Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

Events, Dear Boy, Events

I am not going to concern myself so much with media reports regarding the excesses of the ‘services’ on this blog any longer because the excesses are such that, as the NHS and other ‘services’ disintegrate to such an extent that it can no longer be concealed, paedophiles’ friends are popping up in the media from all directions screaming loudly that all that is needed is for them to be given many more millions of pounds and then everything will be OK.

The sociologist Loic Wacquant argued some years ago that because neoliberal capitalism had left politicians powerless, all that they could offer was ‘solutions’ in terms of crime and punishment and that was why so many were banging on about the necessity to build more prisons and get tough on crime and the causes of crime. Loic Wacquant lives in the US so he might not waste his time following what UK politicians are doing, but their latest offering is legislation to imprison anyone – for up to two years – who takes ‘up-skirt photos’. I’m unimpressed with this gesture because there is already legislation in place to cover this behaviour. If I can be prosecuted for staring at a social worker in Safeways, one who’s colleagues are running a paedophile gang at that and then also prosecuted for telling the secretary of another facilitator of the same paedophile gang that he is a fat idiot, I can only presume that the up-skirt peeping toms have not been prosecuted for reasons other than a lack of legislation. Furthermore, Dafydd illegally imprisoned people in a dungeon and like the up-skirt photographers he was never prosecuted. But as with demanding that Somalis are prosecuted for FGM – even in the absence of evidence – demanding tough sentences for up-skirt photographers is rather easier than tackling organised crime in the welfare services.

One thought occurs to me MPs – to take an up-skirt shot, the photographer would have to be in the vicinity of the woman’s feet/ankles. A solution would be for the targeted woman to kick them in the chops, very very hard. Easier, quicker, cheaper and one would not have to take one’s chances with an endemically corrupt criminal justice system. Something tells me that Dafydd could have spent 24 hours a day taking up-skirt shots and there would have been no action taken against him. After all, Dafydd’s mate at Bart’s, Prof Linford Rees, photographed female patients in the bath and showed the photos to students in his lectures (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

 

Instead I am using this post to name a few more of those who’s Big Ideas contributed towards a gang of paedophiles remaining untouchable for many years.

My post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ detailed those managing Gwynedd Social Services whilst the paedophile gang operated in the Council’s children’s homes. For much of that time the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council was Ioan Bowen Rees, who has featured in a number of previous blog posts. I have mentioned that despite the havoc in Gwynedd County Council during his years of leadership, Bowen Rees was an intelligent erudite man, an Oxford graduate who was considered one of Europe’s leading experts on local democracy.

This might explain why, when Bowen Rees was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was described in the media as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’ and the social workers who ran the paedophile gang were constantly telling people that the ‘services’ were the best in Europe. Us service users used to shriek with laughter when we read such descriptions of the people who were trying to shag us, who were threatening us, assaulting us, lying about us in court and leaving some of our friends so desperate that they killed themselves. The extraordinary thing is that Bowen Rees really was considered an expert in local gov’t at a European level. So we can only wonder why a paedophile gang expanded its operations in Gwynedd County Council when Bowen Rees was Chief Exec and why a paedophile gang expanded its operations in Dyfed when Ioan Bowen Rees was County Secretary of Dyfed County Council prior to relocating to Gwynedd.

Dafydd and the paedophiles were linked with a pan-European paedophile gang. Gwynedd social workers tripped over themselves to become involved with projects that sociologists in Bangor University were running with sociologists and social workers in Europe. The Gwynedd social workers knew bugger all about the academic work involved, but they were there at every workshop, at every buffet and stressed to the visiting European academics that the services in Gwynedd were, of course, leading the way.

Two Bangor lecturers who were particularly keen to climb aboard the European projects bandwagon were John Borland and Aled Griffiths. Borland had retired by the time that I began work as a sociologist at Bangor, but I was interested to discover that Borland had set up a company to supply ‘service users’ who would provide the legally required ‘feedback’ on the ‘services’ in north Wales. I had never met one ‘service user’ who had heard of John Borland, yet alone worked for his business. Borland’s wife was Sandra Betts, an expert on Wimmin in Wales who was rarely seen in the University and who’s own work was substantially done by unpaid female PhD students. Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer is married to Joanna Griffiths, who until her retirement was Director of Conwy Social Services. Joanna was Director when Conwy failed to respond to complaints that residents in Prestwood Homes were being appallingly abused (see post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’). Aled’s sister is Gwenan Carrington, who was Director of Gwynedd Social Services after Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes ‘retired’ from that role when the Waterhouse Report was published. Aled Griffiths’s brother Huw was a highly incompetent solicitor who was one of those who sat in Bangor Magistrates Court watching Dafydd and the paedophiles fit up their victims. In fact Huw watched Dafydd and the paedophiles fit me up, that’s how I knew him, years before I encountered the joys of the Buffet Slayer.

A very cosy arrangement for everyone involved. This bunch were colleagues of Professor Mark Williams and some of them appear on his ‘Mindfulness’ publications (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Mark Williams has now taken his pyramid selling Mindfulness scam to China and Hong Kong.

Ioan Bowen Rees, being very keen on Europe and their systems of local democracy, some of which Ioan maintained were far superior to that found in the UK, spent a lot of time in Europe. I have mentioned previously that Max Beloff, the father of Cherie Booth’s friend and colleague Michael Beloff, rated one of Bowen Rees’s books so highly that he maintained that it was ‘essential reading for public servants’. Bowen Rees doubled up as an adviser to Plaid MPs Gwynfor Evans and Dafydd Wigley, both of whom knew that organised child sexual abuse bloomed wherever Ioan was to be found but who said nothing (see posts ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’ and ‘The Banality Of Evil’).

There is however someone else who was a mate of and intellectual traveller with Ioan Bowen Rees whom I have not yet mentioned – Professor Leopold Kohr. Kohr grew up in Oberndorf near Salzburg and it remained his ideal of community. He held a doctorate in law from the University of Innsbruck, Austria and one in political science from the University of Vienna. Kohr also studied at the LSE.

Kohr became a freelance correspondent during the Spanish Civil War where he was impressed by the self-contained governments of Catalonia and Aragon, as well as by the small Spanish anarchist city-states of Alcoy and Caspe. He became a close friend of George Orwell and shared offices with Ernest Hemingway and Andre Malraux. 

Kohr fled Austria in 1938 after it was annexed by Nazi Germany and emigrated to the US, later becoming an American citizen.

Kohr taught economics and political philosophy at Ruthers University in New Jersey, 1943-55. From 1955-73, he was Professor of Economics and Public Administration in the University of Puerto Rico in San Juan, except for a period in 1965-66 when he was Professor of Economics at the University of the Americas in Mexico City; during these years Kohr developed his concepts of village renewal and ‘lent his advice to local city planning initiatives.’ He also advised the independence movement of the of Anguilla. 

After many rejections by American and British publishers, Kohr’s first book, ‘The Breakdown of Nations’, was published in 1957 in Britain after a chance meeting with anarchist Sir Herbert Read. 

Kohr moved from Puerto Rico to Wales, where he taught political philosophy at the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth from 1968-77. So Kohr was there when Carlo spent a brief period at Aber learning Welsh. Kohr worked in the Department of Extra-mural Studies at Aber and was senior tutor, 1973-77.

The project of Welsh independence, founded on the ideal of ‘cymdeithas’ (community) was dear to Kohr and he became a mentor to Plaid and a close friend of its then leader, Gwynfor Evans.

Yma O Hyd! Sing-a-long-a Dafydd Iwan and a gang of molesters with intellectual aspirations. Which provided a very useful carapace.

 

After retiring from teaching, Kohr divided his time between Gloucester and  Hellbrunn, near Salzburg. He was planning to return to his hometown of Oberndorf to live when he died in 1994.

Kohr described himself as a ‘philosophical anarchist’. He protested the ‘cult of bigness’ and economic growth and promoted the concept of human scale and small community life.  Kohr’s vision called for a dissolution of centralized political and economic structures in favour of local control, which was pretty much Ioan Bowen Rees’s ‘vision’ for Wales. Ioan’s cup brimmed over when the National Assembly for Wales was established – he was an adviser to the Welsh Office civil servants and to Ron ‘it was a moment of madness/I was looking for badgers’ Davies (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) regarding devolution.

It is not a coincidence that the Welsh Assembly is stuffed full of weak, third-rate AMs who in their previous lives concealed a paedophile gang.

This was the Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who did his best to ensure that Ron Davies would be Wales’s First Minister, until that male prostitute Boogie got in the way:

Tony Blair crop.jpg

 

According to Clarissa Dickson Wright, when Blair was at Oxford he was widely suspected of being gay and was known as Miranda.

Miranda:
Tony Blair

 

I’ve only ever met one person called Miranda and that was a young patient at Springfield Hospital in 1991. She was relentlessly pursued by a predatory male patient and was actually quite frightened of him. The staff watched this man shout ‘Miranda, I’m coming after you’ and she fled on a regular basis, yet they did nothing.

 

Kohr was an important inspiration to the Green, bioregional, Forth World, decentralist and anarchist movements. He contributed often to John Papworth’s `Journal for the Fourth World’, ‘Resurgence’. One of Kohr’s students was economist E.F. Schumacher, whose book ‘Small Is Beautiful’ took its title from one of Kohr’s core principles.

In 1983, a student with a sense of humour at Aston University was faced with a finals paper in which one of the questions was ‘Small is beautiful. Discuss.’ This student did indeed discuss Small Is Beautiful. He wrote a whole essay arguing why he preferred to have sex with women with small boobs. When faced with his essay, the exam board weren’t sure what to do, so a meeting was held and it was agreed that for that essay they would simply give him a pass mark. The rest of his work was of a high standard and he emerged with a 2:1.

The VC of Aston University at the time was Sir Freddie Crawford, aka ‘Mrs Thatcher’s favourite Vice-Chancellor’. At least the student who liked small boobs sat his own exams. There was a problem at Aston at the time – it was discovered that several members of Middle Eastern Royal families had registered for engineering degrees and had sent their servants along to attend the lectures and sit the exams for them. The degrees were issued in the names of their employers, who found themselves in possession of engineering degrees whilst knowing nuzzing. I was told that Ruhi Behi, a former psych nurse from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, used the services of someone else to acquire his degree in psychology from UCNW in the 1980s. Behi subsequently became Head of the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University. Behi bagged his degree when paedophiles’ friend Eric Sunderland was Principal/VC and was appointed Head of Healthcare Sciences when paedophiles’ friend Roy Evans was VC.

 

Leopold Kohr’s ideas inspired Kirkpatrick’s books ‘Human Scale’ (1980) and ‘Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision’ (1985). Sale arranged the first American publication of ‘The Breakdown of Nations’ in 1978 and wrote the foreword.

 

Ioan Bowen Rees also co-authored with Hugh MacDiarmid and Owen Dudley Edwards.

Hugh MacDiarmid was the pen name of Christopher Murray Grieve, a Scottish poet, journalist, essayist and political figure. He is best known for his works written in ‘synthetic Scots’, a ‘literary version of the Scots language that MacDiarmid himself developed’. So he invented his own language. He probably awarded himself a prize for it as well a la the Learned Society of Wales. However, Grieve’s earliest work was written in English and from the early 1930s onwards much of the poetry published under MacDiarmid’s name was also written in an English.

MacDiarmid was born in the Scottish border town of Langholme, Dumfriesshire. He was educated at Langholm Academy before becoming a teacher for a brief time at Broughton Higher Grade School in Edinburgh. MacDiarmid lived in London, Liverpool and Thakeham in West Sussex. He lived on Whalesay in Shetland, 1933-42 and in Glasgow, 1942-49. MacDiarmid worked as a journalist for a number of local Scottish papers. He spent time living in Ebbw Vale and contributed to the socialist newspaper ‘The Merthyr Pioneer’, run by Labour Party founder Keir Hardie, before joining the RAMC on the outbreak of WWI. MacDiarmid served in Salonica, Greece and France before developing cerebral malaria and subsequently returning to Scotland in 1918.

Somebody seems to have been having fun with MacDiarmid’s wiki entry regarding the first few decades of his life, because the dates provided in that entry do not always correlate with MacDiarmid’s activities at the time.

After the war MacDiarmid continued to work as a journalist, living in Montrose, Scotland – which boasts a place called Charleton Road no less – where he became Editor and reporter of the ‘Montrose Review’, as well as a justice of the peace and a member of the county council. In 1923 his first book, ‘Annals of the Five Senses’, was published at his own expense, followed by ‘Sangschaw’ in 1925 and ‘Penny Wheep’ and ‘A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle’ in 1926. 

On the Shetland island of Whalsay in 1933 with his son Michael and second wife, Valda Trevlyn, MacDiarmid wrote essays and poetry despite being cut off from mainland cultural developments for much of the 1930s. He died at his cottage near Biggar in 1978 at the age of 86.

Norman Lamont – who was a member of the Cambridge Mafia which produced so many of the big beasts of Thatcher’s Gov’t – held Ministerial positions under Thatch and was Chancellor of the Exchequer under John Major, was born in Shetland; his father was the Island’s Top Doctor. Lamont was Chancellor on Black Wednesday.

This man was Norman’s special adviser at the time:

David Cameron official.jpg

 

MacDiarmid was a supporter of both communism and Scottish nationalism. He was a founding member of the National Party of Scotland, (forerunner of the SNP) and stood as a candidate for the SNP in 1945 and 1950 and for the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1964. So MacDiarmid will have known those other members of the Communist Party of Great Britain who used to spend the summer at Croesor in Merionydd in the 1960s – who knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’).

MacDiarmid was a ‘controversial figure’ during his lifetime. He was expelled from both the SNP and the Communist Party but then the CP let him back in again many years later. MacDiarmid was a member of a secret Scottish Nationalist society Clann Albain.

Between 1931-43, MacDiarmid was kept under surveillance by the security services and when Orwell compiled a list of suspected communist sympathisers, he included MacDiarmid’s name on it. Not that it will have done MacDiarmid any harm. After all, MI5 provided Dafydd et al with full protection, it was only the service users who bothered to find out what Dafydd was up to by ringing him up, using the public phone box in the village where Ioan Bowen Rees lived. Ioan didn’t suffer as a result, he was never in the queue for that phone box, Ioan the Common Man will have had several land lines and at least one mobile down in his Plas some distance away from the village centre.

 

In 2010 letters written in the early 1940s by MacDiarmid were discovered, showing that he believed that a Nazi invasion of Britain would benefit Scotland.  Marc Horne in the ‘Daily Telegraph’ commented: ‘MacDiarmid flirted with fascism in his early thirties, when he believed it was a doctrine of the left. In two articles written in 1923, ‘Plea for a Scottish Fascism’ and ‘Programme for a Scottish Fascism’, he appeared to support Mussolini’s regime. By the 1930s however, following Mussolini’s lurch to the right, his position had changed and he castigated Neville Chamberlain over his appeasement of Hitler’s expansionism.’ Deirdre Grieve, MacDiarmid’s daughter-in-law and literary executor, noted: ‘I think he entertained almost every ideal it was possible to entertain at one point or another.’

MacDiarmid’s son Michael Trevlyn became Vice-Chairman of the SNP.

MacDiarmid was considered controversial in his lifetime but is now considered one of the principal forces behind the Scottish Renaissance and has had a lasting impact on Scottish culture and politics. He was accused of plagiarism by supporters of the Welsh poet Glyn Jones but responded with ‘the greater the plagiarism, the greater the work of art’. Perhaps Charles Saatchi would like to pay someone a great deal of money for MacDiarmid’s plagiarised poetry or indeed the poetry that he wrote in the language which he made up himself and display it in the Saatchi gallery in Chelsea.

In ‘Who’s Who’ MacDiarmid listed Anglophobia as one of his interests. It’s a good job that the Englisher Thatcher’s mate the Englisher Sir Peter Morrison had a sexual interest in young boys though, because MacDiarmid’s mate Ioan Bowen Rees and Dafydd would have been out of business without that and perhaps in prison as well.

 

Ioan’s co-author Owen Dudley Edwards is an Irish historian and former Reader in Commonwealth and American History at the University of Edinburgh. He is the son of Professor Robert Dudley Edwards and brother to the Irish writer, Ruth Dudley Edwards. He is the General Editor of the Oxford Sherlock Holmes series and is a recognised expert on Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. There was plenty about his co-author Ioan that he could investigate. Dudley Edwards was also an authority on P.G. Wodehouse.

 

Wodehouse’s first published novel:

 

book cover illustration showing two male athletes running competitively

 

It was about the drug squad in North Wales planting illegal substances on the paedophiles’ victims. Although Dafydd pronounces it ‘mari-jew-ana’.

 

The following year – 1903 – Wodehouse published this:

 

book cover illustration showing luggage, an adult, and a boy, the latter in old-fashioned school uniform

 

Which is worrying when one remembers what was happening to kids in the ‘residential schools’ and children’s homes scattered across Gwynedd when Ioan Bowen Rees was presiding over his own little bit of local democracy.

 

Owen Dudley Edwards attended Belvedere College, Dublin, University College, Dublin and John Hopkins University in Baltimore.

In 1966 Dudley Edwards married Barbara Balbirnie Lee. They have three children. Dudley Edwards is a practising Catholic and actively involved in the church.

 

 

 

I am reading Jeremy Paxman’s book ‘Friends In High Places: Who Runs Britain?’ at the moment. It was published in 1990 and I wished that I’d read it when it was first published, because it names everyone who was propping up the corrupt regime of which the London medical establishment was an integral part. I’ve named many of them on this blog, but it would have been helpful to know that they were the powers behind the criminality of which I was on the receiving end at the time. Paxo’s done a very good job – I still have more chapters to read, but so far I’ve come across a few people who had escaped me.

 

I have mentioned Alan Walters previously, Thatch’s economic adviser who’s presence concerned a great many people. It is believed that it was Nigel Lawson who managed to elbow Walters out of the way. Lawson certainly did everyone a favour there. I read up about Walters before I discovered the key role that Leicester University had played in concealing organised sexual abuse in Leicestershire, so it took Paxo’s book to clobber me with the info that Walters was a Leicester University graduate. Leicester University has played a role in the education or careers of a number of people like Walters who were hailed as gurus by PMs concealing abuse and trafficking. Many of these people very obviously did not have much to offer and their influence on PMs was inexplicable. For example, the man who invented the Third Way for Blair and who explained it all in a short pamphlet which one could read over breakfast:

 

Anthony Giddens
Anthony Giddens at the Progressive Governance Converence, Budapest, Hungary, 2004 October.jpg

 

Paxo writes about the Institute of Economic Affairs (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’). He mentions David Green, who was Head of the IEA’s Health Policy Group. In 1988, Green argued that inequality of health services is desirable. Green would have been delighted with Bethesda in the 1980s and 90s, it was littered with destitute ‘service users’ who were being targeted by Dafydd to sell sex to dreadful old politicians and others and the empty shells of those who had already been used in this way and had returned to north Wales, completely drained, traumatised, fragile and refused all ‘services’. Furthermore their tales of sex with the rich and famous were so extraordinary that no-one believed them.

BBC News Wales is reporting that the Rolling Stones are coming to Wales. Will they be looking up a few old acquaintances in Bethesda?

Mick Jagger Deauville 2014.jpg

 

If they do, I don’t suppose that we’ll hear anything about it.

Rupert Murdoch - Flickr - Eva Rinaldi Celebrity and Live Music Photographer.jpg

 

David Green writes for ‘The Sunday Times’, ‘The Times’, the ‘Daily Mail’, the ‘Sunday Telegraph’ and the ‘Daily Telegraph’. Green has taken part in broadcast programmes such as ‘Newsnight’, the ‘Moral Maze’ and the ‘Today’ programme. He has made occasional contributions to the Guardian’s ‘Comment is Free’ site and he has contributed pieces to ‘Daily Telegraph’ news blogs.

NB: Perhaps Claire Fox, a regular on the ‘Moral Maze’, could explain why despite her self-styled neocon say-the-unthinkable re the welfare state stance, she has never breathed a word about Dafydd and the paedophile gang. Because Claire certainly knows about them. Claire grew up in Flint, north Wales when Dafydd and the paedophiles were busy. She attended St Richard Gwyn Catholic High School in Flint, went to Warwick University and worked as a mental health social worker, 1981-87. Claire completed a PGCE at Thames Poly in 1992.

Why so silent Claire? I read ‘Living Marxism’ for years when you and your mates from the Revolutionary Communist Party were publishing it – I even had copies of it in my house when the paedophile gang used to send the police around to arrest me after they had perjured themselves. Then Brown and I followed ‘Spiked Online’ when you reinvented yourselves as neocons in 2000. One of your lot asked Brown if we’d like to write for you after you read one of our books. Brown said no thanks because we noticed that there were certain things that none of you dared write about. Such as what had happened to us during the 1980s, 90s and was still happening at the very time that we were asked if we wanted to write for ‘Spiked’…

What we had Claire were a bunch of twats from the security services bothering us, whilst you built your reputation as Ms Fearless.

Claire’s fellow panellist on the ‘Moral Maze’ Matthew Taylor – Blair’s former policy adviser – knows about Dafydd and the paedophiles as well. Matthew’s dad Laurie is mates with Prof Dick Hobbs who was a friend of the criminologist Jane Morgan, widow of Lord K.O. Morgan. Jane and Lord Ken were at the scene of the crimes as it were (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

David Green was an undergraduate at the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1970-73 and remained there for his PhD. He was a Labour Councillor in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1976-81. So Green knew about the paedophile gang in the north east with links to Dafydd and he knew that the Councils in the north east were sending great numbers of children in care to children’s homes in north Wales and continued to do so even after complaints of serious abuse were made.

Green worked as a Research Fellow at the Australian National University in Canberra, 1981-83. He worked at the IEA from 1984 and was Director of its Health and Welfare Unit, 1986-2000.

Green funded the think tank Civitas in 2000 and is also its Chief Executive.

Any more bright ideas to keep a bunch of sex traffickers in business then David?

Green’s book, ‘Community Without Politics’ (London, IEA, 1997) was awarded the Sir Anthony Fisher Memorial Prize in 1997. In 2004 Green was voted one of Britain’s top 100 British intellectuals by readers of ‘Prospect’ magazine and in 2009 he was included on the Evening Standard’s list of the 1,000 most influential Londoners. Green’s 1993 book ‘Reinventing Civil Society’ has been translated into Chinese and Russian and probably that language that Ioan Bowen Rees’s mate MacDiarmid made up as he went along whilst he was plagiarising poetry.

If anyone knows whether Green is one of the literary figures who takes part in the events organised by the paedophiles’ friends who run the charidee Wellbeing of Women, do let me know (see post ‘Wimmin’s Wellbeing – The Fortnum And Mason Connection’). He’s probably been on the guest list for an event at Compton Verney as well.

 

Health inequalities in action for you David:

 

A leading forensic psychiatrist at an old boys’ public school reunion:

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

A service user with a ‘severe and dangerous personality disorder’ who complained about the serious crimes of a colleague of the man above:

GB. Risley Remand Centre - G.B. England. Cheshire, Warrington. HM Prison Risley. Risley Remand Centre. With writer Russell Miller, I - Peter Marlow

 

 

Paxo’s book informed me that Keith Joseph’s outfit which Joseph founded in 1974, the Centre for Policy Studies, was funded with money from Nigel Vinson. My post ‘Include Me Out’ detailed a debate in the House which involved a number of politicians defending the appalling suicide rate among the victims of Dafydd et al in Risley Remand Centre. It was mentioned in the record in Hansard that one of those contributing to the debate would be giving a talk to the Centre for Policy Studies.

So who is the man who bank-rolled the ‘intellectuals’ behind a paedophile gang? Nigel – now Lord – Vinson is the son of Ronald Vinson, a farmer. Vinson was educated at Pangbourne. After school he served in the Queen’s Royal Regiment.

In 1952 Vinson began a small plastics company in Guildford (Plastic Coatings Ltd), which in 1969 was floated on the Stock Exchange, with over 1,000 employees. The business won the Queen’s Award for Industry in 1971. Vinson was Deputy Chairman of the CBI’s Smaller Firms Council, 1979-84 and President of the Industrial Participation Association, 1979-89. Vinson was Director of the Sugar Board, 1968-75, Director of the British Airports Authority, 1973-80 and a Director of Barclays Bank, 1982-87. He worked for the Centre for Policy Studies, 1974-80. Vinson was Deputy Chairman of Electra Investment Trust 1990-98. From 1976-78 Vinson was an honorary Director of the Queen’s Silver Jubilee Appeal. In the light of how close the Royal Family are to Dafydd’s mates, I really am very glad that I’ve never been the sort to buy Royal mugs or plates with pictures on of yet another couple who have just had a fairy tale wedding.

I have recently discovered that before she came to that sticky end in a tunnel, the heart surgeon with whom Diana was having a fling, Hasnet Khan, later worked at Harefield Hospital with Sir Magdi Yacoub, where I am fairly sure that major research fraud was carried out (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Before Hasnet Khan worked at Harefield, Diana had been allowed into his previous place of work to watch heart surgery. People started complaining that it was a security risk. It was also completely unethical but no-one mentioned that.

 

Vinson was a Member of the Northumbrian National Parks and Countryside Committee, 1977-87 and a member of the Foundation for Science and Technology, 1991-96. Since 2003, he has been a Trustee of Civitas. Vinson is life Vice President of the IEA, where he was Chairman of Trustees 1989-95.

Vinson was also a member of the Design Council, 1973-80 and the unsalaried Chairman of the Rural Development Commission 1980-90. He was founder donor of the Martin Mere Wildfowl Reserve in 1972 and gave a village green to Holbourn, Northumberland, in 2006. Presumably in exchange for domain over the villagers in order to force them into human slavery.

In Feb 1985, Vinson was given a peerage.

We’ll drink to that!

 

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

Vinson was a council member of St George’s House, Windsor Castle, 1990-96. He has been married to Yvonne Collin since 1972; they have three daughters.

Lord Vinson of Health Inequalities is a regular attender at Lords debates, and spoke in the 2007 and 2014 sessions in support of nuclear power. Here’s an explosion for him.

 

  • Cyberweapons are not like nuclear weapons.

 

In 2012, Lord Vinson threatened to defect to UKIP unless the Conservatives took a more ‘Better Out’ approach to Europe. He obviously didn’t understand the potential markets in Europe, unlike Dafydd and the Gwynedd social workers.

In June 2013 Vinson spoke and voted in the Lords against the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill. Keep it all as illegal as possible Nigel, it enables Dafydd to keep the prices high and blackmail the victims.

 

Paxo’s book also names Professor Brian Griffiths, who ran the Downing Street Policy Unit for Thatch. Griffiths was educated at Dynevor School, Swansea and at the LSE. So Griffiths will have been part of the Heseltine-Lord Brian Flowers-Swansea contingent. The Labour Party Swansea Mafia – Rhodri Morgan, Edwina Hart et al – will have known him as well, but his mates were bigger than theirs and the one thing that none of them were going to do was blow the whistle on the fact that his big mates were running a paedophile ring in west and north Wales, because a Windbag in Islwyn was hoping to become PM on the basis of the votes of the staff of the public services who were colluding with it all.

 

Danger: leftwing leader walks on Brighton beach, and other ...

 

Brian Griffiths was Dean of the City University Business School, but in 1986 he resigned his Chair to become Thatch’s Chief Policy Adviser.

Griffiths was given a peerage in 1991. The year that Peter Morrison was knighted and a number of other paedophiles’ friends picked up honours for no good reason. The year that the careers of me as well as of my friend who wanted to make a documentary about the mental health services in north Wales were destroyed.

Brian Griffiths was Chairman of the Centre for Policy Studies, 1991-01. He served on the Board of Directors of the Conservative Christian Fellowship, 2000-02. Griffiths was a member of the European Union Sub-Committee F (Social Affairs, Education and Home Affairs), 1999-03 and the Religious Offences Committee from 2002-03. I expect that Griffiths also Chaired which ever Committee decreed that swearing was an offence so serious that Dafydd was compelled to report me to the police when I said ‘bugger’; Bluglass agreed that me calling Dafydd a wanker was one of the many signs that I was Dangerous, had a Homicidal Capacity and that I would ‘end in a ward for the criminally insane’. Bluglass has a very sweary daughter called Amanda, who as far as I am aware, has never been consigned to a ward for the criminally insane. But then her father is not in prison, despite colluding with a serious offender. I wonder why not?

Hannibal Lecter in Silence of the Lambs.jpg

 

Griffiths is a Vice-President of the Nature in Art Trust. He serves as Vice-Chairman of Goldman Sachs International. He said that he was ‘not ashamed’ of the bank’s compensation plans and that the issue of banking compensation should not be thought about solely from a short-term perspective. Griffiths defended the bank’s bonuses and said that the general public should ‘tolerate the inequality as a way to achieve greater prosperity for all’.

I wish I’d known that when Dafydd and the paedophiles had hounded me out of my job and then tried to set fire to my house while I was living in poverty in Ioan Bowen Rees’s local democracy, it would have explained everything. I could have also reminded the staff of St George’s of it when they all turned green upon finding out that the foul research assistant Mandy Leigh’s brother Charles – who worked as a banker – received more than their annual salaries for his Christmas bonus. It’s why they all thought that they were so badly paid. Mandy thought that she was badly paid as well, even though St George’s had done a fiddle with her PhD funders to ensure that she was paid more than her colleagues. As Mandy breezily explained to me one day, she was ‘a rich bitch funded by Wellcome’. I’d like to have known how that happened – Mandy was thrown off of one degree course for reasons which were never explained, so there wasn’t exactly an outstanding academic record there. Perhaps she simply explained on her application that she would be having sex in the lab during working hours with Top Doctors and would be hurling racist abuse at overseas staff?

Brian Griffiths also stated that ‘we should not … be ashamed of offering compensation in an internationally competitive market which ensures the bank businesses here and employs British people’. Such as Charles Leigh, obviously.

 

Paxo’s book mentioned a very influential figure in academia with connections to Dafydd et al – Dame Kathleen Mary Kenyon. Kenyon was a leading British archeologist of Neolithic culture in the Fertile Crescent. She is best known for her excavations of Jericho in 1952-58 and is considered to have been one of the most influential archaeologists of the 20th century. Kenyon was Principal of St Hugh’s College, Oxford, 1962-73.

Kathleen Kenyon was born in London, England, the eldest daughter of Sir Frederic Kenyon, Biblical scholar and later Director of the British Museum. Her grandfather was the lawyer and Fellow of All Souls College, John Robert Kenyon and her great-great-grandfather was the politician and lawyer Lloyd Kenyon, 1st Baron Kenyon.

It was the 4th and 5th Baron Kenyons who were Presidents of UCNW (Bangor University). Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron, was President whilst UCNW was run by Dafydd and the paedophiles and it was the 5th Baron Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon who was sexually abusing at least one boy in care in Wrexham. Thomas was caught red-handed in 1978 and made a complaint of theft against the boy. The boy was sent to a detention centre and Thomas faced no charges. Thomas died of an HIV related condition in 1993. See previous posts for the details of the many public roles of the 5th Baron Kenyon – he was involved with national museums and art galleries as well as with public life in north Wales – and for details of the occasion on which Thomas was caught in action.

Kathleen grew up in Bloomsbury, London in a house attached to the British Museum, with her mother, Amy Kenyon and sister Nora Kenyon. Known for ‘being hard-headed and stubborn’, Kathleen ‘grew up as a tomboy, fishing, climbing trees and playing a variety of sports’. As did I, but I didn’t collude with a sodding paedophile gang, which it seems that Kathleen did.

Kathleen’s father ‘encouraged wide reading and independent study’. In later years Kenyon would remark that her father’s position at the British Museum was particularly helpful with regard to her education. You don’t say! Kathleen ‘was an excellent student, winning awards at school and particularly excelling in history. She studied first at St Paul’s Girls’ School where she was Head Girl, before winning an Exhibition to read History at Somerville College, Oxford.While at Oxford, Kathleen became the first female President of the Oxford University Archaeological Society’. Oh put her on the ‘Woman’s Hour’ Power List, she’s broken a glass ceiling.

Somerville College, Oxford, was Thatch’s college. Although Kathleen was a bit older than Thatch, I’m sure that maximum use was, in subsequent years, made of the alumni network to the benefit of everyone but the victims of Dafydd and the gang.

A career in archaeology was first suggested to Kathleen by Margery Fry, librarian at Somerville. I wonder if Margery had noticed who Kathleen’s dad was. After graduation, Kenyon’s first field experience was as a photographer for the pioneering excavations at Great Zimbabwe in 1929. Returning to England, Kenyon joined the archaeologists Sir Mortimer Wheeler and his wife Tessa on their excavation of the Romano-British settlement of Verulamium (St Albans). Kenyon worked there each summer between 1930 and 1935 Mortimer Wheeler entrusted her with the direction of the excavation of the Roman Theatre.

Mortimer Wheeler was the Keeper of Archaeology and then Director of the National Museum of Wales and the London Museum, Director-General of the Archeological Survey of India and the founder and Honorary Director of the Institute of Archaeology in London.

When Mortimer Wheeler was appointed as the Keeper of Archaeology at the National Museum of Wales, the job also entailed becoming a lecturer in archaeology at the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire (later Cardiff University). He moved to Cardiff with his family in 1920. The museum was in disarray; prior to the war, construction had begun on a new purpose-built building to house the collections. This had ceased during the conflict and the edifice was left abandoned during Cardiff’s post-war economic slump. Wheeler recognised that Wales was very divided regionally, with many Welsh people having little loyalty to Cardiff; thus, he made a point of touring the country, lecturing to local societies about archaeology. According to the later archaeologist Lydia C. Carr, the Wheelers’ work for the cause of the National Museum was part of a wider ‘cultural-nationalist movement’ linked to growing Welsh nationalism during this period. Plaid Cymru, was founded in 1925 by Saunders Lewis and others. Lewis was a lecturer at Swansea University – he taught Rhodri Morgan’s parents. When Dafydd was a young Plaid activist he hung out with Saunders Lewis.

In 1924-25 Wheeler excavated the Roman fort – Y Caer – near Brecon and also Isca Augusta at Caerleon. Intent on attracting press attention to both raise public awareness of archaeology and attract new sources of funding, Wheeler contacted the press and organised a sponsorship of the excavation by the ‘Daily Mail’. In doing so, he emphasised the folkloric and legendary associations that the Caerleon site had with King Arthur. In 1925, Oxford University Press published Wheeler’s first book for a general audience, ‘Prehistoric and Roman Wales’; he later expressed the opinion that it was not a good book.

Whilst Director of the National Museum of Wales – a position he obtained in 1924 substantially via influential friends – Wheeler succeeded in obtaining funding from the Treasury to build up the National Museum and link it with regional museums throughout Wales. A new building was completed and King George V opened it in 1927.

The 5th Baron Kenyon was President of the National Museum of Wales, 1952-57.

 

Upon the retirement of the Keeper of the London Museum, Wheeler was invited to fill the vacancy, which he did. He had been considering a return to London for some time and eagerly agreed, taking on the post, which was based at Lancaster House in the St James’s area in July 1926. In Wales, many felt that Wheeler had simply taken the directorship of the National Museum to advance his own career prospects and that he had abandoned Wales when a better offer came along. 

In 1934 Kathleen Kenyon assisted Mortimer and his wife Tess in the foundation of the Institute of Archaeology of University College London. UCL often seems to be at the scene of the crime. The first premises that Mortimer Wheeler secured for the Institute of Archaeology was St John’s Lodge in Regent’s Park, the Portakabin below:

 

 

St John’s Lodge had been left empty since its use as a hospital during WWI. The building was owned by the Crown and was controlled by the First Commissioner of Works, William Ormsby-Gore, who was very sympathetic to archaeology and leased the building to the Institute at a low rent. William Ormsby-Gore was the 4th Baron Harlech and the father of David, the 5th Baron Harlech. Lord David Harlech was the British Ambassador to the US when J.F. Kennedy was President. David Ormsby-Gore and his descendants have a penchant for dying in unpleasant ways, often when young. The family show every sign of having been under attack by the paedophile gang and their associates (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

 

Mortimer Wheeler continued with an incredibly high profile career, leading famous excavations, such as that of Maiden Castle in Dorset. He served in WWII, led extensive digs in Asia, held key roles in UNESCO and in the British Academy and in the 1950s broadcast for BBC TV.

Wheeler married three times. Tessa died in 1936 – their only child, Michael Mortimer Wheeler, became a barrister. Following Tessa’s death, in 1939 Wheeler married Mavis de Vere Cole, widow of the prankster Horace de Vere Cole. Cole’s diaries revealed that Wheeler physically hit her when she annoyed him. In 1945 Mortimer Wheeler married Margaret ‘Kim’ Collingridge. They became estranged in 1956, but Collingridge’s Catholicism prevented divorce. Wheeler was well known for his promiscuity and for favouring young women for one night stands, many of whom were his students. He was known for having casual sex in public places. Archaeologist Gabriel Moshenska informed a ‘Daily Mail’ reporter that Wheeler had developed a reputation as ‘a bit of a groper and a sex pest and an incredible bully as well’.

The Dafydd of archaeology.

 

From 1936-39 Kathleen Kenyon carried out important excavations at the Jewry Wall in the city of Leicester. These were published in the ‘Illustrated London News’ in 1937 with pioneering reconstruction drawings by the artist Alan Sorrell whom Kathleen had just happened ‘to notice sketching her dig’.

Alan Sorrell was Senior Assistant Instructor of Drawing at the Royal College of Art, 1931–39 and 1946–48. According to Kathleen’s wiki entry, Sorrell was passing the time of day hanging around her dig in Leicester. According to Sorrell’s wiki entry ‘He began his archaeological reconstruction drawings after a chance meeting in 1936 with Kathleen Kenyon on a dig of a Roman site in Leicester, who asked him to produce illustrations for her article for ‘The Illustrated London News’. More commissions then followed at Maiden Castle, in collaboration with Mortimer Wheeler and at Roman Caerwent and Carleon, in collaboration with Cyril Fox and V. E. Nash-Williams of the National Museum of Wales.’

Alan Sorrell was best known for his archaeological sketches, so clearly the arrangement between him and Kenyon in Leicester was fruitful for everyone.

I haven’t looked up who owned or edited the ‘Illustrated London News’, but it would  not be that much of a surprise to find out that they were a mate of Kathleen’s dad or someone senior in UCL or Leicester University. 

In WWII Alan Sorrell worked for the intelligence services. Here is his 1945 work ‘FIDO In Operation’.

 

 

And here is Fido himself:

Alan Sorrell
Alan Sorrell self-portrait.jpg

 

Here’s Fido’s trainer supervising a dig in 1977 – so it was probably one on the turf of the paedophiles’ friends at Chester:
WithKathleen Kenyon.jpg

 

 

During the Second World War, Kathleen Kenyon served as Divisional Commander of the Red Cross in Hammersmith, London and later as Acting Director and Secretary of the Institute of Archaeology of the University of London.

Kathleen Kenyon retired in 1973 to Erbistock near Wrexham. She never married, perhaps having seen quite enough action whilst she worked with Mortimer Wheeler. From 1974, Kenyon was the Honorary Vice President of the Chester Archaeological Society. She died at Wrexham in 1978.

So Kathleen was in the Wrexham/Chester area whilst Dafydd and the paedophile gang were operating there and whilst the 5th Baron Kenyon allowed them free reign in UCNW – whilst his son Thomas was partaking of the services that the paedophile gang provided.

 

The British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem amalgamated within the Council for British Research in the Levant in 1998, was officially renamed the Kenyon Institute in July 2003 in honour of Kathleen Kenyon. The Kathleen Kenyon Archaeology Collection, a collection of Kenyon’s books and papers purchased from her estate in 1984, is housed at Baylor University in Waco, Texas. The finds from her excavations are held in a number of collections, including the British Museum and the UCL Institute of Archaeology, while the bulk of archive is located at the Manchester Museum. 

So there’s the myth of a few more outstanding careers built upon pure talent busted.

 

 

Paxo’s book details big wigs who exerted control over ‘the establishment’ at the time that I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989-91. The institution was, as described in previous posts, colluding with organised child sexual abuse and trafficking, class A drugs offences, research fraud and much other wrongdoing which was resulting in patient harm.

My post ‘BMA Calling, BMA Calling’ mentions some very odd happenings when I shared a house with Dr Andrew Aldridge, a junior surgeon at St George’s and his wife Di, who worked for a City firm. I don’t know how much Andrew knew about the appalling corruption at St George’s, but I do remember that his family lived at Alderley Edge in Cheshire and were Tories. Andrew’s father’s business was I think a carpentry/furniture business. His family were definitely not Top Doctors, they were business people.

Alderley Edge is a very wealthy area and it was where many of the professional people who concealed the activities of Dafydd et al lived. The crooked barrister George Carman QC lived near there and the area was crawling with senior police officers, Top Docs, financiers, lawyers etc. Sir Peter Morrison was just down the road at Chester molesting children.

I cannot imagine that Andrew and his family would ever find the conduct of Dafydd et al acceptable, but I do wonder if they were duped or whether their political allegiances blinded them. Andrew and Di considered me a real old leftie and I remember that once I tried to tell Andrew what I had been told about Jimmy Savile. Andrew just wouldn’t have it and told me that Savile was ‘a Samaritan’.

An ‘NHS volunteer’
Jimmy Savile 2006.jpg
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No Andrew, he was a very serious sex offender, which is what I had been told by the time that I shared a house with you. Peter Morrison was a very serious sex offender as well – Thatcher knew about it and Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain, with whom your mum and dad drank champagne at graduation, was concealing the crimes of Savile, Morrison and many more.

At the time that I was living with Andrew and Di and was under attack from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, the constituency MP for Alderley Edge was the illustrious Neil Hamilton. Hamilton has of course featured previously on this blog and used to socialise with Peter Morrison. However, Hamilton’s constituency – Tatton – was created in 1983. Peter Morrison was elected as the MP for Chester in 1974 – and was one of those who supported Thatcher to succeed Ted Heath as leader of the Tory Party – but there had been organised abuse of young people in the region long before 1974. Dafydd and Gwynne had been in business for decades and things really got going in 1968 when John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community and was rapidly followed by many other abusive people with money to spare who suddenly decided to open a children’s home or school in north Wales.

 

Before the constituency of Tatton existed, Alderley Edge and neighbouring Wilmslow were in the constituency of Knutsford. Knutsford had been held by the Tories since the pre-Cambrian. Between 1945-70,  the MP was Walter Bromley-Davonport – so he was there when Dafydd and John Allen put their Big Business Plan into action. The Bromley-Davonports were friends of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse.

In 1970, John Davies was elected MP for Knutsford – he resigned in Nov 1978, after developing a brain tumour. Davies was the MP when Sir Peter Morrison decided that Chester was the constituency for him – although his family seat was in Wiltshire and his house was in London – and as business boomed for Dafydd et al.

John Davies was the first Director of the CBI, 1965-69. He was Minister of Technology in 1970 in Ted Heath’s Gov’t; then Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and President of the Board of Trade, 1970-72; Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster with special responsibilities for the co-ordination of British policy towards the European communities, 1972-74; and then Shadow Foreign Secretary under Margaret Thatcher, 1976-78.

Davies was born in Blackheath, London in 1916, the second son of Arnold Davies, a Chartered Accountant and his wife Edith Harding. Davies went to Windlesham House School in Sussex and St Edward’s School, Oxford. He followed his father into accountancy and served in the Royal Army Service Corps in WWII. Davies spent most of the war in the Combined Operations headquarters. From 1945 he worked for Combined Operations Experimental Establishment (COXE). In 1943, he married Vera Bates, only child of George William Bates, Managing Director of Barratts Shoes and his wife Elvina Taylor. They had two children; a daughter, Rosamond Ann and a son, Francis William Harding Davies.

Davies joined the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company as an accountant in the marketing division and worked for the company in London, Stockholm and Paris; the company was renamed as British Petroleum in 1954. In 1956, Davies was promoted to be General Manager (Markets) for BP and in 1960 he was Director of BP Trading.

In 1961, Davies was appointed as Vice-Chairman and Managing Director of Shell-Mex and BP Ltd. He also became a Director of Hill Samuel Group. Due to his position he was made a member of the Grand Council of the Federation of British Industry and Chaired a committee on technical legislation.

Davies supported initiatives such as the National Economic Development Council, where Gov’t, employers and trades unions met to discuss the economy and set up a joint CBI-TUC joint committee. He was supportive of British entry into the European Community when the Gov’t applied in 1967.

Davies surprised some, such as Enoch Powell in May 1967, when he made a speech in California in which he observed that the Labour government’s measures to keep pay and prices down were working; Powell considered this not only untrue but an example of collaboration in which ‘the very spokesmen of capitalism’ were doing the work of the socialists. As CBI chief, Davies had some quango appointments as a member of the British Productivity Council, the British National Export Council and the Council of Industrial Design. He was briefly a member of the Public Schools Commission.

After the devaluation of the pound in Nov 1967, Davies became much more critical of the Gov’t. Increasingly he would lambast Labour ministers on television, although he continued to work together with Ministers in private.

In 1969, Davies was recruited by Heath to join his Gov’t once he won the next election. Heath was looking to lead a ‘businesslike’ Gov’t and believed that senior business figures serving in senior posts would provide more expert management. Davies began to be more quotably critical, describing the ‘solemn and binding’ accord between the Gov’t and the TUC (after the failure of ‘In Place Of Strife’) as useful only in the lavatory.

Davies failed to win the selection for the Conservative nomination at the Louth by election of 1969 and for Cities of London and Westminster for the General Election. However, with Conservative Central Office support, Davies was found the seat at Knutsford, which was solid Tory country. He won the seat in the General Election in June 1970.

The Chairman of the Tory Party who would have worked so hard to get John Davies into the constituency of Knutsford was barrister Lord Anthony Barber, who was Chancellor of the Exchequer under Heath. Barber had been the MP for Doncaster, 1951-64 and then was MP for the Cheshire constituency of Altrincham and Sale, 1965-74. He had been PPS to Harold Macmillan, 1957-59 and was Minister of Health in 1963 – not long after Enoch Powell had stated that he would not allow things to continue at the North Wales Hospital, but then inexplicably backed off from his vow to close the place down but never explained why. Barber served in the RAF during WWII and was almost certainly a member of the security services.

 

In his capacity as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, John Davies reiterated Heath’s pre-election policy of refusing to intervene in industry. In the House of Commons on 4 November, Davies said:

“We believe that the essential need of the country is to gear its policies to the great majority of people, who are not ‘lame ducks’, who do not need a hand, who are quite capable of looking after their own interests and only demand to be allowed to do so.” (Hansard 5th Series, volume 805, column 1211)

The term ‘lame ducks’ became associated with Davies. However, when Rolls Royce (a vital defence contractor) ran into financial difficulties early in 1971, it was decided that the Gov’t should help by bailing it out. When nugatory efforts did not help, the company was nationalised to prevent it from going bankrupt.

In June 1971, the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders went into receivership after the Gov’t refused it a £6 million loan. The workers at the yard, led by Communist shop stewards, decided to hold a ‘work-in’ when they occupied the yard and continued production. This industrial action tended to refute claims that trade unions were work-shy and was therefore embarrassing to the Gov’t. Davies’ London home was firebombed by the Angry Brigade on 31 July 1971. In February 1972, the Gov’t changed its policy and decided to retain three of the four shipyards at a cost of £35 million, although Davies knew they would never operate on a commercial basis.

Davies moved sideways to become Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in November 1972. Davies’ role was predominantly behind the scenes in making sure British law was in compliance with European law. In Cabinet discussions, Davies advocated a confrontational approach to the trade unions, although he feared for the future.

In 1979 Davies was to be made a life peer as Baron Harding-Davies, but died before the creation of the peerage passed the Great Seal. Peerage history was made when, by Royal Warrant bearing the date 27 February 1980, Queen Elizabeth II granted his widow Vera Georgina the title of Lady Harding-Davies; his children The Hon. Frank Davies and The Hon. Rosamond Ann Metherell were given the rank of children of a life peer.

So someone somewhere was very grateful to John Davies for something. It was only equalled when in 1983 Thatch made the child molesting Speaker of the House George Thomas Viscount Tonypandy, although as a gay paedophile George Thomas had produced no heirs who could inherit the title.

It did mean that he could dress up though:

George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

 

John Davies’s son Frank Davies is an Anglo-Canadian record producer. Davies has been a major contributor to the growth of Canada’s music industry and its creative community for more than four decades. He is credited with discovering, producing, publishing, and developing the careers of many celebrated artists and songwriters, as well as being an advocate for their status. Davies received the Juno Awards 2014 Walt Grealis Special Achievement Award, recognizing individuals who have made a significant impact on the Canadian music industry.

Davies was educated at Windlesham House School near Brighton, Pangbourne College and Strasbourg University in north-east France. In 1972 he married the Canadian pop singer Lynda Squires. The marriage produced three children, Meghan Mae Harding Davies, now Ehrensperger, Emily Gwyneth Emerson Davies-Cohen, and Kate Theresa Georgina Davies.

Davies started his music career in 1964 as a French correspondent to Billboard magazine. He later worked for both EMI Records and Liberty Records in London until the late 1960s, before migrating to Canada in 1970. There, he co-founded the independent record label Daffodil (named after the national emblem of Wales and as a symbol of hope and new beginnings), which became the first Canadian label to be distributed by a ‘major’ in that country, in the shape of Capitol/EMI.

In 1978, alongside Daffodil, Frank Davies formed Partisan Music, a production and publishing company that entered into an exclusive deal with a U.S record company (Capitol) to develop talent for that label worldwide – a Canadian first.

In early 1982 Davies put his label and production company on hold to become President of ATV Music Canada. At ATV, he developed the songwriting careers, of Eddie Schwartz, David Tyson, Aldo Nova, the Pukka Orchestra, Headpins, Chilliwack and Toronto, and became a full-time music publisher.

In 1986, as a result of ATV’s purchase by Michael Jackson, Davies formed The Music Publisher (TMP) and built it into Canada’s largest and most successful independent music publisher over the next 14 years. Frank Davies sold TMP to Alliance Communications Corporation and A&F Music in 1994, staying on as its President/CEO until the end of 1999, at which time he founded the music consultancy firm he currently operates – Let Me Be Frank Inc.

TMP secured over 1,500 cover recordings, of the 5,000 Canadian songs Davies published, by artists as diverse as Joe Cocker, Bonnie Raitt, Alice Cooper, The Doobie Brothers, Tom Cochrane, Cher, Don Henley & Sheryl Crow, kd Lang, Tanya Tucker, Alannah Myles, Loverboy, Terri Clark, Emmylou Harris, Wynonna, George Jones, Bette Midler, The Carpenters, Blue Oyster Cult, Amanda Marshall and The Guess Who. Indeed, I can guess who:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

‘Do ewe mean mari-jew-ana?’

During the TMP years Frank Davies signed and published the songs of many more songwriters and artists. TMP opened a Nashville office in the mid-90s.

Since founding Let Me Be Frank Inc, Davies has been the executive producer for albums by Serena Ryder – whom he brought to EMI Music – The Rankin Family and The Treasures whose debut was released by Universal in the spring. He is currently working on the solo debut for Heather Rankin. LMBF also publishes the works of longtime client and record producer David Tyson, is a consultant to corporate client Ole Media Management, and has consulted to Microsoft/XBox, as well as the Dept of Canadian Heritage, the Neighbouring Rights Collective of Canada and to a variety of songwriters, artists and music publishers with respect to the sale and acquisition of their copyright catalogues.

Davies has served as a director on industry boards including CARAS (Vice President/Trustee), CMRRA (Chair), FACTOR, PROCAN, Canadian Music Publishers Association (CMPA), OMDC, SOCAN and the Socan Foundation (Chair).

In 1998 Frank Davies founded the non-profit Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame/Le panthéon des auteurs et compositeurs Canadiens (CSHF/PACC) serving as its Chairman until 2004. The Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame has inducted Canadian songwriters such as Gordon Lightfoot, Leonard Cohen, RUSH, Robbie Robertson, Joni Mitchell and Oscar Peterson.

Frank Davies has sat on the following Canadian Boards:

  • CHAIRMAN – Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame, 2000-04
  • Ontario Media Development Corporation, 2001-02
  • FOUNDING MEMBER – Canadian Independent Record Production Association, 1970
  • VICE-PRESIDENT & TRUSTEE – Canadian Academy of Recording Arts & Sciences, 1983-90
  • CHAIRMAN – The SOCAN Foundation, 1990-97
  • Foundation to Assist Canadian Talent on Record (FACTOR) 1985-88
  • Society of Composers, Authors & Music Publishers (SOCAN) 1990-99
  • Performing Rights Organization of Canada (PROCAN) 1983-89
  • Music Promotion Foundation (MPF) 1985-90
  • EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE – Canadian Music Publishers Association, 1982-2000
  • CHAIRMAN – Canadian Musical Reproduction Rights Agency, 1982-2000

Frank Davies has bagged the following awards:

  • Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame, Special Achievement Award (2005)
  • Society of Composers, Authors & Music Publishers of Canada Special Achievement Award (2004)
  • Canadian Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences Dedicated Service Award (1993)
  • Juno Award Dedicated Service Award (1990)
  • MARQUEE MAGAZINE FRANK DAVIES named one of the ‘Top 30: Canadian Music’s Power Brokers’
  • PROCAN AWARD Dedicated Service Award (1990)
  • THE RECORD ‘Music Publisher of the Year’ (1990)
  • THE RECORD ‘Music Publisher of the Year’ (1989)
  • RECORD WORLD MAGAZINE (US) Gold Label Award (1977)

 

 

At the time that my life was made deliberately unbearable by people at St George’s and when Tony and Sadie Francis were busy perjuring themselves in order to try and have me imprisoned – with the full knowledge of the BMA, the MDU and the MDU solicitors Hempsons – the Tories were determined to force Thatch out.

This man – a lawyer from south Wales and a lifelong friend of Ronnie Waterhouse – who undoubtedly knew about the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles, stuck the first knife in:

 

Lord Geoffrey Howe (cropped).jpg

 

Most of the bestest friends of Dafydd and the paedophiles backed this man – originally from Swansea – when he challenged Thatch for the leadership, Thatch’s campaign being run by Peter Morrison:

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

This man also stood against Thatch – he had been Home Secretary throughout many of the years when the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles were simply ignored and their victims died in prison:

Lord Hurd (cropped).jpg

 

This was the eventual lucky winner:

Major PM full.jpg

 

The following people all held leading roles in Gov’t Depts which were directly responsible for concealing the paedophile rings active in north Wales and in London while I worked at St George’s:

 

Official portrait of Mr Kenneth Clarke crop 2.jpg

 

William Waldegrave visiting University of Salford 1981 cropped.jpg

 

Peter Walker 1961.jpg

 

Lord David Hunt of Wirral.jpg

 

Lord Hurd (cropped).jpg

 

Lord Waddinton 2013.png

 

Official portrait of Lord Baker of Dorking crop 2.jpg

 

Politics being what it is, some of those in this Hall of Lame will have been working for the security services and will protest that they were gathering info and working behind the scenes without breaking cover. Whatever it was that they thought they were doing, it absolutely was not enough. They were frightened to touch the Top Doctors and they shouldn’t have been. They should have admitted to the public what was going on, admitted that the NHS was not safe and gone in there and arrested Dafydd et al. They didn’t and people died.

 

Up in Bangor University, this man was in camouflage as he kept the paedophile gang in business:

  • Eric Sunderland (1930–2010), President of the University ...

 

After Eric Sunderland died, his widow fulfilled her lifelong ambition and purchased herself a Porsche. A few years previously the body of one of the Hergest Unit patients who had died as a result of serious clinical negligence was kept in cold storage for months because he hadn’t left enough money to pay for his burial and none of his three surviving relatives – two of whom were also near-destitute mental health patients – could afford to pay for his funeral either. The dead man had grown up ‘in care’. Eventually after much wrangling, the local authority agreed to pay for a pauper’s funeral. No members of mental health staff went, but a few Hergest patients did.

The nearest Porsche dealers to Mrs Sunderland’s house at Beaumaris are in Ellesmere Port and Cheshire – Knutsford and Warrington, just down the road from Risley Remand Centre.

Happy motoring Mrs S, one hopes that it is not a case of CRASH, as it was for my house mate and a few other witnesses to the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends. And if you develop a brain tumour, for God’s sake don’t go to the Walton Centre.

 

The man ensuring that things continued to run smoothly at the hands of Eric was of course the Chancellor of UCNW:

Carlo
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

 

Carlo’s Private Secretary who told people that Carlo couldn’t get involved when people wrote to Carlo informing him that children were being abused in north Wales was Edward Adeane:

 

 

Read about the slippery character Adeane in my post ’95 Glorious Years’.

 

 

Sir Peter Morrison – the child molester
Peter Morrison, British MP and Conservative Party politician.jpg

 

His supplier:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

The woman who died in the Ritz, alone, except for a paid Angel who was in attendance. As opposed to being murdered by the screws in Risley Remand Centre or somehow ending up buried in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh:

 

Photograph

 

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