Dave Hardwick was a bit of a hippy and started up the Bethesda Food Co-Op. He was always very friendly and pleasant and had a son with mental health problems whom he was very caring towards and tried hard to support. When Dave Hardwick’s son grew up, Dave went into nursing. Mental health nursing. Dave Hardwick became a senior Angel at the Hergest Unit. Dave was on duty when Angels were ordered to perjure themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned. He also worked as a Charge Nurse on Taliesin Ward, where patients were being assaulted by the staff. Not by Dave, he was much better than the rest of them and he was never abusive. But he knew what the others were doing.

One of my friends has known Dave Hardwick for decades, from their hippy days. Before I left Wales, he told them that he hated working at the Hergest Unit because patients were treated so badly there and he couldn’t wait to retire.

 

Now that the cracks in the NHS are canyons which cannot be concealed any longer by the usual methods, I was interested to discover that the GMB have sworn that they’ll ‘fight the Gov’t’ to ensure that the NHS gets the money that it needs, the latest few billion to plug yet another gap – on top of the pay rise for Top Docs and senior managers – being insufficient. I found this out because someone from the GMB has published an article on the website ‘Open Democracy’. I do read ‘Open Democracy’ from time to time, because Dr Minh Alexander, a consultant psychiatrist who lost her job after raising concerns about patient safety, writes some excellent articles for that website, but sadly Dr Alexander is virtually a lone voice among many on ‘Open Democracy’ who maintain unproblematically that the NHS is as pure as the driven snow and all would be well if only it were given yet more dosh.

It is usually the BMA who are demanding the dosh, the Top Doctors having a rather more wholesome media image than other trade unions ‘who hold the country to ransom’.

I wonder if the BMA have had to back off in the light of revelations that they have done some pretty disgusting things in the course of their duty of protecting the jobs and pensions of Dafydd et al? UNISON and UNITE are usually the unions coming to the aid of the NHS, rather than the GMB. Could the BMA have possibly done a little deal with the big wigs of the GMB and reached an agreement that it will be the GMB rather than the Top Docs with their gobs stuffed with gold who will ‘fight for the money that the NHS needs?’

Lest anyone believe that the noble GMB would not be capable of such a sordid arrangement, I will remind them that David Basnett, who was the General Secretary of the NUGMW, 1973-86 – the NUGMW officially became known as the GMB in 1987 – and who served as President of the TUC in 1978, had a number of meetings with Thatcher’s hatchet man Ian MacGegor during the NUM strike of 1984-85. In his autobiography, MacGregor observes that Basnett was ‘quite approachable and open on the subject of the NUM strike’ and that ‘Basnett takes life very seriously and was really worried about finding a solution to the Scargill problem’. MacGregor met Basnett and Buckton because he agreed to meet a ‘few of the TUC people’ to ‘discuss grounds for talks’ and was delighted to discover that they agreed with MacGregor that the only problem was Scargill. MacGregor also met the Windbag ‘for an introductory chat before the strike began’.

MacGregor claims in his autobiography that on the first occasion that he met Scargill after the strike was called, it was at Hobart House, the HQ of the NCB, which at the time had an NUM picket permanently outside. Scargill was refusing to cross a picket line, so to enable Scargill to enter Hobart House to meet MacGregor without upsetting the NUM by crossing the picket line, the picket was removed for that day. MacGregor claims in his autobiography that all this happened after ‘pressure’ from the Windbag. Not that the Windbag’s bright idea came to anything; MacGregor grumbled that not only were the whole NUM executive in the room which MacGregor couldn’t cope with, but MacGregor maintains that because of the timing of the meeting, he was in a relatively strong position with regard to holding out against the NUM.

Dave Basnett grew up in Liverpool and became the Regional Officer of the NUGMW in 1948. In 1955 Basnett was appointed national education officer, then in 1960 national industrial officer. In 1966, Basnett was elected to the General Council of the TUC. In 1970, he negotiated a settlement regarding a major dispute at Pilkington, which was the springboard to him becoming General Secretary in 1973. Trevor Jones, a leading light from Pilkington’s off-shoot in north Wales, was a big ally of Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

Basnett was General Secretary, 1973-86 and during that time, the union was involved with numerous mergers with smaller unions and became the GMUW. Basnett also sat on the National Enterprise Board and National Economic Development Council. In 1979 Basnett founded ‘Trade Unionists for a Labour Victory’ and spent much of next decade promoting conference between trade unionists and Labour Party members. Frustrated by the lack of progress – perhaps the Windbag could tell us why Basnett’s initiative didn’t lead to a Labour Victory – Basnett took early retirement in 1986. As with the Windbag and Mrs Windbag, Basnett’s complete ineffectiveness didn’t stymy him and in March 1986, Dave Basnett became Baron Basnett of Leatherhead in the County of Surrey.

Leatherhead is on the River Mole no less and the UK and Ireland HQ of Unilever plc are at Leatherhead. It was Unilever who bankrolled the expansion of the Psychology Dept at Bangor University under Prof Fergus Lowe, when Philip Lever aka Lord Leverhulme was Chancellor of Liverpool University, Dafydd’s old alma mater, which at that time was still employing numerous people in senior positions who were concealing Dafydd’s crimes (see previous posts).

Baron Basnett of the Wealthiest County in the UK died in 1989.

The GMB describes itself as ‘a general trade union in the UK which has more than 631,000 members. GMB members work in nearly all industrial sectors, in retail, security, schools, distribution and the utilities, social care, the NHS and ambulance service and local government’. The GMB represents another group of workers as well which it doesn’t boast about as much as it does its members who are NHS workers. The GMB represents sex workers and has since 2002 when the International Union of Sex Workers became affiliated to the GMB, four years before the Ambulance Service Union did.

The website of the International Union of Sex Workers tells us that not only does it have official recognition as the sex industry branch of the GMB – the GMB is divided up into different branches, eg. ‘service industry’, ‘security industry’ etc – but various services for sex workers are offered by the GMB including self-defence classes. Sex workers are subjected to violence, so if one is a union with members who are sex workers, self-defence classes could well be a good idea.

However, the International Union of Sex Workers supports the x:talk Project, ‘which provides free English language classes to migrant sex workers in London’. How many members of the GMB know about this? Even among those people who take a liberal approach to prostitution, there will not be many who think that providing such a service is a particularly good idea. There is a considerable problem with migrants being tricked and/or trafficked into sex work and a hot spot for traffickers is London. Those free language classes could be a God-send to people traffickers. I have discussed previously on this blog how the GMB ignored and concealed child abuse and trafficking (see post ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’), but those language lessons for migrant sex workers are taking the collusion with serious crime to a whole new level.

The International Union of Sex Workers website advertises another service as well – free advice and support on criminal prosecution from an ‘award winning legal firm’. This is an ‘automatic benefit of GMB membership’, which can be acquired for £6-50/month. The website has a pdf which can be downloaded for sex workers who wish to join the GMB. Again, free legal advice and support could be a lifeline for sex workers who have been fitted up by the police – but what if it is a trafficker or a pimp who is being prosecuted? Furthermore, an award winning legal firm will not come cheap, the GMB will be subsidising that to a great extent.

The GMB’s wiki entry tells us that membership of the GMB costs full-time workers £13/month. Which is rather more than the sex workers who are members of the GMB have to pay for their free legal advice. Sex workers who are not being trafficked and robbed will earn considerably more than most GMB members.

Not only have the GMB been spectacularly bad at defending the interests of most of their members who do work in the NHS or social care – the pay and conditions of the sort of workers who are likely to be members of the GMB, as opposed to the BMA or RCN, are dreadful and have been getting worse as those jobs are increasingly outsourced – but those members are now possibly subsidising people traffickers or the legal help given to sex workers who earn a great deal more than NHS workers. I am wondering if the GMB is one of the unions which as part of its pay packages for senior officers of the GMB provides private healthcare cover, as unions which represent senior NHS staff nearly all do now.

John Edmonds was the General Secretary of the GMB when the International Union of Sex Workers became affiliated to the GMB. Edmonds is an Oxford graduate. Surely he could have predicted this minefield?

The current General Secretary of the GMB is Tim Roache. His wiki entry describes him as a ‘father and a husband’. He is also extremely gullible.

The GMB is one of three largest affiliates to the Labour Party and donates up to £2 million/yr to the Party, being the third largest union donor.

 

The Guardian Online continues to provide free PR for people who’ve been named and shamed on this blog. One of their recent offerings was a ‘profile’ of Professor Sarah-Jayne Blakemore, who is a colleague of Professor Mark Williams, the man who perpetrated that research fraud which was Mindfulness when Williams worked as a clinical psychologist at Bangor, alongside those facilitating the trafficking gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Sarah-Jayne and Mark Williams received much money from the Wellcome Trust for their ‘research’ into Mindfulness and school pupils. Sarah-Jayne works at UCL where she is responsible for the, er, Wellcome funding programme.

‘The Guardian’ described Sarah-Jayne as an ‘expert on teenagers brains’ and just to ensure that we get the message, Sarah-Jayne was pictured fondling one of those layman’s white casts of a human head and neck with the different regions of the brain sketched on it. I saw one for sale in a gift shop in Hebdon Bridge a few years ago. Not only has Sarah-Jayne carried out a major project with Dafydd’s former colleague Mark Williams, but other colleagues of Sarah-Jayne’s, including her ‘mentor’ Una Frith, trained at the Maudsley, along with yet more mates of Dafydd and Tony Francis who then concealed their crimes, as detailed in previous posts.

In ‘The Guardian’ interview, Sarah-Jayne talked about her own adolescence and her intense embarrassment when her father, Professor Colin Blakemore, was targeted by animal rights activists. Colin Blakemore was indeed given a terrible time, there were attempts to kill him.  When Blakemore was being targeted I was still working in medical research and I remember even other people who were carrying out animal work maintaining that Blakemore was cruel and that his experiments could not be justified, including someone who had been a colleague of Blakemore’s at Cambridge. Sarah-Jayne remembered worrying that her classmates were ‘judging’ her. Whether they were or not I don’t know, but her teachers definitely were. Sarah-Jayne went to school in Oxford, everyone knew who her father was, well he’s that clever scientist isn’t he, OF COURSE Sarah-Jayne must go to Oxford for her psychology degree, particularly now that Oxford will be developing their huge research centre spearheaded by one Colin Blakemore, Head of the MRC…

People who were familiar with Colin Blakemore’s animal research used to wonder how he got away with it all. Perhaps Sarah-Jayne who has been embarrassed all the way to those massive research grants and a Chair at UCL – which was where Fergus Lowe’s mistress Professor Pauline Horne did her MSc before she changed path and went to do a degree in psychology at Bangor with Fergus and Dafydd (see post ‘Feet In Chains’) – could take us back to her teenage years and let us know.

Who are ‘The Guardian’ going to profile next? Dafydd himself? ‘Lucille, the lady in my life’ would make a nice feature…

 

BBC News Wales online reported that extra NHS funding is to be made available for ‘specialist GPs’ to provide services to ‘trans teenagers’ in Wales. By definition GPs aren’t specialists, that is why they are called GENERAL practitioners. The BMA are supporting the plan. My how things have changed. Not only did many – if not most – BMA members used to be utterly hostile to transgender people, but the BMA gave their full support to Dafydd, who tried to encourage a teenaged boy to undergo gender reassignment surgery in 1991 because he was gay. The BMA also gave Dr Sadie Francis and her colleagues advice on how to best bring criminal charges against me or have me transferred to a secure hospital although they knew that they had lied repeatedly – including on oath – about me. At one point, Sadie doubled up as a gender identity expert in north Wales. Sadie did not know anything about gender identity, but then most of her colleagues didn’t know anything about anything either. With the exception of David Healy, they were not very bright not very competent dysfunctional doctors who washed up as psychiatrists in north Wales because they very obviously couldn’t make it in any other sphere. Their ‘training’ at most consisted of a short stint at the Maudsley, which was a highly dysfunctional institution itself and colluding with the abuse of vulnerable people (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) but more usually Mickey Mouse short ‘courses’ taught by one of the other paedophiles’ friends in north Wales. According to Dafydd’s gang, they were all experts in de-escalation skills, in borderline personality disorder, in dealing with dangerous patients, in CBT, in DBT, in ‘psycho-social treatment for psychosis’, in ‘early intervention’, in of course Mindfulness and latterly in gender identity problems. Their patients died while the experts ran a trafficking/paedophile ring. Sadie wasn’t as downright obnoxious to talk to as many of her colleagues were and she wasn’t covered in Brylcreem or dandruff, but she knew what the others were doing and she lied on oath and to patients, I suspect because she was ordered to do so by the big boys.

There is another gender identity expert in north Wales as well, who pre-dated Sadie’s expertise – the dreadful Kenny Midence. For a long time, Midence was listed as the only gender identity expert in the whole of Wales. At least two patients told me that they felt that Midence breached professional boundaries and may even have been preparing them for a relationship with him. When they complained – not about him but about the chaos of the ‘service’ – in both cases Midence dropped them and cut off all contact. Both ended up suicidal. Midence does however have some rave reviews online. Midence seems to have been accepting ‘referrals’ from far and wide to carry out ‘psychological assessments’ on people who want to undergo gender reassignment surgery. They love him – judging from the comments left online, you just pop up to north Wales, hand your fee over and Kenny OKs a sex change. Kenny himself is a bit of a globe trotter and travels to Brazil and other such places for ‘conferences’.

The last that I heard, Kenny was in a relationship with a female Angel, Jan Stanley-Smith, which surprised me a bit because Kenny Midence is more like someone out of the Village People than anyone whom I have ever met. Jan Stanley-Smith has worked as a mental health Angel in north west Wales for years. Jan worked in the old psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd before the Hergest Unit was built, she then worked in Hergest, she worked as a lecturing Angel in the School of Healthcare Sciences in Bangor University when Dafydd’s old colleague from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Ruhi Behi, was Head of that School and bullied her out of her job and then she joined the thugs of the Arfon CMHT. Like Dave Hardwick, Jan didn’t directly abuse patients herself, but she worked with a great many people who did and watched them do it.

There is no real expertise in gender identity disorders in Wales. So presumably the dosh will be going to Kenny Midence to ‘train’ the ‘specialist GPs’ in one of the most difficult, sensitive conditions that a young person can experience and one that, if not handled very carefully, can have dreadful consequences.

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The Great Stink

My post ‘The Old Devils’ discussed Professor Brian Abel-Smith, the Labour Party-supporting economist who carried out much of the analyses which underpinned the planning of the NHS in its early years. Abel-Smith was an adviser to successive Labour Secretaries of State for the DHSS, namely Dick Crossman, Barbara Castle and David Ennals. Abel-Smith undoubtedly knew about the institutionalised neglect and abuse that the most vulnerable experienced at the hands of the NHS, but he ignored it while he got on with more important things like sitting on the Board of Governors of St Thomas’s Hospital, with it’s many consultants who also ran Harley Street practices. The other day I found a copy of a 1978 HMSO publication written by Brian Abel-Smith, entitled ‘National Health Service, The First Thirty Years’. It’s a sort of gullible person’s guide to the NHS and its wonderful work. Abel-Smith spent much of his career at the LSE and held a Chair there when he wrote this publication.

It’s ironic that Abel-Smith’s bit of propaganda was published by HMSO, because when I very first raised a complaint about the NHS – simply that they were unlawfully denying me access to my records – I used an HMSO publication as my guidance. Because I was being told so many lies by people employed by Gwynedd Health Authority, I had sought out an HMSO publication which clarified the legal position regarding access to records. Then I went to see an administrator in Gwynedd Health Authority, Bernard Rhodes, in 1985. Rhodes told me that he was the General Manager of GHA, which I later found out to be untrue.  Rhodes was extremely rude and aggressive, was livid that a whippersnapper like me had dared complain and then lied to me again regarding access to my records. When I quoted the guidelines published in the HMSO publication, Bernard yelled at me that he suggested that I went and had a word with HMSO because he wouldn’t be taking any notice of them. My meeting with Bernie ended in a substantial confrontation which resulted in me reminding him that the NHS was there for the benefit of the patients. Rhodes yelled ‘No No No’ and threw me out of his office. Years later I obtained a letter which Rhodes had written to the Top Doctors after I had been to see him in which he stated that he thought that I would be a nuisance for quite some time and ‘the less said to this young lady the better’. See previous posts for details.

Rhodes wasn’t Welsh, he had a northern accent – not Geordie, either Lancashire, Yorkshire or perhaps Cheshire – but then there was an exchange of paedophiles’ friends between different regions, despite the perception of many English migrants to north Wales that ‘they’re all from Gwynedd’.

Years later when I was working as a sociologist at Bangor University, one of the University secretaries, Linda Jones, told me that one of her first jobs had been with Gwynedd Health Authority as Bernard Rhodes’s secretary and that ‘Bernie was a good laugh’. Bernie was also colluding with a sex trafficking gang. At Bangor University, Linda was the secretary for the social work tutors, one of whom was Malcolm John, who had been a fostering and adoption adviser for Gwynedd Social Services when kids were being abused by their foster parents (see post ‘Local Accessories’). I knew that two other social work tutors at Bangor had also colluded with Dafydd and the gang, but one had not, he had left his job with Gwynedd Social Services because of the abuse and neglect of the clients. There was a co-ordinated attempt by his colleagues to force this tutor out of his job and Linda was part of this. Vulnerable students were also told that this man had ‘abused’ clients when he was a social worker. Linda Jones knew that was happening as well and she knew that there was no truth in the allegation.

 

Had Bernard Rhodes read the HMSO publication written by Abel-Smith, I’m sure that Bernie would not have found it quite so offensive as the HMSO publication that I got my paws on which confirmed that I had been told lie after lie after lie by Top Docs, Angels and administrators employed by Gwynedd Health Authority.

How did I used to know when an employee of the NHS in north Wales was lying? I could see their lips moving. That’s how bad it was, none of them could tell the truth about any matter.

 

Abel-Smith’s HMSO publication is a real laugh, because although Abel-Smith obviously wrote this as a PR exercise, there’s a few giveaways in there. For example, in the first part of the publication, when Abel-Smith discussed healthcare before the advent of the NHS, he noted that there were ‘twice as many doctors per head in London as in south Wales’ and that ‘four times the number of doctors per head lived in Bournemouth than in the industrial midlands’.

One look at present day statistics is enough to conclude ‘My how things haven’t changed’.

Abel-Smith confirmed that ‘Wales was particularly poorly served with hospitals. In south Wales, about half the hospital beds were in buildings which were judged when they were taken over, to be too small or ill-equipped for their purpose. No general hospital of the requisite size and quality served the thinly-populated areas of north Wales.’

For years now, there has been constant bellyaching and protests mobilised by the paedophiles’ friends whenever it has been suggested that any ‘hospital’ in north Wales should close. We are not talking state of the art centres of excellence. The first Chief Exec of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board, Mary Burrows, did have a good grasp of how shite and dysfunctional the NHS in north Wales was. Mary was never able to sort things out because she was faced with a co-ordinated attempt to undermine her from within which soon evolved into an all out hate campaign and of course the problems were enormous anyway. Mary and her Board suggested the closure of, among other facilities, a community hospital near Pwllheli and the Blaenau Ffestiniog Memorial Hospital. I am not suggesting that the citizens of Pwllheli and Blaenau should be provided with inferior facilities, but that is actually what they had from those two institutions. Not that the paedophiles’ friends told them that, the paedophiles’ friends told everyone that their communities were under attack. There were ructions and at one public meeting Mary Burrows was confronted by a mob who threatened her with physical violence. This was witnessed by a group of local politicians, scores of local Councillors and a number of journalists, including some armed with TV cameras. No-one called for calm and no journos reported the threats that had been made to Mary. The inadequate ‘hospitals’ in north Wales which existed pre-1948 that Abel-Smith referred to included some of those which Mary was proposing to close in 2010.

 

Chapter 2 of Abel-Smith’s book covered ‘The Early Years, 1948-60’. It was explained that Boards of Governors directly responsible to the Minister of Health ran the 36 teaching hospitals in England and Wales. Those Governors ran the teaching hospitals in Cardiff and Liverpool, which were colluding with Gwynne the lobotomist and for the very first part of his career, Dafydd. Ministers of Health knew what was happening at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, as well as at places like Whitchurch Hospital in Cardiff and at Ely Hospital. Abel-Smith knew what was going on as well. But then Abel-Smith and his gay partner were part of swinging London, they owned a gentlemen’s outfitters which supplied the Rolling Stones and Abel-Smith used to travel to Italy himself to buy the latest styles. When you’ve got cashmere jumpers to purchase for the stars, you can’t waste time concerning yourself with people illegally imprisoned in a dungeon in Denbigh and subsequently lobotomised.

 

Other hospitals were placed under the management of Hospital Management Committees. The planning of hospital services and the employment of the senior medical and dental staff were made the responsibility of Regional Hospital Boards. The Regional Boards appointed the Chairmen and members of the Hospital Management Committees in their region  and the members of Boards and Committees ‘gave their services without payment’.

I became familiar with the selfless service of those who sat on such Boards and Committees out of the kindness of their hearts at a later date in north Wales. It was noticeable how many of them subsequently bagged very lucrative numbers for themselves in health and social care or associated fields, or how many members of their immediate family bagged such lucrative numbers. A good number of those giving up their time willingly to mismanage the statutory services were also involved with businesses which were commissioned by the health and/or social care services.

 

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Abel-Smith explained that separate Hospital Management Committees were set up to run most of the psychiatric hospitals and the hospitals for the mentally handicapped. In north Wales, that was the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Bryn-y-Neuadd in Llanfairfechan.

So it will have been one such Board/Committee that appointed Dafydd as a consultant to Denbigh in 1964.

In north Wales, Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon, sat on a number of these NHS Boards and Committees. Lord Kenyon continued his selfless service into a more recent era; he was Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority in the mid-1970s. Lord Kenyon was also a County Councillor, President of UCNW (Bangor University) for decades, a Magistrate and a member of the North Wales Police Authority. Lord Kenyon was the most senior Freemason in north Wales. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas was known to be having sex with at least one under-aged boy in the care of the social services. In 1979, Thomas spent the night with this boy and made a complaint to the police that the boy had stolen from him after they had spent the night together. The boy was sent to a detention centre. Thomas faced no charges. In 1993 Thomas died of an AIDS-related illness. See previous posts for further information regarding Lord Kenyon and Thomas.

 

In ‘the early days’ of the NHS, all residents of institutions caring for mentally ill and mentally handicapped were hospital patients, unlike the elderly who could be either in institutions managed by the local authority or in hospital. Access to ‘specialists’ was only by the referral of a GP. Top Doctors still take advantage of this system at present. A number of people in north Wales who have complained about Dafydd and the gang have found it impossible to get a referral elsewhere. There is of course a legal right to a second opinion, but it just doesn’t happen. Around and around the system one goes for years and years, even if a lawyer is employed to assist, but no, one does not ever succeed in getting a referral to anyone who is not a close mate of the member of the gang about whom one has complained and who simply snaps that they agree with Dafydd/whichever member of the gang of paedophiles one is trying to escape from.

 

Abel-Smith tells us that the NHS initially followed the tradition of the Chief Executive of the hospital being the medical superintendent, to whom the matron was responsible. Gwynne the lobotomist was the medical superintendent at Denbigh. As he was also the Chief Executive, if one did wish to make representation after one’s lobotomy – presuming that you could still hold a pen and manage to utter a few words – it was Gwynne one made representation to. However, things changed in the early 1960s when a new broom arrived in north Wales. In the form of Dafydd, who then took over as medical superintendent at Denbigh. And who presumably doubled up as Chief Exec.

 

Abel-Smith explained that as the medical superintendents of general hospitals retired, they were not replaced. An elected member of the medical staff became the channel of communication between the Top Docs and the Management Committees and that ‘later this arrangement was also applied to hospitals for the mentally ill and mentally handicapped’.

Dafydd’s time as medical superintendent did expire, but Dafydd didn’t. Neither did he go elsewhere, he continued banging his way around Denbigh and doing exactly what he wanted. Judging from my experience of Dafydd, he was the channel of communication between himself and everyone else on the planet, although I doubt that anyone had elected him to that position.

Abel-Smith notes that matrons were in ‘an unfavourable position’ compared with the medical staff. Well there it is from the horse’s mouth, I’ve been telling people this for years in the face of all the appeals to Bring Back Matron because she kept everyone in order. Matron didn’t. Matron did ensure that the beds had a nice hospital corner and hospitals in those days were usually clean, but Matron tortured the nursing students, bullied the Angels and ensured that only people in her own mould were appointed as Ward Sisters – people who kicked those below them in the chops repeatedly but toadied to Top Docs and colluded 100% with any wrongdoing. Matrons did wield a degree of authority over medical students and junior doctors, but one word from a Top Doc and Matron would back right off.

I have heard stories from Angels who nursed in the 1950s of student nurses in nurses homes being terrified by aggressive advances from lesbian senior nurses and Matron just telling them to go into their room and shut the door and not say any more about it. I was told by two now elderly nurses from two different hospitals of patients dying after medical students and junior doctors carried out ‘experimental treatment’ on them. Treatment that had been through no ethics committees, was not part of any programme, was done without anyone’s consent  and that could best be described as idiots out of their depth killing patients. Matron knew what was happening but had no authority at all in the face of lethal Top Docs.

 

With regard to funding decisions, in 1948 with the creation of the NHS, a circular was sent to hospital authorities which made it clear that the Minister for Health, Nye Bevan, wished Christmas to be celebrated and that there was authorisation for up to 5 shillings per patient and resident number of staff to be spent. In 1949 a circular from Bevan authorised the use of exchequer funds for patients to provide soap, toothpaste, razor blades, sanitary towels, a selection of newspapers but not ‘cosmetics, permanent-waving, postage stamps, tobacco and sweets’. Hospitals not providing these things is fair with regard to patients who are in for a few weeks at most and who’s relatives are bringing in the grapes every evening anyway. However patients in Denbigh were often there for forty years or more. In later years, those patients did receive a small allowance from social security, but because they weren’t allowed out, there was nothing for them to spend it on anyway, except for the limited range of sweets at the hospital shop and of course fags. All of those hospital shops had ample supplies of fags.

People often used to marvel that long term residents of places like Denbigh dressed in such ‘odd’ clothes, particularly that young women dressed in granny-dresses. The patients did not have access to any other clothes, even in the 1990s. Those hospitals had ‘spare clothes’ for patients who’s clothes wore out or were damaged and those spare clothes were ridiculous. They were not clothes that anyone else in that day and age would have worn. Where places like Denbigh managed to find such clothes from I do not know.

When I was a patient in Springfield Hospital in 1991, my shoes were stolen by another patient. Not in a theft type of way, this lady was brought in by the police late at night, she was an older lady who was completely psychotic and she spent the night in the TV room where I had left my shoes, making some interesting noises and yelling at her voices. In the morning she chucked her breakfast around the room, but not with any malice, it just went flying and then she told the Angels that she was off. Although the police had taken her to Springfield as being in need of care and safety, the Angels let her leave ‘because she’s been in here loads of times’ and she was just a nuisance. This lady took my shoes with her.

I didn’t have any other shoes and being really pissed off at the degree of neglect and callousness that was shown to the person who had gone off with my shoes as well as towards the rest of us, I told the Senior Angel that I thought that Springfield needed to take some responsibility for this and that I’d like the price of a pair of shoes to replace my others. They weren’t expensive, I just asked for £30. I was refused. I explained that I had NO other footwear. After a couple of hours a message was sent from Oppression Central to tell me that I could go to the hospital clothes shop and choose a pair of shoes free of charge. The one human being who worked as an Angel on the ward, a young mixed race student nurse, warned me that whatever shoes I chose, they would be really bad because that’s all that there was in the hospital shop and that I’d need to get some ‘normal’ shoes as soon as I got out of Springfield. She was right, the shoes and the rest of the clothes in the shop were like those that I had never seen before. Institutional 1950s items, nothing else. I didn’t even know that such things were manufactured anymore.

This was a hospital attached to a London medical school which boasted of a flagship Academic Psychiatry Unit. No wonder the long-stay patients looked like no-one else in south London. I selected the least grim shoes available – although they were seriously grim – and I did dispense with them as soon as I was out.

I cannot fathom how such a hospital shop existed. Someone manufactured those clothes and someone in south London in 1991 chose to buy them to sell to Springfield patients who needed clothes. No Angel, Top Doc, any other member of staff or indeed any other patient would have chosen to wear such such clothes. Patients entered Springfield wearing mainstream clothes. No-one resembled the characters from ‘One Flew Over The Cuckoo’s Nest’ in the least and furthermore some patients were quite cool and trendy. So what was going on?

Some years ago a clinical psychologist told me that the standing joke among the clin psych students when they began their training was that many of them would notice that the chronic patients would be wearing ‘schizophrenic trousers’, trousers which didn’t fit and which stopped a few inches above their ankles. I had a laugh at this observation because I’d noticed the syndrome myself, but the clin psych then told me that there was a belief that with chronic illness perhaps there was a problem with judgement and perception which caused people to be unable to choose clothes that fitted. It is an interesting theory, but schizophrenic trousers are far more likely to be the consequence of the utter neglect of the day to day needs of the patients and the presence of a ‘hospital shop’. At very best, the only other opportunities to acquire clothing are usually a brief visit to whatever clothes shop is nearest to the hospital which the Angels agree to take the patient to visit when the patient finally gets the written permission in triplicate needed to leave the hospital to visit a shop. The patient will probably be given ‘one hour’s leave’. They need to get out of the hospital, into the car with the Angels, to the shop, purchase the clothes, back into the Angels’ car, back to the hospital and down the corridor into the relevant  ward within the space of an hour. I suggest that the clin psych students try looking normal under such constraints, they won’t be able to.

 

Nye Bevan and his wife Jennie Lee were known for their champagne socialism lifestyle, their fondness for Harrods and other Knightsbridge shops. Nye Bevan and Jennie Lee lived in Belgravia, although much is made of Nye’s humble origins in Tredegar in south Wales. This is the hovel in which Nye grew up:

 

Historical picture,1950s, of the farm house in Tredegar, South Wales where Labour MP and Minister Aneurin 'Nye 'Bevan Stock Photo

 

I think that’s a rather nice hovel myself, I’d be quite chuffed if I was slumming it in there and even more chuffed if I actually owned that hovel. That hovel would have been a good deal grander than the houses in which many of Nye’s classmates lived.

Nye Bevan obviously did not feel that way about the hovel in Tredegar and he left south Wales to be among like minded souls.

 

Weekend Warriors | Busiestbodies's Blog

 

In 1953 a Committee Chaired by the Cambridge economist C.W. Guillebraud examined the present and prospective cost of the NHS to advise on how a rising charge could be avoided while maintaining an adequate service. Iain Macleod, the Minister for Health under Winston Churchill, set up the Committee. Why was Guillebraud’s expertise in particular sought? Abel-Smith doesn’t explain, but Guillebraud had been Macleod’s tutor at Cambridge.

Iain Macleod was born in and spent his youth in Yorkshire, although he attended boarding schools in Scotland. He was the son of a Top Doctor, was close to his father, interested in medicine and accompanied his father on his rounds. Iain Macleod trained as a barrister, but his main income after he qualified was not from his legal work but from gambling, Macleod being an accomplished bridge player. He was Chairman of the Conservative Party at the time of the Profumo Affair. Macleod later became Chancellor of the Exchequer under Ted Heath.

Macleod had many high dramas in his life. At the age of 27, when serving in the British Army as a staff captain, a drunk Macleod nearly killed his boss, a Captain Dawtry. Dawtry had retired to bed rather than play stud poker with Macleod. Macleod shot at Dawtry’s door until his revolver ran out of bullets and then passed out after smashing down the door with a heavy piece of furniture. Macleod demanded an apology from Dawtry the next morning for his refusal to play poker, although the two men remained friends thereafter. Dawtry later became Chief Clerk of Westminster Council.

Macleod was selected as the Conservative candidate for Enfield in 1946, amid allegations of skulduggery. Macleod was strongly supported by the local Young Conservatives, who could vote on constituency association matters despite in some cases being not yet old enough to vote for Parliament.  One of the branch officers for the Enfield constituency was fifteen year old Norman Tebbit. Macleod was subsequently elected as Tory MP for the more winnable seat of Enfield West in 1950.

Macleod worked for Rab Butler in the Conservative Research Dept just before being elected to Parliament. Along with Enoch Powell, Angus Maude and Reginald Maudling, Macleod was seen as a protégé of Butler at the CRD. Butler was later to become a big mate of Trumpers’ when Butler retired from politics and became Master of Trinity College, Cambridge (see post ’95 Glorious Years’). Macleod and Powell were close friends at this time, although Macleod subsequently dropped Powell after Powell’s 1968 ‘Rivers Of Blood’ speech.

It was Macleod who in 1952 announced that Top Doctor Richard Doll had demonstrated the link between smoking and lung cancer. Macleod did so at a press conference throughout which he chain-smoked. Macleod was a Cabinet Minister in Eden’s Gov’t at the time of the Suez Crisis and Randolph Churchill alleged that Macleod almost resigned on 4 Nov 1956. Robert Carr, junior Minister at the Ministry of Labour, wrote that Macleod had doubts but was not especially morally outraged and that Carr saw no evidence that he planned to resign. William Rees-Mogg claimed that Butler persuaded Macleod not to resign, while a lady friend of Macleod’s recorded him turning up at her flat, demanding a drink and declaring that he would have to resign having learned that Eden had deceived the Cabinet.

Suez alienated academics, journalists and other opinion-formers from the Conservative Party. William Rees-Mogg, then a Conservative candidate in the North East, made a speech urging that Macleod be party leader. David Astor of ‘The Observer’, who on 4 Nov 1956 had attacked Eden for ‘crookedness’ in an editorial, wrote to Macleod on 14 Nov, urging him to seize the party leadership so that collusion could be pinned on Eden and Selwyn Lloyd. On 20 Nov 1956 the question of collusion was raised in Cabinet, with Eden and Lloyd (who was in New York at a UN meeting) both absent; it has been suggested that it was probably Macleod who raised it. The Cabinet agreed to stick to Selwyn Lloyd’s formula that Britain had not incited the Israeli attack on Egypt. Eden stepped down as PM in Jan 1957 and Macleod – despite his closeness to Butler – along with the overwhelming majority of his colleagues, backed Harold Macmillan for leader.

In 1958 Macleod, as Minister of Labour, saw the London bus strike. Macleod initially accepted his own Chief Industrial Commissioner’s Investigation into the busmens’ case. Macmillan, backed by the Cabinet, insisted on settling a separate railwaymen’s strike, despite an arbitration award against them, as it was felt that they had more public sympathy than the busmen. On the bus issue, Macleod was overruled and forced to pick a fight with Frank Cousins, the leader of the TGWU, on the pretext that they accept an independent arbitration award. Macmillan had picked a scrap shrewdly, as the busmen had no allies amongst the other unions. Cousins felt compelled to support the strike and Opposition leader Hugh Gaitskill criticised the Gov’t in a speech at Glasgow and moved a motion of censure over Macleod’s treatment of the strike. Macleod, in his Commons speech of 8 May, made a blistering attack on Gaitskell. He was congratulated afterwards by the Labour frontbencher Alf Robens. Roy Jenkins described Macleod’s attack on Gaitskell as ‘high order jugular debating’, accused Gaitskell of weak leadership in appeasing the militants of his own party and attacked him for refusing to endorse the findings of the arbitration tribunal. Cousins wanted to call out the petrol tanker drivers, in breach of another agreement, but was blocked from doing so by the TUC. The strike ended after seven weeks and Macmillan dated the Gov’ts recovery in the polls from this point. Macleod had acquired a national reputation as a tough figure.

Macleod was appointed Secretary of State for the Colonies in Oct 1959. He had never set foot in any of Britain’s colonies, but the Hola massacre had helped focus his thinking on the inevitable end of Empire. In Nyasaland (later Malawi), Macleod pushed for the release of Hastings Banda, contrary to the advice of the Governor and of other politicians. He had to threaten resignation in the Cabinet to get his own way, but won Macmillan round. Banda was released in April 1960 and almost immediately invited to London for talks aimed at bringing about independence. During a visit to Nyasaland in 1960, Macleod is described as having been ‘gratuitously and grossly offensive, extremely rude and downright unpleasant at a meeting with the Governor, the provincial commissioners and senior police officers’. During Hastings Banda’s time as President it is estimated that 18,000 people were killed as a result of human rights abuses. Banda also retained links with apartheid South Africa.

Macleod described his own policy over North Rhodesia (modern Zambia) as ‘incredibly devious and tortuous’ but ‘easily the one I am most proud of’.

In 1961 Macleod published a sympathetic biography of former PM Neville Chamberlain, whose reputation then stood at a very low ebb. The book was largely ghostwritten and had been intended as a potboiler to earn money for Macleod’s daughter’s social season. Macleod used Gov’t papers in breach of the ‘fifty year rule’ then in operation. The PM demanded amendments to conceal the degree of Cabinet involvement in the abdication of King Edward VIII (who was still alive in 1961) and the degree to which two civil servants had demanded that the former King ‘reorder his private life’ afterwards.  Macleod later said ‘It was a bad book. I made a great mistake in writing it. It made me no money and it has done me a lot of harm’.

Macleod became Editor of ‘The Spectator’ and in Jan 1964 published a candid account of the 1963 Tory Party leadership contest, claiming that it was a stitch- up by an Etonian ‘magic circle.’ In his posthumously published book The Art of Memory (April 1982) Rab Butler wrote that ‘every word’ of ‘The Spectator’ article ‘is true’.  Colleagues ‘cut’ Macleod in the Commons after the article and the affair permanently damaged his chances of becoming leader.

Macleod also became a non-executive director of Lombards Bank, which allowed him a chauffeur-driven car.

As Shadow Chancellor in 1967 Iain Macleod helped to found the homeless charity Crisis. Crisis has spent decades not being quite as frank as it could be regarding the numbers of homeless people who were/are kids in care fleeing abuse or the serious neglect shown towards homeless people by the NHS.

Heath appointed Macleod Chancellor in June 1970, but Macleod died the following month. He left behind him an outline budget which included the infamous abolition of free school milk, which became the first significant Ministerial act of the new Education Secretary, Margaret Thatcher. Macleod’s seat was succeeded by Cecil Parkinson.

Macleod coined the term ‘nanny state’.

During his time as Health Minister, Iain Macleod was considered to have consolidated rather than reformed the NHS and defended it against Treasury attacks on its budget.

 

In addition to Macleod’s old tutor Guillebaud, the Committee included J.W. Cook, Professor of Chemistry at Glasgow University; Anne Godwin, Assistant General Secretary of the Clerical and Administrative Workers’ Union; Sir John Maude, past Permanent Secretary of the Ministry of Health and Sir Geoffrey Vickers of the National Coal Board.

The Clerical and Administrative Worker’s Union became the Association of Professional, Executive, Clerical and Computer Staff (APEX) in 1972. APEX was one of the most right wing unions and was at the centre of the Grunwick dispute in the 1970s. APEX advised some immigrant female workers who were being treated appallingly very badly. In the end APEX walked away from them, leaving those workers to be completely shafted. See post ‘A Study In Tyranny’.

Sir Geoffrey Vickers was a soldier, lawyer, administrator and writer. From 1946-48 he was the first Legal Advisor to the NCB. Then Vickers became a member of NCB in charge of manpower, training, education, health and welfare, 1948–55.

Vickers was a member of the Council of the Law Society, 1938-50, a member of the MRC, 1952-60 and Chairman of the Research Committee of the Mental Health Research Fund, 1951-67. During WWII Vickers served as Deputy Director General at the Ministry of Economic Warfare in charge of economic intelligence and as a member of the Joint Intelligence Committee.

For statistical background, the Guillebraud Committee used a memorandum published by Cambridge University Press: ‘The Cost of the National Health Service in England and Wales’ written by one Brian Abel-Smith and Richard Titmuss.

Professor Richard Titmuss was Abel-Smith’s senior colleague at the LSE who was as committed to demonstrating that the NHS was a Good Thing as Abel-Smith was. It’s not that I would have preferred Abel-Smith and Titmuss to have completely opposed the NHS, but they colluded with an enormous degree of deceit by perpetrating the myth that the Poor got a really good deal out of the NHS. They didn’t, the very poorest were getting a very raw deal and the organised abuse of vulnerable people was being facilitated by parts of the NHS from its establishment. The necessity of continuing the lie that the NHS was all about equity and caring for those at the bottom of the heap ensured that the Top Docs and the BMA called all the shots and demanded very high salaries entirely their own terms in tandem with virtually no accountability. Furthermore, the cost of running the NHS was systematically and deliberately underestimated in order to overcome the substantial opposition that there was to it.

No Gov’t has been able to reign the BMA in or indeed reign in the cost of the NHS. Privately, every PM and Health Minister acknowledges that the BMA are an absolute nightmare. Even Tony Blair didn’t satisfy the Top Docs, although he threw money at them and concealed extensive patient harm and death by fiddling statistics and ignoring the gunning down of whistleblowers, even in the case of Mid-Staffs. Only one Health Minister has ever pleased the Top Docs and that was Sir Kenneth Robinson, Health Minister under Harold Wilson. Robinson colluded with the most serious wrongdoing on the part of Top Docs, including the trafficking of vulnerable people and indulged in sleights of hand to give the impression that he was thrashing out fair deals in an uncompromising manner, when in reality he took orders from the Top Docs. See posts ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ and ‘Heart of Darkness’.                   .

 

The Guillebraud Committee’s Report was published in early 1956. As Abel-Smith explains in his HMSO publication, the Report concluded that the early estimates of the cost of the NHS were far too low. The estimates had been ‘made before the levels of pay of those working in the NHS had been settled’. That is a reference to the Top Docs who famously had their mouths stuffed with gold by Nye Bevan. Angels at that time were badly paid and the ancillary staff were near-slaves.

There was also an ‘unforeseen demand’ for spectacles and dentures. Except that it wasn’t unforeseen, it was known that a high proportion of the adult population did not have teeth, it was entirely predictable that there’d be a run on dentures. During the first 12 yrs of the NHS, ‘new’ ‘expensive’ drugs became available, including psychotropics ie. those which Gwynne and Dafydd used to drug their victims senseless. The drugs were ‘expensive’ because of the profits that the drug companies knew that they could make from flogging their wares to the NHS. So measures were introduced to limit prescribing, rather than enter meaningful negotiations with drug companies with a view to making drugs available to the NHS at lower cost.

The Minister for Health under Anthony Eden, Robin Turton, told Parliament that the Government ‘broadly accepted’ the conclusions of Guillebraud’s Report. An editorial in ‘The Times’ said the Report might superficially seem to be ‘a bluebook full of hogwash’ but that in fact the Committee had ‘argued their case with considerable thoroughness.’ The Report might have indeed been hogwash but no-one was going to dare say that, it was the nation’s pride and joy, the NHS at stake…

Like Iain Macleod, Robin Turton was a barrister who came from Yorkshire. Turton was the Tory MP for Thirsk and Malton, 1929-74. Turton was given a peerage in 1974.

 

Abel-Smith tells us that in 1955, the Gov’t embarked upon some major hospital building schemes and that Health Minister Iain Macleod ‘gave priority’ to relieving over-crowding in hospitals for the mentally ill and mentally handicapped. In the year 1956-57, nearly one third of the total capital expenditure of Regional Hospital Boards was devoted to such institutions and by 1960, the capital expenditure was 80% greater in real terms than in 1949. So enormous sums of money were being spent on keeping people locked up in appalling conditions in institutions like the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Bryn-y-Neuadd. The conditions in these places were no secret, although throughout the 1960s and 70s there were a series of scandals in which it was ‘revealed’ that people were being neglected and abused. Of course people in Gov’t and running the NHS knew what was going on, those institutions consumed nearly a third of the budget, no-one would have waved good-bye to that sort of money with no idea of what was being done with it.

 

In the 1950s there were fears ‘in medical circles’ that Britain was training too many Top Docs, so medical schools reduced their intake. In Feb 1955 a Committee was appointed to estimate the long term demand for Top Docs and it concluded that ‘reduction of student intake by about one tenth’ was needed ‘from as early a date as is practicable’. But whoops, the Committee failed to identify the extent of migration of British trained Top Docs to North America, Australasia and elsewhere, which led to problems with the supply and distribution of GPs and a reliance on immigrant Top Docs.

My how things haven’t changed. One thing that Top Docs forget to mention when the Shortage Of Top Doctors is discussed in the media and the BMA are fuming about Irresponsible Gov’ts allowing this to happen, is that the numbers entering medical schools are controlled by the Top Docs themselves. The different branches of the medical establishment are entirely in control of how many Top Docs are trained in the UK. One reason why the Top Docs are keen to ensure that not too many Top Docs are coming off the conveyor belt is that the Top Docs want to keep their market value. A modest supply of Top Docs means that salaries remain high. It also means that if the Top Docs want to behave like complete turds and throw hissy fits instead of entering into negotiations with Gov’t, it is far easier to do so if there is not a large pool of Top Docs for the Gov’t to draw upon to get the work done if some of their colleagues get arsey.

 

Abel-Smith referred to problems regarding the shortage of accommodation for mentally ill and mentally handicapped being aggravated by persistent under-staffing. He stated that over 5000 additional beds was provided for these patients between 1954 and 1960, but that it made no difference to waiting lists.

This does not add up. Statistics tells us that the population of the long-stay psychiatric institutions reached a peak in 1954 at a time of near mass incarceration and then gradually started declining. ‘New forms’ of treatment were cutting lengths of stay. From the early 1950s certain hospitals greatly reduced restrictions and encouraged ‘new attitudes’ to the care of patients. By 1954, new drugs had made it ‘easier to control and relieve symptoms’. And ‘new non-physical and social ways of treating patients’ were spreading. Increasingly the functions of the hospitals were seen to be treatment and rehabilitation rather than care and control. More patients were treated without admission and it became less common for patients to stay in hospital for long periods. Psychiatric units began to be established to treat the mentally ill in general hospitals near their own homes instead of at large distant specialist hospitals.

I don’t think that any of this was true of north Wales. Patients in Denbigh were locked up, lobotomised, electro-shocked and drugged for decades after it was claimed that the ‘new attitude’ and ‘social treatment’ were changing attitudes to patients.

As for the rest of the UK, even if they weren’t blessed with Gwynne and Dafydd, if 5000 extra beds were made available, if the population of psychiatric institutions was falling, why were waiting lists not decreasing? I am wondering if it was true that the numbers incarcerated in Denbigh and similar places really were falling to the extent that had been claimed.

 

Between 1954 and 1957 a Royal Commission Chaired by Lord Percy re-examined the laws governing patients with mental illness or handicap. It was on the basis of this Commission’s Report that the Mental Health Act 1959 was written. It is always stressed that the 1959 Act led to the vast majority of patients ‘being admitted to whatever hospital was appropriate without any legal formality’. Moreover where compulsory powers had to be used, the decisions to use them was taken by Top Docs and social workers, magistrates no longer being involved in such matters.

Dafydd qualified as a Top Doctor shortly before the Mental Health Act 1959 came into being and he did great damage to numerous people under this Act. Psychiatry was by 1959 well-established as a speciality with which no competent doctor would wish to concern themselves and  by that time it was also most definitely being used to silence bothersome people, including the victims of the crimes of people who’s lives and careers would have been destroyed if their offending had been made public. Social workers – or almoners as they were known back then – had no power and simply did what Top Doctors asked them to do.

Welsh speaking Dafydd along with the Welsh speaking social worker who joined him in the 1960s (see post ‘The Village’) used the Mental Health Act 1959 to wreak havoc in north Wales in the name of helping their fellow countrymen. It wasn’t only the North Wales Hospital Denbigh which was used to conceal organised abuse, the Maudsley was as well, as I expect was nearly every psychiatric hospital in the UK.

It was under the Mental Health Act 1959 that Dafydd illegally imprisoned Mary Wynch in 1979. After the scandal surrounding Mary’s case, the Mental Health Act was updated and the Mental Health Act 1983 was passed. The 1983 Act was written by Professor Robert Bluglass, Dafydd’s mate. The code of practice which accompanied the 1983 Act was written by William Bingley, who for decades both in his capacity as Legal Director of MIND and as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission, concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang, as did William’s mother, Lady Juliet Bingley, in her years of service to MIND (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course…’). Bluglass was appointed to ‘investigate’ my complaint about Dafydd et al illegally imprisoning me by breaching the 1983 Act (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). There was no action taken against anyone. I know of at least one other person who was illegally imprisoned in Ysbyty Gwynedd under a breach of the 1983 Act by Gwynedd social worker Jackie Brandt, who was involved in one of my unlawful detentions. When I was in Bryn Golau Ward, North Wales Hospital Denbigh, as far as I could work out everyone else that I became very friendly with – some five people – were also held illegally. I suspect that had I known the circumstances of the detention of everyone on the ward, I’d have found that they were all there illegally. Every law was flouted and no-one was held to account. ‘Improved’ Mental Health Acts were irrelevant.

So who was Lord Percy, the genius who took the remit for banging people up for decades away from Magistrates – where it was at least publicly visible – and gave it to a totally corrupt medical profession and a bunch of craven social workers, ensuring that abuses of the law were then conducted under the cloak of medical confidentiality, allowing Dafydd et al to break the law in complete secrecy, making it spectacularly easy for an abusive family to dispose of one of their members?

Eustace Sutherland Campbell Percy, 1st Baron Percy of Newcastle was born in 1887. Lord Percy had died by the time the Act which his Commission recommended had been passed. Percy was a diplomat and Conservative politician. He most notably served as President of the Board of Education under Stanley Baldwin, 1924-29.

It is possible that Lord Percy knew the people who occupied senior positions in the education service in north Wales at that time. One of those was the schools inspector, J.E. Daniel, who’s son Huw Daniel is the corrupt judge who was so looking forward to imprisoning me in 2004 on the basis of the perjury of NHS staff (see post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’). Dafydd knows Huw Daniel and probably knew J.E. Daniel as well. J.E. Daniel was an early member of Plaid, along with Saunders Lewis, whom Dafydd was mates with when Dafydd was young (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’). J.E. Daniel was a Professor at the Bala Theological College, an institution with which the father of Dafydd Iwan and Alun Ffred Jones was associated. Dafydd Iwan is the former Leader of Gwynedd County Council and folk singer who wrote a ‘tribute song’ to Dafydd. Alun Ffred was the AM for Caernarfon, 2003-07 and for Arfon, 2007-16. Before he was elected as an AM, Alun Ffred, like his brother, was the Leader of Gwynedd County Council. He worked as a school teacher and subsequently a journo with HTV and a TV Director and Producer with S4C. Alun Ffred is a graduate of UCNW.

Like Huw Daniel, Dafydd Iwan and Alun Ffred, Lord Percy was born into a noble family, as opposed to Dafydd who is of peasant stock. Lord Percy was the seventh son of Henry Percy, 7th Duke of Northumberland and Lady Edith, daughter of George Campbell, 8th Duke of Argyll. Henry Percy, Earl Percy and Alan Percy, 8th Duke of Northumberland, were his elder brothers. His uncle, the ninth Duke of Argyll, was married to HRH Princess Louise, daughter of Queen Victoria. He was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford.

My knowledge of the ancestry of the very posh is seriously weak, but I presume that Lord Percy of the Banging Up Of The Inconvenient Witnesses is some sort of descendant of a branch of the family which contains the Earls of Northumberland. The 1st Earl of Northumberland was Henry Percy, father of the famous Harry Hotspur. Henry Percy and Hotspur were given the task of subduing the rebellion of Owain Glyndwr, but their attempts to make peace with the Welsh rebels did not meet with the King’s approval.
Lord Eustace Percy served in the Diplomatic Service, 1911-19. He was MP for Hastings, 1921-37. In March 1923 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary to the Board of Education by Bonar Law. When Stanley Baldwin became PM in May 1923, Percy became Parliamentary Secretary to the Ministry of Health, where he remained until the fall of the Gov’t in Jan 1924. When the Conservatives returned to power in November 1924, Percy was appointed President of the Board of Education. He remained in post until the Gov’t fell in June 1929. Percy subsequently served as Minister without Portfolio under Baldwin, 1935-36. In 1945, Percy chaired the Committee on Higher Technological Education that resulted in the Percy Report. He was Rector of King’s College, Durham (now Newcastle University), 1937-51, in which role he also alternated in the post of VC of Durham University. In 1953 Eustace Percy was given a peerage.
There was a paedophile/trafficking ring based in the North East of England with direct links to Dafydd’s gang based in north Wales, which like Dafydd’s gang had its origins at least as long ago as the 1950s. The gang in the North East was concealed by the Universities of Durham and Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Gwynne and Dafydd’s umbrella Lord John Walton who was President of the BMA, 1980-82, of the GMC, 1982-89 and of the Royal Society of Medicine, 1984-86, qualified at Durham/Newcastle and spent his entire medical career there (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’).
Here’s Walton brimming over with charming bedside manner:
  • Appointment with the Dean - City Church Newcastle
Walton will have qualified and worked as a junior doctor when Eustace Percy was Rector/VC of Durham. The well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend Professor Eric Sunderland who arrived as Principal of UCNW in 1984 as the paedophiles sent up a distress flare had previously held a senior role at Durham University, where he had spent many years. Eric was originally from west Wales. Where there was a paedophile gang with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. Eric’s wife was from a family in the North East of England.

 

 

Abel-Smith noted that the 1959 Mental Health Act imposed a statutory duty on local authorities to provide accommodation, training and day centres to care for the mentally ill and mentally handicapped outside hospital. Not only was this so obviously completely ignored in north Wales – such services were only just being developed in 1989 – but Abel-Smith admits in his publication that many local authorities did indeed simply not bother to develop the services as ordered by the Act.

During the second half of the 1950s, relationships between Gov’t and the Top Docs became strained over Top Docs pay. Never mind the scandal of mass incarceration, there’s the Top Docs pay to think about. In early 1956, the Top Docs demanded more dosh – despite Nye Bevan having stuffed their mouths with gold less than 10 years earlier. In July the Gov’t stated that they were not willing to look at the Top Docs’ pay claim. The Gov’t finally conceded to an interim payment and set up a Royal Commission in early 1957 to examine Top Docs and dentists pay. The Royal Commission reported in early 1960 and recommended a considerable increase in remuneration, which was paid retrospectively. A review body reporting direct to the PM was established to advise on Top Docs pay in the future, as recommended by the Royal Commission. The Royal Commission was Chaired by Sir Harry Pilkington.

William Henry Pilkington was a glass manufacturer and former President of the Federation of British Industries. He was Chairman of the Pilkington Committee on Broadcasting that produced the controversial Pilkington Report of 1962. Sir Harry was Chancellor of Loughborough University, 1966-80.

Pilkington was educated at Rugby, followed by Magdalene College, Cambridge. He joined the board of the family business, Pilkington Brothers Ltd in 1934 and served as Chairman, 1949-73. The Pilkington business – later known as Pilkington Glass – was based in St Helen’s and for years was the biggest employer in the town. By the 1970s, Dafydd had built up a substantial empire on Merseyside (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

Canon Chris Pilkington, who was involved with the Bristol Cancer Centre which was at the middle of a research fraud in 1990 (see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’), was a member of the Pilkington Glass dynasty and for many years was Rector of the City Parish of St Stephen’s in Bristol. Dafydd’s partner in crime Dr D.G.E. Wood came from a family of Top Doctors in Bristol and had a stronghold in that area.

Sir Alastair Pilkington was Chairman of Pilkington, 1973-80 and Sir Antony Pilkington – a distant cousin of Sir Alastair – was Chairman, 1980-95. Sir Antony’s uncle, Sir Richard Pilkington, was Tory MP for Widnes, 1935-45 and then Poole, 1951-64. Sir Richard was born on Merseyside and his father Arthur Pilkington was Chairman of Pilkington.

In response to the industrial recession of the early 1980s, Pilkington’s had reduced its workforce from 11,500 to 6,700. But they did so on generous terms and much effort – through the pioneering community of St Helen’s Trust, of which Antony Pilkington was founder Chairman in 1978 – to create small-business opportunities for those made redundant. Antony Pilkington was also a Director of GKN, National Westminster Bank and ICI. He was a Governor of Liverpool John Moores University, a member of the Court of Manchester University, a Deputy Lieutenant for Merseyside and High Sheriff of Cheshire in 1996-97.

So Sir Antony was in the midst of many of those previously named on this blog as being involved with or concealing the paedophile ring in north Wales and the north west of England. He was Chairing a company facing serious difficulties on Merseyside in the 1980s. Sir Antony had the disastrous effects of Thatcher’s policies on Merseyside – and then the aftermath – to contend with and he was at the centre of the Liverpool branch of the empire of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles’ friends. He was a Governor of Liverpool John Moores – another Governor was John Hamilton, a very close friend of the paedophiles indeed. Cherie Booth was Chancellor of Liverpool John Moores. Then there was Eric Heffer, Derek Hatton and others on Sir Antony’s doorstep. The whole lot of them were at each others throats and concealing the serious criminality of Dafydd and co (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

Sir Antony would have been in a very difficult position indeed.

A senior manager who spent many years with Pilkington’s optronics subsidiary in north Wales, Pilkington PE – which later became Thales Optics Ltd and was then divested from Thales in 2005 as Qioptiq Ltd – knew a great deal about serious organised crime and the abuse of children in north Wales. That is Trevor Jones, the Chancellor of Glyndwr University. Trevor Jones has alighted at every notorious stop during his journey as a paedophiles’ friend – including membership of Clwyd Health Authority whilst Dafydd illegally imprisoned the victims of the paedophile gang in the dungeon there. For full details of Trevor and his criminal associates, see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’

William Henry Pilkington was created a life peer in 1968.
The pit of crap is so deep and touches so many people that the Top Docs get their dosh whenever they ask for it.

 

Chapter 3 of Brian Abel-Smith’s book, is entitled ‘Growth and Development – 1960-74’. There is a reference to Enoch Powell’s ‘The Hospital Plan’ of 1962, which Powell produced when he was Health Minister. Abel-Smith does not mention Powell’s VIP visit to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which resulted in Powell being so horrified by what he saw that he told the reception committee ‘I will not allow you to do this to people’, returned to London, made his famous ‘Water Towers’ speech and announced the asylum closure programme. Yet Powell never returned to this subject again and I was told by the archivist responsible for the Powell papers that there are no other references to asylums in his papers apart from the Water Towers speech. Someone ensured that Powell left well alone, but I have no idea who. I’m sure that it will have been because of the role of Dafydd et al in the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Powell’s own name is in circulation as someone who may have been involved in the abuse of youngsters. Powell was known to have difficulties in his relationships with women and as a young man he fell in love with other men, but I have been given no evidence that he was an abuser. But someone definitely told him to leave Dafydd and Gwynne alone.

 

In 1966 the paedophiles’ friend Health Minister Sir Kenneth Robinson published a revised version of Powell’s Hospital Plan. It was a more modest plan, but more costly. No wonder the Top Docs loved Sir Kenneth.

It was while Sir Kenneth was Health Minister that Dafydd was given a job as a consultant at Denbigh.

 

Abel-Smith explained that by 1974, there was a plan for a network of District General hospitals across Wales, which Abel-Smith stated – he was writing in 1978 –  ‘should be largely completed in the 1980s’.

A Royal Commission on medical education was appointed in 1965. It issued an internal memo in 1966 stating the urgent need to increase the number of medical students. The final Report of the Commission appeared in 1968 and following this, Harold Wilson’s Gov’t announced plans to nearly double the number of medical students by 1980. The Royal Commission was set up under Kenneth Robinson and was Chaired by Lord Alexander Todd.

Alexander Robertus Todd was a Nobel winning biochemist. Todd graduated from Glasgow University in 1928 and received his PhD from Johann Wolfgang Goethe University of Frankfurt am Mein in 1931. Todd gained another doctorate in 1933 after studying at Oriel College, Oxford. After that, Todd held posts with the Lister Institute, Edinburgh University and the University of London. He spent six months as a visiting Professor at California Institute of Technology and became the Sir Samuel Hall Chair of Chemistry and Director of the Chemical Laboratories of Manchester University in 1938. In 1944, Todd was appointed to the Chair of Chemistry at Cambridge University, which he held until his retirement in 1971. Todd served as a visiting Professor at the University of Chicago in  1948 and University of Sydney in 1950.

Among much other work, Todd  studied alkaloids found in hashish and as Dafydd would say, mari-jew-ana. He served as Chairman of the Gov’ts advisory committee on scientific policy, 1952-64.

Todd was appointed Chancellor of the University of Strathclyde 1975 and a visiting Professor at Hatfield Poly, 1978–1986. Neil Hamilton, the former Tory MP for Tatton who left his seat after public disgrace as a result of allegations of cash for questions and attended social functions with Sir Peter Morrison – Thatcher’s personal friend who was abusing children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and elsewhere – worked as a lecturer at Hatfield Poly while Todd was a visiting Professor there.

Todd was President of the Royal Society, 1975-80. In 1981, Todd became a founding member of the World Cultural Council. Todd was honoured as a Nieuwland Lecturer at the University of Notre Dame in 1948, an Arthur D. Little Visiting Professor at Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1954 and a Hitchcock Lecturer at the University of California, Berkeley, in 1957.

In 1937 Lord Todd married Alison Sarah, daughter of Nobel Prize winner Sir Henry Dale, who like Todd served as President of the Royal Society. They had a son, Alexander Henry, and two daughters, Helen Jean and Hilary Alison. Alison predeceased Lord Todd in 1987.

Sir Henry Dale was a pharmacologist and physiologist who, when he was a medical student, was at the centre of an early 20th century vivisection scandal, the Brown Dog Affair. Dale was educated at The Leys School – Trumpers’s husband was Headmaster there years later (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’) and The Leys is so proud of Henry Dale that one of the school’s houses is named after him – and Trinity College, Cambridge. During WWII he served on the Scientific Advisory Panel to the Cabinet. Dale was Chairman of the Wellcome Trust, 1938-60.

In Feb 1903, William Bayliss of the Department of Physiology at UCL performed an illegal vivisection, before an audience of 60 medical students, on a brown terrier dog. Bayliss was an enthusiastic vivisectionist, even by the standards of the time.

The Brown Dog was first used in a vivisection in Dec 1902 by Bayliss’s brother-in-law Ernest Starling, who was Professor of Physiology at UCL. Starling cut open the Brown Dog’s abdomen and ligated the pancreatic duct. For the next two months the Brown Dog lived in a cage, until Starling and Bayliss used him again for two procedures on 2 Feb 1903. Outside the lecture room before the students arrived, Starling cut the Brown Dog open again to inspect the results of the previous surgery, after which he clamped the wound with forceps and handed the dog over to Bayliss. Bayliss cut a new opening in the dog’s neck to expose the lingual nerves of the salivary glands, to which he attached electrodes. The aim was to stimulate the nerves with electricity to demonstrate that salivary pressure was independent of blood pressure. The Brown Dog was then carried to the lecture theatre, stretched on his back on an operating board, with his legs tied to the board, his head clamped and his mouth muzzled.

According to Bayliss, the dog had received morphine, then was anaesthetized during the procedure. Some Swedish feminist students who were anti-vivisectionists had infiltrated the lecture and they disputed that the Brown Dog had been adequately anaesthetized. They said that the dog had appeared conscious during the procedure, had tried to lift himself off the board and that there was no smell of anaesthesia or the usual hissing sound of the apparatus. Other students said the Brown Dog had not struggled, but had merely twitched.

In front of around 60 students, Bayliss stimulated the nerves with electricity for half an hour, but was unable to demonstrate his point. The dog was then handed to Henry Dale, then a research student, who removed the dog’s pancreas, then killed him with a knife through the heart. Dale did not have an animal license and throughout the experimentation upon and the subsequent killing of the Brown Dog, the audience of students had laughed and joked.

Barrister and Secretary of the National Anti-Vivisection Society Stephen Coleridge was given extensive notes which the Swedish students had taken while watching the vivisection of the Brown Dog. Stephen Coleridge was the son of John Duke Coleridge, former Lord Chief Justice of England and great-grandson of the poet Samuel Taylor Coleridge. Stephen Coleridge gave an angry speech about the Brown Dog on 1 May 1903 to the annual meeting of the National Anti-Vivisection Society in Piccadilly, attended by 2,000-3,000 people and accused the scientists of torture. Details of the speech were published the next day by the radical ‘Daily News’. Questions were subsequently raised in the House. Bayliss demanded a public apology and when by 12 May it had failed to materialize he issued a writ for libel. Ernest Starling decided not to sue.  ‘The Lancet’ wrote that ‘it may be contended that Professor Starling … committed a technical infringement of the Act.’ (The law had actually been flouted in a number of ways.) 

The libel trial opened at the Old Bailey on 11 Nov 1903 before Lord Alverstone, the Lord Chief Justice and lasted four days. There were queues 30 yards long outside the courthouse. The British Medical Journal called it ‘a test case of the utmost gravity’. Lord Alverstone advised the jury not to be swayed by arguments about the validity of vivisection. The jury unanimously found that Bayliss had been defamed, to the applause of Top Doctors in the public gallery. Bayliss was awarded £2,000 with £3,000 costs; Coleridge gave him a cheque the next day.

The Daily News asked for donations and raised £5,700 within four months to cover Coleridge’s costs. Bayliss donated his damages to UCL for use in research; Bayliss ignored the Daily Mails suggestion that he call it the ‘Stephen Coleridge Vivisection Fund’. It was suggested in 2004 that the fund may still have been in use then to buy animals. The Times declared itself satisfied with the verdict, although it criticized the rowdy behaviour of medical students during the trial, accusing them of ‘medical hooliganism’. The SunStar and Daily News backed Coleridge, calling the decision a miscarriage of justice. The Brown Dog Affair led to a Gov’t appointed Second Royal Commission on Vivisection in 1906.

After the trial, Anna Louisa Woodward, founder of the World League Against Vivisection, raised money for a public memorial and a bronze statue of the Brown Dog was commissioned. Battersea Council agreed to locate the statue in its Latchmere Recreation Ground. Battersea was considered to be a hotbed of radicalism and was closely associated with anti-vivisection. The statue was unveiled in Sept 1906 in front of a large crowd with speakers which included George Bernard Shaw.

 

photograph

 

The statue was accompanied by a plaque which was inscribed with the words:

In Memory of the Brown Terrier Dog Done to Death in the Laboratories of University College in February 1903 after having endured Vivisection extending over more than Two Months and having been handed over from one Vivisector to Another Till Death came to his Release. Also in Memory of the 232 dogs Vivisected at the same place during the year 1902. Men and Women of England how long shall these Things be?

Medical students in London’s teaching hospitals were enraged by the inscription and UCL sought advice as to whether they could take legal action over it. Meanwhile, London medical students rioted. On 20 Nov 1907 a group of students attacked the statue with a crowbar and sledgehammer. Ten of them were arrested by just two police officers. A local Top Doctor told the South Western Star that this signalled the ‘utter degeneration’ of junior doctors: ‘I can remember the time when it was more than 10 policemen could do to take one student. The Anglo-Saxon race is played out.’ They just weren’t making junior medics like they used to.

Several students were fined ₤5 by the magistrate, Paul Taylor. This triggered another protest two days later, when 1,000 medical students from UCL, King’s, Guy’s and the West Middlesex hospitals marched along the Strand, waving miniature brown dogs on sticks and a life-sized effigy of the magistrate, and singing, ‘Let’s hang Paul Taylor on a sour apple tree / As we go marching on’. The Times reported that they tried to burn the effigy but, unable to light it, threw it in the Thames instead. Women’s suffrage meetings were invaded, though the students knew that not all suffragettes were anti-vivisectionists. A meeting organized by Millicent Fawcett on 5 Dec 1907 was left with chairs and tables smashed and one steward with a torn ear. The Daily Express reported it as ‘Medical Students Gallant Fight with Women.’

Here’s a feminist with a sense of history who gives the Top Doctors her unstinting support under all circumstances:

 

Literary Festivals.Hundreds of annual Book Festival ...

 

The rioting reached its height five days later, on 10 Dec, when 100 medical students tried to pull the memorial down. The protest had been organized to coincide with the annual Oxford-Cambridge rugby match at Queen’s Club, West Kensington. The protesters hoped (in vain, as it turned out) that some of the thousands of Oxbridge students would swell their numbers. The intention was that, after toppling the statue and throwing it in the Thames, 2,000–3,000 students would meet at 11:30 pm in Trafalgar Square. Street vendors sold handkerchiefs stamped with the date of the protest and the words, ‘Brown Dog’s inscription is a lie, and the statuette an insult to the London University.’

In the afternoon protesters headed for the statue, but were driven off by locals. The students proceeded down Battersea Park Road instead, intending to attack the Anti-Vivisection Hospital, but were again forced back. When one student fell from the top of a tram the workers shouted that it was ‘the brown dog’s revenge’ and refused to take him to hospital. A second group of students headed for central London, waving effigies of the brown dog, joined by a police escort and, briefly, a busker with bagpipes. As the marchers reached Trafalgar Square, they were 1,000 strong, facing 400 police officers, 15 of them on horseback. The students gathered around Nelson’s Column, where the ringleaders climbed onto its base to make speeches.

While students fought with police on the ground, mounted police charged the crowd, scattering them into smaller groups and arresting the stragglers, including one Cambridge undergraduate, who was arrested for ‘barking like a dog’. The fighting continued for hours before the police gained control. At Bow Street magistrate’s court the next day, ten students were bound over to keep the peace; several were fined 40 shillings, or £3 if they had fought with police.

‘As we go walking after dark,
We turn our steps to Latchmere Park,
And there we see, to our surprise,
A little brown dog that stands and lies.
Ha, ha, ha! Hee, hee, hee!
Little brown dog how we hate thee.’

Sung by rioters to the tune of ‘Little Brown Jug’

Rioting broke out elsewhere over the following days and months, as medical and veterinary students united. When Lizzy Lind af Hageby arranged a meeting of the Ealing and Acton Anti-Vivisection Society at Acton Central Hall on 11 Dec 1906, over 100 students disrupted it, throwing chairs and stink bombs when she tried to speak. The Daily Chronicle reported: ‘The rest of Miss Lind-af-Hageby’s indignation was lost in a beautiful ‘eggy’ atmosphere that was now rolling heavily across the hall’. Furniture was smashed and clothing torn. The riots saw trade unionists, socialists, Marxists, liberals and suffragettes descend upon Battersea to fight the medical students, even though the suffragettes were not a group toward whom male workers felt any warmth. The ‘Brown Terrier Dog Done to Death’ by the male scientific establishment united them all.

According to Coral Lansbury, the fight for women’s suffrage became closely linked with the anti-vivisection movement. Lansbury argues that the Brown Dog Affair became a matter of opposing symbols, the iconography of vivisection striking a chord with women. The vivisected dog on the operating board blurred into images of suffragettes force-fed in Brixton Prison, or women strapped down for childbirth or forced to have their ovaries and uteruses removed as a cure for ‘mania’.

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

However, life is not simply a matter of Two Ovaries Good, Two Testicles Bad. Here’s Dafydd’s accomplice sporting what Brown described as ‘an ill-advised wig’:

 

Lucille Hughes

 

Miss Hughes joined Caernarfonshire County Council as a Social Worker in the Children’s Department in September 1958. She was Children’s Officer in Anglesey from 1966-1969, returning to Caernarfonshire as Children’s Officer until 1974 when she was appointed Principal Assistant Director in the new Social Services Department following Local Government Reorganisation. Miss Hughes subsequently held the posts of Deputy Director and Director of Social Services. Miss Hughes was a member of the Citizens Advice Bureau for 20 years, and nowadays she is a National Trust steward at Penrhyn Castle and also works for her church. She enjoys attending music concerts, and is also an art lover. She has been a member of Bangor & District Soroptimists for over 40 years. Within CAIS, Miss Hughes is particularly committed to supporting training and high standards of professional service. She is also especially interested in CAIS’s approach to its service users, and proud that respect, collaboration and partnership have become CAIS values and that the Board, management, staff and service users are working on these together. Miss Hughes facilitated a vicious paedophile gang for decades.

 

Coral Lansbury wrote that the medical students saw themselves and their teachers as the ‘New Priesthood’ and the women and trade unionists as representatives of superstition and sentimentality.

Sir Henry Dale:

Henry Hallett Dale - Wikipedia

 

Anyone up for a vaginal mesh?

 

Questions were asked in the Commons about the cost of policing the statue, which required six constables a day. London’s Police Commissioner wrote to Battersea Council to ask that they contribute to it. Councillor John Archer later Mayor of Battersea and the first black mayor in London, told the Daily Mail that Battersea was already paying £22,000 a year in police rates. The Canine Defence League wondered whether, if Battersea were to organize raids on laboratories, the laboratories would be asked to pay the policing costs themselves. Suggestions were made through the letters pages of the Times and elsewhere that the statue be moved, perhaps to the grounds of the Anti-Vivisection Hospital. The British Medical Journal wrote in March 1910: ‘May we suggest that the most appropriate resting place for the rejected work of art is the Home for Lost Dogs at Battersea, where it could be “done to death”, as the inscription says, with a hammer in the presence of Miss Woodword, the Rev. Lionel S. Lewis, and other friends; if their feelings were too much for them, doubtless an anaesthetic could be administered’.

Here’s Hippocrates, the Father Of Medicine:

  • 10 Interesting Hippocrates Facts | My Interesting Facts
Top Doctors of Gwynne and Dafydd’s vintage swore the Hippocratic Oath, although tradition was later broken after abortion became legal. When Brown’s brother was about 17, he observed that Gwynne was more Hypocritic Oaf than Hippocratic Oath. Someone tried to murder Brown’s brother just a few years later.
A number of medical conditions bore Hippocrates’ name. Risus sardonicus, a sustained spasming of the face muscles, is known as the Hippocratic Smile. The most severe form of hair loss and baldness is called the Hippocratic form. 
The Hippocrates Prize for Poetry and Medicine was founded in 2009. The founders ‘wished to draw together national and international perspectives on three major historical and contemporary themes uniting the disciplines of poetry and medicine: medicine as inspiration for the writings of poets; effects of poetic creativity on the experience of illness by patients, their families, friends, and carers; and poetry as therapy’. How about this for an entry:
‘As we go walking after dark,
We turn our steps to Latchmere Park,
And there we see, to our surprise,
A little brown dog that stands and lies.
Ha, ha, ha! Hee, hee, hee!
Little brown dog how we hate thee.’

Battersea Council grew tired of the controversy over the statue and a new Conservative Council was elected in Nov 1909 amid talk of removing the Brown Dog. There were protests in support of it and the 500-strong Brown Dog memorial defence committee was established. Twenty thousand people signed a petition, and 1,500 attended a rally in Feb 1910. There were more demonstrations in central London and speeches in Hyde Park, with supporters wearing masks of dogs.

The protests were to no avail. The statue was quietly removed before dawn on 10 March 1910 by four council workmen, accompanied by 120 police officers. Nine days later, 3,000 anti-vivisectionists gathered in Trafalgar Square to demand its return, but it was clear by then that Battersea Council had turned its back on the affair. The statue was at first hidden in the borough surveyor’s bicycle shed, according to a letter his daughter wrote in 1956 to the British Medical Journalthen reportedly destroyed by a council blacksmith, who melted it down. Anti-vivisectionists filed a High Court petition demanding its return, but the case was dismissed in Jan 1911.

On 12 Dec 1985, a new memorial to the Brown Dog was unveiled by actress Geraldine James in Battersea Park. Created by sculptor Nicola Hicks and commissioned by the National Anti-Vivisection Society and the British Union for the Abolition of Vivisection, the new dog is mounted on a 5-foot-high Portland stone plinth and based on Hicks’s own terrier, Brock. 

Echoing the fate of the previous memorial, the new dog was moved into storage in 1992 by Battersea Park’s owners, the Conservative Borough of Wandsworth, they said as part of a park renovation scheme. Anti-vivisectionists campaigned for its return, suspicious of the explanation. It was reinstated in the park’s Woodland Walk in 1994, near the Old English Garden, a more secluded spot than before.

In 1992 social workers employed by Wandsworth Borough Council were facilitating a paedophile gang in south London with links to Dafydd and Lucille’s gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). The south London gang, as well as Dafydd’s gang, was also being concealed by Top Docs at St George’s Hospital Medical School, just down the road from Wandsworth and some of those concealing organised abuse lived in Wandsworth. As did Michael Mansfield QC, who was studiously ignoring the activities of those gangs. One member of staff at St George’s who was colluding with the gangs in 1992 was Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain, some of who’s colleagues were conducting animal experiments but denying what they were doing. Chamberlain himself, in the mid-1960s, experimented upon a living foetus of 7 months gestation which he had aborted. When Chamberlain finished the experiment, he killed the foetus. For further details, see post ‘Now Then…’. When I worked for Chamberlain in 1991, there was a preserved fully formed but very small foetus sitting in a jar in a shelf in one of the labs. Minding its own business but very casual like. I suspect that it shouldn’t have been there because when I asked a benign question about that foetus I got my head bitten off.

Here’s one of Chamberlain’s personal friends who when she was on Desert Island Discs spoke of her heartbreak at losing a premature baby:

  • Cilla Black kept her love for Scottie Road even when she ...

 

Abel-Smith explained that teaching hospitals were prioritised in the hospital building programme and he mentions that in 1971 the flagship first purpose built completely integrated teaching hospital and medical school in Britain was built at Cardiff. That is of course the University Hospital at Cardiff, known to locals as the Heath. The child molester George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy seems to have had a very chummy relationship with the Heath and the bungalow in which he lived was on its doorstep. The Heath was choc full of all those Top Doctors who were concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the gang, as well as the crimes of one George Thomas and others in south Wales. George Thomas really loved medical charities and one big medical charity in Cardiff bore his name until the stream of revelations regarding his sex offending became so embarrassing that the charity changed its name.

Previous blog posts have discussed the experiences of a school friend of mine who was a medical student in Cardiff during the 1980s and found out that there were big problems at the Heath then. Cardiff medical students knew about malpractice and the dreadful conduct of certain people but felt unable to challenge it. The students also knew about even bigger problems in the NHS in north Wales, Cardiff students all dreaded being sent on placement to north Wales. The problems didn’t go away and over the last few years the medical school in Cardiff has seen its reputation plummet, which is what happens when serious misconduct is ignored.

 

Abel-Smith explained that the hospital building programme was implemented by Regional Hospital Boards and by the Boards of Governors of teaching hospitals. Regional architects and engineers planned some hospitals but usually private architects were commissioned to work with them. According to Abel-Smith, so little hospital building had been done over previous 20 yrs that British architects and engineers lacked experience, so a visit was arranged to the US to study recent developments. The Dept of Health produced guidelines on design and also launched a major research and development programme in hospital planning.

I’m a bit surprised by this. Surely it would have not been beyond the wit of architects and engineers to sit down and have a good think about what would be needed to build a hospital? However the fuckwittery to which Abel-Smith referred might explain the constant problems that were discovered after Ysbyty Glan Clwyd and Ysbyty Gwynedd were built in the 1980s. I remember being told that the same person designed both hospitals and there were serious design faults. Some of the faults were only discovered after the hospitals were in operation when bits of them started falling apart, but there were some real howlers as well, such as the mortuary being sited in a totally inappropriate part of the building, I think it was next to the kitchens or something equally crazy. In the 1980s Welsh TV news regularly featured items regarding yet another bit of one of those two hospitals which was having to be rebuilt or redesigned. Knowing the way in which the NHS in north Wales conducts business I presume that the contracts for building those hospitals would have gone to the mate of a Top Doc or senior manager who will have been clueless and out of their depth.

Abel-Smith explains that ‘Wales was advantaged’ in the distribution of the dosh for the hospital building programme and that larger shares of dosh were given to the authorities whose needs seemed to be greatest need. It is obvious that in Wales this could not have happened. Facilities in rural Wales were still lacking even after the new hospitals were built. There was however the one massive, flagship envy-of-the-UK institution in Wales – the University Hospital in Cardiff, which must have taken up the greater part of the hospital building programme budget allocated to Wales. The University Hospital which employed all the big wigs who were concealing all the crap, who also had a very cosy relationship with George Thomas.

George Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70. Responsibility for Health in Wales was assumed by the Welsh Office in 1969. Before George Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales, he was a Minister in the Welsh Office, under Cledwyn Hughes aka Lord Cledwyn. Lord Cledwyn was the Labour MP for Anglesey and was considered so influential in the Labour Party in Wales that when the Windbag was a whippersnapper, Glenys’s parents, who were mates of Lord Cledwyn, made a point of ensuring that the Windbag got to know him because that would be the route to success for the Windbag. So Cledwyn Hughes and George Thomas were in the Welsh Office when decisions were being made regarding which hospitals would be built in Wales and where.

Does the Windbag know if that ridiculous bungalow in which George Thomas and his mother lived which was on the doorstep of the Health was funded by the NHS as well? After all, it was George Thomas who did that dodgy deal with a firm of builders which resulted in them bagging the lucrative contract to build an estate of houses in Cardiff…

 

Brian Abel-Smith noted that although more psychiatric units were developed in the general hospitals, ‘the adequacy and suitability’ ‘varied considerably’. Indeed the ones in north Wales were completely inadequate, so more were built, which were also inadequate. Although the biggest problem, as I always stress, was not the buildings it was the staff.

Abel-Smith fessed up that it was difficult to attract staff to work in the mental handicap hospitals because they were old and isolated. The staff were often also abusing the patients, which is never a magnet for people who want to do a good job. Of course in Bryn-y-Neuadd in Llanfairfechan, although that too was an old isolated hospital, those two forward thinkers Ann and Michael Craft rocked up there to carry out ‘research’ into the sexual histories of the patients, ‘research’ with which Dafydd was involved. Being a pioneer of Empowerment, Ann also supported patients to explore their sexuality and supported them in their choice to conduct sexual relationships (see post ‘The Old Devils’). Those patients were given absolutely no choice over any other area of their lives, but they were given choice regarding with whom they had sex. Although as many of the Bryn-y-Neuadd patients had difficulties communicating, it would have been not been easy for a layperson to know if the patient was desperate to have sex with them, but with Ann Craft there to support them, I’m sure that communication difficulties would have presented no problems.

Dafyd and Lucille’s friend, Trustee and Vice-Chair of CAIS, Cledwyn Williams,  spent many happy years running the mental handicap service in north Wales:

 

Cledwyn Williams

 

From 1983 to 1996 Cledwyn was Assistant Director of Social Services, responsible for mentally handicapped services and for the all-Wales strategy for people with learning disabilities. He was responsible for developing services for people with learning disabilities for the education, health & social services group. After this, he became Director of Social Services for Conwy.

 

In the late 1960s, there were so many scandals involving neglect and abuse in long stay hospitals that Secretary of State for the DHSS Richard Crossman initiated a re-examination of the standards of care in hospitals for the mentally ill and mentally handicapped. Among the many scandals and Committees of Inquiry, there were none involving Denbigh, although it was admitted after the Ely Hospital Scandal that conditions at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were worse. The Ely Scandal remains one of the most shocking scandals that there has been in the UK. George Thomas described the ‘nursing’ at Ely as ‘old-fashioned’. Patients were kicked, beaten and doused with cold water.

Dick Crossman was Secretary of State for Health and Social Services, 1968 to 1970, after which he became Editor of the New Statesman. Crossman was an Oxford graduate who during WWII served in the Special Operations Executive making anti-Nazi propaganda material. Such experience would have been put to good use at the DHSS, dealing with those old fashioned Angels.

In 1969 Crossman established the Hospital Advisory Service, which employed teams to visit long stay hospitals and give advice locally regarding improving patient care. The Director of the HAS also reported to the Secretary of State regarding conditions in particular hospitals. Crossman knew what was happening in north Wales.

In 1957 Crossman joined Nye Bevan and Morgan Phillips in a controversial lawsuit for libel against ‘The Spectator’. Crossman and co won the case and bagged damages. Years later, Crossman’s posthumously published diaries revealed that the allegations made by ‘The Spectator’ had indeed been true and Crossman, Bevan and Phillips had perjured themselves. Strong Woman Gwyneth Dunwoody, Labour MP for Exeter, 1966-70 and Crewe and Nantwich, 1974-2008, attempted to pass legislation that would have concealed the truth regarding the perjury of Crossman et al. Gwyneth Dunwoody was the daughter of Morgan Phillips. Gwyneth’s husband John Dunwoody was a Top Doctor and Labour MP for Falmouth and Cambourne. John Dunwoody was a junior Minister in the DHSS under Dick Crossman. The Labour Party had their eye on John Dunwoody as a future Secretary of State for the DHSS and he was talked up in much the same way that Dr Death always was, but it all went pear shaped and Dunwoody left politics and returned to being a Top Doctor running huge swathes of London’s NHS. The Dunwoodys had a truly dreadful daughter, Tamsin, who rocked up as an AM in Wales until things finally fell apart for her as well. The Dunwoody clan were all involved in concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. See previous posts for further details regarding the sordid activities of the Dunwoodys.

 

In 1971 a White Paper was published regarding better services for the  mentally handicapped. A 20 yr plan was envisaged, with greatly increased local authority residential places and day centre places. This led to the nearly halving of the numbers of long stay patients in mental handicap hospitals and a major extension in community care facilities. Although not in Wales. Those who were exploring their sexuality in Bryn-y-Neuadd did not even begin to be resettled in community care facilities until the late 1980/early 1990s.

When the resettlement began, many found themselves living in homes provided by a company called Cartrefi Cymru. I knew someone who worked as a support worker for Cartrefi Cymru and she maintained that it was complete chaos. Turnover of staff was incredibly high because of the terrible pay and inadequate facilities and there was completely inadequate support for ‘clients’. One male resident developed mental health problems as a result of spending months living in a house with a female client who was highly sexually aggressive of whom he was terrified. I expect that she’d been taught to explore her sexual needs by Ann and Michael Craft. My friend made repeated representation to the managers of Cartrefi Cymru about the problems but was simply told ‘it has to work, they’re in the community now’. The male resident eventually had a breakdown. Dafydd’s colleague Tony Francis refused to treat him on the grounds that he was mentally handicapped and Francis Didn’t Do Them.

My friend’s observations to her senior colleagues that no-one else would be expected to share a house with a sexually aggressive person of whom they were petrified and that people with learning disabilities should not be refused NHS care for mental health problems were ignored.

One of the Directors of Cartrefi Cymru is Dr Peter Higson, a former clinical psychologist in, and the former manager of, the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Higson’s sister Dr Ruth Hussey is a Role Model For Wimmin, being a Top Doctor who is the former Chief Medical Officer for Wales. Here’s Ruth, picking up her honorary fellowship from Bangor University:

Dr Ruth Hussey

 

Here’s her brother, who when Ruth was honoured by Bangor University, was sitting on the governing body of Bangor University:

16 Peter Higson

Dr Peter Higson grew up in the Conwy Valley.  Peter studied psychology at Bangor University and then went on to complete a PhD. Peter started working in the NHS in 1977 at the former North Wales Psychiatric Hospital in Denbigh first as a research psychologist and then a clinical psychologist. In the mid 1980s Peter changed career direction into health service management. In 1993 Peter became a Director of the former Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust until moving in 1998 to become a Director of the former North Wales Health Authority. In 2002 Peter secured a secondment to ELWa and was its interim Chief Executive in 2003-4. Peter was then appointed as the first Chief Executive of Healthcare Inspectorate Wales in 2004 and remained in this post until he retired at the end of 2012. Peter was appointed as Chair of Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board in October 2013.
Peter Higson has been embroiled in scandal in every post which he has held, but it certainly hasn’t held him back. If any readers know who his parents were, please do let me know. Like Huw Daniel, Dafydd Iwan and Alun Ffred, I expect that Peter and Ruth are of Noble Birth. However I suspect that Peter’s career from the early 1980s onward owes much to his knowing where the bodies are buried at Denbigh. Literally.

 

 

Abel-Smith observed that although local authorities had been given community care duties from 1959, by 1974, only half the places needed for training and occupation for mentally handicapped adults were provided and only about one third of the places needed for residential facilities. Some local authorities had made no provision at all. I wonder which LAs that might have been?

Abel-Smith explained that ‘provision for the mentally ill was still more deficient’. In 1974, only approximately one sixth of the day centre places and one third of the residential care facilities estimated to be needed were available and ‘community social work and other community services were seriously under-developed’.

How did it all happen, what with the plans being announced in 1959?

I’m glad to say that those at the heart of Gov’t may have been a little slow in providing accommodation and other basics for vulnerable people but there was one need which was prioritised. In 1966, the paedophiles’ friend Kenneth Robinson asked LAs to provide family planning services on medical grounds free of charge and from 1967, LAs were given the power to provide family planning services free of charge ‘for those who needed them’ for non-medical as well as medical reasons. The only people I know who ever availed themselves of the infamous NHS free condoms (which I was told were grossly inferior to the ones which are purchased over the counter from Boots) were various people having a massively hard time, who were in the clutches of the Top Docs and social workers after having grown up in care, become pregnant when they were still at school etc. Advice, or rather direct orders regarding ‘family planning’, rains down upon the head of these folk like there is no tomorrow, as do instructions to get themselves sterilised. It is all accompanied by ‘it’s for their own good or they’ll get pregnant’.

Unplanned pregnancies, particularly among people who would have trouble looking after the resultant babies, do of course lead to difficulties. However I have watched what has been going on for nearly 40 years now and the story in Somerset and north Wales was the same. Vulnerable people who were being sexually used, often by those caring for them, were in some cases being actively prepared for sex and in other cases were being kitted out to ensure that those sexually exploiting them did not have to face the consequences of making them pregnant. One group of NHS workers who know damn well when people are being sexually abused are those dishing out the contraceptives, performing the abortions and treating the STIs. It was one such Angel who blew the whistle on one of the big trafficking rings in the north of England. No-one else has. Everyone involved in ‘family planning’ in north Wales knew that kids in care and residents of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Bryn-y-Neuadd were becoming pregnant. Yes those people do have consenting relationships with each other, but the rate at which they were becoming pregnant (or infected) was such that it was not the result of mutually consenting relationships. Furthermore Top Doctors and Angels were being told by the children/patients what had happened. No-one said a word.

People like Kenneth Robinson knew exactly who were in receipt of ‘family planning for non-medical reasons’ and it wasn’t usually women in happy relationships who were just waiting for a while before they started a family.

 

As a result of the 1966 Salmon Report, Chief Nursing Officers were appointed who were responsible for nursing services in each group of hospitals. Parallel to this were the Directors of Nursing Services who were responsible to the local authority. People who occupied these positions knew precisely how patients in north Wales were being abused and mistreated. Some people with these job titles were still in place in the 1980s and their names appear on my documents. They were the Angels at the top of the tree who were attending meetings about the problem that was me while failing to respond to my letters which detailed serious criminal activity on the part of their colleagues.

Here’s some pigs in blankets, there’s a lot of them:

  • Pigs In A Blanket Recipe — Dishmaps
  • Pigs In A Blanket Recipe — Dishmaps
  • Pigs In A Blanket Recipes — Dishmaps
  • Pigs in blankets taste test - Where to get your pigs in ...
  • Happy Pigs In A Blanket Day! - Rick On the Rocks

 

Brian Abel-Smith notes that although Angels were still badly paid, between 1948 and 1974 the pay for a consultant Top Doc at the top of the pay scale had multiplied by more than four times.

 

Weekend Warriors | Busiestbodies's Blog

 

Professor Abel-Smith noted that the League of Hospital Friends had rapidly expanded by 1974 and were involved with ‘supporting’ long stay patients. The League of Friends in north Wales were always busy and because they had direct contact with the patients they could hardly have not noticed the state that some of them were in or the conditions in Denbigh. The League of Friends were usually elderly insiders, often retired Angels or the wives of the Top Doctors and administrators.

 

Chapter 4 of Abel-Smith’s book is concerned with the reorganisation of NHS. In 1962 a ‘non-Governmental Committee’ established by Top Doctors and Chaired by Top Doctor Sir Arthur Porritt produced recommendations with regard to the reorganisation of the NHS.

Col Arthur Porritt was born in New Zealand, the son of a Top Doctor. Porritt himself studied medicine at Magdalen College, Oxford. Porritt represented New Zealand at the 1924 Summer Olympics in Paris. It was this race against Harold Abrahams that was later immortalised in the film ‘Chariots Of Fire’. Porritt was New Zealand’s team manager at the 1934 British Empire Games in London and 1936 Summer Olympics in Berlin. Porritt was the New Zealand member of the International Olympic Committee, 1934-67 and he was the first President of the IOC Medical Commission, serving from 1961-67. So Arthur Porritt had something to do with the laughable and discredited ‘sex tests’ which were supposedly designed to ensure that female athletes were actually female, on the grounds that the gender of some of those Russian shot putters was open to question. Women athletes themselves maintained that the ‘sex tests’ were no more than a grope fest.

Porritt served as Chairman of the British Empire and Commonwealth Games Federation from the 1950 Auckland games to the 1966 Kingston games.

Porritt became a house surgeon at St Mary’s Hospital Paddington and later that year was appointed surgeon to the Prince of Wales, the future King Edward VIII.

I think I understand why the Top Docs ensured that Porritt Chaired their ‘non-Governmental Committee’ to advise on the reorganisation of the NHS.

During WWII Porritt served with the Royal Army Medical Corps and was involved in the D Day landings. He ended his military career in September 1956, with the honorary rank of Colonel in the TA. Porritt was King’s Surgeon to George VI, 1946-52, and was Serjeant Surgeon to Lilibet until 1967. 

In 1955 Porritt was asked by the suspected serial killer Top Doc John Bodkin Adams to operate on his patient Jack Hullett for colon cancer. The death of Hullett under Adams’ supervision a few months later followed soon after by the death of his wife, led to Adams being put on trial for Bobby’s murder in 1957. He was acquitted but is suspected in up to 163 deaths. Harriet Harman’s dad Dr John Harman gave evidence for the defence at Adams’s trial. See previous posts for details of the Bodkin Adams case.

Porritt  became President in 1960 of both the BMA and the Royal College of Surgeons of England and retained the presidency of the RCS until 1963. In 1966 he was elected President for two years of the Royal Society of Medicine, but served only one year before leaving for New Zealand.

In 1967 Porritt returned to New Zealand to be appointed by the Queen on the advice of PM Keith Holyoake as the 11th Governor-General of New Zealand.

 Prior to the 1969 General Election Porritt argued in a speech to the Southern Cross Medical Care Society that the welfare state was ‘uneconomic’. Porritt’s wife created controversy, when she replied to a question on equal pay for women by stating ‘Perhaps when New Zealand, like India and Israel, produces a woman prime minister it will be time to call a halt to the emancipation movement’.

 

These feminists are only Women’s Libbers because they’re too fat and ugly to get a man.

The Baroness Thatcher
Photograph

 

At his last Waitangi Day speech in 1972, Arthur Porritt caused yet more offence by stating that: ‘Maori-Pakeha relationships are being dealt with adequately through the biological process of intermarriage’.

I’m not going to comment.

At the end of his term as Governor-General of New Zealand in Sept 1972 England got Porritt back again.

Sir Arthur was an enthusiastic Freemason. He was initiated in Oxford University’s Apollo University Lodge No 357 on 13 June 1925 and later joined other English Constitution lodges, including Sancta Maria Lodge No. 2682 (a Top Doctors’ lodge), Prince of Wales’s Lodge No. 259 (a so-called ‘red apron’ lodge as it nominates one of the 19 Grand Stewards each year, who wear red aprons), and Royal Alpha Lodge No. 16 (membership of which is at the personal invitation of the Grand Master).

During his term as Governor-General (1968–1971), Porritt served as Grand Master of the Grand Lodge of New Zealand.

Sir Ronnie Waterhouse emphasised that he found not a scrap of evidence to suggest that Freemasonry had played any part at all in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. But then Ronnie missed the biggest parts of the whole scandal, so it was hardly surprising that he didn’t notice the involvement of a great many Masons, even the Masons with whom he was personally friendly.

Lord Porritt  – as Sir Arthur became – was the father of Jonathan Porritt, the environmental activist who caused confusion among some other activists because he was rather posher than the rest of them.

 

Jonathan Porritt was educated at Eton and Magdalen College, Oxford. He trained as a barrister but instead worked as a teacher at St Clement Davies Grammar School in Shepherd’s Bush, 1974-84. In the late 1970s/early 80s, Porritt was involved with the Ecology Party (now known as the Green Party). Porritt Chaired the Ecology Party, 1979-80 and 1982-84. Porritt was Director of Friends of the Earth, 1984-90. Friends of the Earth in those days was based at 9 Poland Street, London, along with a number of organisations with varying reputations, including one with links to organisations campaigning for paedophiles’ rights. The charity Release was also based at 9 Poland Street.

Release offered help to people arrested and/or imprisoned for/on drugs offences. I know someone who was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dafydd et al for more than a year in the mid-1980s after the police planted class A drugs on him and his wife. This man had been violently assaulted by the North Wales Police when he objected to a Sergeant joining him in the loo. Before being transferred to Denbigh, he’d spent weeks in the ‘hospital wing’ of Risley Remand Centre, where he heard the screams of other inmates as they were beaten up by the screws. When in Denbigh, he rang Release and was most impressed when a man from Release came to visit him in Denbigh, all the way from London. The man explained that there was nothing that Release could do to help.

The man from Release knew of the circumstances of the Denbigh patient’s arrest and imprisonment and he will have known how illegal it all was. He also will have noticed the conditions at Denbigh and probably realised that he was visiting someone who had been a witness to very serious crime. The man from Release returned to London and was never heard of again.

In the 1992 General Election, Jonathan Porritt backed Cynog Dafis, who stood in Ceredigion as the joint Plaid/Green Party candidate. Many people alleged that Dafis was involved with a very dirty deal but no-one would actually clarify what the deal was. The deal did however lead to an overwhelming victory for Cynog Dafis, who defeated Geraint Howells, the Lib Dem who had held the seat since 1974. Lord Geraint had been one of those who had supported Mary Wynch, before everyone was terrorised into pretending that they’d never heard of her.

In 1992 the North Wales Police investigation into the possibility of a VIP paedophile ring operating in north Wales/Cheshire was underway.

In 1994, the Green Party Regional Council suspended Porritt for supporting Dafis and demanded that Dafis should stop identifying himself as a Green.

Porritt Chaired the New Labour Gov’ts Sustainable Development Committee (SDC) which was set up by Blair, between 2000 and 2009. Porritt was also involved with the UN with regard to environmental matters.

Between 1996 and 2009 Porritt withdrew from active involvement in party politics. In 2009 he entered the arena again, reaffirming his support for the Green Party and explaining that he had never stopped supporting them.

Porritt was a Trustee of the World Wildlife Fund, 1991-05 and was on the Advisory Board of BBC Wildlife Magazine. In 2005 he was appointed a non-executive Director of Wessex Water  and in 2008 he became a non-executive Director of the Willmott Dixon Group. Porritt is also on the Sustainable Retail Advisory Board for Marks & Spencer. M&S have links with the Royal College of Psychiatrists and for some unfathomable reason it was M&S who years ago stumped up an enormous loan on favourable conditions for the Royal College to move themselves into a palatial building in Belgravia, when the Royal College was nearly bankrupt.

Porritt is a Patron of Population Matters and has expressed his belief that families should have no more than two children. He has praised the one child per family policy that caused such havoc in China. Porritt is not daft, he must know that the Chinese Gov’t enforced that policy so robustly that pregnant women were abducted from their homes, given abortions against their will and foetuses of 8 months gestation were chucked into buckets and left to die. Then there were the numerous dead bodies of babies which turned up in waterways etc in China.

Jonathan, would you happen to know how Chinese baby girls became available for adoption on Anglesey at the turn of the millennium? The adoption officer for Anglesey, a lady called Jean, was most helpful if someone wanted a Chinese baby, it didn’t matter what age they were or whether they were married or single. The only criteria was that they had to have a lot of spare cash because those Chinese babies did not come cheap.

In 2012 Porritt became Chancellor of Keele University.

Porritt seems to be based in the West Country, he’s certainly very busy down there.

Jonathan Porritt is of course the environmental adviser to Carlo.

Back in the 1980s, Porritt did wonders for the image of Friends of the Earth. They had previously been characterised as a bunch of old hippies, but after Jonathan arrived as Director, FoE began receiving much good PR in right-leaning publications, which stressed that Jonathan had been to Eton and Oxford so couldn’t be all bad.

Porritt did ruffle feathers by maintaining that people should be happy with lower incomes and less consumer goodies. I never had a problem with this, but one of my friends who is involved with environmental activism himself explained that what was pissing people off was that Porritt is a very rich man, so he didn’t need a high income. I had no idea that Porritt’s dad was a Top Doc and umbrella par excellence for Dafydd et al…

 

With regard to the lack of development for community care, Abel-Smith explained in his publication that Regional Boards and Hospital Management Committees ‘could do no more than try to persuade local authorities to give these services greater priority’. Couldn’t Jonathan Porritt’s dad have put a boot up their butts? He doesn’t seem to have minced his words with regard to other matters.

In north Wales, the people running the local authorities who were failing to develop community services will have been either exactly the same people or the family and friends of those people who were sitting on NHS Regional Boards and Hospital Management Committees. Despite all the hot air, even in the 1990s, it was patently obvious that those who called the shots in north Wales did not want to see the North Wales Hospital Denbigh closed. A lot of people articulated this quite openly. Other people held the ‘but the patients will never cope, there are no community services’ conversations. Which was true, but there had been a deliberate refusal on the part of everyone to develop even the most rudimentary of those services. It was the usual story. ‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends, we say what’s going to happen and we run these ‘services’ for ourselves.’

In north Wales, the senior managers of the mental health services were still referring to the ‘new ideas’ and ‘new attitude’ to psychiatric patients in the late 1980s, although the ‘new ideas’ were actually new in the late 1950s. I had a conversation with Alun Davies in 1989 during which he made derogatory comments about the ‘new ideas’. That lot were clueless, totally clueless.

 

Following Porritt’s dad’s Report, concerns about standards in the long stay hospitals grew…

In 1965, the Seebohm Commitee was established on the watch of the Health Minister the paedophiles’ friend Kenneth Robinson. The Seebohm Committee reported on personal social services. The Committee sat from 1965 to 1968 and was Chaired by Frederic Seebohm. The Committee was appointed on 20 Dec 1965 to review the organisation and responsibilities of the social services functions of local authorities. It reported back in 1968, recommending the amalgamation of a number of functions to form a single Social Services Department. The single department would include services provided by children’s departments, the home help service, mental health, social work services and other social care functions provided by other organisations. Harold Wilson’s Gov’t commissioned and received the Report, welcomed it and committed to carry out a consultation to review the recommendations made by Seebohm.

It was the recommendations of the Seebohm Committee which allowed Dafydd and the gang complete control over their victims’ lives. I have mentioned in previous posts how the mental health services/learning disability services worked in tandem with the paedophile/sex trafficking gang. What I have not blogged so much about but which readers will already have grasped was happening was the control that the gang exerted over the whole families of victims/witnesses. If complaints were made about members of the gang, a favourite strategy was to maintain that the witness had been abused, but not by the member of the gang named. The finger was instead pointed at an innocent person known to the witness, usually a family member and it would be explained that the victim had named the wrong person because of ‘transference’ or ‘projection’. People who had named Dafydd et al were subjected to hours of discussion by the Top Doctors of this sort where they were repeatedly told that it wasn’t the gang who had abused them, it was someone else. I know of one young woman in Gwynedd who’s father went to prison after two of her sisters were subjected to this ‘counselling’. She maintained throughout that her father was innocent and that her sisters were bullied and pressurised into naming him. This young woman developed bulimia and a serious alcohol problem. She was told by the Hergest Unit that she had a personality disorder and that she was untreatable. She died a few years ago. Ysbyty Gwynedd’s story was that her life support was switched off after a lethal boozing session. One of her friends is in possession of a suicide note that the dead young woman left behind. Not that ‘the authorities’ have ever seen this note, because the person who found it is a mental health patient themselves who has as little as possible to do with ‘the services’.

Should a victim/witness have children themselves, they will find the gestapo right back in their lives even if they have done their best to wave good-bye to them. Their parenting skills will be questioned before they have got anywhere near giving birth. I know of young women who were forced into aborting babies which were very much wanted – one such young woman went into hiding from the mental health services after this experience – others have had children removed from them upon the flimsiest pretexts. The favourite technique however is to leave the child with the victim/witness, maintain to the world that the family are being ‘supported’ because they are ‘chaotic and dysfunctional’ and then make the whole family’s life hell.

My post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ explained how the south Wales Labour MP Leo Abse, with the help of Jim Callaghan, Harold Wilson and Dr Death, developed and piloted the Children’s Act 1975 – following a Report by the Houghton Committee, which was ruthlessly manipulated by Leo Abse – which resulted in so many children being handed over to Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Abse was a bent lawyer and a close friend of fellow south Wales Labour MP the child molester George Thomas. Abse is suspected of having been a sex offender himself. Abse extracted George Thomas from trouble constantly, sometimes by threatening witnesses or paying them off. On one occasion in 1984, George Thomas summoned Abse to an unidentified hospital in the middle of the night after Thomas panicked and believed that he was about to be exposed. Thomas had been admitted to hospital as a result of the consequences of an STI and thought that the media would discover why he was in hospital. Abse made up a load of guff about Thomas having prostate trouble and fed the lies to the press.

No wonder George Thomas supported so many medical charidees and lived on the doorstep of the Heath Hospital.

The recommendations of the Seebohm Committee seem to have been as of much assistance to Dafydd and the paedophile gang as the Houghton Committee and the Children’s Act 1975 was.

 

Frederic Seebohm was educated at Leighton Park School and Trinity College, Cambridge. After Cambridge he joined Barclays Bank, which had taken over the Hitchin Bank founded by his family. Seebohm served in the Royal Artillary. Seebohm was local director of the bank’s branch office in Luton and Birmingham and then became Director of the main Board after WWII. In 1951, he was made a member of the bank’s overseas Board and in 1965 Chairman of the renamed Barclays Bank International. He retired seven years later.

In December 1965 Seebohm was appointed, by Douglas Houghton MP, to Chair the Committee on Local Authority Personal Social Services. Seebohm was also Chairman of the Overseas Development Institute. In 1972, Seebohm was created a life peer.

Frederic Seebohm was President of the National Institute for Social Work. As a result of the infiltration of children’s social services by paedophile gangs in the 1960s and 70s, there were many abusers involved with the National Institute for Social Work, the most high profile being Peter Righton.

Seebohm was President of the Royal African Society and of Age Concern; Chairman of the Joseph Rowntree Memorial Trust (now the Joseph Rowntree Foundation) for 15 years and one of the founders of the York Council of Voluntary Service. Seebohm was a governor of the LSE and of the Haileybury and Imperial Services College.

The names of many people who taught or studied at the LSE were linked with abuse scandals, including in north Wales. Jane Hutt, the former Health and Social Services Minister in the Welsh Gov’t, who spent an entire career looking the other way as people screamed at her that a massive trafficking ring was in operation under her nose, is an LSE graduate. David Hurst, a ‘social policy specialist’ at Bangor University who wrote fiction with regard to the history of the mental health services in north Wales, is an LSE graduate. The Waterhouse Report again and again mentions managers and staff of the Social Services in north Wales who studied at the LSE. Of course there will be plenty of people associated with the LSE who have not been involved in these sort of scandals, but the point is that the ones who are will have used their LSE network to protect themselves. That will be a useful network to have, the LSE has a towering reputation in the social sciences.

Brian Abel-Smith held a Chair at the LSE, as did his mentor, Richard Titmuss.

 

Frederic Seebohm was Chairman of 3i, a private equity group.

Seebohm died in a road accident in 1990, just before the North Wales Police opened the first investigation into the abuse of children in care in north Wales/Cheshire. His wife, Evangeline, daughter of Sir Gerald Berkeley Hurst, died shortly after.

Sir Gerald Berkeley Hurst was the Conservative MP for Manchester Moss Side, 1918-23 and 1924-35. He was born Gerald Berkeley Hertz in Bradford. His Jewish grandparents on both sides came from Germany in the mid-nineteenth century. Hurst was educated at Bradford Grammar School and Lincoln College Oxford. Hertz changed the spelling of his surname to Hurst in 1916. He served in the British Army during WWI. Hurst married one of the daughters of Sir Alfred Hopkinson, VC of Manchester University and a Conservative MP. In 1938, Hurst was appointed to the County Court for Croydon and West Kent. Hurst stepped down from the county judgeship in 1952. From 1947 -55, he served as Commissioner of Divorce Cases. His younger brother was the Top Doctor Sir Arthur Hurst, a neurologist.

Frederic and Evangeline Seebohm’s daughter is the broadcaster and writer Victoria Glendinning. Glendinning is an Honorary Vice-President of English PEN is Vice-President of the Royal Society of Literature.

Glendinning grew up near York and after attending Millfield School in Somerset, went to Oxford University. In the second year of her degree, she married one of her lecturers, Professor Nigel Glendinning. They divorced in 1981. Her second husband Terence de Vere White died in 1994 and in 1996 Victoria married Kevin O’Sullivan (a previous husband of Shirley Conran). She had four sons, including sportswriter Matthew Glendinning and the mathematician Paul Glendinning. Another son, Simon Glendinning, lectures at the LSE and previously taught at the University of Kent at Canterbury. Another son, Hugo Glendinning, is a photographer and artist.

Glendinning has written about the experience of coming from a Quaker family. A number of Quakers were involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Owain Gethin Evans, who was the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services and Lucille Hughes’s henchman while the paedophile gang ran riot, was a leading light in the Quakers in Gwynedd. Dr Paul Nickson, a GP from Bethesda, was a Quaker. Nickson ignored the abuse of mental health patients and the abuse of children as well as serious crime related to these matters. Dafydd subsequently appeared on a Quakers website sharing his wisdom. See previous posts for further details of the role of the Quakers in concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al.

 

Douglas Houghton, the man who appointed Frederic Seebohm to Chair the Committee, was the Labour MP for Sowerby in West Yorkshire.

Houghton was born in Long Eaton, Derbyshire, fought in WWI, survived the Battle of the Somme and subsequently joined the civil service. Houghton was ‘a great believer in equality of opportunity’ and campaigned for lower grade civil servants to have the chance of taking an examination that could lead to promotion. Houghton founded the Inland Revenue Staff Federation, leading it from 1922 to 1960. He served on the General Council of the TUC, 1952-60 and as Chairman of the Staff Side Civil Service National Whitley Council, 1955-57.

Houghton was a panel member of a BBC radio programme Can I Help You?,  1941-64. He was an Alderman of the London County Council, 1947-49. Jim Callaghan’s wife Audrey, who did many favours for the paedophile gangs of Wales, was also a member of London County Council and an Alderman, although some years after Houghton held the role (see previous posts). Houghton knew the Callaghans.

Houghton was Chairman of the Commons Public Accounts Committee, succeeding Harold Wilson in this post after Wilson was elected Leader of the Labour Party in 1963. Houghton became a Cabinet Minister in Wilson’s first Gov’t, as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster, which gave him special responsibility for Social Services. Houghton was dropped from Gov’t in 1967 and became Chairman of the PLP. He retired from the Commons in 1974 and was elevated to the Lords a few months later on 20 June.

I do not know if Douglas Houghton was also the Houghton of the Houghton Committee, to whom Leo Abse gave instructions in order to bring about the Children’s Act of 1975.

Lord Houghton was passionate about the subject of animal welfare. The People’s History Museum in Manchester holds the collection of Douglas Houghton, whose papers include those of animal charities and pressure groups.

In 1939, Douglas Houghton married Vera, who also worked at Association of Officers for Taxes, before becoming a campaigner for abortion law reform and free birth control. Vera is described as having been a ‘women’s health campaigner’. Vera was the Chair of the Abortion Law Association, 1963-70, whilst the organisation, lobbied, sponsored and steered the Abortion Act 1967 through Parliamemt. Following this, Vera continued to campaign for women’s reproductive rights by founding the Birth Control Trust, which pushed for universally free contraceptives. She also became active in the Family Planning Association, becoming its Chair in 1973, with birth control becoming free available on the NHS in 1974. Vera also became Executive Secretary of the International Planned Parenthood Federation, 1953-59.

Vera served as Vice-President of the British Eugenics Society, 1964-66 and again in 1969 when it was reformed as the Galton Institute.

Vera died in 2013. ‘The Guardian’ published an admiring obituary of this Wimmin’s Champ whom it claimed ‘advanced’ the women’s movement. Vera maintained that she campaigned for abortion law reform – it was of course David Steel who sponsored the private member’s bill which resulted in the 1967 Abortion Act and Steel greatly appreciated Vera’s support – because she knew of cases of women ‘bleeding to death’ on bathroom floors. Vera was quite right about that, but the problem with Vera’s brand of feminism was that it involved ignoring a great many other things which were equally as gross as women bleeding to death after botched abortions, because Vera et al needed to forge alliances with the people who were involved in those gross happenings.

David Steel knew about Jeremy Thorpe and he was told that Cyril Smith was molesting children. Steel ignored the lot. Vera ignored a great deal as well. Such as kids in care being abused by Dafydd and the gang, being kept in a dungeon in Denbigh and dying in Risley Remand Centre. Vera lived until she was 99. Many of the victims of Dafydd’s gang died before they were 30.

Vera’s obituary mentioned that NHS abortions were available before free NHS contraception was, so Vera then campaigned for NHS contraception. I’m curious as to why this situation ever arose. I’ll do a bit of digging, because the answer will no doubt involve a sleazy deal between politicians and abusive people.

Vera kept her mouth shut about one thing that really should have concerned Vera which affected the well-being of numerous wimmin but not wimmin like her. That was the fact that, until well into the 1980s, a cartel of Top Doctors had made it virtually impossible for women to access NHS abortions in north Wales (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’). The Top Doctors were always happy to refer wimmin in north Wales with money to private clinics in Chester, those clinics did a roaring trade and I suspect that the Top Docs in north Wales  were receiving backhanders for this service. Perhaps someone could ask Dafydd’s mate Dr DGE Wood what their cut was, Wood sent loads of women to Chester for a private abortion. So what happened to wimmin who didn’t have the used fivers to hand over? Well, they were told that if they wanted an abortion on the NHS, they had to be ‘assessed’ by a Top Doctor. One Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to be precise. Who would then admit them as an inpatient to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh to be ‘assessed’. Not that they would have been able to get an abortion on the NHS in north Wales after the ‘assessment’, because no-one could.

So what happened to those women and their babies then Dafydd? I think we should be told, because there were a great many of them.

Jane Hutt, the founder of Welsh Women’s Aid and the ‘wimmin’s equality’ charidee Chwarae Teg, was living in Wales by the 1970s. Jane was completely silent regarding the dreadful situation facing women with unplanned pregnancies in north Wales who had no money. As was Jane’s mate Val Feld, another Wimmin’s Champ. Val knew what was happening because Val was from Caernarfon. Val is remembered by a plaque on the wall of the Senedd because Jane was cross that all those being remembered were in possession of testicles. As for Julie Morgan, another Wimmin’s Champ, Julie too kept quiet about the disappearing women and the missing babies.

Ah well, never mind, by keeping their mouths shut, Jane, Julie and Val ended up in the Senedd and Vera bagged herself a grand title.

Here’s our Role Model:

The Lady Houghton of Sewerby
Vera Houghton.png

If one didn’t think that Vera and her mates were up to much, here was the other Role Model for us ladies:

The Baroness Thatcher
Photograph

 

Of course, this Role Model would have been brought down along with her Gov’t if Vera et al had gone public on what Dafydd was doing, because Dafydd was also supplying underaged boys for the above Role Model’s close friend Sir Peter Morrison to have sex with. But Vera had her Championing Of Wimmin’s Causes to think of…

 

The social workers’ house magazine ‘Community Care’ published an article in 2005 which discussed the legacy of the Seebohm Report. ‘Community Care’ told us that Frederic Seebohm published the report ‘that brought social services departments into being and decided the fate of social work’.

In 2005 ‘Community Care’ explained that ‘the Seebohm-inspired departments face extinction‘ and that ‘By next year the split between children’s trusts and adult social care will be nearly complete, the Seebohm committee’s vision of unified social services departments as the final link in a comprehensive, generously funded welfare state having faded within 10 years of their creation in 1971. Under the successive blows of an economic downturn, child death scandals – starting with Maria Colwell in 1973 – and the rise of Margaret Thatcher, the sparkling new departments were, as one influential commentator put it, quickly “transformed from a first resort to the last ditch”‘.

‘Community Care’ very wisely does not mention that the sparkling new departments were rotten from the moment of their creation and sprang from the ideas of some very rotten apples.

We are told that Richard Crossman, the Labour Secretary of State who oversaw the legislation which resulted from Seebohm (the Local Authority Social Services Act 1970), ‘privately despised the report, considering it long on good intentions but short on realism about costs: the report ran to more than 300 pages, the legislation to a terse 22.’

‘Community Care’ remembered ‘the wave of optimism that swept over social work in those early days‘. ‘Community Care’ certainly quoted a few choice people regarding that wave of optimism:

John Rea Price, who became Social Services Director in the London Borough of Islington in 1973, remembers the ‘huge idealism‘ among social workers.‘I had no difficulties with recruitment then… ‘ Rea Price said. ‘The unions were powerful and there were strikes but, generally, you couldn’t stop them working even when it was for their own good – they were obsessed with the job.’

John Rea Price was Director of Islington Social Services when Islington children’s homes were colonised by gangs of paedophiles. The situation was as bad as in north Wales. Some children were murdered and at least one social worker disappeared. Rea Price knew what was happening and ignored it. Rea Price is now seen as having been very guilty indeed. Rea Price had previously worked for the Probation Service.

Bob Hudson, who was in 2005 Professor of Partnership Studies at Durham University, was among the first members of Sunderland’s Social Services Committee: ‘Everyone on the committee felt they were on the brink of a new era; we were genuinely carried away by the sheer excitement of it all. There was money to spend and the economic optimism added to our sense of exhilaration.’

Sunderland Social Services had also been infiltrated by a gang of paedophiles and that gang had close links with Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. Colin Smart was one senior manager in Sunderland who repeatedly raised concerns about the abuse of children in care. Colin’s career was ruined, he was forced into expensive litigation in order to defend himself which was then used to force him into a corner and sign a gagging clause.

Durham University employed people who concealed organised sexual abuse, as did Newcastle-upon-Tyne University.

Mo Mowlam was a Labour MP in the North East who knew about the abuse of children in the region and who will also have found out what happened at the Kincora Boys’ Home when Blair appointed her Secretary of State for N Ireland. Mo studied anthropology at Durham University. Prof Eric Sunderland, the well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend who in 1984 became Principal of UCNW, had spent most of his career as an anthropologist at Durham University. Mo also worked at Newcastle-upon-Tyne University, taking up an appointment there in 1979. Mo was a Wimmin’s Champ as well.

 

‘Community Care’ tells us that ‘For the first few years social services’ spending increased by 10 per cent a year in real terms as Seebohm’s ambition to do much more for the “neglected flotsam and jetsam of society” was put to the test’.

So that’s why most of the Depts of Social Services in the UK by the mid-1970s had been infiltrated by paedophile gangs, many of which were linked! Dunno if the neglected flotsam and jetsam of society saw much of that dosh which was increased by 10% a year in real terms though.

Seebohm ‘emphasised’ ‘Prevention, partnership, the role of the voluntary sector and the importance of harnessing the strengths of communities’. Which sounds strangely familiar. The Empowerment bit hadn’t been invented when Seebohm wrote that Report.

Seebohm’s ‘new service would be family-centred rather than “symptom-centred”. Since the aim of departments was to “meet all the social needs of the family or individual together and as a whole”, the committee insisted these needs should be served as far as possible by a single social worker.’

You’ve got Lucille. She’ll service your every need. If symptoms do insist on rearing their ugly head, Dafydd will deal with them. He’ll share information with Lucille, it’ll be easy enough, they were bedfellows for donkeys years.

 

‘Community Care’ reported that ‘Adrianne Jones, appointed social services controller in the London Borough of Harrow at the outset of the reforms before becoming director in Hillingdon and in Birmingham, says the changes asked too much of social workers. As a former member of the committee chaired by Peter Barclay, whose landmark report published after three years of the Thatcher government was the last, brave attempt to maintain social work in the Seebohm vein, she believes that local authorities chose an over-rigid interpretation of “single social worker”. Generic teams, she thinks, would have been better than generic workers. Jones says: “The idea of generic, family-based departments was excellent; what went wrong was that we threw out the specialisms. We were expecting too much of individuals to be able to work with every age group and every need. It was a reaction against the fragmentation of the 1960s.”

 

Where does this blog know Adrianne Jones from? Er, from her role as an adviser to the Waterhouse Inquiry. When a major child abuse scandal was uncovered in the 1990s at a residential school in Shropshire, an extraordinarily high number of children had been placed in the school by Harrow Social Services. When Adrianne was Director of City of Birmingham Social Services, that Dept was sending kids on placement to children’s homes in north Wales. Adrianne’s turf at Hillingdon was the site of the disaster which ended in the death of Heidi Koseda. See previous posts for details of Adrianne and her good works.

Adrianne had a few things to say about the restructuring taking place in the wake of the 40 yrs of organised trafficking which Seebohm made so easy though. Adrianne told ‘Community Care’ that ‘She fears that the new services will be managerial in outlook, preoccupied with targets rather than good outcomes for service users and usurped by education and health, a risk that the Seebohm report itself mentioned.’

Don’t worry Adrianne, the Top Docs are completely on board and some of the schools are as well.

Adrianne continued: ‘Looking back, the nails were hammered into the coffin year by year as successive scandals unfolded and people became demoralised’.

Adrianne did notice the successive scandals. Of course she did, in the wake of every one of them and the dreadful publicity which followed she offered her services as a consultant and earned a packet.

 

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Another member of the Barclay working party – the Barclay Report was concerned with the staffing of Social Services Depts and was pointedly ignored by Thatch’s Gov’t –  along with Adrianne, was Robert Pinker, then Professor of Social Administration at the LSE. Pinker is a renowned ‘scourge of political correctness’ in social work but obviously not of gangsters. He agreed with Adrianne ‘that generic teams would have been better but also blames the “tendency to over-bureaucratise” for the failings of social services departments, a tendency which, he says, today’s obsession with targets has only made worse.’

Rea Price, whose own Dept employed more than 3,000 paedophiles/gangsters/abusers/fuckwits, told ‘Community Care’ that ‘Probably the major failure of the Seebohm analysis was not to anticipate the scale of the huge departments that its recommendations were creating, and the scale of the administrative, financial and management issues they would present. There was also the excessive faith in the generic approach to social work, but the stream of child death inquiries, as well as the rapid extension of the understanding of child abuse, soon began to expose the weaknesses of the non-specialised approach.’

OK. We just need more of the experts that allowed all this to happen. Experts in sexual abuse. Dafydd and his mates all claimed expertise in sexual abuse. For female patients only, at least on the NHS there was no ‘sex therapy’ for male victims of sex crime in north Wales.

 

‘Community Care’ observed that ‘social services departments had to contend with more than 30 child deaths which were examined by high-profile inquiries. Press coverage quickly grew shrill, social workers were publicly pilloried and the profession’s image was so tarnished it has never fully recovered. It marked out child protection as an unwise career path, making social services more reliant on agency staff and probably heightening the risk of further tragedies.’

Yeh, it’s because we’ve all been so rude when yet another child has died, it’s our fault that the hopelessness and dishonesty escalated.

John Rea Price further illuminated the situation:  ‘In the early 1970s there was a great sense of optimism about prevention to the point where some of the specifics of child protection were neglected’. Such as the failure to dismiss and prosecute child abusers perhaps?

‘The message from the death of Maria Colwell to that of Jasmine Beckford [in 1984] was that social workers were so focused on the family as a whole that they were forgetting about the child. In Jasmine’s case the social worker had a good relationship with the parent but did not see the child – meanwhile, the child was starving in an upstairs room.’

Jasmine wasn’t just starving, she had the living daylights battered out of her and was tied up in a bath full of turds. Didn’t the social worker who was employed to ‘protect’ Jasmine – who was on the at risk register – wonder where perhaps she was on those visits to Jasmine’s house?

‘Community Care’ reassures us that there ‘were achievements which answered the critics…more attention was paid to adult clients: smaller, state-of-the-art residential homes replaced converted workhouses for older people, long-stay psychiatric hospitals and hospitals for “the mentally handicapped” were closed, and the Disabled Persons Act 1986 put disability rights on the map for the first time, even if much of the act was not implemented.’

So that’s why the Empowered Service Users were threatened and assaulted by the ‘care staff’, trafficked into sex work, arrested and framed if they complained and left destitute.

‘Community Care’ mentioned that ‘the Conservative government’s fixation on the mixed economy of care…gave unprecedented opportunities to the private sector which flourished after funding was transferred to councils from the Department of Social Security in 1993.’

I’m happy to remind ‘Community Care’ that many of those who owned, managed and staffed the private sector facilities which flourished after 1993 were exactly the same caring people who had abused and trafficked their clients when those caring people were paid to provide ‘care’ via the state sector. As the new mixed economy grew, I watched exactly the same people populate the new sector, many raking the money in by styling themselves as ‘consultants’. They weren’t consultants, they were usually Angels and social workers and they were being commissioned by their former colleagues.

 

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Welcome to the new mixed economy where choice has been introduced. The Empowered Service Users are free to choose from the pool of paedophiles and their friends who were allocated to them previously. Not that there’ll even be any choice among that pool, because there’s a cartel in operation and the Empowered Service Users find that the cartel will conspire to ensure that they decide who ends up receiving a ‘service’ from whom.

 

‘Community Care’ told us that Bob Hudson remembers how quickly thinking changed after ‘bright new hostels and day centres‘ were built after Seebohm: ‘We thought we were doing the right thing and it’s easy to say with hindsight that we should have done it differently. There was no consultation with service users to speak of, there was a ‘we know best’ mentality about it. Then Thatcher took the view that professionals had disempowered ‘consumers’ and the remedy was to bring market forces to bear in social care. It was the most astonishing change. In 1970s Sunderland we couldn’t have conceived of the local authority not being the service provider.’

Bob Hudson knew about the paedophile ring which operated in Sunderland and he’ll have known that it had an arrangement with Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. If in 1970s Sunderland no-one could have conceived of the local authority not being the service provider, then why did so many senior managers of social services in the North East at that time send so many children to children’s homes in north Wales, which were being run as private businesses by the trafficking gang? One Director of Social Services from the North East even turned up at Bryn Alyn near Wrexham to celebrate the opening of a new annexe. The kids maintained that he saw the dreadful conditions in which they were living.

 

According to ‘Community Care’, the Barclay Report boldly advocated a ‘political’ element of social work in which their role was to speak out about the impact of social policy on the lives of the poor and disadvantaged. Pinker was the Barclay’s Committee’s lone dissenter. ‘Social workers are not there to change society, that’s what politicians are for, he says. ‘I didn’t think community social work was a good idea at all; it was so general it stretched social workers beyond their professional capacities.’

I have been exposed to discussions regarding whether social workers should be ‘political’ or not. I knew a nurse at the Hergest Unit who expressed the view that the Arfon Community Mental Health Team treated their clients appallingly because the training of social workers was ‘political’, whereas Angels were trained to place patients’ needs first. This particular Angel did not abuse the patients in the way that the Arfon CMHT did and she was actually very well-liked by the patients. However, she did know that her immediate colleagues and that Dafydd and the Top Doctors were dangerous and abusive and she rushed to their defence in the wake of every complaint about them. Although she was a senior nurse, she was treated disrespectfully by the Top Docs and the Arfon CMHT alike. This Angel trained at a time when it was indeed stressed to Angels that the patients’ needs should be prioritised. However, along with that, the Angels were also trained to be subservient in the face of hierarchies, even if this meant remaining silent when patients were being grossly abused. The Angel in question was very sharp regarding her observations in terms of her patients who were living in abusive relationships or working in jobs in which they were being exploited. She must have known how unhinged some of those with whom she worked were and she was repeatedly told by patients of the serious abuse that they had experienced at the hands of her colleagues.

I suspect that she knew exactly what would be coming her way if she ever raised one word of concern regarding Dafydd et al…

In contrast, I witnessed a social work tutor at Coleg Menai tell her students that they must never be ‘political’ and furthermore they must always blow the whistle on any client breaking the law, even if it was minor benefit fraud by someone who could not make ends meet. On the day that the Waterhouse Report was published, this tutor told the whole class that she had been one of the social workers who had taken children to the Ty’r Felin children’s home and although she always thought that Nefyn Dodd was ‘very uncaring’ towards the children, she had no idea of the serious abuse to which the children were being subjected. The kids at Ty’r Felin were starved, beaten, kicked, made to work for no pay in the local businesses, forced to lick Nefyn Dodd’s boots and were trafficked to local venues as well as to Dolphin Square for sex work. Hundreds of complaints were made about Nefyn Dodd and his wife June by children. That social work tutor missed a great deal.

Nefyn Dodd was a friend of Dafydd’s.

I know one man who began social work training in north London in the early 1970s. He was on placement with Haringey Council and with Islington Council. This man remembered Margaret Hodge who was a leading light in Islington Council at the time. He and others on his course raised concerns with their tutors regarding the corruption within the Councils and also regarding the neglect that the clients were experiencing at the hands of the Social Services. His tutors told the students that they were not allowed to document any criticisms of the Councils employing those social workers. When he observed that the only problem that one ‘problem family’ actually had was their dreadful and unsafe accommodation he was told that he was being political and that was not a social worker’s job. He subsequently withdrew from the social work course on the grounds that he would never be able to help clients working under these constraints.

Political or not political, the training of Angels and social workers ensures that everyone is trained to do one thing above everything else – to never, ever blow the whistle, even if a criminal gang is operating in the area and murdering witnesses.

 

In July 1968, when Kenneth Robinson was Health Minister, a Green Paper was issued, before the Seebohm Report was published. The Green Paper stated that Medical Officers of Health could extend their role as community physicians. Documents in my possession demonstrate that the Community Physicians of Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities were the Top Doctors responsible for holding Dafydd to account. Both of them ignored my complaints about Dafydd. It was only after writing to them several times that they even bothered to reply. What they did when I persisted is to contact their mate Dafydd and have a friendly chat, then write back to me and tell me that my complaints were groundless. See previous posts for details.

In my post ‘Feet In Chains’ I detail part of Dafydd’s early career as a Top Doc. Before being appointed as a consultant at Denbigh, Dafydd had carried out ‘community research’ on Anglesey with the Medical Officer of Health. Dafydd and those Medical Officers of Health who were later responsible for holding him to account went back decades…

Seebohm’s recommendations that new personal Social Services Depts should be established within local gov’t and take over children’s services, as well as the care of the mentally ill and handicapped, that were despised by Dick Crossman but nonetheless accepted, were put into action from 1971 onward, by which time Ted Heath was PM.

One person who was really impressed by the Seebohm Report was Baroness Brooke of Ystradfellte. I need to double check, but I think that Baroness Brooke was a member of the Seebohm Committee. She stated that ‘What the Seebohm Committee wants is a family service geared to meeting as many as possible of the needs of the family’. Yet it wasn’t Baroness Brooke’s family which would be destroyed by Dafydd et al.

Barbara Brooke was the daughter of a Welsh Minister. She was educated at the Gloucester Training College of Domestic Science. In 1933 she married fellow Conservative Henry Brooke, who was Home Secretary. They had four children: Peter Brooke, a Conservative politician; Sir Henry Brooke, a judge and Lord Justice of Appeal; Honor Brooke, who married Dr Thomas Miller; and Margaret Brooke, who married Dr James Pulfer.

Peter Brooke held a number of Cabinet posts. He was Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1987-89 and Secretary of State for N Ireland, 1989-92. Brooke knew about Dafydd’s gang and he knew about Kincora in Belfast.

In 1948 Barbara Brooke became a member of Hampstead Council and held her seat until 1965. She was Joint Vice-Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1954-64 and was active in the NHS. Among other things Brooke was a member of the North West Metropolitan Regional Hospital Board, 1954-66; Chair of the Queen’s Institute of District Nursing, 1961-71; and the North London Hospital Management Committee, 1963-66.

Barbara Brooke will have known about the abuse of children and vulnerable adults within the NHS and Social Services.

 

 

In Wales, with regards to the reorganisation of the NHS, a Green Paper was published in 1970, which proposed the establishment of seven Area Health Boards directly responsible to the Secretary of State. The Green Paper was probably written in the dying days of Wilson’s Gov’t, when George Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales.

In June 1970, Sir Keith Joseph arrived at the DHSS with Heath’s Gov’t. In  1972, a White Paper proposed that Chairmen of Area Health Authorities should be selected and appointed by the Secretary of State. The White Paper also proposed that Community Health Councils be established. Such is the dynamism to be found within the NHS, come CHCs did not come into being until the late 1970s.

CHCs are surrounded by much discourse regarding them being the ‘patients’ voice’ and a democratic way of holding the NHS to account. In north Wales, there are very few ‘patients’ sitting on CHCs and those that do simply take instructions from their masters in the NHS. The vast majority of members of CHCs in north Wales are people who hold, or who have held, senior positions in the NHS, in the Social Services, in the County Councils and other such organisations.

The Chief Executive of Gwynedd CHC was Glanville Owen. Glanville had formerly been the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for children’s homes throughout the years when the abuse of kids in care in Gwynedd was at its worst (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Other leading lights in the various CHCs that have served the patients of north Wales include Dr Sadie Francis, who spent years working as a Top Doctor at Denbigh and then the Hergest Unit, Dr Medwyn Williams, a GP from Anglesey and Dr Christine Evans, who spent years as one of the awkward bastards of surgeons at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd who caused so much difficulty for patients. Christine Evans however did provide a good service to Tony Francis when she was his Top Doctor. Eleanor Burnham, a former Lib Dem AM, more recently joined the CHC in north Wales. Eleanor is a former Social Services manager and for years sat on the Mental Health Review Tribunal for the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. See previous posts for details of the shenanigans on the part of CHCs in Wales.

The patients’ voice the CHCs are not.

 

In Feb 1971, a consultative document was published with regard to the reform of local gov’t in Wales. It proposed seven County Councils and 36 District Councils, with personal Social Services being a function of the County Councils. The number of County Councils was subsequently increased to eight, as was number of Health Authorities. The areas covered by the Health Authorities matched the new Counties.

The Secretary of State for Wales issued a White Paper on the NHS, which stated that the Area Health Authorities would be directly responsible to the Secretary of State for Wales. So the successive Secretaries of State don’t really have any excuses for not addressing the waste and embezzlement of NHS funds, the corrupt tendering processes, the sky high mortality rates, the failure to deal with the most serious of complaints, the illegal imprisonment of witnesses and the most appalling abuse and neglect of patients. As well of course as that dungeon at Denbigh.

 

Chapter 5 of Abel-Smith’s HMSO publication is entitled ‘The Lean Years Following Reorganisation, 1974-78’. The Top Docs obviously really felt the pinch.

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It was on April 1 1974, that the NHS reorganisation was put into effect. In Wales, the Area Health Authorities were responsible directly to John Morris, who was then Secretary of State. Lord John Morris is yet another paedophiles’ friend who graduated in law from Aberystwyth University and then joined the crooked barristers on the Chester and Wales Circuit. Morris is a member of Gray’s Inn, as was Dafydd’s friend and protector Sir William Mars-Jones. John Morris was the Labour MP for Aberavon, the seat now held by the Windbag’s son. John Morris was so useful that he served in the Cabinets of Wilson, Callaghan and Blair. Foot, the Windbag, John Smith Margaret Becket and her caravan as well as Blair all made use of John Morris as Shadow Attorney General, confident that he would be in no danger of pointing at the Tories and saying ‘Dafydd is/was supplying young boys for your mate Peter Morrison to have his wicked way with’.

Blair was so wowed by Lord John Morris that in 1997 Blair dusted the old boy off and appointed him as Attorney General for England and Wales, as well as AG for N Ireland, posts in which Morris remained until 1999, when the paedophiles’ friend Lord Gareth Williams took over the role of sitting on all the crap, just in time for the publication of the Waterhouse Report.

Lord John Morris was Chancellor of the University of Glamorgan from 2002 and then became Chancellor of the University of South Wales when it was formed by a merger between the University of Glamorgan and the University of Wales, Newport in 2013.

The Universities of Glamorgan, Newport and South Wales have churned out Angels from their nursing degrees, some of whom have been less than impressed with their ‘training’ and even less impressed with the NHS when they have begun work.

Lord Morris was President of the London Welsh Trust, which runs the London Welsh Centre, 2001-08. He is also a Council member of The Princes Trust, with which all the best paedophiles’ friends are associated. 

Here is Lord John Morris, in his Sunday Best:

Lord Morris.jpg

 

From 1974, all Angels, in the hospital and the community, were responsible to the District Nursing Officer. The names of the District Nursing Officers appear on my documents as well, clearly colluding with the crimes…

 

By the time that John Morris was concealing the serious organised crime, the NHS staff were bellyaching about their pay again. Fundamental re-adjustments were made in 1974-75. With regard to Angels, an ‘independent committee’ under Lord Haldane was asked to make recommendations. Lord Haldane’s recommendations led to a huge pay rise for Angels, their pay rise averaged a 51% increase in the course of a year. It was at this point that Angels could no longer be considered to be ‘low paid’ no matter how many times that ‘The Guardian’ used this phrase about them.

Despite the substantial increase in Angels’ pay, Abel-Smith told us that at this time, ‘morale in the NHS was lowered’. ‘Abel-Smith made reference to the ‘more active role of trade unions’ and the ‘conflicting interests of professional groups’. What actually happened was that although Angels received a big pay rise, other groups of NHS workers did not. This led to a great deal of aggro and bad feeling, including between different unions. The RCN considered themselves to be a cut above the other NHS unions which the RCN viewed as being somewhat plebeian. Nurses were also very conscious that some of the industrial action in the NHS was being led by groups of people who were not nurses. One Angel told me that she voted Conservative in the 1970s because she was so angry that a strike in the hospital in which she worked was called by the porters, rather than by the Angels. The porters of course had not enjoyed the massive pay rise that the Angels had, but then whenever NHS workers want a pay rise, it is always said to be on behalf of Angels…

 

In 1976, Lord McCarthy published ‘Making Whitley Work’ and ‘made recommendations’. Whitley is a reference to the Whitley Council, which set the pay scales for professions allied to medicine, apart from, by then, Angels. The Whitley Council was truly hated, it was the most offensive exploitative body that had ever stalked the earth, except of course for the Agricultural Training Board. Angels only received a healthy salary after decisions regarding their pay was removed from the Whitley Council. Lord McCarthy did not Make Whitley Work, by the mid-1980s there was a massive shortage of medical lab staff, medical physicists and other professional groups in the NHS, because the pay as dictated by the Whitley Council was insulting. Fancied working in a cancer screening lab in London in 1989? You’ll have needed a degree, preferably an MSc as well and further professional training. In return you got £6,000 pa. The labs were empty which was why the cancer screening programmes were seriously flawed. The general public were not told. All those leaflets and adverts urging people to ‘get screened’ were a complete scam, there were no staff to carry out the analyses. Hundreds and hundreds of mistakes were being made because of the severe staff shortage…

There was also a serious shortage of hospital pharmacists because their pay was so bad, but I’m not sure if that was determined by the dear old Whitley Council as well.

 

Lord William McCarthy was an academic who specialised in industrial relations and a Labour Party politician. McCarthy grew up in Islington, went to Holloway School and then worked in a gentlemen’s outfitters, where he joined the union USDAW, which sponsored him to study at Ruskin College, Oxford. Ruskin College taught and employed a number of people with links to Dafydd and the gang, including Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth who worked at Bryn Estyn (see post ‘A Study Of Tyranny’). After Ruskin, McCarthy went to Merton College Oxford and then did a doctorate at Nuffield College, Oxford. He then remained as a research fellow at Oxford. In 1965 McCarthy was appointed Research Director of the Royal Commission on Trade Unions and Employers Associations, the body set up by Harold Wilson’s Gov’t, which led to Barbara Castle’s failed ‘In Place Of Strife’ reforms.

Lord McCarthy was considered to be the UK’s leading academic in industrial relations. Even he could not sort out the NHS pay claims. Of course, the problem would have been dealt with had anyone arrested Dafydd and his associates and made public their very serious crimes and the massive degree of collusion with those offences on the part of huge swathes of the NHS.

 

Abel-Smith tells us that ‘further acrimony resulted from the Gov’ts decision to phase pay beds out of the NHS’. This policy was supported by the NHS unions but not the Top Docs. Barbara Castle – who during her incumbency as Secretary of State for the DHSS was assisted by one Jack Straw – made much of her complete opposition to pay beds, but despite all the mouthing off, Castle did not end private care within the NHS. What Castle did do, along with Dr Death, was to appoint a Royal Commission, Chaired by Sir Alec Merrison, on the future of the NHS. Babs and Dr Death privately told people that Sir Alec was selected for this role because of his commitment to the NHS and their confidence that he would not recommend any privatisation. However, Babs and Dr Death knew damn well that the Labour Party would not win the next General Election because everyone hated Sunny Jim and the patronising old git Denis Healey. Thatch had already chosen the curtains for No 10 – chintz no doubt. So whatever Merrison said, private care would flourish because Babs would not be having any say in the matter.

Which is just as well, because Battling Barbara the Flame-Haired Passionate Socialist Who Hated Private Medicine made use of it herself. She must have, because when she was younger Battling Barbara had a course of fertility treatment and the treatment that she described receiving was not available on the NHS. See previous posts.

Furthermore, Sir Alec Merrison had the dirt on Dafydd and whatever went on at Windscale in the 1950s which Dafydd found out about and used to his own advantage (see post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’), which was far more likely to have been the reason for Merrison’s appointment than any putative commitment of his to the NHS.

 

Towards the end of 1974, discussions regarding the new contract for consultant Top Doctors broke down, so the consultant Top Doctors restricted the ‘services’ offered’ by them – in other words they refused to treat their patients.

Exactly how much gold do you want stuffed into your mouth now Doctor? Surely there cannot be room for much more.

 

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In 1975 the junior Top Doctors went on strike – it was emergencies only.

Someone continued to cart Dafydd’s victims off to the dungeon in Denbigh throughout these crises.

The Top Docs know how to kick a Gov’t though. Abel-Smith informed us that ‘the number of new outpatients seen fell by 900,000 in 1975 compared with the preceding year or by a million compared with 1972. The number of main operations performed in hospitals (other than psychiatric) fell by over 1/4 million between 1974 and 1975. Waiting lists rose by about 70,000 between the end of 1974 and the end of 1975.’

Throughout it all, the dungeon at Denbigh was in operation.

 

1976 saw the start of a major campaign ‘Prevention and Health: Everybody’s Business’, ‘to encourage preventative action’. The message was that the NHS could provide health services, but not health and that the main causes of ill health lay in lifestyles. We’re on familiar territory here. In fact yesterday, Suzy Davies, a Tory AM in Wales who hopes to be the next leader of the Welsh Conservatives, made a speech in which she stated that those carted off in an ambulance as a result of alcohol intoxication should be charged. Where that leaves irresponsible teenagers who do not understand that large quantities of spirits can kill you and therefore end up in need of an ambulance and A&E I don’t know. Not only do Top Docs have a very high rate of alcoholism, but I remember one Euan Blair being found drunk and incapable in Leicester Square. Perhaps it’s different for the Top Docs and the Blairs though, because they’ll be able to afford the surcharge when they get bladdered.

 

Abel-Smith’s publication reminded me of something that I’d completely forgotten about ie. the saga over whether to add flouride to the nation’s drinking water. Dentists were very keen on the idea, but then there was a great deal of evidence that while flouride protected against tooth decay within certain limits, flouridisation of drinking water was alleged to half deleterious effects on health in other ways. Abel-Smith stated that half a million quid was earmarked to help authorities to set up schemes for the fluoridation of water. Who was the front runner in terms of adding fluoride to water? It was none other than dear old Anglesey. I have no idea why that famously corrupt nest of vipers led the field in this regard, I would have thought that they were far too busy ignoring child abuse, taking bribes in the planning dept and failing to pay people’s housing benefit, those were the things that they had built their reputation upon. I’ll have to look into this. I expect that someone was paid to take part in the scheme, that’s usually the explanation.

 

The Health Education Council bagged an extra £1 million to launch a ‘better health’ campaign, which was a regional campaign against alcoholism. That will have been at about the time that Dafydd launched CAIS – 1977. Dafydd must have piggy-backed on that campaign and have been given dosh. The Health Education Council’s remit was also to provide more training for health education officers and Abel-Smith stated that ‘the number of these working in health authorities was increased substantially’.

The health outcomes for north Wales – and of course for certain other parts of the UK, including parts of south Wales – remained stubbornly terrible, no matter how many health education officers were deployed. Knightsbridge and Surrey never experienced the morbidity that Methyr Tydfil did, they obviously have more health education officers in Belgravia. That must be why it is such a desirable place to live, those health education officers have really pushed the property prices up.

 

Abel-Smith mentioned the Act of 1973 which reorganised the NHS and included provision for ‘comprehensive family planning service’. From April 1974, the new health authorities became responsible for both the clinics run by the local authorities and those run by the Family Planning Association. Of course, thanks to Vera, Lady Sewerby et al, in 1974, the new Gov’t – Harold Wilson’s – decided that family planning services should be free. From July 1975, free family planning services were also provided by GPs.

So from 1975, those underaged girls and mental health patients being trafficked by Dafydd et al had plenty of options as to where to acquire their contraceptives. No excuses for not having sex with horrible old men now!

 

Harold Wilson’s Gov’t were obviously into holistic medicine though, because in 1975 a ‘comprehensive long-term programme to improve the quality of services for the mentally ill was set out in a White Paper’. The Secretary of State for the DHSS at the time was Battling Barbara. The core of the programme was a shift of care and treatment services into local communities. I think that we’ve been here before. Housing and employment services were also to be closely involved. As these networks developed they were to replace the services provided by the old long stay hospitals. A 20-30 year time scale for implementing the programme was envisaged.

So what happened to the grand plans for facilities in the community which were part of the Mental Health Act 1959?

Brian Abel-Smith explains that because of the economic crisis which hit Britain in the mid-1970s, resources for the NHS ‘had to be planned afresh’. As a result, in March 1976 Battling Barbara issued a consultative document, ‘Priorities In The Health And Personal Social Services’. Jack Straw will be able to tell us all about that. A comparable document for Wales was issued by Lord John Morris. Priority in the planning of services for both England and Wales was to be given to the development of community services for the mentally ill, the mentally handicapped, the elderly and children. The key social services which could reduce the need for health services and the domiciliary care of the mentally ill and mentally handicapped had been by then transferred to local authority Social Services Depts. Yes, it was now the remit of Lucille et al.

Local authorities and health authorities were required to set up joint consultative committees of members of both authorities, which in north Wales would have been the same people and of course their friends and relatives. In England, money was specially allocated and set aside from the NHS budget to enable health authorities to contribute to local authority schemes helping those being looked after in the community. Presuming that any such schemes actually existed. For England, this allocation was £8 million in the year 1976-77. By 1978-79, the allocation had risen to £32 million. In Wales, Areas Health Authorities were given discretion to use their ordinary funds for these purposes and a central reserve was created on which they could draw. from 1978-79. At the time, the Secretary of State for Wales was Lord John Morris.

Many of the key players from those days are now pushing up the daisies, but John Morris is still with us. Can he tell us where all this money for community mental health facilities went, because the patients were certainly never offered the use of any such facilities. This is not just a bit of loose change that could have disappeared down the back of the sofa, millions of pounds were handed over yet no community facilities appeared. The conditions in Denbigh were dreadful as well, so it certainly wasn’t invested in that institution.

What did you do with the money Lord Morris?

 

Abel-Smith explains that in order to achieve geographical equity, financial allocation would be based on the population served, differences in morbidity, the state of the capital plant and the special needs of teaching and research. A working party was set up in 1975 to recommend on allocations. The system brought special help to deprived regions. It was from 1977-78 that Abel-Smith tells us that a substantial step towards this system of allocation was made, when David Ennals, who was by then Secretary of State for the DHSS, decided that the most deprived regions should be allowed a growth of revenue of 3% and the best endowed region of 1/4%. Year by year progression was planned.

Ennals was a long-standing paedophiles’ friend, as were other members of his family as well. Lord Ennals loyally concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al during the many years that Ennals played leading roles in MIND. Furthermore, David Ennals was a mate of Dafydd’s old buddy and umbrella who was based at the Maudsley, Dr Jim Birley. See previous posts for details of David Ennals and his close relationships with people who were facilitating trafficking gangs. Ennals’s year on year increase in extra dosh to deprived regions clearly made no difference at al. But then sending money to deprived regions, such as the immediate area around the Maudsley and letting Dafydd’s mates decide what to do with it is not going to bear fruit.

In Wales, a Working Group on Resource Allocation was set up in 1974 to examine methods of resource allocation to Welsh health authorities. The Group produced its first Report in Dec 1974 and a second in Dec 1975. A Steering Committee on Resource Allocations superseded this Working Group. Allocations made by the Secretary of State for Wales was based on the advice of the Committee. The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was, er, Lord John Morris.

 

Chapter 6 of Abel-Smith’s publication is ominously entitled ‘Unfinished Business’.  Abel-Smith told us that ‘despite 30 years of the NHS, mortality rates are in general a third higher in Wales than in East Anglia…despite 30 years of the ‘welfare state’, the differences in mortality rates between social classes, are if anything getting wider rather than narrower…’

Yes, Brown and I have been making those points for some time now. Whatever the Top Docs are doing, it is not working. It is working for the Top Docs, they’re doing very nicely for themselves, but it’s not working for The Poor, whom Nye Bevan and the more recent generations of Top Docs assured us were benefiting from the NHS. Abel-Smith wrote that damning admission in 1978. Pre-Thatch, so it was nothing to do with Tory Cuts.

Abel-Smith continues: ‘many mentally ill people now in the old psychiatric hospitals could live in the community if all the local services were there to help them do so…Only about one third of districts provide a comprehensive psychiatric service in their general hospitals, only a fifth of the 30,000 places needed in day centres are provided and only a third of the 12,000 places needed in residential homes. Adequate accommodation for mentally infirm old people is sadly lacking’. Abel-Smith continues in a similar vein with regard to the lack of support for the mentally handicapped, the elderly, the younger disabled…Brian Abel-Smith finished by saying that a Royal Commission on the NHS is ‘currently at work’, one of its tasks being to re-examine the organisation of the NHS, which may need ‘to be adapted in years to come’…

 

It is now 40 years since Abel-Smith’s idiot’s guide to the non-achievements of the NHS was published. Yesterday it was announced that transpeople will be allowed fertility treatment funded by the NHS. This might be very nice for transpeople – I’m sounding a bit reserved here, because many forms of fertility treatment still have a very low success rate, so not all transpeople may end up being blessed with children. My friend’s dad is in his 80s and is facing the last few days of his life at the moment, he is not expected to be here next week. He has cancer. He lives alone with his wife who is also in her 80s and who has been caring for him herself at home. There are no state funded home helps or carers in Somerset, where they live. My friend’s dad is conscious but he’s bedridden now and needs everything doing for him. The last time that I spoke to my friend, she was intending to phone a private agency supplying carers with a view to paying for some to help her mum look after her dad. Across the UK, thousands of other elderly or disabled people cannot get the help that they need for washing, dressing, going to the bog etc. Mentally ill people – not the 1 in 4 that MIND have been so concerned about in recent years, but the 1 in 50 with severe, lifelong psychotic illness – are dying destitute on the streets of every major city in the UK and are having a very bad time in most small towns and villages.

Top Docs and senior NHS managers remain some of the highest paid people employed by the state in the UK.

 

UK news items that have received coverage in the media over the past couple of days include a row over Angels’ pay. The Gov’t agreed to a pay rise for NHS staff just weeks ago. The Angels are furious because they have now realised that the pay rises only benefit Top Doctors and senior Angels. Everyone else gets sod all. That doesn’t surprise me. The Angels are claiming that the RCN has sold them down the river. That doesn’t surprise me either. The RCN is no longer about the Angels who are doing the grafting, it is about the Angels who will tick the boxes, keep quiet about patient neglect or even abuse and rapidly move into NHS management.

 

A story appeared on BBC News Online about a psychiatrist in Norway who has been jailed – but not for very long – after being found in possession of thousands of child porn images. A number of people have come forward explaining that this man performed ‘assessments’ on them and on the basis of what they maintained were very flawed assessments, removed their children from their care. There are demands that every assessment that the convicted psychiatrist made should be reviewed. The BBC was particularly disgusted that the psychiatrist was first arrested in 2013 but it wasn’t until 2015 that he was prevented from practising.

Serious complaints about Dafydd were made by the early 1960s. In 1966, Dafydd was at the centre of a huge patient abuse and neglect scandal published by ‘The Times’. The complaints about Dafydd have poured in on a truly impressive basis every year since. It is now 2018. Dafydd is 87 yrs old. He may be 88 by now. Dafydd is still a registered medical practitioner.

In the mid-1990s Dafydd appeared on a number of BBC TV programmes in his capacity as an expert, including on Kilroy and the Kane Debates. In the late 1980s I wrote to Esther when she launched her ‘improve mental health care’ campaign and provided her with full details of the serious crime with which Dafydd et al were involved. I did not receive a reply.

 

There is a bun-fight over heart surgery at St George’s Hospital Medical School. It has been revealed that higher number of patients are dying than should be. That is not in dispute, but nonetheless, St George’s have reassured the public that the heart surgery unit is safe. After their Professor of Paediatrics Oliver Brooke was jailed for child porn offences in 1986, St George’s reassured the public that Oliver Brooke had never offended against his patients. Not only was that most unlikely to be true, but some of the members of the pan-European child sex ring of which Brooke was a key figure continued to work at St George’s and numerous members of staff at the hospital continued to collude with them.

 

My documents demonstrate that the BMA not only colluded with Top Doctors who were involved in very serious crime, but advised those Top Doctors on how to bring charges on the basis of perjury against people who had complained about those Top Doctors. If Thatcher’s Gov’t sequestered the NUM’s assets on the grounds that the NUM had broken the law, may I suggest that the assets of the BMA are seized? The wrongdoing which the BMA positively encouraged is so serious that I imagine that their funds could be seized under the proceeds of crime legislation.

 

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Dirty Rotten Scoundrels

My post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ discussed Rhodri Morgan’s long-standing friendship with Ron Davies, as well as some other people in that very tight south Wales Labour Party network and how they ‘didn’t know’ about Ron’s cottaging activities. In spite of much evidence that they did know and they also knew a great deal more about Ron and a few other people which didn’t ever hit the media, even after Ron’s moment of madness with Boogie on Clapham Common and his subsequent adventure when he was looking for badgers.

A few other people knew about Ron – and more importantly knew about the serious abuse of vulnerable people by the health and welfare services in north Wales and elsewhere, which was being kept quiet by all political parties.

 

One of those was Lawrence Conway, the civil servant who was Director of Rhodri’s private office (Director of the Dept of FM, ie. Cabinet Secretary). In his memoir Rhodri describes Lawrence as ‘a Welsh Office lifer’ with ‘sensitive political antennae’ and ‘eyes in the back of his head to know what was going on’. Not only had Lawrence spent his career in the rotten-to-the-core Welsh Office – with its many officials, Ministers and Secretaries of State who had concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles in north Wales for decades (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’), but had also kept the lid on George Thomas and his sexual assaults on children and young men – but Lawrence Conway was at the heart of the most rotten part of the rotten apple. According to Rhodri, Lawrence ‘did child protection’.

So Lawrence knew that the children’s homes in north Wales were not being inspected regularly even when complaints of abuse were being made and a number of staff of those homes were appearing in court charged with sexual and physical assaults on children (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). Lawrence knew that some of those employed as social workers/social work managers in homes and areas where there was a massive problem with the abuse of children in care were given jobs as inspectors with the SSI (Social Services Inspectorate) in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Reality Is That There Is No Problem’).

Lawrence Conway knew that there were also serious complaints about the abuse and illegal imprisonment of patients in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and that many of those patients were former residents of the children’s homes of north Wales.

 

After the publication of the massive cover-up that was the Waterhouse Report – organised by William Hague and the Welsh Office whilst Hague was Secretary of State for Wales – the ritual hand-wringing and chanting of the mantra ‘never again’ reached new levels. One of Ronald Waterhouse’s most publicised recommendations – which it was claimed would ensure that no-one would ever have to do the ‘never again’ bit in the future – was the establishment of the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales. My God, Wales was proud of having a Children’s Commissioner. Wales was leading the way! My post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’ discusses the backgrounds of the people that have held that post. They have all been former social workers who were employed by and networked with organisations and institutions where children were abused. Anyone familiar with Wales will know that there is a great deal of truth in the caricature that everyone in Wales knows each other and each other’s business. Every one of the Children’s Commissioners will have been party to details of the abuse of children that they have not disclosed.

One social worker who was employed in the Children’s Commissioner’s team whilst Keith Towler was Commissioner came from Denbigh. She knew all about the abuse of patients at the North Wales Hospital because her father worked as a nurse there. He didn’t just work as a nurse at Denbigh for a few weeks – he was one of the long term key staff who was employed there for many years and his name is frequently mentioned by the former staff of that hospital when they are reminiscing about the Good Old Days. I don’t know this man’s real name because he was simply universally known as ‘Davey Crockett’ because of the nature of a hat that he wore. Davey Crockett knew Dafydd, was mates with him and Davey Crockett’s family used to call upon Dafydd when they needed a favour. Davey Crockett knew about the dungeon in which the victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned, he knew about the paedophile gang that Dafydd was facilitating and he knew that the North Wales Hospital was stuffed full of people who were being held there unlawfully.

Davey Crockett’s daughter knew Keith Fearns, the grossly abusive leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and had absolutely no problem with him. She also knew that Dafydd’s own family – as well as everybody else – were terrified of Dafydd. She knew that Dafydd terrorised and stalked members of his own family. She described Dafydd as ‘evil’ and stated that no-one would ever get away from him once they had crossed his path.

I know for a fact that this social worker had knowledge of at least one school in Gwynedd where the kids were being sexually abused and she has never said a word. Probably because she knows that she’d never work again if she did.

Well Dafydd, you might have convinced Davey Crockett’s family that being mates with you was a better option than challenging you, but you shouldn’t have tried the same game with me, because there’s this blog now…

 

Lawrence Conway retired from the civil service in 2009. So he is of the right vintage to have been ‘doing’ child protection when Dafydd and the paedophiles were running that extensive business of theirs back in the 1970s and 80s. Lawrence will have been sitting in his office in Cathays Park when Tony Francis (Dr X) snapped at me ‘you can even complain to the Secretary of State if you want’ and when other people were telling me to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and to get out of north Wales and never come back. The Cathays Park in which those worked who were responsible for receiving and writing the incriminating documents – some of which seem to have been forged – that are now in my possession.

What did Lawrence Conway do when he retired? He joined Carwyn’s team of First Minister’s special advisors. Lawrence advised Carwyn on public service delivery! Well Carwyn, if you’ve ever wondered what is going so wrong, there’s your clue…

Entertainingly, the appointment of Lawrence Conway as Carwyn’s Spad left one person seething, so seething that they raised concerns with Whitehall and the civil service heads of the Welsh Gov’t. Who was this person who didn’t think that paedophiles’ friend Lawrence Conway should be cluttering the Welsh Gov’t up after his retirement? It was none other than another paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan, the Top Doctor who was Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly, 2008-12. Dame Gillian knows a great deal about the abuse of anyone who has spilt the paedophiles’ pints, as I discussed in my post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’

Paedophiles’ friends at war!

 

Before he worked for Rhodri, Lawrence Conway worked for another person who knows a good deal more about Dafydd and the paedophiles and George Thomas et al than he ever lets on- Alun Michael, who resigned as First Secretary at the same time as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to Gov’t (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Lawrence was appointed Alun Michael’s Principal Private Secretary in May 1999 when Michael became First Secretary of the new Welsh Assembly.

Although Rhodri and Alun Michael were famously pitched against each other in terms of who would be First Secretary once the Welsh Assembly was established – everybody presumed that it would be Ron Davies until Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate) – they went back a long way.

When Rhodri was first elected as MP for Cardiff West in 1987, he shared an office with Alun Michael and Paul Murphy. The Paul Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales and who expressed his relief that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been subject to a full and transparent investigation and that there was no links with organised paedophile rings outside north Wales, no evidence of any politicians involved and it was definitely nothing to do with the Freemasons. Furthermore Paul was delighted to be able to say that there had been no cover-up.

‘We didn’t know.’

I wonder who told the daughter of one of Dafydd’s mates that there would be a job coming up in the Children’s Commissioner’s office? Perhaps it was the same person who told Alun Michael’s son Tal that the job of Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CAB was going begging – the CAB which boasts the involvement of Dafydd’s former mistress Lucille Hughes at a senior level. Or the same person who told Tal about the vacancy for the Top Job in the North Wales Police Authority. Or perhaps the person who suggested that Tal would make a good North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Or even a good Labour MP for Ynys Mon!

 

After Alun Michael was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1987, Lorraine Barrett was his office manager. Lorraine became the Labour AM for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1999! Lorraine – a former Angel – is married to Paul Barrett who was of all things the manager of 80s pop favourite Shakin’ Stevens (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Shaky found himself the centre of bad publicity after he hit fame and fortune when the press revealed that his manager had told everyone to keep it quiet that Shaky was married with children and much older than everyone had been told because Shaky and his manager wanted to promote Shaky as a suitable heart-throb for pre-teen girls. Cardiff’s answer to Donny Osmond. Donny was a drip but at least he was 14 not 40 and his mum and dad didn’t let him go out boozing – in fact from what I remember even Coca-Cola was not considered acceptable by famille Osmond, which will have been the key to those perfect teeth which they all possessed. Presumably Shaky was not similarly constrained.

 

Before Alun Michael was elected as an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. So he sat on Cardiff City Council with Julie Morgan and the other ne’er do wells, as the Council was hit by repeated scandals (see posts ‘Corruption Bay Special’, ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’).

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael had four very loyal Spads who had been appointed by Michael – Gareth Williams (political), Andrew Bold (policy), Delyth Evans (speech writing) and Julie Crowley (press, PR, spin doctor).

 

Gareth Williams was a Spad to Alun Michael as Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary of the National Assembly, Dec 1998-Feb 2000. Gareth began his career as a civil servant first in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, working in London and Sweden (1982-88) and subsequently in the Welsh Office (1988-90).

So Gareth was one of the civil servants in Sodom and Gomorrah in Cathays Park along with Lawrence Conway and the rest of them. Including Ffion Hague.

From 1990-1993, Gareth Williams worked in the European Parliament as a Policy Advisor to the Socialist Group, before joining Birmingham City Council, where Williams spent three years as Head of European and International Affairs. He was an Associate Director at ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd (1996-98). Gareth Williams runs his own economic development consultancy based in Shropshire. He has undertaken a wide range of work in Wales, with an emphasis on the European Structural Funds.

 

In Jan 2006 the BBC reported that WAG (Welsh Assembly Government) was failing to meet its key targets to regenerate some of Wales’ poorest areas – according to a report produced by Gareth Williams. Gareth said that WAG was not likely to reach two out of the three targets set for Objective One European funding, the shortfalls being in job and wealth creation.

Yet Economic Development Minister Andrew Davies said 85,000 people in Wales had been helped by the money. The seven-year programme, which ended in 2006, saw £1.26 billion spent on hundreds of projects in west Wales and the Valleys. ‘We’ve set ambitious targets because the scale of the task we inherited from the Conservatives was huge’ Davies claimed. ‘The impact isn’t necessarily on jobs created – it’s also on the number of people who have been helped.’ Andrew Davies said it had made a ‘major impact’ on west Wales and the Valleys, with skills training. ‘Clearly we’ve closed the unemployment gap with the rest of the UK. The next challenge is to get higher paid, higher quality jobs.’

It is now 12 years since Andrew Davies claimed that the EU funding given to west Wales and the Valleys had worked wonders. West Wales and the Valleys are still on their knees. One major area of growth in those regions is in Third sector organisations receiving dosh from the Welsh Gov’t to provide ‘services’ for homeless people or other people having a hard time – it has become clear that these organisations are excellent at maintaining their own existence and growth but they are not helping those that they claim to be.

Whilst Wales did build bridges and roads with EU funding and I can remember huge swathes of very poor housing in Bethesda being transformed by EU funding back in the 1990s, after those in Cardiff Bay went into shock when a majority in Wales voted to leave the EU in 2016 it was admitted that far too much of the EU funding had been spent on ‘projects’ from which people in Wales saw no benefits.

Those projects followed the standard model in Wales. A load of people were employed for a short length of time – for the duration of the ‘project’ – on minimum wages. They were supervised by a smaller number of team leaders, who were people with a professional qualification or a level of education (often former teachers or social workers). At the top of the pyramid there were a very small number of people on very generous salaries who were mates with politicians or civil servants in the Welsh Gov’t. This was the business model for Gov’t funded ‘projects’ for the 30 odd years that I lived in Wales. I first observed it in the 1980s and I presumed that it was a consequence of Thatcher’s ‘job creation schemes’ to fiddle the unemployment figures – although Thatcher eventually mercifully went, the ‘projects’ in Wales remained and were run in exactly the same way. One could entertain oneself by watching the lucky few with the jobs at the top circulate from one waste of money which achieved nothing to another. These are the same folk who ‘lead’ the Health Boards in Wales, the Third sector organisations and the quangos. They often leave a great deal of blood on the carpet behind them, but they are never taken out of circulation.

A prime example of the cadre is Meri Huws, who was formerly the Chair of the Welsh Language Board. There was the most enormous row when Meri was appointed to the post of Chair of the Welsh Language Board because she failed to declare that she was in a relationship with a Welsh Gov’t Minister. Who was Meri’s bedfellow at that time? None other than Andrew Davies. The allegations that Andrew had bagged Meri the job were made just a few months before Andrew Davies made the comments above as reported by the BBC. So Andrew stated that what was needed were ‘higher paid, higher quality jobs’. All these years later, west Wales and the Valleys are still in poverty – but Meri does of course have a higher paid, higher quality job. She is the Welsh Language Commissioner. There was blood on the carpet left behind her at the Welsh Language Board and much discord. Furthermore the number of people speaking Welsh continued to decline whilst Meri was Chair of the Board. So it was only sensible after that track record Meri should then have been given the job of Welsh Language Commissioner rather than someone who would have been effective.

However, as I explained in my post ‘People With Energy’, the one advantage that Meri always has over other candidates is that she used to work as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services on the patch where the Ty’r Felin children’s home was located. The social workers running Ty’r Felin were trafficking kids down to Dolphin Square – among other places – for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Any civil servant or politician looking at Meri’s CV will get the message loud and clear – she knows where the bodies are buried.

 

The clients of Gareth Williams’s consultancy included Wales’s education and training quango ELWa. ELWa was nearly as notorious as the WDA for cronyism and the inexplicable spending of huge sums of money. ELWa’s reputation finally ended over the business of the Pop Factory in which £2 million quid was inexplicably given to a company called Avanti who ran something called the Pop Factory to organise something else which they had no hope of organising, which never got off the ground and ended in chaos. It was Jane Davidson – the AM for Pontypridd and Minister for Lifelong Learning – who had countersigned for the cheque to be released. It was revealed that Gov’t accounting procedures had not been followed and that ELWa had refused to disclose other alleged irregularities when requested.

The Chair of ELWa was Enid Rowlands who was based in north Wales. Enid flatly refused to move to south Wales – although nearly all the staff of ELWa were based in south Wales and Rowlands was keen to accept the job. So an arrangement was made that ELWa would have a ‘virtual’ head office. Is it surprising that the whole set up imploded?

Enid featured in a Wales Online report in 2003, when she was at the centre of a grade A row for refusing to resign as the Chair of ELWa in the wake of the £2 million scandal and the laying off of nearly 100 ELWa staff. Enid stated her intention to remain as Chair for another four months until her contract ended.

Did Enid’s career suffer from the ELWa scandal? Of course not. Enid is now the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority! Enid was previously the UK Chair of Victim Support. She has ‘held roles’ with the Information Commissioner’s Office, NEST Corporation Consumer Focus, North Wales Police Authority, North Wales Health Authority and the S4C Authority. Enid was and might still be a member of the BUPA council.

Enid ‘began her career working with unemployed and disadvantaged young people and became Chair of Education and Skills Wales, responsible for all post-16 education and training in Wales outside the Higher Education sector’. She has also been a Trustee in the voluntary sector including positions with the Royal National Institute for the Deaf and The Prince’s Trust.

I note that Enid ‘studied psychology’. Rhodri’s memoir claims that Enid is a patriotic north Waleian and would never move from north Wales. So did Enid perhaps study psychology in north Wales? Which could have involved a placement with Dafydd at the North Wales Hospital…

Enid’s biography on the Solicitors Regulation Authority website doesn’t mention this, but Enid is married to the former Auditor General for Wales, Huw Vaughan Thomas. Huw was the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, 1991-96. Whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Social Services for Gwynedd and the paedophile ring operating in those Social Services caused havoc and was subject to a police investigation. Huw holds even more positions of responsibility than does Enid (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

In 2010 Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales who preceded Huw Vaughan Thomas, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn.

It is incredible isn’t it.

For eight years, Enid was a member of the GMC. Enid – do you happen to know anything about the forged document that was found in the possession of the GMC, purporting to be a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’), after I made repeated representation to the GMC about the abusive Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit?

Huw and Enid are yet two more highly placed paedophiles’ friends who live in the HQ for such folk, Colwyn Bay (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). No wonder Enid wouldn’t move to south Wales.

 

The acting CEO of ELWa found himself in the shit along with Enid – that was none other than paedophiles’ friend and the former manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Dr Peter Higson. Wales Online reported that Higson was appointed as acting CEO without going through normal procedures. Furthermore he was known to Enid, having been an Executive Director of North Wales Health Authority at a time when she Chaired the North Wales Health Authority.

So Higson’s career trajectory went from staffing Dafydd’s dungeon – Higson was originally a clinical psychologist at Denbigh – to managing the dungeon, to managing the whole of the north Wales mental health services when lies were told about the North Wales Hospital having been completely shut down in the summer of 1995, to being a Director of the North Wales Health Authority, to being the acting CEO of ELWa which never recovered from the business of the £2 million quid and was later dismantled. What happened to Higson in the wake of that? He was appointed CEO of the newly formed regulatory body Health Inspectorate Wales of course. After Higson had been in post for nine years it was declared that the mismanagement of HIW was so serious that it was ‘not fit for purpose’. Which must have been why Higson was then appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Which was put into special measures after Higson’s feet had been under the table for about eighteen months.

As far as I know, unlike Meri, Peter Higson’s career success has been achieved without sleeping with Alan Pugh, Andrew Davies and Rhodri Morgan. Although Higson’s sister Ruth Hussey was Chief Medical Officer for Wales – a female role model! – so perhaps it was her bedfellows who were the key to Peter’s success… Although I suspect that it was Peter holding the keys to the dungeon containing the victims of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which probably brought such good fortune to the Higson clan.

 

Gareth Williams’s 2006 report re the EU Structural Funds said that Labour had not created the hoped-for 43,500 new jobs. WAG had also wanted to use the funding to raise Wales’s GDP to 78% of the UK average. The report suggested that figure had not been reached.

Mike German, the then Liberal Democrat leader in the Assembly, commenting on Gareth’s report said: ‘I don’t think it was a failure, but that we had enormous built-in problems: a slow start, a lot of squabbling at the beginning. What we need to do is learn those lessons now.’

It is the story of Wales – a slow start and a lot of squabbling. Which is entirely a result of the one built-in problem that runs through everything – that the most senior jobs in absolutely every domain are given to people who either facilitated or concealed a gang of paedophiles. The lesson has still not been learnt.

The problem that the Assembly inherited from the Conservatives which Andrew Davies mentioned in his comments to the BBC would never have happened had Meri, Davies, Enid fucking Rowlands and the rest of them not been so keen to stick their noses into the trough provided by the Bay of Plenty that they were prepared to spend their entire careers assisting a paedophile gang which supplied kids to Thatcher’s friend and aide Sir Peter Morrison, as well as to a few others.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Andrew Bold was born in Newport and wrote his PhD on the WDA. So he’ll know even more about the crooks that milked it for millions than the rest of us do. Bold worked as a Welsh Labour Party research officer in the early 1990s and was the Welsh Labour’s Assistant General Secretary (policy) before becoming Michael’s Spad in 1999. In June 2000 after Rhodri had replaced Michael as FM, Andrew Bold moved to the Wales Office to replace Professor Hywel Francis as Paul Murphy’s adviser. Murphy had another advisor as well – Anthony Hunt.

 

Hunt completed a law degree and worked in the US on educational projects and for the Democrats. Hunt joined WAG’s Labour policy team in 2001. In 2002 he was recruited by Paul Murphy to manage his constituency office and communications; Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in January 2008 and a year later Hunt joined him as a Spad concentrating on press and communications.

So can Anthony Hunt shed any light on Murphy’s sudden departure as Welsh Secretary which no-one ever explained?

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Delyth Evans had been a management consultant and BBC and HTV journalist. She worked on the BBC’s ‘World at One’ and PM programmes before becoming an assistant to Gordon Brown MP in 1992 and then policy adviser and speechwriter to the then Labour leader John Smith, 1992–1994. After Alun Michael resigned, Delyth Evans was the Labour AM for Mid & West Wales, 2000-03.

Delyth actually succeeded Alun Michael’s seat when he resigned. As well as being the AM for Mid & West Wales, 1999-2000, Michael also held the Westminster seat for Cardiff South and Penarth, 1987-2012. After Michael resigned as FM, he reverted to his Westminster role. Alun Michael’s short time at the Assembly was not a happy one. He had been imposed upon Wales as First Secretary by Blair and there was much resentment all around as a result.

 

When Alun Michael resigned as First Secretary, there was much muddy water surrounding his resignation. He resigned just before a Plaid-inspired vote of no confidence in his leadership. The vote followed what Plaid regarded as the failure of Michael to secure Treasury match-funding for £1.2 billion worth of European funding for deprived areas of Wales.

Yet something odd happened when Alun Michael resigned ahead of that no-confidence vote. Janice Gregory, AM for Ogmore, 1999-2016 and Labour Group Whip in the early days of the Assembly, had a hissy fit and resigned the Whip because Alun Michael had resigned as First Minister. Janice resigned the Whip on the grounds that Andrew Davies had plotted to remove Alun Michael. Janice Gregory was the daughter of Sir Ray Powell, the MP for Ogmore, 1979-2001.

Ray Powell was a Labour Whip between 1983-95 and one of his achievements was to refuse Ken Livingstone a desk for more than a year after Ken arrived in the Commons in 1987. Although Ray Powell had a reputation as an effective and formidable Whip himself, he later denounced the Whips office as ‘the Gestapo’ after he ended up on a hit list for refusing to vote to lower the age of consent for homosexual activities. Ray might have held out against that, but he never mentioned the matter of the abuse of children in care in Wales at all – although he was in the Commons throughout the years of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the police investigations, the Jillings Investigation, the Waterhouse Inquiry, the deaths of witnesses…Ray was also the honorary Secretary of the Welsh Parliamentary Labour Party, 1982-92.

Ray Powell could make headway in the most unlikeliest of circumstances. In 1983 the Tory Gov’ts cap on spending resulted in problems with the building of phase two of the hospital in Bridgend in Powell’s constituency. Ray Powell took up the case with the paedophiles’ friend Wyn Roberts at the Welsh Office. Wyn Roberts was obliged to make special arrangements for the funding of the hospital and Ray was delighted to be able to tell his constituents that they would be getting the first rate hospital that they deserved. But Wyn Roberts found himself doing a few other remarkable things to help Welsh causes after he or his colleagues in the Welsh Office had received a visit from someone in a position to remind them that a vicious paedophile gang was operating in north Wales and that the Welsh Office knew all about it (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

 

Janice Gregory was a damp squib as an AM, she was labelled an ‘under-performer’ and a lot of people wished that she’d bugger off. She got into politics via her father. From 1991 Janice worked as political secretary for her dad. That was the year of the Great Stuffing Over of me and a number of my friends who knew what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – the year in which there was an attempt to frame me for a serious crime, with which St George’s Hospital Medical School was complicit (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’), the year in which two of my friends who worked in the media had their careers ruined….

As a result of working for her dad, Janice will have been party to a great deal of information – including information about the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Janice was also active in the local constituency Labour Party, was of course wimmin’s officer for the Party and Chair of Ogmore Wimmin’s Forum. Janice’s wiki mentions that ‘several other family members were active in Labour politics’. I bet that family ran fucking Ogmore.

 

One of Wales’s celebs lived at Ogmore – the well-known poet Danny Abse. Most people who have heard of Danny Abse but who didn’t actually know him have heard of him as a poet. But Danny Abse was also a Top Doctor and he practised as a Top Doctor for 30 years. Danny trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, King’s College London and the Westminster Hospital Medical School. The Welsh National School of Medicine concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years. Two of the ringleaders in this were Professor Kenneth Rawnsley (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy’) and Professor Sir William Asscher who, after spending many happy years concealing a paedophile gang in Wales, then took up the post of Dean of St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, where Asscher concealed another paedophile gang as well as research fraud and serious misconduct (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Asscher did of course continue with his earlier interest in concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent  Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Danny Abse was from a family of psychoanalysts and he and his brother Leo dabbled in analysis themselves. Psychoanalysts of Leo and Danny Abse’s generation concealed a great deal of sexual abuse.

 

Leo Abse was the Labour MP for Pontypool, 1958-83 and Torfaen, 1983-87. Abse was a very good mate of George Thomas and could be relied upon to get George Thomas out of trouble when people who had been molested by Thomas made a fuss about it (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Leo Abse paid some people to keep quiet and threatened to have others imprisoned. (Abse was a lawyer and a not very pleasant one, so a threat from him was quite effective.) It was Leo Abse who provided the cover story when in 1984 George Thomas was hospitalised as the result of contracting an STD. George Thomas and the Top Doctors really loved each other – Thomas was involved with raising funds for medical charities and in return no Top Doctor ever squealed. Kenneth Rawnsley’s wife, Dr Elinor Kapp  – who was a child psychiatrist working in south Wales – was a Trustee of the City Hospice from its founding. The City Hospice was originally known as the George Thomas Hospice, but it changed its name when Thomas’s molesting activities became publicly known.

 

Paul Murphy succeeded Leo Abse as Labour MP for Torfaen. Murphy had long been associated with Torfaen, he’d been a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the MP for the constituency.

 

The thing that I noticed which coincided with Alun Michael’s resignation as First Secretary was the submission of the Waterhouse Report to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. I’m fairly sure that as soon as it was handed over, Alun Michael was out of the door.

Any expose of the truth behind – and the extent of – the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would have sunk numerous politicians, from all parties, in both Westminster and the Assembly. It would have been well worth people putting their heads together and creating a distraction just as that Report was submitted. As one of the creatures said in Jungle Book, ‘You create a distraction, then I’ll rescue Mowgli’.

So as Janice accused Andrew Davies and resigned the Whip, as Plaid made a fuss about the failure to secure Treasury matched-funding, Mowgli scuttled off back to Westminster to the arms of the man who has a great deal to lose if the truth ever does emerge re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, because his wife was mates with all the lawyers who kept it quiet by standing by in silence as witnesses and victims went to prison or died – a man called Tony Blair.

 

Perhaps Delyth Evans could tell us exactly why Mowgli decided to get the hell out of the Welsh Gov’t in Feb 2000. Delyth did well out of it though – she didn’t even need to stand in a by-election to succeed Alun Michael as AM, because Delyth was the second name on Labour’s regional list of candidates for the seat of Mid & West Wales and under the Assembly’s election rules, no by-election is necessary for the regional seat, the next candidate is automatically appointed.

Delyth won’t have just been in a position to dig up the dirt whilst she worked for Alun Michael, Delyth’s previous career was built upon having access to dirt and keeping schtum, which was why she will have ended up as Michael’s Spad and on the regional candidates list.

Delyth was working for the Labour leader John Smith when he died in circumstances in which the Top Doctors at Barts found themselves unable to save his life. Now there’s a warning to everyone.

Delyth went to Aberystwyth University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Before going to Aber, Delyth went to Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen. Delyth was a pupil at Rhydfelen when the drama teacher John Owen taught there. The John Owen who molested his pupils for years and was protected by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’). John Owen also wrote for children’s TV and the HTV Wales and S4C stayed loyal to him as well. He killed himself just before he was due to stand trial and Menna Richards paid her respects at his funeral – the Menna who for years was one of the most senior people employed at the BBC, Delyth’s former employer.

Delyth joined the Labour Party in 1984, when the Windbag was busy concealing organised child abuse and the associated abuses in psychiatry (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’). The Windbag who was the President of the Students Union at Cardiff when Dafydd’s partner in crime Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) was a student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. After he graduated, Tony Francis worked in the Dept of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff. Of which the Head of Dept and Professor was Kenneth Rawnsley.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Julie Crowley was the Press Officer for the Labour Party, 

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael is a distant relation by marriage of Blair’s big buddy, paedophiles’ friend Lord Bruce Grocott (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

 

As well as relying upon the paedophiles’ umbrella that was Lawrence Conway, another person upon whom Rhodri’s ship depended was Kevin Brennan. Brennan was Rhodri’s case worker, researcher, campaign manager and then Spad. Brennan sat on Cardiff City Council, 1991-01 and served as Chair of the Finance Committee, Chair of the Economic Scrutiny Committee and Vice-Chair of Economic Development.

Brennan stood down as Rhodri’s Spad to accept the nomination as the candidate for the Westminster constituency of Cardiff West, Rhodri’s old Westminster seat, after Rhodri stepped down to concentrate on his role as FM. Brennan was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff West in 2001. Blair appointed him an Assistant Gov’t Whip in 2005 and in June 2007 Blair’s successor Gordon appointed Brennan as junior Minister for Children, Young People and Families in the new Department for Children, Schools and Families. Well who better for such a role than Kevin who kept quiet about so much organised child abuse whilst he spent all those years at Rhodri’s side?

Brennan then held the position of Parliamentary Secretary for the Cabinet Office in Gordon’s Gov’t, 2008-09; then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills, Apprenticeships and Consumer Affairs with responsibilities in both the Department of Education and the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills. Following the 2012 General Election, Brennan continued this role in a Shadow Ministerial capacity before Ed Miliband appointed him as Shadow Minister for Schools. Under Jeremy Corbyn, Brennan was Shadow Minister for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2015-16. He is at present Shadow Minister for Heritage and the Arts.

Brennan was born in Cwmbran. He went to St Alban’s RC High School in Pontypool and then Pembroke College, Oxford. Brennan graduated in 1982 and was elected President of the Oxford Union in the same year, with support from William Hague. Hague supported Brennan’s candidacy over those from the left of the Conservative faction in the Union. Brennan then returned to Wales  and completed a PGCE at University College Cardiff in 1985. Brennan also completed a Masters in Education Management at the University of Glamorgan (now the University of South Wales) in 1992.

In 1982, Brennan joined the Cwmbran Community Press as a journalist. He joined the NUT in 1984 before becoming a teacher at Radyr Comprehensive School in 1985 – Radyr was the village in which Rhodri grew up. Brennan left the school in 1994 as Head of the Economics Department. 

Brennan had a major triumph the year after he was elected to the Commons. In July 2002, the steel manufacturer Allied Steel and Wire (ASW) entered receivership and many of their employees were told they would not receive their full company pensions because of a fund shortfall. Brennan had many former workers of Allied Steel & Wire as constituents and he tabled an Early Day Motion in the Commons in Nov 2002 calling for compensation. Brennan threatened to table an amendment to the Pensions Bill if the Gov’t did not offer any help. After Brennan carried out his threat to table the amendment, The Indie reported that Tony Blair faced the ‘biggest backbench rebellion’ of his career. Ultimately, Brennan was successful. The BBC reported he was ‘instrumental in extracting the government’s commitment to establish a £400 million fund to provide compensation for workers who lost their pensions when their firms went bankrupt’.

No doubt the former steelworkers in Brennan’s constituency were most grateful, but I wonder how they would feel if they knew how their MP had twisted the arm of Tony ‘I’m a pretty straight kind of guy, but my wife is mates with God knows how many radical lawyers who ignored a vicious paedophile gang who killed some of their victims and I’ve put quite a few people in the Lords after they had done exactly the same thing’ Blair?

‘It was all a long time ago.’

Unfortunately those who built their careers upon the silence surrounding the dungeon, the rapes, the buggery, the beatings, the fatal car accidents, the bodies which were found hanging from trees, stairwells and in prison cells and the five people who were killed by the firebomb in 1992, are still with us.

Are you having a good time in Westminster Kevin? I bet it’s even better for freebies than Cardiff City Council!

In 2009, Brennan came under scrutiny during the expenses scandal for claiming various items, including a £450 television claimed for his London second home which was delivered to his family home in Cardiff. He claimed for bunk beds for his daughter while the expenses system was intended exclusively for items for the MPs use. Brennan said he bought from businesses in his constituency and the items were for use in his second home. He called the story a ‘smear with no basis in fact’. As opposed to my account of my experiences with the people whom Kevin protected for years, which is backed up by 10,000 documents…

In 2014, Brennan led a campaign with musician Billy Bragg to lift a blanket ban on prisoners having access to guitars. Brennnan held a Westminster Hall debate on the subject to try and get the Gov’t to overturn the ban, citing the importance and the efficacy of music as a means for the rehabilitation for prisoners. The Gov’t agreed and prisoners can now have access to the instruments. Does that include people still banged up because they were fitted up by the paedophiles’ friends Kev?

 

I’m thinking of Howard Hughes, who’s still languishing in prison after being convicted of the rape and murder of Sophie Hook in Llandudno in 1996 on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all except for the word of a convicted child molester (see post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’). The North Wales Police were forced to release Howard after they initially arrested him because they could find no reason to detain him for any longer. Then one of them searched Howard’s house and very conveniently found a stack of child porn. The pathologist who gave evidence at Howard’s trial was Donald Wayte, who is married to Avril Wayte – Avril presides over the notorious shambles that is the pathology service at the Betsi Board and she’s also a Trustee of Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Howard spent time in Bryn Estyn as a boy where he claims he was abused. His application for compensation was rejected on the grounds that he was a convicted sex offender himself. When he was a young man, Howard also passed through that other prison of the paedophiles, ‘a hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, Garth Angharad.

Howard Hughes has learning disabilities and can barely read and write. But then the North Wales Police probably wrote his statement for him anyway.

 

Our Kev fancies himself as a bit of a popster. In 2016, following Jo Cox’s murder, Brennan put together the ‘Friends of Jo Cox’ to record a charity single to raise money for the Jo Cox Foundation. The Friends of Jo Cox included the Parliamentary rock band MP4, the Commons choir, MPs from other parties and a group of famous musicians. The song was a cover of The Rolling Stones’ ‘You Can’t Always Get What You Want’. The Stones waiving their royalties for the Jo Cox Foundation.

Kev – a former Denbigh patient used to wander around Bethesda destitute, visibly malnourished and badly neglected by the mental health services because ‘she is very difficult and we’re not helping her’. This lady repeatedly told me that when she was young she was a groupie who had sex with Mick Jagger. As far as I was concerned the jury was out on that one, but I do know that the same lady was sexually exploited by a number of other people who pretended that they didn’t know her. And a patient who was of a similar vintage to her was sterilised on the orders of the mental health services ‘because she’ll get pregnant’. That was certainly a risk, because the staff were shagging her. So next time that you see Mick Kev, perhaps you could ask him if he remembers the lady from Bethesda. While you’re at it you could also mention the words ‘Mandy Smith’ to Mick’s mate Bill Wyman.

Kev, the reason why the Windbag et al were protecting the reputation of the psych wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd as well as Dafydd’s empire at Denbigh was because the Windbag’s mate Tony Francis ran the empire at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Whilst I was on Tony Francis’s ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd I watched a 19 year old female patient receive a punch in the face from a adult male patient. No provocation at all from her, he just walked up and smacked her one. The matter was not reported to her parents and certainly not to the police. No-one could work out what the man who punched her was doing on the ward anyway. He was a drug user from Llandudno, didn’t seem to be distressed or ill himself and used to have stand up rows with the Angels boasting that he was homeless and was in hospital until he was housed and he ‘wasn’t going to a fucking hostel either’. He didn’t. He kipped in the hospital until a decent flat was found for him. Which was a bloody site more than anyone else got.

The drug patients were Dafydd’s responsibility. Dafydd had a few beds in Ysbyty Gwynedd…

 

Rhodri’s other Spad who hit the big time was of course Mark Drakeford, who was the Professor of Social Policy at Cardiff University. It was Drakeford who was responsible for Rhodri’s famous ‘Clear Red Water’ speech, which was used to signal that the Welsh Gov’t was not going to adopt Blair’s Third Way. Not only did Rhodri forget to use the key phrase ie. Clear Red Water, but Drakeford had previously worked as a social worker for Dyfed County Council whilst a paedophile gang with links to Dafydd et al was at work down there. Which was probably why the Welsh Gov’t had to roll over and have its tummy tickled by Blair when Blair felt like it, because none of them were actually in a position to stand up to him and tell him to take a running jump let alone put Clear Red Water between them and Westminster or indeed even implement any of the more radical ideas that Drakeford published as an academic.

When Drakeford became Health Minister in 2013 and the Top Doctors were busy causing havoc whilst still eliminating vulnerable people, Drakeford made a point of ‘sitting down and talking’ to the BMA. The BMA must have thought that Christmas had come. Drakeford obviously had a talent for sitting down and talking to people when he probably shouldn’t have. Rhodri’s book mentions how helpful it was that when Drakeford was his Spad, that Drakeford would hold regular ‘Saturday coffee meetings’ with Mike Hines, the Lib Dem Group Secretary, to ‘sound out’ the Lib Dems. I am not suggesting that Lib Dems cannot be socialised with, but something underhand must have been going on because Rhodri stressed how by Drakeford doing this there was ‘no trail’ back to Rhodri or any Ministers.

In the same way that Kevin Brennan took over Rhodri’s Westminster seat in 2001, Drakeford took over Rhodri’s Assembly seat of Cardiff West when Rhodri stepped down in 2011. Rhodri and Drakeford went back a long way. Drakeford is described by Rhodri as an ‘old friend from Cardiff West’ who was a South Glamorgan County Councillor when Rhodri was a newly elected MP in 1987. The South Glamorgan County Council that had as members of many other friends and relations of Rhodri – the South Glamorgan County Council that was involved in the scam that was the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) and was at the centre of much corruption (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

Then Drakeford was Rhodri’s Parliamentary agent in the 1992 General Election. The one which the Windbag and his coterie really thought that the Windbag was going to win. The one which John Major won just a few days before that firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). The first police investigation into the possibility of the existence of a paedophile ring operating in north Wales took place in 1991-93. The North Wales Police concluded that no paedophile ring existed. Drakeford could have told them otherwise but he didn’t.

Rhodri mentions another one of his pals, Geoff Mungham, whom Rhodri describes as a ‘sociologist from Cardiff University’ although I note that Mungham’s senior lecturing post at Cardiff was in the Centre for Journalism Studies. Mungham died in 2003 and in his tribute to Mungham, Kevin Brennan stated that Mungham, through ‘his teaching probably did more to promote Cardiff to the world than any official agency’.

 

Mungham had been with the Centre of Journalism since 1971 and was a colleague of Brennan’s on Cardiff City Council. For many years Mungham was City Councillor for Splott. He was Secretary of the ‘Cardiff Says Yes’ Campaign for the Welsh Assembly.

Splott is a disadvantaged area of Cardiff. A friend of mine who was at medical school in Cardiff during the 1980s told me that she felt that a lot of the Top Doctors working in the University Hospital at Cardiff had a rather bad attitude to people in Splott and that this attitude was passed onto medical students. In those days, in their third year at Cardiff (ie. the first clinical year) the medical students used to be allocated a patient who was attending ante-natal clinics, to follow her through her pregnancy and the months afterwards, the idea being to study the development of a family. My mate was quite angry when the other students commiserated with her that her patient was from Splott. Particularly as the lady from Splott turned out to be very nice.

Cardiff City Councillors will have known that people from Splott were putting up with this sort of bigotry but they won’t have said a word.

 

Cardiff School of Journalism is very grandiose and pompous and has become particularly so since the arrival of Richard Tait, or as Tait’s mate Michael Grade emphasises, PROFESSOR Richard Tait. That’s the Michael Grade who in the 1980s offered his ticket to the Edinburgh Festival to Leon’s Brittan’s brother Samuel, after Samuel threw a hissy fit because the fully booked and sold out Festival couldn’t provide him with a ticket and accommodation at the last minute when he demanded it. How do I know this? Because my mate was working in the box office and was the person who refused to pull strings for Samuel Brittan, Samuel Brittan then wrote to Big Mike and Big Mike wrote back to Brittan telling him how appalled he was that my friend wouldn’t work a fiddle. My friend’s head was demanded on a plate but as a consequence she was given copies of the correspondence between Samuel Brittan and Michael Grade and we all had a good laugh at Michael Grade’s shameless toadying. We realised what the purpose of the toadying was when Grade became head of Channel Four not long after.

Michael Grade is now a Tory peer and everyone bangs on about his charisma and how you can tell that he’s got leadership qualities because he wears red braces and matching socks. Which as far as I can see, anyone can do although not everyone has spent their lives toadying to people because their brother is a Home Secretary. A Home Secretary who presided over a thoroughly rotten Home Office, who is known to have covered-up very serious crime related to the organised abuse of children and who has been named as a possible abuser himself.

The climax of Richard Tait’s journalistic career was ‘Nationwide’, which featured Frank Bough and Michael Barratt as well as Richard Stilgoe playing a piano and singing little ditties. Frank Bough obviously had rather more about him because he was subsequently the centre of a scandal involving prostitutes and bingeing on drugs and the BBC kicked him out. Which was a little inconsistent with their remarkably tolerant attitude to Jimmy Savile.

Richard Tait was a BBC Governor and when the Governors were abolished because of the row over Hutton, Tait was allowed to stay on with Michael Grade as a member of the new BBC Trust. Whilst Tait was a Governor, he Chaired the Governors’ Programme Complaints Committee, which heard appeals against complaints regarding BBC programmes. One of the complaints which Tait investigated came from a viewer who had watched a BBC programme about worms which was presented by Ben Fogle. Ben Fogle had described the worms as ‘slippery little suckers’ and the outraged viewer wrote in and complained because he was convinced that Ben had called the worms ‘slippery little fuckers’. I presume that the viewer in question must have been a sort of Dafydd, someone who just experiences imaginary unacceptable goings-on all around them all the time and complains (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate). The BBC explained that the Complaints Committee had watched the programme four times and that the word used to describe the worms was definitely ‘suckers’.

So that’s what PROFESSOR Richard Tait, friend of Michael Grade, actually does with his time between the pompousing, the dinners and the meetings.

However, I’m sure that Richard Tait could prove very useful indeed to colleagues at Cardiff who might have close connections to Rhodri and would prefer that certain matters did not ever find their way into the media.

One of Geoff Mungham’s specialist areas was ‘political propaganda’.

‘Redesigning Democracy: The Making Of The Welsh Assembly’ is a volume co-authored by Geoff Mungham and Kevin Morgan. Kevin Morgan currently holds a Chair in the School of Geography and Planning at Cardiff and he is also Dean for Engagement at Cardiff. Kevin Morgan did his first degree at Leicester University in the mid 1970s. Whilst a great many people in that institution were concealing the activities of Greville Janner who was elected as a Labour MP in 1974 (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). Janner’s family came from Cardiff and Janner was born there. The Janners are a legal family and Greville Janner had many links with both the Labour Party and the legal world in south Wales. From the late 1970s until 1989 Morgan worked in Sussex University, which is located at Brighton. The kids in care in north Wales were trafficked to brothels in Brighton and London owned by John Allen. The firebomb which killed the five north Wales witnesses was thrown into a building in Brighton. I would imagine that Kevin Morgan might well have known something about sex trafficking in Brighton whilst he lived there as a result of the sort of research that he was involved with. Kevin Morgan has been a member of and Chaired numerous Welsh Gov’t committees.

 

Rhodri’s autobiography mentions another academic whom he knew, Drakeford’s friend Mike Sullivan, Professor of Social Policy at Swansea University. Mike Sullivan is also Swansea University’s Vice President (Strategic Partnerships), Director Designate of the Morgan Academy – now which Morgan would that be named after? – and the Vice Chancellor’s Adviser (External Relations). Sullivan’s Chair is in the School of Management, because Richard Davies, the VC whom Mike advises, shut down great swathes of Swansea University some years ago, including the Social Sciences bit. Richard Davies was also accused of giving jobs to his friends and there was such discord that the staff protested to the University Visitor – which was HM Queen Lilibet – in an attempt to have Davies removed.

Davies wasn’t removed, which might have been related to Swansea University being virtually run by the friends and relatives of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). No doubt as long as there is a job for Rhodri’s brother Prys and others close to Rhodri’s heart, Richard Davies will stay. Richard Davies even gave Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain a job after Chamberlain retired from St George’s Hospital Medical School, after Chamberlain had concealed a paedophile gang of which one member was the Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke and serious misconduct, including a major research fraud which resulted in Chamberlain having to resign as President of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (see post ‘I  Don’t Believe It!’).

Richard Davies also gave a home to Professor Hilary Lappin-Scott after she departed from Bangor University against her will, having single-handedly nearly destroyed the place during her short but notable time there (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 16 2017’). Satan-Scott was given control of Swansea’s Business School – I don’t know why, because she’s a microbiologist, but then she declared herself to be a gender specialist on the grounds that she was female (Hilary – men have a gender too). After Hilary took over the management of Swansea’s Business School, allegations of workplace bullying flew, there were numerous staff resignations, people gave jobs to their wives and friends and the students held a protest because they claimed that the Business School had acquired such a dreadful reputation that their degrees had been devalued as a result.

 

Mike Sullivan’s web page explains that he has worked as an applied social scientist for the last 30 years. He is an ‘acknowledged international authority’ on the politics of social policy and has carried out research on: the Labour party and social reform, the effectiveness of educational systems; devolution and social policy and the impact of state intervention on family and kinship patterns. Mike has acted as a consultant to the Serbian, Montenegrin and Hungarian governments in developing frameworks for public policy.

Over the last decade, Mike has provided advice and developed health policy for the Welsh Government. From 2007 to 2010 he was Spad on public policy to Rhodri. Mike has worked extensively with local authorities, the NHS and the Third Sector.

So Mike knows all about the mountain of shit as well then – although it doesn’t feature in his publications. Which will be why in 2010 Mike was elected to a Fellowship of the Royal Society of Medicine ‘in recognition of his contribution to health policy development and analysis’.

Mike claims that ‘he never wished to become part of University management but somehow it happened’. Just like that! Richard Davies’s adviser – it can happen to anyone.

 

There was another high profile figure in the Labour Party who was around for most of Rhodri’s career about whom I have so far said very little on this blog. I was reminded by someone who left a comment recently that I do need to discuss him. That is Robin Cook.

Because of the way that Robin Cook died and this happening not long after he fell out with Blair over the invasion of Iraq, a number of conspiracy theories have arisen as a result of Cook’s death. I tend to think of this when I think of Robin Cook, particularly since I met people in Scotland who really did seem to think that someone had helped Robin wave a fond farewell to this world.

The other thing that I always remember about Robin Cook is that he was married to a Top Doctor, always referred to as ‘Mrs Cook’, who exacted a very effective revenge after Cook left her for his secretary Gaynor. Mrs Cook wrote a splendid book which put the boot into Robin in a very entertaining way and did him a great deal of damage. Mrs Cook’s book among other things alleged on the part of Robin Cook serial adultery, excessive drinking, contempt for his colleagues in the Labour Party and dreadful personal habits. Mrs Cook acquired a cult following and was given a job as an agony aunt in a newspaper or magazine and she also took to the airwaves in Scotland and began broadcasting. I went on holiday to The Gambia just after Mrs Cook had published her book and I was gobsmacked to find that Mrs Cook was the talk of The Gambia as well – they had heard about her on the World Service. I was really impressed when a number of people asked me if I knew Mrs Cook – well I suppose that I was from the UK, so I could have bumped into her somewhere. During the discussions that I had about Mrs Cook in The Gambia, I discovered that the reason why she’d taken The Gambia by storm was that she was being compared to the wives of African leaders and as one young man told me ‘no wife of an African leader would ever have dared do that’. Well they aren’t Mrs Cook.

When I realised the extent of the pleasing of the Top Doctors that had gone on among Labour Party figures and the wilful ignoring of the naked greed and criminal behaviour of some leading lights in the BMA, I did bear in mind that Mrs Cook was a Top Doctor – a consultant haematologist – and that she and her network will have been ruthlessly colluded with. What I had missed however was that during his time as the MP for Edinburgh Central, 1974-83 and Livingstone, 1983-05, Robin Cook served as the Shadow Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1987-89 and then as Shadow Secretary of State for Health, 1989-92, under the Windbag. That puts Cook at the scene of a great many crimes – the Windbag ignored some pretty horrific things on the part of the paedophiles’ friends during those years. The death of Michael Carr MP at the hands of Walton Hospital (see post ‘News From Sicily’) for one, as well as the excesses and serious crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Cook was a Scottish Labour politician so he will have known much about the people and the events discussed in my post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’,  as well as all the other dirt that everyone at Westminster picked up. Medicine is an incredibly incestuous world and Mrs Cook being a Top Doctor in Scotland married to an MP who later became a Cabinet Minister – Foreign Secretary at that – will have mixed with the best in Top Doctor Circles. Mrs Cook will have known Dr Death, as well as Sir Kenneth Calman, who served as Chief Medical Officer for Scotland as well as for England and Wales and who moved mountains in terms of concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part V’). Mrs Cook will have known Sam Galbraith, the Top Doctor who was begged to become a Labour MP by someone whilst the Windbag led the Party just when it looked as though all might be revealed about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘I Warn You…’). The plan to get Big Sam on side rather backfired on the Windbag and Tony Francis, because Sam Galbraith turned out to be a complete shit who didn’t have any interest in being a politician, who insulted the rest of them and who made it quite clear that they were a load of fools and that he was a neurosurgeon who was going to do what he felt like and furthermore the purpose of Gov’t chauffeurs and official cars was to take Galbraith out from Glasgow to his boat at weekends.

Rhodri states in his book that he was friends with Sam Galbraith.

Windbag – was there anyone at all whom you wouldn’t toady to in your attempts to become PM? Sam Galbraith must have been the worst recruitment decision that you ever made, you might as well have invited Dafydd to become a Minister, he’d have probably done less damage.

 

Robin Cook has to shoulder a great deal of the blame for the idiocy which reigned supreme under the Windbag – it was Cook who managed the Windbag’s leadership campaign in 1983. Cook was considered a moderniser and assisted the Windbag and Mandy in this.

Cook went back a long way, he was an MP in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Gov’ts so he will have known about the skulduggery over which they presided and the scandals that they kept quiet – including George Thomas and Greville Janner and of course politicians from other parties doing equally unsavoury things such as Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe and Sir Peter Morrison. Cook was a member of the Tribune group of the PLP and in 1988 was elected to the NEC.

Mrs Cook may have known another Top Doctor who facilitated the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles – Dr DGE Wood, the corrupt GP. Wood came from the Bristol area, went to Bristol Medical School and his parents continued to live down there after Wood moved to north Wales. Wood’s father was a Top Doctor as well. Mrs Cook came from Bristol and she and Robin were married there. Evidence in my possession shows that Wood was very pro-active in approaching people who were in a position to assist him in running the sex trafficking ring or doing me damage – I also think that Wood had some sort of connection with Dr Death.

In true Top Doctor style, Mrs Cook delivered a boot to the groin of Blair and the Gov’t in 2002. She resigned from her job as a Top Doctor, claiming that the NHS was being used by Blair’s Ministers as a ‘political football’. Of course it was Mrs Cook and the Top Doctors took maximum advantage of that. If the NHS wasn’t used as a political football, Dafydd et al would have simply been arrested and charged – instead the BMA used the desperation among politicians to conceal what was going on to negotiate high salaries for themselves. Mrs Cook’s criticisms sound very familiar – there’s not enough money for Top Doctors, there’s a recruitment crisis and she can’t bear the stress anymore. Just imagine the stress if you were illegally imprisoned in a dungeon in Denbigh Mrs Cook and everybody ignored the crimes of the person who had done it.

Mrs Cook was a haematologist. So she’d know about the ‘tainted blood’ scandal – which resulted in NHS patients knowingly being given infected blood products over many years under different Gov’ts, many of those patients subsequently dying. Mrs Cook would also know about other blood borne infections. Such as HIV. Furthermore Mrs Cook worked in a hospital in Edinburgh – in the late 80s/early 90s Edinburgh had one of the worst rates of HIV infection.

Mrs Cook will have known that the only way that Chief Medical Officer Sir Donald Acheson persuaded Thatcher and Norman Fowler to allow the ‘Don’t Die Of Ignorance’ HIV public education campaign which made references to gay sex was because Acheson had explained slowly and clearly that this was an infection which led to a terminal illness, that there was no effective treatment and that the chances of becoming infected were particularly high if people were having promiscuous gay sex. As Thatcher and Fowler knew damn well that some of their colleagues were using rent boys for this purpose and could well die, the public education campaign was given the go ahead. Mrs Cook will also have known that the young men dying of AIDS in the late 80s receiving visits from Princess Diana who ‘had been rejected by their families’ were very frequently the kids who had grown up in care and had been trafficked for sex. They died without anyone admitting what had happened (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

 

Someone else who knew about the gore that was being kept quiet by the DoH was David Miliband. Rhodri Morgan wrote the Health part of the 1992 Welsh Labour manifesto with the Health Advisory Group – although I don’t remember seeing any mention of the abuse and trafficking of kids in care and then keeping them in a dungeon if they complained in that manifesto. Miliband was working as an advisor at the time and argued with Rhodri over the wording of the manifesto – Miliband wanted a form of wording that the NHS unions and the Socialist Health Association would be happy with. They just mustn’t be upset must they.

Gov’t car for you and your family out to your boat on a Saturday Dr Galbraith? No problem.

 

David Miliband did of course share the same Uncle Harry who was popularised by Ed Miliband. Uncle Harry aka Professor Harry Keen who inspired and cared and was dedicated to the NHS. Uncle Harry who had a Chair at Guy’s and St Thomas’s, who’s colleagues became millionaires by abandoning their NHS patients whilst they buggered off down to Harley Street for the rest of the day – the Guys and Tommy’s where Dafydd’s mate Professor Jim Watson established his sex therapy clinic, after having slummed it over at St George’s for years where he’d concealed the paedophile gang along with everyone else there (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Uncle Harry was a member of the Socialist Health Association (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’). As was Dr Brian Gibbons, who was appointed Health Minister in Rhodri’s Welsh Gov’t and who wrote to me saying that ‘this correspondence is over’ when I told him that I had documentary evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales.

 

David Miliband will have known about the abuse of vulnerable people before 1992, because his first job after he left university in 1989 was as a political analyst at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO). Not only were many of the organisations under that umbrella concealing the abuse of vulnerable people – such as MIND – but many of the people working in the NCVO, particularly at senior levels, had concealed abuse and wrongdoing themselves in their previous jobs in services where vulnerable people, including children, had been abused.

From 1989-94, Miliband worked as a Research Fellow and policy analyst at the  IPPR. He was appointed Secretary of the IPPR’s Commission on Social Justice upon its foundation in 1992 by the then leader of the Labour Party, John Smith.

Uncle Harry’s nephew is certainly a man who knows about social justice. He must have been good at keeping his mouth shut as well because in 1994 Blair appointed Miliband as Head of Policy and he contributed to Labour’s 1997 General Election manifesto. After Labour’s election victory, Blair made Miliband the de facto head of the PM’s Policy Unit, a position which Miliband held until 2001.

In 2001 David Miliband was elected as Labour MP for South Shields. So Miliband joined all those other mates of Blair’s in the north east who were keeping the lid on the paedophile ring up there which had operated for years and had strong links to Dafydd’s lot in north Wales.

As far as Miliband goes, the rest is history – Minister of State for the Cabinet Office, Foreign Secretary, mate of Hillary Clinton’s and now the President of the International Rescue Committee.

And it all began when Miliband ensured that the wording of the 1992 Labour manifesto was acceptable to people who were colluding with a paedophile gang…

 

Obviously with Rhodri having an interest in health policy, Rhodri was keen to contribute in any way that he could, so he supplied bad news NHS stories to the Mirror, to let everyone know just how much patients suffer under Tory Cuts. As opposed to when Tony Blair chucks money at the Top Doctors and Mrs Cook still tells everyone that it’s all dreadful and the stress has made her resign, in the same way that many GPs are now retiring in their mid to late 50s because they can’t take anymore. It does of course help that their pension pots are so big that unlike most other people – except of course the Denbigh nurses who retired at 55 to spend time on their yachts or at their second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter from North East Wales MIND’) – GPs can retire in their 50s and still enjoy a comfortable life.

 

The Wales NHS horse was mercilessly flogged again for the 1997 General Election campaign. Blair made a campaign visit to Wales on 2 Feb and he visited Ty Maeth, the HQ of the RCN in the grounds of the University Hospital of Wales. Rhodri’s wife Julie was the host MP! Julie was present at the public unveiling of the RCN’s new childcare system. As Julie Morgan was a former social worker who’s colleagues were involved in concealing child abuse and Julie had previously been the Deputy Director of Barnardo’s whilst some Barnardo’s staff abused children in their care and also had links to Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, Julie was clearly the right person to be doing that. Whilst Blair was being taken on the RCN tour of North Korea, elaborate plans were being laid in north Wales to transfer me to a secure unit after framing me for ‘threatening’ an Angel – an Angel who would, a few months after Blair met the NHS staff of Pyongyang, obligingly perjure herself (see posts ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ and ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). Blair’s tour also included a visit to the University of Glamorgan (now known as the University of South Wales), an institution which has excelled in giving honorary degrees and fellowships to those who have protected the paedophiles and patient batterers, including the Director of the RCN in Wales, Tina Donnelly (see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’).

 

John Major also visited north Wales in the 1997 General Election campaign. He gave his last Welsh Conservative Party speech before the election at Kinsale Hall Hotel, Flintshire, at the heart of the paedophiles’ biggest umbrella. Kinsale Hall Hotel is near to Holywell and the other places where many former staff of the North Wales Hospital lived. Whilst Major was addressing the paedophiles’ friends, not so far away in Ewloe Sir Ronnie Waterhouse had opened the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

There are a couple of other references in Rhodri’s book to visits to Paedophilia Central by senior New Labour figures at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Philip Gould went to Wrexham to conduct two of those focus groups which made him a laughing stock. The focus groups in question concerned people’s views on devolution. New Labour didn’t bother to dispatch anyone to make any inquiries about the paedophile gang which had its centre at Wrexham in the guise of Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn for so many years. Nearly every councillor and MP in the region was colluding with the gang, but someone could have had a word with the Labour Wrexham Councillor Malcolm King who was the one person who wasn’t (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’).

 

When the devolution campaign begun, Blair himself arrived in Wrexham. I bet he gave Councillor King a wide berth. Rhodri states that Blair was greeted as a Messiah and that there was a huge turn out. From what is now known about how Thatcher’s and Blair’s campaigns were organised, it was highly probable that there was nothing spontaneous about that huge turn out.

 

Previously on this blog I have discussed how the trade unions not only failed to blow the whistle on the abuse of children in care and psychiatric patients but actually provided abusers with protection in terms of legal advice and support even in cases where it was admitted that they had abused the people whom they were paid to care for (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People?’). David Williams, a former Angel from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh held senior roles in COHSE for decades and ended up as the General Secretary.  The corrupt MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School were using their knowledge of criminal wrongdoing to simply gain more power and status for themselves.

In terms of those abusing children in care, NUPE and NALGO defended them under all circumstances. Some of those accused of abuse, including in north Wales, were shop stewards in these unions. Whistleblowers found that these unions would not respond to their concerns. Although Alison Taylor was a paid-up member of NUPE when she raised concerns about the abuse of children in north Wales and when Gwynedd County Council took disciplinary action against her, NUPE dropped their representation of Alison after being subject to ‘persuasion’ by Gwynedd County Council. One social worker in north Wales who was guilty of serious abuse of children was nonetheless represented by NALGO who negotiated an early retirement package for him. A psychiatrist’s letter was produced in support. I think that I can guess which psychiatrist might have written that letter.

There is no doubt that people at the top of the unions representing abusers knew what the score was and exactly whom they were protecting (see post ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Rhodri’s book supplies the names of some of the key figures in the union movement in Wales – Rhodri himself was associated with the TGWU. George Wright is mentioned as the Welsh T&G Area Regional Secretary. Wright became General Secretary of the TGWU and General Secretary of the Wales TUC. Wright famously stated that he knew what his members wanted and that was ‘one person, one vote: I’m the person’. Wright was a protege of the TGWU’s leader Jack Jones. These were very powerful men at one time. If they had wanted to take on Dafydd and the paedophiles they could have. Rhodri mentions that Wright’s deputy in running the Wales Region of the T&G was Jim Hancock – Hancock was Chair of the Welsh Labour Executive.

Jim Hancock became Regional Secretary of the TGWU. In Nov 2000 the TGWU was accused of ignoring local people in Bethesda at a commemoration of the centenary of the Penrhyn Quarry lock-out. The dispute was an historic one and was a key step in the development of trade unionism. The TGWU inherited the mantle of the pioneering old North Wales Quarrymen’s Union, which merged with the TGWU in the 1950s. People in Bethesda were not only not invited to the event but few of them even know about it. Tom Jones, the organiser of the TGWU in north Wales, stated that no snub had been intended.

Among the ‘VIPs’ who were invited were Rhodri; Derek Gregory, the Chairman of TUC Cymru; the actor John Ogwen (who came from Bethesda); paedophiles’ friend Glyn Owen, the Chairman of Gwynedd County Council; paedophiles’ friend Betty Williams, Labour MP for Conwy; Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Presiding Officer of the National Assembly and Tom Jones, Jim Hancock and Jimmy Elsby, representing the TGWU.

I have heard Dafydd Elis-Thomas speak about the need to rescue the patients and then close down the Hergest Unit and I saw him give a paedophiles’ friend a good bollocking for giving Wales a bad name on one occasion, but I am not aware that ANY of the other ‘VIPs’ named above had ever shown any interest at all in the plight of the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles – and Glyn Owen and Betty Williams were most definitely of the paedophiles’ friends themselves. Gwynedd County Council hosted the paedophile gang – Owen was Chairman and Betty Williams had sat on the Council for years whilst the paedophile gang were busy. Betty also failed to respond to Hergest patients who contacted her after they had suffered abuse at the hands of staff and had me thrown out of Tesco when she was campaigning in there after I asked her why she was ignoring what was going on in the Hergest Unit.

In 2005 a ding dong in Court revealed serious abuses of procedure at the TGWU. Hancock was named in the case as was Mr Harriet Harman aka Jack Dromey.

 

In 2010 the UCU expressed fears about the future of Coleg Harlech after Jim Hancock was commissioned by the Welsh Gov’t to report on the future of the Coleg and recommended that there should be no more investment there. Coleg Harlech has now died a death, which is a great pity because I know some people who maintain that Coleg Harlech transformed their lives and some very good historians were employed there, although sadly there was a contingent of paedophiles’ friends lurking within.

As the UCU shed tears over the future of Coleg Harlech, it reminded everyone that what ‘makes Coleg Harlech so unique is the residential provision it offers. For the most vulnerable learners, including ex-offenders, people with mental health conditions and drug addicts that have kicked their habits, this is vital.  It places them in a safe, supportive environment where they can learn and where they can begin to turn their lives around’.

So the well-paid of north Wales suddenly woke up to the fact that the scant educational provision for the people whom had been kicked in the teeth for decades whilst the well-paid remained silent was about to disappear and that the well-paid were in danger of losing their jobs. Christ, let’s have a campaign!

Whilst UCU shed crocodile years over the fate of vulnerable students, Eileen Tilley, the UCU rep at Bangor University, colluded with the paedophiles’ friends in attacks on those who had spilt the paedophiles’ pints (see post ‘News Round Up, May 12 2017′) because Eileen wanted a seat on the National Executive of UCU.

In 2001 Coleg Harlech merged with the WEA (north Wales). The north Wales WEA was/is dominated by the paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed one such leading light in the WEA -Annie Williams – give a lecture on the plight of the insane and the poor in Beaumaris in previous centuries. Annie got quite a few things wrong but luckily there was someone in the audience who actually knew about the subject and was able to advise Annie. At one point Annie pretended to cry at the knowledge of how the insane and destitute were treated in those days and she made comparisons with the Tory Cuts of today. One of Annie Williams’s colleagues at the WEA is friendly with an Angel in the Hergest Unit who is mistreating one of his kids. Annie’s colleague knows about this but is protecting the Angel and asked me to stop telling people that patients were being abused in Hergest.

When Annie Williams found out that I had an interest in Wimmins’ Studies (or as some of us would say, gender theory) and that I worked at Bangor University, Annie presumed that I worked with Meri Huws aka the Crack of Doom. I explained that I didn’t and mentioned the name of the person whom I did work with, a man who had come under serious attack for spilling the pints of the paedophiles. Annie made a contemptuous noise, wrinkled her nose, walked away and didn’t speak to me again. Well my former colleague might be in possession of testicles Annie, but he’d have never made the elementary mistakes that you made in your lecture. Neither did he collude with a gang of child molesters and those who protected them.

 

 

 

 

Other bigwigs from the TGWU in Wales with whom Rhodri was mates were Nev Taylor, Teifion Davies and John Bingham.

Liz Lewis was the north Wales TGWU organiser. I have not been able to find out anything about Liz other than that she was based among the paedophiles’ friends in Flintshire. There is a passing reference to Liz Lewis on a ‘Red Watch’ website which seems to have been created by some sort of far-right group and features photos and info about who Red Watch believes are dangerous Commie revolutionaries.

Two of my former colleagues from Bangor University are featured on the website. One of them is Julia Wardhaugh, a criminologist whom Red Watch believes is a ‘Marxist Feminist’ and an expert in ‘hate speech’. Red Watch, you really don’t need to worry about Julia – she caused much resentment at Bangor because she could barely make it into work most days. She has sat in Bangor University for years drawing a senior lecturer’s salary whilst much more junior staff – or even unpaid postgrads – do virtually all of her work for her. I never worked out whether Julia was a paedophiles’ friend because I only ever saw her about a dozen times during the years that I worked in the same academic dept as her. I used to speculate with a friend about what Julia actually DID when she wasn’t coming to work. Did she just sit at home watching TV? Or was she going on Himalayan expeditions? She could have been doing the latter because she wasn’t seen for months at a time. The occasions on which Julia did appear however were when meetings were being held to discuss plans to oppose any redundancies in the university. She made sure that she turned up to them. You have nothing to worry about Red Watch, Julia Wardhaugh will not be leading the revolution, she could never be bothered to put in the effort required.

Another Dangerous Revolutionary outed by Red Watch was Professor Charlotte Williams, formerly of Bangor University, latterly of Keele University. Charlotte Williams was a good deal more industrious than Julia and Charlotte is one of the few people who has published intelligent work on black ethnic identity and Welshness. Charlotte has thought about that a lot, because she is black, grew up in Bethesda but is not Welsh speaking and throughout her whole life has been told that she isn’t really Welsh. Charlotte Williams is well known in north Wales because she was subjected to an all out hate campaign by a group of paedophiles’ friends. God they hated Charlotte, they made her life hell. She was subjected to overt racism for daring to be black and when a leaving party was held for her at Bangor it was attended by a paedophiles’ friend who told a student ‘I am only going to make sure that she does leave’. Whatever Charlotte published was trashed by a paedophiles’ friend – usually a deeply unpleasant man called Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. She never achieved the recognition that she deserved which was why she left Bangor University – it was quite clear that Charlotte was never going to be given the Chair that she obviously should have one day. She went to Keele and was given a Chair very quickly.

However there is a huge mystery surrounding Charlotte. She absolutely must have been a paedophiles’ friend herself. She spent decades working in social work, both as a social worker, a tutor and then as Director of Social Work at Bangor University. She sat on numerous Welsh Gov’t committees advising on social work throughout the paedophile years and was awarded the standard gong of the paedophiles’ friends, an OBE. Charlotte grew up and worked for virtually her entire career in the midst of Paedophilia Central. She definitely knew what was happening but as far as I understood – and I knew a number of people who knew Charlotte well and liked her – she never, ever said one word or raised a concern about the rampant serious abuse which she knew was happening. She was also very frosty to me and avoided me like the plague although she knew that I was good friends with someone who had been very supportive to her.

I have to be fair and entertain the notion that Charlotte might have been simply scared shitless of the murdering bastards. Well you’ve retired now Charlotte, you are well away from them and I think that as a key witness to what they did, you now need to come forward and give evidence.

I don’t know where Charlotte is living now, but after a life and career spent in north Wales she upped and went to Australia for a few years, but later returned to the UK. As I remember, Charlotte felt the call of Oz just as Operation Pallial launched the re-investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Charlotte must have returned at some point after the Macur Review confirmed that Waterhouse was no cover-up and that the paedophile ring in north Wales was not linked with rings anywhere else and there were no Westminster figures involved. I don’t think that Lady Justice Macur interviewed witnesses though. She couldn’t, they’d buggered off to Australia after they got wind that the Review would be taking place.

 

So there were a great many people providing protection to a paedophile gang and those who facilitated it. The unions of course paid for the best legal representation. The solicitors of the GMB were a company called Leo Abse and Cohen…

 

There was a Labour MP who was also a great friend of Dafydd and the paedophiles who has so far escaped being mentioned on this blog. Gareth Thomas, the MP for Clwyd West, 1997-05.

Gareth Thomas ticks just about every box in terms of the criteria needed to be of outstanding service to Dafydd and the paedophiles. Thomas was born in Penygroes in Gwynedd, but grew up on Merseyside – however he is a fluent Welsh speaker. He graduated in law from Aberystwyth University in 1976 and worked in the insurance industry and in the West Indies. Since 1986 Thomas has been a barrister in private practice, specialising in personal injury. Thomas is a member of AMICUS. MSF, the union whose corrupt reps at St George’s concealed so much wrongdoing, became part of AMICUS after a merger.

Gareth Thomas was a member of Flintshire County Council, 1995-97 and in 2001 was appointed PPS to Paul Murphy, Secretary of State for Wales. In 2002 he moved with Murphy when Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland.

Thomas lives near Ruthin and now works as a barrister at Atlantic Chambers Liverpool.

Blair must have been delighted to have Thomas representing that seat whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was going on and then when the cover-up was published.

 

 

 

Previous posts including ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ provided details of the insanity and corruption which prevailed (and still does prevail) in the mental health services in north Wales, as evidenced by the documents in my possession – the lies being told about and to patients, the complete failure to investigate the most serious complaints and the lies subsequently told that complaints had been properly investigated but had been found to be groundless, the constant attempts to prosecute patients who had complained, the admissions that staff were committing perjury to do this and the collusion with all this by scores of people at the highest echelons, as well as by numerous lawyers.

I mentioned that I have many documents that contain clues that documents have been forged or amended/written at a later date than claimed. This seems to be true of a number of documents which are alleged to be correspondence between Alun Davies and the Welsh Office in 1988 and 1989.

In July 1989 an inquiry was finally held into my earlier very serious complaints about Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services, regarding events in 1986-87. The hearing was organised by Professor Robert Owen the corrupt Medical Ombudsman appointed by the Welsh Office (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) and was led by Professor Robert Bluglass, who was as corrupt as the rest of them, who knew Dafydd and was a close colleague of Tony Francis’s former mentor Ian Brockington (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Most aspects of my complaint were not even investigated and evidence from an Angel that Dafydd had lied to Bluglass during the hearing was ignored as was evidence from Angels that Dafydd had entered into a corrupt deal with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station to unlawfully arrest and imprison me (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Bluglass concluded that Dafydd and paedophiles were ‘caring’ people who had been ‘harassed’ by me and that I was a psychopath with a ‘homicidal capacity’ who would ‘end up in Broadmoor’.

It was very, very difficult ever getting that farce of an investigation. Letters from me to NHS officials were simply ignored, which is where these allegations of me ‘harassing’ people arose from. I had to write to both Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities repeatedly, because I was either not receiving replies or when I did, barefaced lies were told. Gwynedd Social Services refused to speak to me even on the phone and after only my second letter of complaint to them they served an injunction on me preventing me from writing to them ever again – an injunction gained on the basis of the perjury of two social workers, one of whom had never met me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). My complaint re Gwynedd Social Services was that I had been threatened by Alun Davies and then unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd by one of their social workers. I now have documents that demonstrate that was exactly what happened. The complaint has never been investigated. Months after serving the injunction on me, Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned for breaching it – on the basis of their staff perjuring themselves in Court in Chester (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

The letters written to other people by Mr D. Hinchliffe, the administrator at the North Wales Hospital, demonstrate that Hinchliffe repeatedly wrote to Dafydd after I complained, but Dafydd ignored Hinchliffe’s letters. Peter Higson couldn’t get a reply out of Dafydd either and Hinchliffe and Higson agreed that Dafydd wasn’t following complaints procedures. Their solution was for Hinchliffe to write to me and tell me that my complaint had been investigated and was found to be groundless. This was happening during 1987. The letters demonstrating that this was happening were written by D. Keith Jones – a senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital – David Ewart at the Mental Health Act Commission Regional Office in Liverpool and Dr Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority, as well as by Dafydd, Hinchliffe and Higson. Names mentioned on the letters – people who were colluding with this way of dealing with serious complaint – included Terence James (social worker) and Dr Ramiah Ramaiah, one of Dafydd’s corrupt Top Doctor associates who turned up to ‘assess’ me whilst I was in Denbigh and concluded that I was most wicked . All of these people were involved in a flat refusal to ensure that any investigation took place and that a series of lies were told to me and indeed about me.

On July 13 1987 Hinchliffe wrote to Dr Duncan Egdell regarding Dafydd not responding to my complaints. The letter explains that the Mental Health Act Commission were also complaining about delays in response to their complaints and that they will be writing to Clwyd Health Authority. Hinchliffe states ‘I am therefore writing to advise you of the current situation and at the request of the Members of the Health Authority attached to the Unit [North Wales Hospital] to see whether you could offer any assistance in resolving the situation’. CC Mrs Mars-Jones, Mr Drennan.

Mrs Mars-Jones – referred to on another document as Mrs D. Mars-Jones – I am fairly sure is the wife of David Mars-Jones from near Denbigh. I think that David Mars-Jones is the younger brother of Sir William Mars-Jones, corrupt judge and paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). I have been sent information alleging that Mars-Jones’s son Adam – who became a very well-known novelist – as a young man used to visit Bryn Alyn. Adam Mars-Jones is gay and wrote a biography of his father in which he claims that his father was incredibly homophobic and thought that Adam could be ‘cured’ by sex with the right sort of (female) people. I presume that Mrs Mars-Jones was a member of Clwyd Health Authority.

Letters written by Dafydd to Hinchliffe (dated 21 July 1987) and by David Ewart to Hinchliffe (dated 8 Aug 1987) make reference to the plan and attempt by Dafydd to have me framed and imprisoned for ‘attempting to stab a doctor with a knife’) (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). Ewart himself was fully on board with this conspiracy.

A letter from Duncan Egdell to Hinchliffe dated 27 July 1987 states that ‘I enclose herewith for your information and that of Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan (to whom I am copying this), a copy of a letter I have today sent to Dr DA Jones though I have not indicated that on the top copy that I am doing so. I do hope it achieves the desired effect and shall look forward to hearing whether it does’. Copies to Mrs D. Mars-Jones and Mr R.F. Drennan.

What was going on? I can find no clues among my documents as to what Egdell was up to – but it was obviously a bit of deception involving Hinchliffe, Dafydd, Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan.

David Ewart wrote to Hinchliffe on 11 Sep 1987 pointing out that the Mental Health Act Commission still hadn’t had answers to two questions posed in their letter of 11 June. By this time Ewart had probably found out that the plan to imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’ had not worked. Ewart had initially been under the mistaken belief that they’d got away with it because Dafydd jumped the gun and wrote to Ewart telling him that I had been taken to Risley Remand Centre – Dafydd didn’t realise at that time that the police had protected me from further false allegations by Janice Davies the senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital and that a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd had made a statement which evidenced that it was a lie that I had tried to stab someone and so I had been released from Bangor Police Station.

On 5 Jan 1988 PM Rees (an administrator with Gwynedd Health Authority) wrote a ‘note for file’ referring to a meeting ‘this afternoon 4 Jan 1989’ between Prof Owen, Alun Davies, Sandra Phillips, PM Rees and Robyn Williams (an administrator at Gwynedd Health Authority). Rees explains that he phoned Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority to ask if my original letter to him detailed my complaints about Gwynedd Health Authority. Egdell confirmed that it did and that a letter had been received from me ‘ages ago’, but neither Egdell or anyone else addressed my complaints because ‘it was none of their business’. Rees noted that ‘it apparently did not occur to them to send us a copy so that we could look into the Gwynedd aspects of the complaint ourselves’. Rees stated that Egdell will be faxing my letter over to Gwynedd, that he ‘will communicate this information to Prof Owen’ and will instigate the first of the two stages of the clinical judgement complaints procedure ‘as quickly as possible with a view to having it dealt with (if considered still necessary) at the third stage hearing, tentatively to be held at the end of Jan’.

PM Rees dates the note as 5 Jan 1988, but refers to a meeting that day, 4 Jan 1989. If one was dealing with normal people, this could be explained as a simply typo. But we are not talking normal people here as we shall see.

This memo is extraordinary anyway. Not only because of the apparent lack of communication between Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, who were responsible JOINTLY for providing the psychiatric services in north Wales – Gwynedd patients were regularly sent to the North Wales Hospital although it was managed by Clwyd and Dafydd had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd and held clinics there, although his contract of employment was held by Clwyd – but also because of Gwynedd’s claims not to know the details of my complaints against them. They had received numerous letters from me detailing my complaints – Tony Francis had served a High Court injunction on me stopping me from writing any more of them to him and Gwynedd Health Authority were consulting with the crooked Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park with a view to also gaining an injunction against me stopping me writing letters of complaint. They were in no doubt at all regarding the details of my complaint. Furthermore, the Mental Health Acts Commission by then had also written to Gwynedd Health Authority asking them to respond to their own questions after I had written to the MHAC. The MHAC had told Gwynedd Health Authority that the appropriate report and documentation had not been provided by Gwynedd Social Services when I had been threatened by Davies and then detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the autumn of 1986 – so that detention was unlawful…

Gwynedd knew exactly where the land lay, even if Duncan Egdell couldn’t be arsed to write to them.

This memo was in my files alongside an undated ‘report’ about me written by Tony Francis. It is a substantial report in which Francis does his best to present his skills as a psychotherapist. His conclusion is simple – that I am a ‘paranoid litigant’ who’s complaints cannot be taken seriously and have no substance. Which is exactly what Dafydd said about Mary Wynch when she sued him after he had her unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year – Mary won that case (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

There is a letter to PM Rees from Duncan Egdell with a copy of my original complaint to Egdell (which was dated 2 March 1987) and letters of complaint written by me on 10 and 11 Dec 1987 because my original complaint had not been addressed. My letter of 11 Dec 1987 addressed to Mr Griffiths, the General Administrator of Clwyd Health Authority, mentioned that I am now writing to him because I have received a letter from Hempsons (the MDU solicitors) who are threatening to seek my imprisonment on the grounds that my letters of complaint to Gwynedd Health Authority broke the personal injunction that  Francis obtained against me. (I was not imprisoned because I had not broken Francis’s injunction.)

This letter from Egdell was dated 4 Jan 1989. Again, it would normally be presumed that this was just an error and it was meant to be 4 Jan 1988 – but when I looked closely at some of the other documents, it was clear that there was something highly irregular about many of them.

On 20 April 1988, Duncan Egdell, Community Physician, finally wrote to the Medical Officer for Complaints at the Welsh Office regarding my complaint about Dafydd. Egdell wites ‘please note that some of the enclosed papers are libellous [an interesting way of describing the most serious aspects of my complaint about Dafydd]. I am sending them to you under confidential cover because you have a legitimate interest in receiving them. We do have to guard ourselves against any allegations that we have ‘published’ libellous material’. Egdell mentions in his letter that he doesn’t know which Medical Officer will be handling the case. Yet in Jan 1988 PM Rees had documented a meeting to ‘discuss’ me as a result of my complaint – to which Prof Robert Owen and Uncle Tom Cobley and all had been invited. Although Rees stated that the meeting took place in Jan 1989…. QUE???

Presumably the ‘libellous material’ concern is why there do not seem to be any official records anywhere of the many complaints from patients about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct. No-one could write them down because it would libelling Dafydd! Which explains why in 1989 Bluglass stated that I described my interactions with Gwynne the lobotomist in ‘highly negative terms’. What I remember saying to Bluglass – and to a number of other people – was that Gwynne had sexually propositioned me, lied about me to discredit me, that Dr DGE Wood told me that I was ‘not allowed to complain’ when I did complain and then yelled at me to ‘drop it or you will find yourself in trouble’.

You didn’t tell me that people were going to try to murder me Wood!

 

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from Tony Francis to Alun Davies dated 29 Nov 1988. It thanks Davies for a letter from Duncan Egdell and states ‘please note that he requests copies [underlined] of the notes rather than the originals. I would be grateful if [my] notes could be kept in the hospital as I may need them for the coming High Court action’.

This memo isn’t signed by Francis, it simply has ‘pp’ and then two initials – a D and another one which looks as though it is a G, an E or a B. It it stamped as being received by Gwynedd Health Authority, 30 Nov 1988.

I have in my possession a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Mrs L. Canning, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 1 Dec 1988. [Lesley Canning was Prof Robert Owen’s secretary.] It reads ‘Please find enclosed three copies of the Gwynedd case notes for this lady. will forward my correspondence when photocopying done’. Davies also stated in this letter that he was ascertaining who the Registered Medical Officer was and who the police surgeon was who saw me at Bangor Police Station when Dafydd had me arrested in Dec 1986.

This letter is not signed – despite accompanying the delivery of confidential documents crucial to an investigation.

I also have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, Bangor Police Station, dated Dec 1988 – I can’t work out the day, the typing is blurred. Davies says in this letter that he’s been asked by the Chairman of the Inquiry Panel [ie. Prof Robert Owen] to ascertain who the police surgeon was.

The letter is not signed. Which seems a little odd for an NHS official writing to a Chief Inspector regarding an Inquiry after a patient alleged serious criminality on the part of the NHS, the social services and the police.

I have a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from ‘Superintendent for Chief Superintendent’ – signed by what looks like someone called Edwards or it might be Rowlands – dated 12 Dec 1988. it makes reference to ‘your letter of 7 December 1988 regarding the above named and her complaint to Clwyd Health Authority’. The letter informs Davies that Dr K Shah was the police surgeon who attended Bangor Police Station after Dafydd ordered that I be arrested in Dec 1986 and that Ann Williams was the social worker. The letter is signed and stamped as received by Gwynedd Health Authority, Ysbyty Gwynedd, on 18 Dec 1988. The letter bears the address of the North Wales Police Divisional HQ at Maesincla, Caernarfon and is marked with ‘ref TJE/CVD’.

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from PM Rees but signed by ‘SA Phillips for PM Rees’ [which will be Sandra Phillips, who rose to high office as a corrupt NHS manager in the mental health services in north Wales]. Alun Davies’s name appears at the top of the document., which is dated 15 Dec [no year]. It states ‘I refer to my memorandum of the 21 Nov 1988. I understand that Dr Francis has no objection to disclosure of [my] case notes to the Independent Professional Review being held in Clwyd and I should be grateful therefore if you could let me have two copies as soon as possible’. There is a reference to the ‘last letter’ that they had received from me, in which I had the temerity to dispute that Dafydd was my doctor. I did indeed do this. At no point did I ever ask to see Dafydd. In the autumn of 1986 I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the Angel in charge of the ward Bridget Lloyd refused to let me go until I’d spent 20 mins alone in a room with Dafydd. Dafydd tried to talk to me about sex, I refused to discuss any such thing with him, asked him what the hell he thought that he was doing, whereupon Dafydd told me that he would only let me go if I agreed to leave the town of Bangor immediately and if I ever returned I’d be arrested. I thought ‘fuck you, you’re the second pervert who’s threatened me during the course of their employment as a psychiatrist, I’m not keeping quiet about this’ – although I did leave Bangor immediately because a few days later I was due to start an MSc at Hammersmith Hospital and I realised that these people were capable of anything. Thus the war began…

From then on Top Doctors constantly told me that Dafydd was my doctor and that I had to be referred back to him – even Top Docs in London. No-one could do anything without speaking to Dafydd first. Because he was ‘my doctor’ who ‘knew all about me’.

 

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to Prof Robert Owen, Medical Officer for Complaints, Medical Investigation Dept, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 16 Dec 1988. The letter says ‘I enclose two sets of correspondence that we have received from [me]’. The letter also states that ‘Ann Williams of Gwynedd Social Services attended the police station’. This letter was not signed – despite transmitting crucial evidence with regard to an Ombudsman’s investigation.

After Dafydd demanded that I be arrested in Dec 1986, an amazingly pleasant, fair social worker was called by the police and ordered to section me ‘because Dr DA says so’. The social worker refused, had a row with the policeman and left. She was one of the few social workers whom I encountered in north Wales who had an understanding of the law, was not prepared to abuse it and was able to talk to clients. Although this lady was not prepared to break the law that night, everyone else was, which was how I ended up in Denbigh a few hours later (see post ‘Hippocratic Oaf or Hypocritic Oaf’). I spent years trying to trace this social worker. I was told by everyone – including the police and Alun Davies – that there was no record of a social worker visiting me in Bangor Police Station that night. At the hearing in July 1989 Bluglass told me that there was no social worker in the police station that night – he really didn’t know what I was talking about…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to PM Rees (general administrator from Ysbyty Gwynedd), dated 20 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I refer to your memorandum of 15 Dec 1988. I confirm that I have already forwarded three copies of [my] case notes to Professor Owen’s office in Cardiff’.  Davies’s letter states that before I was taken to the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 by the police on the orders of Dafydd, that Dafydd had seen me in the police cells. He hadn’t – that’s why my detention was unlawful. No-one had provided any evidence that I was ill and sectionable. Bluglass himself in his report compiled in the summer of 1989 admitted that there was no documentary evidence anywhere that Dafydd had seen me before I was taken to Denbigh. So had Bluglass not seen this letter that Davies had sent to Rees months before? If Dafydd had seen me in the cells, where was the documentary evidence?

This letter from Davies to Rees is not signed. Which is surprising in view of the potential legal ramifications of my allegation that Dafydd unlawfully imprisoned me…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter written by Alun Davies, dated 22 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to Chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me]…Professor Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore write to invite you to a meeting on Wednesday 4 January 1989 at 2 pm in the Committee Room at Ysbyty Gwynedd. If you are not able to attend another date can be arranged.’ The letter is not signed. A ‘distribution list’ names  Tony Francis, Mrs J Evans [presumably Julie Evans, a particularly noxious social worker who has never met me but felt able to spend many years telling people that I was dangerous and she wouldn’t like to think of her kids living near me. Julie was happy to emphasise this after I began working as a school teacher], Jeff Crowther, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees.

The letter is not signed.

Wood was invited to the meeting although he was no longer my GP. This was known – on 23 June 1986 Alun Davies sent a memo to a minion of Bernard Rhodes (the General Administrator for Gwyned Health Authority) stating that I had transferred  from Wood’s practice. This memo also mentions that the MDU had become involved in  my ‘case’ – Dr Ian Sanderson was the person at the MDU whom they were communicating with. Sanderson has featured in previous posts on this blog – Sanderson did his best to assist the paedophiles’ friends in their attempts to imprison me, although he knew that they were perjuring themselves. DGE Wood had not been named as part of my complaint, so why he had been invited to the meeting I do not know.

I have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Lesley Canning, Prof Owen’s secretary, based at Crown Buildings, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 23 Dec 1988, to Alun Davies, thanking him for the two sets of correspondence concerning me.

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Debra Lewis, Secretary to Alun Davies, to Professor Robert Owen. It is dated 29 Dec 1988 and is addressed to Owen at his home – ‘Bryn Celyn’, Pwllycrochan Avenue, Colwyn Bay. The letter begins ‘Further to our recent telephone conversation regarding a meeting on Wed 4 Jan 1989 at 2 pm to discuss [me], Dr DGE Wood has contacted me…’ The letter offers contact between Wood and Owen.

The letter is not signed.

 

After Bluglass had given Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends the all clear, Prof Robert Owen wrote to Alun Davies on 2 Aug 1989 to thank him ‘most sincerely’ for the ‘excellent way’ in which he organised the Professional Review. The note claimed to have been dictated by Professor Owen and signed in his absence.

 

In view of the number of errors on these documents, the number of them which are unsigned, even when dealing with allegations of serious misconduct and criminality or when accompanying crucial confidential packages of evidence to the Welsh Office and the number of times that the contents of the letters contradict each other, the only conclusion that I can draw is that some of these documents – if not all of them – are forged. After Bluglass cleared Dafydd and the paedophiles of wrongdoing and declared me to be a dangerous murderous psychopath, within three months there was a serious attempt to declare me insane and have me transferred to a high security hospital – without my knowledge, whilst I was living in London (see post ‘The Night of The (Dr Chris) Hunter). The stakes were very high for Dafydd and the paedophiles at that time because Alison Taylor wouldn’t shut up and Mary Wynch had made legal history in her case against Dafydd and had gained press coverage.

I believe that at some point after the Owen/Bluglass Inquiry, Alun Davies, staff of the Welsh Office and others wrote a stack of letters and pre-dated them, giving the appearance of a paper trail demonstrating that Gwynedd Health Authority had followed all the appropriate procedures in the wake of my complaint. They hadn’t. Upon receiving my complaints, they were ignored. I persisted and was then threatened, unlawfully detained in psych wards, served with High Court injunctions and finally subjected to regular attempts to fit me up and have me sent to a high security hospital or prison.

I believe that when Owen and Bluglass organised their farcical inquiry into my complaints, the documentation from Gwynedd Health Authority had not even been sent to the Welsh Office, although I know that the records from Clwyd had. That lot conducted business entirely by having a word with each other on social occasions or off the record and by lying through their teeth when necessary. I have other documents in my possession which were definitely forged and I caught Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends red-handed amending records on a number of occasions – the first person whom I caught bang to rights doing this was Gwynne the lobotomist. The Waterhouse Report contains references to a forged letter found in the possession of Lucille Hughes heaping praise upon two abusers employed as children’s home managers – allegedly written by someone who had complained about being abused by them.  Waterhouse also refers to constant inaccuracies in the records of kids in care in north Wales. Children alleged that they stayed in certain homes and were assaulted by members of staff of which there was no record. Because Waterhouse was Waterhouse he interpreted this as witnesses lying. No they weren’t, the paedophiles’ friends lied constantly and forged documentation.

I was told that there was no record of the social worker Ann Williams visiting me in Bangor Police Station and I was told that no clinical psychologist visited me in Denbigh. He did – it was Nigel Stennet-Cox and I am in possession of a letter in which it is stated that Stennet-Cox is to be told not to speak to me if I contact him and everybody else is to tell me that they don’t know who I’m talking about. On 22 Feb 1988 an Angel called Bob Ingham told me that he was social worker Keith Fearns when he dragged me along a corridor and injured me. The lies and misrepresentation were constant and routine. Alun Davies noted in writing that he was keeping my medical records at his house and the medical records staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd admitted to removing documents from my files. Accepted practice was not followed in any way.

 

Two more anecdotes to illustrate how business was – and still is – conducted in the NHS in north Wales.

I have mentioned a number of times previously how in the late summer of 1987 Brown listened in to a number of phone calls between Dafydd and me. Dafydd tried to threaten me into dropping my complaint about him by saying that he would have me imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and when that didn’t work he tried to bribe me. Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint he would ensure that I was given a place at Liverpool Medical School – he maintained that he was friends with Professor Richard someone or other and all he needed to do was to have a word with the criminal with a Chair at Liverpool. I was so gobsmacked that I just stopped the conversation. Brown heard every word of what Dafydd said in all the phone calls. I made a complaint about Dafydd’s attempts to threaten and bribe me. I was ignored – as ever – so I pressed the point. I was told that I had no evidence and of course Dafydd would never do such a thing. So Brown wrote a letter to Gwynedd Health Authority, in which he stated very clearly what he had heard. We heard nothing in response.

I raised the matter of Dafydd’s bribery and corruption with Bluglass at the Inquiry – two years later. Dafydd told Bluglass that of course he had not tried to bribe me, he had ‘spoken supportively’ to me as he would have to any ‘young person overcoming health problems and hoping for a career’. So which health problems was I overcoming then? Was it the  disturbed personality disorder, the paranoid schizophrenia, the manic depressive insanity or the psychopathy with homicidal capacity? Because according to Dafydd I had the lot. At different times, depending upon what suited Dafydd. Your mate Professor Richard at Liverpool must be a very understanding man Dafydd.

As the war continued and Dafydd geared up for action again in about 1993 and further ludicrous allegations were made about me, Brown and I resurrected the matter of Dafydd’s threats and bribes – which had still never been investigated. I persisted and was told to produce evidence. So Brown wrote another letter. Ian Rickard, at that time the Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager at the Hergest Unit, told me that he had not received Brown’s letter when I asked why we hadn’t received a response. So Brown wrote another letter.

By 19 May 1995 there had still been no investigation – although I have a letter sent by Alun Davies to Dafydd regarding the matter. Davies asks Dafydd for a response to his previous letter about it of 15 Feb 1995. Davies tells Dafydd that ‘I am sending correspondence to Dr Jeffries in order that he is aware of the complaint and time lapse in not having a response’.

Dr Jeffries was the Medical Director of the Clwydian Community Health Trust and/or Clwyd Health Authority which at that time held Dafydd’s contract.

On 6 Sep 1995 Jeremy Corson, the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, wrote to Dafydd regarding my complaint and Brown’s letter. Corson offered to meet Dafydd to discuss it with him…

On 19 Dec 1995 John Mullen the CEO of the Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote me a letter denying that Dafydd had threatened or tried to bribe me. Mullen stated that ‘he spoke to you at considerable length in a supportive way as he would have done to other young persons in a similar position hoping to recover from health problems and to proceed with a career’. Presumably Mullen had just looked back at Bluglass’s Report some seven or eight years before and repeated what Dafydd said to Bluglass because Dafydd had ignored all requests to respond to correspondence about the matter. Furthermore Dafydd ‘totally refutes the allegations’ which had been investigated by Bluglass in 1989 anyway. When Brown’s letter was ignored and Dafydd was allowed to trot out horseshit about speaking supportively to me…Silent copies of Mullen’s letter had been sent to a number of people including a Dr J Gilbonthavis or a Dr J Gilboravis of the MDU.

I did remember Dafydd speaking to me at ‘considerable length’. He was on the phone for at least half an hour trying to bribe me. I can remember exactly what Dafydd said before he made the offer of a place at Liverpool Medical School – ‘some of my colleagues would rap me on the knuckles for saying this’. No they wouldn’t Dafydd, you were involved in serious organised crime and every one of them colluded with you after I complained. As for speaking to me at length – when I next spoke to Dafydd after failing to accept the bribe, he went absolutely bananas because I had not withdrawn my complaint. He yelled at me ‘I spent a whole thirty minutes speaking to you the other night’ and then he slammed the phone down.

I wrote back to Mullen saying that there had obviously been no investigation.

On 17 Jan 1996 I received a letter from John Mullen stating that ‘The Trust has done its best to investigate the allegations about the telephone conversation with Dr DA Jones and I don’t feel we can do any more or could add anything to my previous reply’.

There is a copy of one of Brown’s letters about the phone calls – to Ian Rickard, dated 6 Feb 1995 –  in my files. A handwritten unsigned note accompanies it asking ‘What shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’ An unsigned handwritten message next to that one says ‘do not reply’.

 

Jeremy Corson is now listed as a Public Health Specialist in Cardiff and also as a partner in Corson Diaz Consulting Ltd, a company on Parc Menai, Bangor. The following testimonial appears on the website of Joseph Lawrence, Chartered Tax Advisors – Accountants:

 ‘I established my business as a Freelance Public Health Consultant in 2001, having completed a 22 year career in the NHS. Peter and Anthony had also decided to establish their own accountancy business in 2001 after a number of years working in North West Wales. I was therefore one of their first new clients. My self employment has involved a range of work within Wales/UK and overseas, particularly in the Caribbean, and Joseph Lawrence have been able to guide me through the requirements for VAT returns and annual accounts. In 2004 I ‘refreshed’ my GP training, and since then have spent half my time as a GP locum, mostly for the Royal Air Force, across the UK and in places like Germany, Cyprus and Naples. This brought further accounting issues that Peter and Anthony have been able to advise on. 5 years ago I moved from Bangor back to Cardiff, but having established our initial professional relationship, we have been able to conduct all our business, such as the annual self assessment tax return, by email and occasional telephone call. This has been especially useful when I have been working overseas when these deadlines have had to be met.”  Dr Jeremy Corson, MBChB FFPHM MRCGP DRCOG Freelance Public Health Consultant & General Practitioner

 

I wonder if Dafydd would like to write a recommendation for his tax advisors and accountants?

 

Another person who knew about the criminality of Dafydd et al was Dr Lyn Williams, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer of the Clwydian Community NHS Trustand/or Clwyd Health Authority. Lyn Williams ‘discussed’ Dafydd’s conduct with Dafydd after Owen and Bluglass’s cover-up. Bluglass’s Report was sent to the Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority – whoever that was, they will have been mates with Mrs Mars-Jones and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who sat on that Health Authority.

A true insider was Dafydd’s secretary in 1989, Sharon Fraser.

 

Well Lawrence Conway and indeed everybody else – what have you got to say about all this?

 

There will be more accounts of the idiocy and dishonesty of Dafydd, the paedophiles and their friends with reference to my collection of documents after Easter when I return from holiday. I will also explain what happened when the Director of Nursing Services for Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Nerys Owen, did dare challenge one of the paedophiles’ friends regarding his abuse of patients.

I haven’t finished yet paedophiles’ friends…

I saw a newspaper headline a few days ago – ‘Do you know anyone as stupid as Trump?’ Definitely. He’s called Alun Davies. There might have been another one going under the name of Rhodri Morgan as well.

 

For readers’ entertainment, here’s a reminder of the timetable of the Friday Seminars for staff at the Psych Dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for summer 1988:

24 June – Dr DA Jones was talking about the Assessment and Management of Drugs and Alcohol Abuse.

1 July – Mrs Caroline Bertalot was talking about The Effectiveness of Sex Therapy.

8 July – two videos by ‘Squibb’ were being shown courtesy of Mr Cecil Slater, ‘Observing Tardive Dyskinesia’ and ‘Sharing, Caring’.

15 July – Mr Dave McGhee was giving a talk called ‘Don’t Be Shy, Aspects of Social Anxiety’.

And that lot wondered why the patients took the piss out of them.

 

On 25 Oct 1989 Alun Davies wrote a letter to Mr Don Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing Services (Arfon) telling Don that Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services at Whitchurch Hospital, had agreed to provide a second opinion about me. Hunter is dead now – I never met him. I did not know until a few years ago that he had even provided a second opinion about me or that he had held a whole conference about me at which he took evidence from a number of other paedophiles’ friends who had never met me either. I was living and working in London when Hunter held his conference about me at Garth Angharad, the paedophiles’ prison in north Wales. Hunter concluded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and offered to provide a court report on me. I was not facing any charges at the time. But I was arrested within a few months…

Davies’s letter tells Don that Hunter’s meeting about me will take place 8 Nov 1989. On the same letter someone has scrawled an unsigned handwritten extra message to Davies – which suggests that the letter to Don had been sent around the houses and not sent directly from Davies to Don. The message says ‘Alun, John Alcock [or Akok?] WNB education officer is here for our approval (we hope) visit. It is appropriate that Jeff is involved’.

 

The WNB I think is the Welsh National Board. Jeff will have been Jeff Crowther, the psychiatric nursing officer who wasn’t as thick or as mad as his colleagues, but he did know how bloody awful they all were. Jeff was honest enough to admit to me that Dafydd was a ‘corrupt old bastard’. I suspect that Ysbyty Gwynedd was up for a visit to see of it could be deemed suitable to be used as a training centre for psych Angels. Angels were subsequently trained there. Yes, the WNB approved this bunch of lying, perjuring bastards who arrested patients if they complained and forged documents en masse.

‘As a trained mental health nurse I know how to use de-escalation techniques with paranoid patients.’ I kick the shit out of them and then my mates perjure themselves and secure a conviction of assault against them.

 

News Round Up, 19 January 2018

There has been an avalanche of interesting news items recently, but I’m having to skimp on my news round ups because I have so much information coming in regarding those who have been involved in the abuse of mental health patients and children in care that I have been very busy following up multiple lines of research.

However, there have been a few news stories over the past couple of days that are just too good to allow to pass by without comment.

Yesterday the news was wall to wall NHS sob stories. Suddenly there is a ‘winter crisis’ so bad that no NHS hospital anywhere in England or Wales can cope any longer. Nurses are ‘going home in tears’ – no, that wasn’t a reference to nurses who have blown the whistle on the abuse of patients and who have been sacked, it was a reference to the many others who can suddenly no longer do their jobs and who are of course using food banks because people on salaries of over 30k pa can’t afford a loaf of white sliced. One wonders how the healthcare assistants manage on their salaries of 11-15k or indeed the porters, catering staff or cleaners who might really be using food banks. But they aren’t represented by the RCN so no-one gives a stuff about them.

There was a truly splendid clip on BBC News in which a Top Doctor on approx 100k pa – get down the food bank now Dr, you’ll be needing the free pasta and tinned tomatoes – explained how they were so short staffed in his A&E dept that the admin staff had arrived to help out. We were then treated to an interview with a PA who had donned surgical gloves and a plastic apron for the benefit of the TV camera crew who explained that she had arrived in the clinical area to help out.

OK – one thing that I know about the NHS is that although rules and indeed the law are flouted routinely the NHS is absolutely bloody obsessed with role titles, role descriptions and how much shit they’ll be in legally if they have been found to have breached HSE guidelines. So where does this leave them if a clinically unqualified PA has been let loose to perform nursing or healthcare assistant duties? I imagine that the insurers won’t be too happy if this is going on.

Furthermore, the said PA, even if she was au fait with nursing care, would be in the same position as the proverbial gap year student who goes off to work for an international development charity – they are a hindrance rather than a help because they don’t know the work routines or the team. The PA would know nothing about the ward routine or even where essential items are kept. A PA does not just walk onto a ward and join the team.

If the PA was busy on a ward being filmed, who was doing her job? If she could be spared at the drop of a hat, does that mean that her work as a PA is unnecessary? In which case why was she ever employed?

So someone has been telling porkies and the BBC have been filming porkies, just like they did on the Attenborough programme when they pretended to film that polar bear giving birth in the wild. They used film footage of a bear in a zoo.

In Wales a group of Consultants in Emergency Medicine have signed a letter to Carwyn demanding more dosh and stating that Wales’s A&Es are dangerous. They have been for years but there was no letter to the FM when the patient waiting in Wrexham Maelor A&E DIED, fell off the chair and was dragged back onto the chair by the Neanderthal security man who didn’t realise that the patient was dead.

Pauline Cutting and Linda Dykes, two A&E Consultants in Ysbyty Gwynedd, knew that their colleague senior nurse Stephen Gallagher was threatening patients, refusing to treat them and making fallacious allegations about them to the police (see post ‘Two Dangerous Very Dishonest Nurses’). Cutting and Dykes also knew that Gallagher had been previously reprimanded after a doctor complained about him and that it had been noted on his file that his integrity and competence could not be relied upon. Yet Gallagher was still employed in a senior role, on the front line, dealing with sensitive situations. Then there was that unfortunate business in which a patient was found dead in Bangor after going to A&E for help – Gallagher was the last person to see him alive as he turned the patient away without help. I don’t remember a letter being sent to the FM about that.

Neither was there a letter sent to the FM when Martin Jones, the Chief Exec of the North West Wales NHS Trust, destroyed CCTV footage which showed Gallagher threatening patients…

Time for a letter perhaps Pauline and Linda, detailing all those dreadful incidents that you witnessed in Ysbyty Gwynedd A&E? Perhaps you could also tell Carwyn how Martin wasn’t carrying out CRB checks on the staff and how there were people with convictions for violence working in clinical roles in YG? Do remember to tell the FM about the staff who lied about their qualifications as well – and the Angel who was working as a prostitute and who was blackmailing her clients! Ooh and the crazy medical student who had sex with all sorts of people on hospital premises and who was then employed as a psychiatrist at the Hergest Unit after he qualified.

You want examples of patients placed in danger? I’ve got loads of them – you knew about them as well but none of you breathed a word.

To add to the fun, Cheshire Tory MP Antoinette Sandbach spoke out about the shite care provided by the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board and claimed that Welsh patients are cluttering up the Countess of Chester Hospital because they don’t want to risk their necks in north Wales hospitals.

The Countess of Chester was not so long ago the subject of a police investigation after a number of babies died there.

Antoinette used to be a Tory AM for north Wales. She made no representations at all on behalf of the people who had to use the dangerous dysfunctional hospitals of north Wales which are now in special measures. Antoinette did speak out after her own child died – but she spoke out about being investigated by the police. She stood up in the Senedd and she cried and howled and wept buckets and received a round of applause – and repeated the performance when she was elected to Westminster, again to a round of applause. She continued to not say a word about the women who had lost their babies because of the negligence of the NHS in north Wales or indeed about any of the other patients who had died or been harmed.

North Wales has some of the worst health outcomes in Europe – Antoinette remained silent.

Antoinette is a former criminal barrister from London who decided upon a career as a Tory AM some years ago when questions began to be asked once more about the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the cover-up which was the Waterhouse Inquiry. She arrived in north Wales as a ‘low paid farm worker’ – Antoinette actually returned to live on the family estate, her family being descendants of the Penrhyns who made their fortune out of slavery in the West Indies. Within weeks Antoinette had a job with David Jones MP, the solicitor who spent years of his life watching me and other people being framed by the mental health services in the courts of north Wales (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’).

Very quickly Antoinette was on the candidates list, then bang, elected as an AM, advertising herself as a farmer’s daughter from north Wales. Antoinette’s dad was not Joe Grundy or even Phil Archer, he was Ian Lawrie Mackeson-Sandbach.

Ian was the most senior Freemason in north Wales – Provincial Grand-Master of North Wales, 1990-2004. Ian held that position throughout the many years of failed investigations and inquiries into the north Wales paedophile ring, investigations which were alleged to have been hampered by corruption involving Freemasonry. Ian was also in post when the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb, days after John Major won the 1992 General Election (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

David Jones MP was an enthusiastic Freemason as was Nigel Mannering Berry (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’), the nurse from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who was responsible for Gwynfa Unit, the adolescent mental health unit in Colwyn Bay where children were raped and assaulted (see post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’). Hefin Davies, the Chairman of the North West Wales NHS Trust whilst patients were abused, died and were framed for serious offences, was also active in the Freemasons in north Wales.

Your dad kept some lovely company Antoinette.

Antoinette’s grandmother Geraldine – Ian’s mother – was President of the Denbigh branch of the Royal College of Midwives, 1955-75 (News Round Up, Aug 24 2017′). During those years unmarried pregnant women were banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, as were women who had been sexually assaulted – and women were being sexually abused by staff in the hospital, including by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones.

Christ Almighty, Antoinette’s family have blood on their hands.

The senior manager of the north Wales mental health services whilst Antoinette’s dad’s fellow Masons raped teenagers and imprisoned women in Denbigh was Dr Peter Higson, who is Chair of the Betsi. The Betsi which Antoinette maintains is so utterly shite that it is causing an exodus to England.

The Daily Post Online reported that Geoff Ryall-Harvey, the Chief Exec of the North Wales Community Health Council, ‘slammed’ Antoinette for her comments. Had Geoff slammed some of the abusive staff and managers of the Betsi over the past few years rather than ignoring patients complaints, the Betsi might not be in its present sorry state. But then the CHC has numbered among its members Glanville Owen, the former manager of the children’s homes run by Gwynedd Social Services whilst the kids within were abused (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), Sadie Francis (Dr X’ s wife), a retired psychiatrist from the North Wales Hospital and the Hergest who along with her husband Tony perjured herself in repeated attempts to imprison me (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter ‘) and Dr Christine Evans, a retired surgeon from Ysbyty Glan Clwyd whose only reason for joining the CHC was to try to protect the position of her former colleagues at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd in the wake of a Royal College of Surgeons report denouncing them as a bunch of bastards who were running  the surgical service to suit their own needs rather than the needs of their patients.

Another member of the CHC is former Lib Dem AM Eleanor Burnham. Eleanor is a former social services manager and sat on Mental Health Tribunals at the North Wales Hospital.

For more details concerning the ‘watchdog’ that is the ‘patients voice’ which is log jammed with the paedophiles’ friends, see post ‘Joint Betsi Board/North Wales CHC Meeting, March 24 2017’.

The bestest friend of the paedophiles, North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner Arfon Jones, has been supplying nearly as much entertainment in the Daily Post Online as Antoinette. Arfon has told vigilante ‘paedophile hunters’ that they would be better off joining the police. Experimental evidence suggests that the North Wales Police were not very good at all at catching paedophiles, although they were quite good at framing people for child abuse who were not paedophiles. One former officer of the North Wales Police, Superintendent Gordon Anglesea, was eventually imprisoned for abusing children in care in Wrexham, but it took over 30 years to catch Anglesea and the Police Federation backed him up all the way and were supporting his planned appeal against conviction before he died.

The police officer who chauffeured Anglesea to the venues where he abused boys was one Arfon Jones. Anglesea’s widow Sandra enjoys the benefits of Anglesea’s police pension although her husband died a convicted sex offender, thanks to an ‘oversight’ on the part of Arfon.

Arfon is concerned that paedophile hunters could lead to offenders going free due to legal and procedural failings. Perhaps in the same way that nearly all those who were responsible for the abuse of children in north Wales over decades went free despite the hundreds of statements that were submitted to the CPS.

I’m glad to say that Afon has made ‘protecting vulnerable children and delivering safer neighbourhoods’ priorities in his police and crime plan – what could ever go wrong with Arfon at the helm? Arfon stated that ‘communities have a vital part to play with local intelligence information given to our officers’. Hundreds of statements were given to officers Arfon, hundreds. Then there were the psychiatric patients who reported assaults on them by mental health staff to police officers – who refused to take statements. Neither must we forget the concerned neighbours who rang the police begging them to help various children in care or psychiatric patients who had been left destitute and were being attacked by drunks and thugs – police officers did bugger all. Some of them did try but they were constantly obstructed by more senior officers or the NHS and social services themselves. And gradually most of the former kids in care and psych patients who had complained died – most of those deaths were not even investigated.

An inspection of HMP Liverpool has denounced the conditions as the worse that have ever been seen in a UK prison and it has been reported that the prison medical service is so bad that prisoners have undoubtedly died uneccesarily. This didn’t happen overnight – can some questions now be asked about the previous inspectors who failed to notice this? HMP Nottingham has also been heavily criticised and the brand spanking new HMP Berwyn which David Hanson, Hywel Williams, Elfyn Llwyd and Leanne Wood begged for and which was going to transform the economic prospects of Wrexham – how exactly none of these bozos were able to explain – has been denounced as dangerous by the staff.

If readers can bear anymore humbug and hypocrisy, I can highly recommend  Professor Catherine Robinson’s Twitter feed, it surpasses Arfon Jones’s crime plan. Highlights from the past few days include a retweet about mental disorders being included in the earliest known medical texts – are we still relying upon Galen??? Ooh I think that I’ve got an excess of black bile, I’ll go for a bit of blood letting and see if my condition improves. Catherine also retweeted yet another lame article from the Guardian about the ‘unbelievably dedicated NHS staff’ – presumably these include the NHS staff employed at the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University who Catherine hated so much that she threatened to resign if she was transferred to their School; an article about nurses being unable to afford to feed themselves; an advert for an art group for people with borderline personality disorder – Catherine used to work in the North Wales Hospital where that label was attached to anyone who dared complain about being propositioned by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (see post ‘ The Mentor’); and a tweet about how when sex assault victims speak out their institutions often betray them – at the North Wales Hospital sex assault victims were kept in a cellar.

Catherine also retweeted an advert for a job with the McPin Foundation. The McPin Foundation promotes mental health research foregrounding ‘service user involvement’. I applied for a job as a researcher with the McPin Foundation about three years ago. They were ever so nice at the interview and I later received a letter from them explaining that the vacancy was for a service user researcher, that I was far too capable for such a post and that the service user researcher posts were really very junior and service users were not given any responsibility or strategic input into the project. I understand that another applicant who was also a ‘service user’ with a PhD and post doc experience received a similar letter. Catherine will get on with the McPin Foundation really well – her project involving ‘service users’ didn’t even cite their names on the outputs, they were simply referred to as ‘and others’. She probably still wishes that they could be kept in the cellar.

I was delighted to discover from Catherine’s retweets that Kate C. Thomas of the Betsi is looking for people to give presentations about gendered and race identities at a conference in London. Perhaps I should submit one concerning the experience of the gay student nurse who was subjected to homophobic bullying on placement at the Hergest Unit or Dr Alberto, the Italian psychiatrist employed by the Betsi who was frozen out by his colleagues because he is Italian…

 

Question Time last night saw the vile Andy ‘I’m from the north me’ Burnham tell the audience in the wake of the collapse of Carillion how he has always disagreed with PFI hospitals. So that must have been why so many of them were signed off whilst Burnham was Health Secretary. Perhaps he was too busy ignoring those 80 requests for an inquiry into the astronomical death rates at Mid-Staffs to notice all the PFI contracts – er, but weren’t those PFIs used by Andy to boast about how much New Labour was ‘investing’ in the NHS? Anyone currently screaming about the lack of resources available for patient care in the NHS care to explain why they said nothing at all about those PFI hospitals but instead were photographed with rictus grins as each one was opened? They were all told what appalling deals PFIs were. But then they were all told that patients were dying of neglect and good staff were being hounded out of their jobs…

Perhaps the most extraordinary bit of news recently which has received very little publicity was the Attorney General Jeremy Wright blocking Stuart Lubbock’s father Terry’s application to the High Court to request a fresh inquest into Stuart’s death.

Stuart Lubbock was the man who was found dead in Michael Barrymore’s swimming pool – during a party. Stuart had serious anal injuries and alcohol, ecstasy and cocaine in his blood. Barrymore had been at the party but left the scene when the body was discovered.

Stuart was found dead on March 31 2001. Barrymore was interviewed by police but was released. In October 2001 Barrymore accepted a police caution for drugs offences. An inquest on Stuart in 2002 recorded an open verdict and it was observed that there were no benign reasons for Stuart’s injuries. In Feb 2006 Stuart’s family were blocked by a district judge in Southend, Essex, from pursuing a private prosecution against Barrymore. In Dec 2006 Essex police began a new investigation into Stuart’s death. In Jan 2007 the IPCC announced an investigation  into the detectives original handling of the inquiry into Stuart Lubbock’ s death. On June 14 2007 Barrymore was arrested with two other men on suspicion of serious sexual assault and murder. Barrymore was given bail the next day. In Feb 2009 the IPCC upheld 36 complaints and allegations by Stuart’s father. The IPCC also found that two pieces of evidence – a pool thermometer and a door handle – had gone missing after Stuart’s death.

In July 2015 Barrymore began suing the police for wrongful arrest – he issued a writ in the High Court. In August 2017 a judge stated that Barrymore will receive more than nominal damages.

No judge or Attorney General is going to be told what to do by a light entertainment favourite who yells ‘awight?’ at the audience. So what does Barrymore know about who?

The action all took place in Essex. A favourite spot for the residences of the crime barons and gangsters operating in London. Who are alleged to have many police officers, lawyers and judges on their payroll.

Security, Security

I have been perusing documents and academic publications regarding Ashworth Hospital, hence the comments that I recently added to my post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’.

This blog has frequently touched on Ashworth. Its location on Merseyside resulted in the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales having a convenient and chummy relationship with that establishment. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al used Ashworth as a dustbin for the patients whom they could not silence through the mainstream psychiatric system or by the use of the Prison Service. Dr David Mawson, one of the first Top Doctors whom I met for a ‘second opinion’, was friendly but quietly ignored the evidence of Dafydd’s wrongdoing – David Mawson worked at Ashworth. Two members of staff at Bangor University who are well aware of Dafydd’s criminality – Professor Catherine Robinson and her former husband John Bailey – knew about the serious criminality at Ashworth (John worked there as a psychologist and Catherine worked at the North Wales Hospital, Denbigh). Stephen Rose, an abusive member of staff at the North Wales Hospital, was transferred to a position at Park Lane Hospital in 1987 (Ashworth was formed from the merger between Park Lane and Moss Side in 1989) and the clients of the monstrous Prestwood Homes who were very obviously being groomed for sex work nearly all came from Ashworth (see post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’).

I was told about the horrors of Moss Side when I was an undergraduate. I heard stories from local people about it being a terrible place and concerns that young people from north Wales were being sent there despite having committed no crimes or very trivial ones. The thing that I was told repeatedly was that young people were locked up in solitary confinement in cells with no daylight for months on end. Again and again I heard that people were in Moss Side after having been accused of crimes ‘but they didn’t do it’. When I first heard these stories, like many people I presumed that one would HAVE to have done something quite serious to have ended up in Moss Side and that the relatives and friends of these teenagers banged up were probably finding to difficult to accept what their associates in Moss Side had done. I remember sharing a railway carriage with a lady from Chester to Bangor one day who started chatting to me along the lines of ‘my son’s about the same age as you’ who then told me the most dreadful story of him being sent to Moss Side ‘by the doctors’ when he was 17. The lady became very upset, told me that her son had been assaulted by the warders and that he had been kept in a cell with no windows for months. She explained that ‘they said that he did something to a girl but he didn’t’.

Because many of the people from whom I was hearing these stories were disadvantaged and had often had brushes with the law it took a while for the penny to drop, but eventually I realised that people in north Wales who didn’t have much money or education were being treated very badly by agencies like the NHS, the social services and the police. I didn’t know at that time that the NHS, social services and the police were concealing a paedophile gang and that anyone who complained about them would find that their lives became very difficult. It did become obvious though that benign but distressed people were being banged up after lies had been told about them – and that the mental health services were usually involved.

At one point the outrages at Moss Side made it as far as Esther’s ‘That’s Life’ programme. One episode featured the story of a teenaged girl with learning disabilities who had been locked up in Moss Side after I think ‘setting fire to the curtains’ in a children’s home. The usual themes were in evidence – an incident with the social services/ children’s services/mental health services the severity of which had been exaggerated and then incarceration in Moss Side in solitary confinement along with ill treatment from the staff. At about the same time Esther also reported on Holyrood House, a ‘home’ in Llandudno for people with mental health problems run by one of Dafydd’s friends, Margaret Richards. Patients were being beaten up by the resident ‘security man’ and the drugs cabinet was the responsibility of an addict from Liverpool. Esther stopped reporting such matters when she became a mental health and child abuse campaigner.

I then heard that Moss Side had closed. It had actually simply metamorphosed into Ashworth – the same Top Doctors were employed and the same bunch of thugs who had abused the patients.

There had always been very serious problems at Ashworth. Media reports stressed that the patients within were criminally insane or convicted criminals and the arrival of Ian Brady at Park Lane in 1985 after he was transferred from Gartree Prison fuelled the stereotype of the place being full of murdering loonies. Ian Brady’s presence at Park Lane from 1985 was certainly convenient for the paedophiles’ friends. Brady was handed over to Dafydd’s friends just when Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were producing evidence of very serious criminality in north Wales on the part of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Obviously a news report only had to remind everyone that Ian Brady was in the institution where others were alleging injustice and brutality for allegations of wrongdoing on the part of the Top Doctors to be completely ignored. There were murders happening, but what can one expect from folk like Ian Brady.

The conduct of Ashworth staff (and the staff at its preceding institutions Park Lane and Moss Side) was probably unbelievable to those unacquainted with the institution. Most of the ‘nurses’ were members of the POA (Prison Officers Association) and many of them were involved in National Front activity. David Mawson and other former members of staff at Ashworth admitted to me that there was a full scale civil war between the Top Doctors, the psychologists and the POA. Neither of the three professional groups liked or respected each other and they were all mistreating the patients -many of the ‘nurses’ in the POA were simply thugs. Patients were routinely beaten, sexually assaulted as well as psychologically abused and patients who were known to be violent would be ‘accidentally’ left alone with more vulnerable patients with obvious consequences. There was an allegation that a patient had been beaten to death by staff and the POA also launched violent attacks on other staff – car tyres were slashed, paint was thrown, fires were set and death threats were sent. The targets were well aware that they were under attack by people who were involved in violent racist activity outside of the workplace and were basically frightened of them. The Top Doctors and psychologists claimed to be appalled by the POA but regular readers will know that they did not conduct themselves as they should have either – they were concealing the abuse of vulnerable people by the mental health services and organised child abuse. They also knew that some of those banged up had not committed the crimes of which they had been accused and were not dangerous as faithfully documented by everyone.

The first Public Inquiry into Ashworth was requested on 25 April 1991 by William Waldegrave, Secretary of State for Health in John Major’s Gov’t, after a TV documentary screened on 4 March 1991 alleged the serious ill-treatment of patients, including the death of a patient after a beating by staff. The Inquiry was Chaired by Louis Blom-Cooper QC.

Blom-Cooper’s previous included Chairing the Inquiry into the 1984 death of Jasmine Beckford, whilst she was in the care of Brent Social Services. Blom-Cooper’s panel included a community medicine specialist and the Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. A number of people involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been employed by Barnardos. Blom-Cooper’s Report was submitted in  Dec 1985 and was highly critical of magistrates, teachers, health visitors and in particular social workers. He described Jasmine’s death as a ‘predictable and preventable homicide’. Blom-Cooper’s Report was submitted to Brent Borough Council and Brent Health Authority. I had always assumed that Blom-Cooper had been commissioned by the Gov’t to Chair that Inquiry – he hadn’t, it was Brent Borough Council who appointed him. At the time of Jasmine’s death and the submission of Blom-Cooper’s Report, Ken Livingstone, the leader of the GLC, was after the nomination for the Labour candidacy of the constituency of Brent East. The sitting MP Reg Freeson was Labour but he was a centrist and Ken was keen to oust him. Ken had friends in the constituency and was delighted when he did oust Reg and was elected himself as Labour MP for Brent East in 1987. If I know anything about Inquiries, whoever appointed Blom-Cooper will have only appointed him if they were confident that he would say the right things and point the finger at the right people and not at anyone in responsibility who might be severely embarrassed. In 1987 Paul Boateng was elected Labour MP for Brent South. Boateng had been an executive member of the NCCL whilst it was affiliated to PIE. His wife Janet was a social worker and Councillor in Lambeth and was Chair of Lambeth Social Services Committee when Tyra Henry was killed whilst in the care of Lambeth Social Services (see post ‘A Few More Who Might Be Able To Answer Questions’). Paul Boateng was working as a solicitor for B.M. Birnberg when Birnberg acted for Mary Wynch in her case against Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Louis Blom-Cooper was a Judge of the Court of Appeal of Jersey and Guernsey, 1988-96. In 2006 a major investigation began on Jersey into historical child abuse abuse. The allegations centred on the Haut de la Garenne children’s home where, some people alleged, terrible abuse had taken place which may have even included the murder of children. A few people were eventually convicted for assaults on children, but like some other recent high profile child abuse investigations, some people alleged that only a fraction of what had gone on had been uncovered whereas other people maintained that ridiculous hysterical allegations had been made. The police themselves admitted that the investigation had been ‘a mess’.

In 2006 Jimmy Savile began legal action against ‘The Sun’ after it alleged that he had visited Haut de la Garenne and had abused children there. Savile denied ever having visited Haut de la Garenne but then someone produced a photo of him there, surrounded by children and he remembered that he had been there after all.

Blom-Cooper was Chair of the Mental Health Act Commission, 1987-94 – the Mental Health Act Commission which colluded with and concealed the criminal activity of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends during those years. The Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission, 1990-2000, was William Bingley. In his previous incarnation as legal director of MIND, 1985-1990, Bingley had also colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends to conceal their wrongdoing. Blom-Cooper, William Bingley and the rest of the Mental Health Act Commission knew exactly what was happening at Park Lane, Moss Side, Ashworth and in the mental health units in north Wales.

Whilst Blom-Cooper and Bingley led the Mental Health Act Commission Jimmy Savile was a regular visitor to Ashworth. Savile was a personal friend of Thatch who was Prime Minister between May 1979-Nov 1990.

Blom-Cooper’s report into Ashworth was absolutely damning. It was published on 5 Aug 1992 when Viginia Bottomley was Secretary of State for Health. It inevitably elicited comments and headlines of the ‘never again’ variety and there was much discussion of a ‘rotten culture’ at Ashworth. The information was presented as though none of it was known to the authorities – it was.

Blom-Cooper maintained that Ashworth was irretrievable and ought to be closed. MIND echoed his call.

The Mental Health Act Commission was the body responsible for monitoring the use of the Mental Health Act and the patients’ welfare at Ashworth. The Mental Health Act Commission was one of the bodies which had been failing to respond to the pleas from the Ashworth patients and indeed to my own pleas concerning the criminal activity of the mental health services in north Wales. The Mental Health Act Commission’s office which covered north Wales was the Liverpoool office. The Liverpool office covered Ashworth as well. The man at the Liverpool office who was colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles as well as the members of the National Front employed at Ashworth was David Ewart. Blom-Cooper’s fellow lawyers also knew what was happening. A charity called WISH (Women In Special Hospitals) was established in 1987 in an attempt to help the female patients – Helena Kennedy was involved with some of the cases taken up by WISH. Like Esther Rantzen, for some reason WISH didn’t publicise the brutality and sexual abuse to which the female patients in the special hospitals were subjected for long (see post ‘Close Your Eyes And Make A Wish’). WISH went very quiet in the mid-90s and remained quiet. Blom-Cooper knew how bad those institutions were. Waldegrave who commissioned the Inquiry and appointed Blom-Cooper to Chair it will have known. Waldegrave was a member of a Gov’t who had overseen appallingly corrupt practices in the Welsh Office in order to conceal the abuses of the paedophiles friends in north Wales. It was known that mental health patients in north Wales were ending up in Risley Remand Centre or Ashworth sometimes without even being convicted of any crimes at all if Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends refused to treat them or maintained that they were ‘dangerous’.

Following the publication of Blom-Cooper’s Report the standard position of ‘we will change the culture and turn Ashworth around’ was adopted by Gov’t. All three special hospitals – Ashworth, Broadmoor and Rampton – were ordered to report directly to the NHS Chief Executive Alan Langlands. Langlands had worked in the NHS at a senior level for years – did anyone really think that a culture change would result from the involvement of a long serving NHS insider such as Langlands? The Social Services Inspectorate were ordered to conduct three inquiries into social work aspects at secure hospitals – the SSI which had colluded with the large scale neglect and abuse of children in care and the abuse of mental health patients before Blom-Cooper ever got near to Chairing an inquiry. It was the failings of the SSI which led to the death of Jasmine Beckford – which was followed by an inquiry Chaired by Louis Blom-Cooper…

In the mid-90s the HAS ( Health Advisory Service) – the Director of which was Dr Richard Williams – published a review of Ashworth stating that there had been ‘major advances’ made in the management of the hospital and that ‘great progress has been made in addressing the unhelpful aspects of the previous hospital culture’. The nation could rest easy once more. What had gone on was an aberration and of course the staff should never have behaved as they did but well those patients are criminally insane, it’s a difficult job looking after them, they’ve all killed children and things like that haven’t they, I don’t think that I could do that job…

In Sept 1996 Stephen Daggett, a long term Ashworth patient, absconded and got as far as Amsterdam. When Stephen got to Amsterdam he made a phone call and stated that he would give himself up if various allegations that he was making about Ashworth were investigated. Stephen had detailed them in a document entitled ‘My Concerns’. He made some incredibly serious allegations. Stephen claimed that the Personality Disorder Unit at Ashworth – consisting of five locked wards – was awash with porn (magazines as well as videos) and that a lot of it featured bestiality, sadomasochism or children. Daggatt also maintained that patients had access to drugs and alcohol pretty much whenever they wanted. Daggett claimed that an eight year old girl was being taken into the unit on a regular basis where she visited patients who were paedophiles.

The Fallon Report mentioned that the child identified as being at risk as a result of being taken into Ashworth was in the care of Bradford Social Services. It was stated that although the child was being groomed for the purposes of sexual activity, no sexual activity involving the little girl had taken place. Of course it hadn’t. In exactly the same way that St George’s Hospital Medical School reassured everyone in 1986 that their Professor of Paediatrics Oliver Brooke had never abused any of his patients after it became public knowledge that he’d been jailed for the possession of child porn which he had kept in his offices at the hospital. Bradford Social Services has been identified recently as having one hell of a problem with the abuse and trafficking of children it its care. It has been attributed to criminal gangs of Asian men, as opposed to criminal gangs of Top Doctors, lawyers, Gov’t regulatory bodies and charities.

Daggett gave himself up – only for the hospital to dismiss his concerns. However Daggett’s parents took the matter to their MP, the Labour MP for Halifax, Alice Mahon. It was only when  she compiled a 60 page dossier that Ministers listened. It was concluded that the ‘progress’ that Ashworth had made as documented by the Health Advisory Service not so long before must have ‘stopped’. As that bit of progress didn’t last long and couldn’t have amounted to much, one wonders what ‘great progress’ the HAS actually saw – I doubt that questions were ever asked about the discrepancy between the great progress as reported by the HAS and what Daggett alleged less than two years later. Ashworth later admitted that all of Daggett’s allegatons were true.

On 7 Feb 1997 John Major’s Secretary of State for Health Stephen Dorrell announced that there would be another inquiry into Ashworth, this time Chaired by His Honour Peter Fallon, a judge. The Inquiry team would consist of Peter Fallon, Professor Robert Bluglass, Professor Brian Edwards and Mr Granville Daniels.

Robert Bluglass has featured on this blog nearly as often as Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Bluglass Chaired the investigation into my complaint about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales in 1988 (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Bluglass ignored huge parts of my complaint completely, including everything relating to Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and Gwynedd Social Services. He received written and oral evidence from staff at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh that Dafydd had indeed had me unlawfully arrested and illegally imprisoned but Bluglass failed to state categorically that Dafydd had broken the law in his report. Bluglass stated as fact every one of the barefaced lies that Dafydd had told about me, although I could demonstrate that Dafydd was not telling the truth. Every point that I made was noted by Bluglass as a ‘claim’ – every lie that Dafydd told was documented as fact.

Bluglass was the man who wrote the Mental Health Act which Dafydd had broken. William Bingley had written the code of practice to accompany the Mental Health Act which Dafydd had broken.

Bluglass concluded his report into my complaint by stating that the paedophiles’ friends were caring people who could not be expected to put up with my ‘harassment’ and that I had caused them great annoyance. Bluglass was a close colleague both of some of the people with whom Dafydd had trained at the Maudsley and of Tony Francis’s former boss. I later received correspondence from someone whose mentally ill son had been murdered in a young offenders institution – Bluglass Chaired the inquiry into his death. This young man’s parents told me that Bluglass used exactly the same techniques in that investigation to exonerate the institution which he used to conceal Dafydd’s criminality. Their son should never have been in the young offenders institution – he had not been convicted of a crime, he was on remand following a trivial untrue allegation because no-one found him a bed in a hospital – in the same way that I should never have been banged up in Denbigh. Yet Bluglass wrote about both of us as though we were legally detained people who had been convicted. Bluglass wrote about me ‘absconding from Denbigh’. Yes I did escape – but I was being held illegally, so the staff actually broke the law all over again when they physically dragged me back into the hospital. As far as Bluglass was concerned this incident was akin to a breakout from Wormwood Scrubs. The son of the couple who wrote to me had a degree in astrophysics from Cambridge, but had taken a job as a bin man because he wanted to work after a period of illness. Bluglass made much of the fact that the dead man was a bin man and noted that he was ‘dirty’. Bluglass had ‘misheard’ – he had been told that the dead man was ‘thirty’. So Bluglass was investigating the death of a smelly old dustbin man who was in prison after committing a crime, not the brutal murder – the murderer ate part of the young man’s body – of a Cambridge graduate who was trying to recover from a serious illness and who should never have been in the institution .

Professor Brian Edwards was the Professor of Healthcare Development at the University of Sheffield and the former General Manager, Trent Regional Health Authority and Regional Director (West Midlands). It is highly likely that Edwards knew Bluglass – Bluglass had been a leading light in the NHS in the West Midlands for many years and was the Chairman of one of the NHS authorities there. Furthermore, one of the senior nurses who worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd and who will have known what Dafydd and the paedophiles were up to ended up as a Professor of Nursing at the University of Sheffield.

Granville Daniels was General Manager of the Millbrook Mental Health Unit, Central Nottinghamshire NHS Trust.

Fallon’s panel were supplied with a legal team which included  John Royce QC, who is now Sir John Royce, a High Court judge. Royce attended the Leys School, the headmaster of which was Alan Barker, the husband of Baroness Jean Trumpington. Before taking up the post as head of the Leys School, Barker was a master at Eton. Barker taught Douglas Hurd at Eton, who remained a close friend of Barker’s until Barker died. Hurd himself later gave Trumpington at least one of her jobs in politics and Trumpington was the junior Health Minister who appointed Jimmy Savile to the Management Board of Broadmoor. Hurd was Home Secretary in Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t, 1985-89. So Hurd was responsible for the prison service when Dafydd and Dr Tony Francis tried to have me framed for ‘trying to stab a doctor’ and sent to Risley Remand Centre – David Ewart from the Mental Health Act Commission was involved with the plan and believed that it had worked and that I had been imprisoned in Risley (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). Hurd was Home Secretary in the Gov’t in which Sir Peter Morrison also served, whilst Morrison sexually molested children in care in north Wales. After the Leys School, Sir John Royce went to Trinity Hall, Cambridge. Royce presided over the 2009 Plymouth child abuse trial – the defendants received IPPs (indeterminate sentences for public protection). IPPs were introduced under Blair’s Gov’t by Home Secretary David Blunkett in the wake of Blair’s concerns about Dangerous Mad People. They were abolished in 2010 after it was discovered that some of the people being imprisoned without limit of time weren’t that dangerous and had only committed trivial offences – as a result of mental health problems. Royce also presided over the 2013 trial of the rock singer Ian Watkins whom he sentenced for a string of offences against babies and young children. Watkins’s girlfriend had told the police of her concerns that Watkins was a paedophile but she was ignored. So were the concerns of six other people. An IPCC report stated that South Wales Police ‘missed opportunities’ to stop Watkins.

The Secretary to the Fallon Inquiry panel was a Dr Tim Baxter. I think that it was the Dr Tim Baxter who joined the Department of Health in 1991 and who was appointed Deputy Director of the Public Health Development Unit in 2010 – in 2016 Tim became Deputy Director for Healthy Behaviours. That will be something to do with ‘Nudge’ – hey Tim haven’t you noticed that ‘Nudge’ doesn’t work in an endemically corrupt health and welfare service which pathologises the patients? In 2009 Tim took a year out