Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals

Whilst researching the background of people who protected the paedophiles’ friends, I noticed that a great many had been involved in some way with the Runnymede Trust. I’m not sure why – the Runnymede Trust is a registered charity, an ‘independent race equality think tank’ which ‘aimed to generate intelligence for a multi-ethnic Britain through research, network building, leading debate and policy engagement’. It was established in 1968 and at present receives much of its funding from the Home Office. Other major donors are the Joseph Rowntree Charitable Trust, Esmee Fairbairn Foundation and the Robert Gavron Charitable Trust.

It could just be that an involvement with the Runnymede Trust looks good on one’s CV and there’s nothing more important to the cadre of paedophiles’ friends whom Blair appointed to senior positions or to the Lords than ticking the right boxes on one’s CV – but of course, if that is happening, the Runnymede Trust will be doubling up as a networking opportunity for the paedophiles’ friends.  I decided to have a look at those who founded the Runnymede Trust as well as those who have held leading roles in that organisation.

One of the movers and shakers in the establishment of the Runnymede Trust and its first Director was Dipak Nandy. Dipak is an Indian Marxist who was born in Calcutta in 1936 and came to Britain in 1956. Nandy studied at Leeds University where he met his first wife – whom he later married in 1964, by which time he was a lecturer at the University of Leicester (I think that she was one of his students at the time). Dipak and his wife, Maggie, feature in ‘Radical Leicester’, a document produced years ago which proudly flags up a few folk who flew the red flag in that city in the past.

In the 1980s Leicester was known as a city which had one of the notorious ‘loony left’ councils – Leicester City Council were very hot on race and ethnicity ‘initiatives’ because of the composition of the population. Not that these initiatives always reached the people who were alleged to be benefiting from them. I lived in Leicester for a few months in 1987 – I shared a house with Brown and a few others and we were the only white British people in the street. One afternoon one of our neighbours paid us a visit and asked if I and my friend would teach his daughters English. My friend was someone who was involved in aspects of Radical Leicester herself and asked me why our neighbour hadn’t contacted the City Council if he wanted English lessons. Well if you’re a first generation migrant who works long hours and who doesn’t speak much English yourself you won’t be having much contact with Keith Vaz or his mum in the City Council, but if you have two young English women as neighbours who work in universities, the obvious thing to do if you want someone to teach your daughters English is to ask the neighbours.

In 1987 I knew very little about Leicester – unlike my friend I didn’t have links with Radical Leicester and I was far too busy trying to stop those we know and love in north Wales from having me imprisoned. I had a part-time job in an old people’s home where I worked with a young Indian woman who’s sister had run away from home to escape a forced marriage, so I learnt that was happening. I also heard a local GP joking about all the Indian girls running away from home before they were 19 to escape forced marriages, so I knew that the problem was being ignored. I knew that there were at least three sweatshops down the road from our house which were owned by people who’s attitude to fire hazards would make Richard Littlejohn look like the most enthusiastic member of the HSE and who Unemployed South Asian women with no English who worked in secret throughout the night and then all sneaked out of the door at about 5 am. I therefore assumed that they were working illegally. I found out from someone who’s husband worked in clothing that the existence of these sweatshops was also very well-known.

It was whilst I was living in Leicester that I first discovered how well-known the criminality of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales was. As I was repeatedly arrested on the basis of the increasingly lurid allegations made by Dafydd and the Top Doctors and cases collapsed in Court after it became clear that they had all lied their arses off (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’), Brown became very worried indeed that one day they’d get their stories straight and it would be a long prison sentence for me. Brown knew a mature student who was a former social worker whom he invited over for advice who incredibly enough turned out to be lovely – she had left social work because she found that her colleagues were far more interested in pursuing vendettas against each other than in helping their clients. I told her some of what had happened to me in north Wales and showed her some of the police statements that had been made about me and she was horrified, told me that the contingent in north Wales had broken the law repeatedly and that something very worrying was going on. She recommended that I go to MIND for advice.

I went to see Leicester MIND – only to find that the man down there had heard that there was serious corruption in the mental health services in north Wales, that it was ‘all tied up with Freemasonry’, that there’d been a big investigation up there and that one psychiatrist ‘had everything stitched up for himself’. He recommended that I go to see William Bingley, MIND’s legal director in London. Bingley told me that Dafydd was ‘a very charming psychopath’, that there had been numerous complaints about him to the GMC including at least one which involved a death, that he routinely threatened and bribed people, that he ran a ‘sex therapy’ clinic in north Wales which he used to wield power over people and that if I returned to north Wales I would undoubtedly find myself constantly harassed by him and his henchmen. What William didn’t tell me was that in addition to all this, Dafydd was facilitating a paedophile gang, that MIND were colluding with it all and that Bingley used this a few years later to bag himself a job as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission – who were also colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Because I was living in Leicester whilst one of the cases that Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends brought against me was going through the courts, my lawyer used the services of a psychiatrist from Leicester, Dr James Earp, for the court report. James Earp wasn’t the lunatic that Dafydd was, but he covered up for Dafydd’s law breaking nonetheless (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

I now know that there was a paedophile ring operating in Leicester that had links to Dafydd’s gang and that as in north Wales, the mental health services, the social services and the City Council were concealing it – and I bet that MIND in Leicester were as well. The high profile figure involved with the paedophile gang in north Wales/Cheshire was Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester and Thatcher’s aide. The high profile figure in Leicester who was involved with the gang there was of course Lord Greville Janner, Labour MP for Leicester North West (1970-74) and Leicester West (1974-97). Janner succeeded the seat of Leicester North West after his father Barnett Janner – who like Greville Janner was a lawyer who was given a peerage. Barnett Janner had spent the first part of his life in Cardiff and had been a student at the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire. Barnett was subsequently Liberal MP for Whitechapel (1931-35), then Labour MP for Leicester North West (1945-70). Greville Janner was famously never prosecuted, although he was interviewed by the police in 1991 – his lawyer Sir David Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he retained the crooked barrister George Carman (see post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves’). Janner wasn’t charged although the CPS have since fessed up that there was sufficient evidence for charges – but no-one has explained why none were forthcoming. Much more recently Janner was supposed to have faced a trial of the facts. There was delay after delay and Janner died before even that happened. Janner’s daughter Rabbi Laura Janner-Klauser and his son, Daniel Janner – who is a lawyer like old Greville was – are robustly asserting that their dad was a lovely old boy who has been wrongly accused by gold-diggers and Daniel Janner has threatened to sue the arse of any former kids in care who allege that his dad molested them. Janner’s other daughter is the notorious Marion Janner, who is a mental health campaigner. Marion and her support dog Buddy are regulars on the Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme and Marion has complimented the mental health services in north Wales on their excellence. Marion seems to have succeeded in extracting a rather higher standard of mental health care out of the mental health services for herself than the rest of us ever have.

Greville was friends with a man called Frank Beck. Beck was a senior social worker who was officer in charge of a number of children’s homes in Leicestershire who died not long after he was jailed in 1991. Beck received five life sentences for multiple sexual and physical assaults on children and a further 24 years for other offences, including rape. Before he was convicted – even after there had been complaints about his conduct – Beck was constantly described as an extremely able dedicated social worker who pioneered successful therapy for troubled children. Beck had also been elected as a Liberal Councillor on Blaby District Council in 1983 – he was re-elected in 1987. The Kirkwood Inquiry which followed Beck’s conviction absolutely damned Leicestershire County Council. The Kirkwood Inquiry was at the time the biggest investigation that there had ever been into institutional child abuse in the UK – until the Waterhouse Inquiry a few years later. Greville remained in Parliament as did Keith Vaz who had been sitting in the constituency of Leicester East throughout but had never noticed anything amiss. When Greville took up his seat in the Lords in 1997, Patricia Hewitt succeeded him in Leicester West. The Patricia who was General Secretary of the NCCL whilst it was affiliated to PIE, the Patricia who later became Blair’s Secretary of State for Health. The Patricia who is married to William Birtles – a judge. Birtles was also involved with the NCCL.

Radical Leicester will have heard about the paedophile gang – you can’t work on the ground in communities and not notice at least a few clues when something like that is happening. Another person who will have known is Sue Townsend, the celebrated author of the Adrian Mole books. Townsend lived in Leicester her whole life and she worked as a community youth worker. Some people in Leicester University will also have known – James Earp’s colleagues in the medical school knew and people involved with social work/social policy/ sociology will have known.

Tony Blair’s advisor and favourite sociologist Anthony Giddens began his career at Leicester University – Giddens taught social psychology there between 961-69. In 2004 Anthony Giddens became Lord Giddens and joined Greville in the upper house.

Nigel Lawson, Thatcher’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1983-89 – whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment (1983-85), Minister of State for the DTI (1985-86), Deputy Party Chairman (1986-87) and Minister of State for Energy (1987-90) – was MP for Blaby in Leicestershire, 1974-92. Nigel Lawson was yet another person who was elevated to the peerage in 1992 – days before five witnesses to the paedophile gang in north Wales were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

As with north Wales, the paedophile gang in Leicester went back decades – I suspect that playwright Joe Orton who grew up in Leicester may have been involved with them (see comments following my post ‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs’).

 

To return to Radical Leicester. Dipak Nandy’s first wife, Maggie, had studied sociology at Leeds University, was a member of the Communist Party and was active in the Communist Party during the 1963 elections. In 1964 Maggie undertook postgraduate teacher training at Leicester University’s School of Education. Whilst at Leicester University she was a member of the Anti-Racialist Committee. Maggie and Dipak split up in 1969, just after he founded the Runnymede Trust.

Dipak and Maggie Nandy were both active in the CRE (Commission for Racial Equality) and in the 1970s Maggie was active against the NF (National Front). She taught at Bushloe and Countesthorpe College and was the warden of Blaby Teachers Centre. Maggie wrote for ‘Forum’ – not the soft porn magazine which published stories by Alastair Campbell, but a left-leaning education magazine which went under the same name. Maggie was also active in the Youth Foundation which provided housing for black people. By 1977 Maggie was Deputy Head at West Moors Middle School in Dorset – she then returned to Leicester and began studying to become a lawyer. She died from cancer in 1982.

Someone with Maggie’s CV could not have remained completely unaware that children were being abused.

Rob Evans, one of the senior managers of the north Wales children’s services in the 1980s whilst the paedophile gang operated within those services, had previously worked as a team leader in Dorset and before that had undertaken social work training at Leicester University. Rob Evans was then given responsibility by Gwynedd Social Services for mental health services, where he took no action at all when challenged about the abuses of Keith Fearns and the Arfon Community Mental Health Team (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Post-Waterhouse dear old Rob was appointed to run community services on Anglesey. Rob was one of the many who accused me of ‘arassin’ him after he’d spent a few years delivering children to a paedophile ring. Rob was one of the social workers who took the children’s shoes away because they did insist on trying to escape from the beatings and the buggery – when Rob admitted to me that he did this, he described it as ‘social work practice’.

‘Radical Leicester’ also paid tribute to Colin Grundy, a member of the Labour Party. Grundy began his teaching career in 1960 as a science teacher at Roundhill School and was the Labour candidate for a Leicester constituency in 1966 and 1970. In the 1970 General Election Grundy was beaten by the Conservative candidate Tom Boardman by 106 votes. Boardman held the seat until 1974 and was a key figure in Heath’s Gov’t. In 1973 Grundy was elected to Leicester City Council for North Braunstone ward; he was Councillor for Westcotes ward from 1983 and became Chair of the Planning Committee. Grundy became Deputy Head at Alderman Newton’s School, retiring in 1987. In 1991 Grundy was Lord Mayor of Leicester.

 

Dipak Nandy married again in 1972. He married Annie Byers, the daughter of Lord Frank Byers, who was leader of the Liberals in the Lords for 19 years. Frank Byers was a member of the committee which ‘investigated’ Jeremy Thorpe’s conduct in 1971. The investigation included Normal Scott being interviewed by the committee – the interview ended with Frank Byers shouting insults at Norman Scott and Scott leaving the room in tears (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Because Norman was just a Nancy boy of course, not because Jeremy was plotting to have him murdered.

Dipak and Annie had a daughter in 1979 – Lisa. She’s now a Labour MP! Please see post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’ for details of my unpleasant experiences when the Compass Group invited me to go to London to hear Lisa speak.

Dipak Nandy left academia when he founded the Runnymede Trust in 1968. When he stepped down from the role of Director in 1973, he spent a year having an ‘educational break’ with Social and Community Planning Research. Nandy then acted as a special consultant to the Home Office to work on the Sex Discrimination Bill in 1975 – he also was one of the people who drafted the Race Relations Bill in 1976. The Home Secretary at the time was the Lord Protector of Paedophiles, Roy Jenkins (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

In 1976 Nandy moved to Manchester where the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) was located.  He was appointed the EOC’s Deputy Director and Chief Policymaker and remained in those roles until 1986. In 1979 Nandy began to forge a link with the Directorate-General V of the European Commission – he was Conference Secretary for the Commission’s Conference regarding their work towards the equal treatment of women throughout the nine members of the European Commission.

Dipak Nandy was Chairman of the BBC’s Immigrant Programme, 1983-88 and of its General Council, 1983-90. Presumably Dipak found his way to those positions as a result of his membership of the Annan Committee, which was established in 1974 to discuss the UK Broadcasting Authority and the funding of the BBC, IBA and broadcasting standards. It was the Annan Committee who when they reported in 1977 recommended a fourth independent TV channel.

Dipak sat on the Annan Committee along with Sir Charles Morrison’s wife. Charles Morrison was the elder brother of Sir Peter Morrison, who at the time that his sister-in-law was discussing broadcasting standards with Lisa Nandy’s dad was Conservative MP for Chester and was molesting children in care in north Wales as well as in other locations.

 

The Chair of the Annan Committee was Lord Noel Annan. Noel Annan entered Kings College, Cambridge in 1935. Whilst he was there he was a member of the secret debating society the Cambridge Apostles – Guy Burgess and Michael Straight who later spied for the Soviets were also members. In 1940 Annan joined the Intelligence Corps and he then served in Churchill’s War Cabinet. In 1944 he was posted to Paris with British Military Intelligence.

Annan returned to Kings College in 1946 as an academic. He was appointed Provost of Kings in 1956, received a peerage in 1965 and then became Provost of UCL in 1966. Annan was Vice-Chancellor of the University of London, 1978-81. My post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’ explains how Ann Widdecombe, although in a senior administrators job at London University, was in the early eighties positively encouraged by her boss to take as much time off as she wanted in order to go hunting for a suitable constituency where she could stand as the Conservative candidate as well as to pursue covert activities opposing the anti-nuclear movement. Furthermore, Widdecombe was allowed to take secretarial staff from the University with her in pursuit of her ventures – the staff provided free labour. Noel Annan was Vice-Chancellor at the time and Ann’s misuse of University resources continued under the next VC, Lord Randolph Quirk. Lord Annan was: a Director of the Royal Opera House, Covent Garden; Chairman of the Trustees of the National Gallery; a Trustee of the British Museum; the President of the London Library.

Another member of the Annan Committee was Philip Whitehead, Labour MP. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’ describes how Whitehead was the MP for two different constituencies, on in Derbyshire and then one in Staffordshire, both areas with very serious problems of organised child abuse.

Professor Hilde Himmelweit also sat on the Committee. Himmelweit was a social psychologist who did her PhD with the discredited H.J. Eysenck at the Institute of Psychiatry. She worked at the LSE, 1948-83 and was given a Chair in 1964.

Tom Jackson the trade unionist was also a member of the Committee. Jackson was General Secretary of the Post Office Workers and was Chairman of the General Council of the TUC, 1978-79 – the TUC which embraced all those unions representing the staff of children’s homes, psychiatric hospitals etc who abused or concealed the abuse of the people whom they were paid to care for. Jackson was a BBC Governor, 1968-73,  a member of the Court and Council of Sussex University, 1974-78 and a Director of BP, 1975-83.

Sir Antony Jay, a writer, broadcaster and director who worked for the BBC and in PR was another Annan Committee member. Jay joined the BBC in 1955, was Editor of ‘Tonight’, 1962-63 and Head of Television Talk Features, 1963-64. Jay left the BBC in the mid-60s and in 1972 became John Cleese’s business partner in Video Arts. Antony Jay was a big supporter of Thatcher and penned a lot of material in which he accused the BBC of being a dangerous bastion of liberalism and having a left-wing bias. Jay co-authored the only thing that Thatcher ever seemed to find amusing, the series ‘Yes Minister’.

Lord Mackay of Clashfern, a Conservative peer, also sat on the Committee. Mackay was Lord Advocate, 1979-84 and Lord Chancellor, 1987-97. Mackay concealed the cesspit which was the alcoholic wife-beater Sir Nicholas Fairbain – who was most certainly a paedophiles’ friend and stood accused of child molesting himself – and his doings and was also responsible for the appointment of the paedophiles’ friend Baroness Patricia Scotland as the first black woman QC, the youngest QC since William Pitt, the most incredible QC that the world had ever yet experienced – see post ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ for the catalogue of horrors that can be traced back to the doors of Fairbain and Mackay.

On the Annan Committee along with this lot was Geoffrey Sims, Vice-Chancellor of Sheffield University, 1974-91.

Also on the Committee was Sir Marcus Worsley. Worsley went to Eton and New College, Oxford, along with so many others who concealed organised child abuse (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). He was a Councillor on Malton Rural District Council from 1955 and became Vice-Chairman in 1965. Worsley was Conservative MP for Keighley, 1959-64 and then for Chelsea, 1966-74. He was Second Church Estates Commissioner, 1970-74 and wielded great influence in the Church of England. In 1978 Worsley was Deputy Lieutenant for North Yorkshire, in 1982-83 he was High Sheriff for North Yorkshire and then Lord Lieutenant for North Yorkshire, 1987-99.

So Worsley spent a great deal of time in the higher echelons of Yorkshire society during the years when organised child abuse and police corruption reigned supreme in the region. Sir Marcus undertook duties associated with the Royal Household whilst Yorkshire’s highest profile sex offender and friend of Prince Charles and Thatcher – Jimmy Savile – was in his heydey.

Worsley was PPS to Enoch Powell when Powell was Minister of Health – the Enoch Powell who was so shocked by what he witnessed on a visit to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh that he announced that he would close the place down, but was prevented from pursuing this aim by forces unknown (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’). Worsley resigned as Powell’s PPS late in 1961, citing ‘pressure of work’. It was in 1961 that Powell made his famous ‘Water Towers’ speech in which he signalled that would close the asylums. During his years in Parliament, Worsley also served as PPS to Bill Deedes MP for Ashford (1950-74) who was Editor of the Tory Party’s in-house magazine ‘The Daily Telegraph’ and a friend of the Thatchers. Worsley served as PPS  for Willie Whitelaw when Whitelaw served his first term as Lord President of the Council under Ted Heath (1970-72) – the Willie who was mates with Ted Heath and who so loyally served the Tory Party during the many years that it kept the lid on various sex scandals, including Sir Peter Morrison’s activities with children (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Worsley had a ‘special interest’ in social services whilst he was a politician.

Worsley worked for the BBC European Service, 1950-53, which suggests that he had links to the security services.

Sir Marcus observed that he wasn’t able to impact on Chelsea whilst he was the MP there as he was able to impact on Yorkshire, where everybody knew each other and he was invited to lots of local gatherings. I suspect that this translates as he ran Yorkshire and was rather put out when found that he couldn’t do the same in Chelsea. There was absolutely no escaping the long arm of Sir Marcus in Yorkshire – he retained a ‘particular interest’ in York Minster and also had a finger in the big juicy pie that is the National Trust.

Sir Marcus’s sister Katherine became the Duchess of Kent and his wife Bridget led the sort of well-connected aristocratic existence that Baroness Jean Trumpington did, including doing the obligatory turn at the Queen Charlotte’s Ball and a stint at Bletchley Park as a ‘code-breaker’ (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Bridget and Trumpers will have known each other – Trumpers was bound to have sniffed her out, what with her being related to a Duchess.

 

There were two others involved in founding the Runnymede Trust along with Dipak Nandy – Jim Rose and Anthony Lester QC.

Jim Rose was yet another alumni of New College, Oxford and worked for the intelligence services during WWII, in the RAF and at Bletchley Park. Rose was a journalist with Reuters and was literary editor of ‘The Observer’, 1948-50. At this time, Waldorf Astor, yet another graduate of New College, Oxford – and husband of Nancy Astor and a friend of David Lloyd George -owned ‘The Observer’. In 1951 Rose moved to Zurich where he formed the International Press Institute, through which he got to know well virtually all the editors of the major newspapers and their senior journalists.

In 1962 Rose returned to England and was invited by Philip Mason, civil servant and Director of the Institute for Race Relations (1958-69), to become the Director of the Survey of Race Relations, a five year study of post-war immigration in Britain. This was published in 1969 as ‘Colour and Citizenship’ and in 1968 Rose co-founded the Runnymede Trust. Philip Mason was a member of the Athenaeum, of which Jimmy Savile was also a member – the Athenaeum is favoured by Top Doctors and academics.

Jim Rose was Educational Director of the Westminster Press Group, 1970-74 and then Chairman of Penguin Books until 1980.

The Runnymede Trust was able to get off the ground because Anthony Lester QC had a commitment of $5000 pa for three years from ‘a liberal East Coast Foundation’ – who this was I have not yet found out, but it’s odd that their name isn’t up in flashing neon in view of the influence and status of the Runnymede Trust – provided that this was matched by a British Foundation. Jim Rose persuaded the Rowntree Trust to take up the challenge.

Anthony Lester QC is a barrister and Liberal Democrat peer who was educated at Trinity College, Cambridge and Harvard. He was involved with drafting the race relations legislation in the 60s and 70s and was the Chairman of the sub-committee of the Campaign Against Racial Discrimination. Lester was a member of the: Society of Labour Lawyers; Fabian Society; Council of Race Relations; British Overseas Fellowship; National Committee for Commonwealth Immigrants. He was Chair of the Fabian Society, 1972-73 and Chair of the Runnymede Trust, 1991-93. Lester is Patron of the FPA (Family Planning Association) and a member of the Joint Committee on Human Rights. Lester was special advisor to Roy Jenkins at the Home Office in the 1970s – when Jenkins was concealing the paedophile gang  in north Wales in his capacity as Home Secretary (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I), although it’s obvious from Lester’s other affiliations that Roy was certainly not the only person known to Anthony Lester who was concealing child abuse or the associated abuses in the mental health services.

Anthony Lester was, along with Roy, as one of the founders of the SDP in 1981.

Lester was given his peerage in 1993. Once those five witnesses to the activities of the paedophile gang in north Wales were safely dead after the firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), once Sir Peter Morrison had stepped down as MP for Chester, once Mary Wynch had been shafted by Michael Howard at the Home Office (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’) and once the North Wales Police had satisfied themselves that there was not a paedophile ring in operation in north Wales. The North Wales Police who at the time employed Superintendent Gordon Anglesea who later went to prison for abusing children in care in his capacity as a member of the paedophile ring which did not exist.

In 2007 Lester acted as Jack Straw’s advisor when Straw was Secretary of State for Justice.

Lord Lester practices at Blackstones Chambers. His colleagues there include Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff is a friend of the Blairs and was the legal advisor who in 1996 ordered the insurers of Clwyd County Council which ran the ‘child protection’ services investigated by the Jillings Inquiry to withold from everyone (even the Councillors) – and then pulp – all copies of the Jillings Report on the grounds that what happened to the children was indefensible. The insurers were also told to tell the members of the Council who commissioned the Jillings investigation that if any of them did find out what was in the Report and they publicised it, the insurers would withdraw cover and the Councillors themselves would be personally liable if any former child in care sued – the Councillors were warned that they would lose their homes if this happened. The insurers also recommended that Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee, be sacked if he continued to make a nuisance of himself bellyaching about child abuse. If any of the kids who had been beaten and repeatedly raped or buggered did try and sue after all this, they’d have difficulty – because within hours of the Jillings Report being submitted, Clwyd County Council was abolished and ceased to exist.

The insurance company which provided cover for Clwyd County Council also provided cover for the North Wales Police.

Michael Beloff’s father Max Beloff was the historian who some years previously had reviewed a book on local governance by Ioan Bowen Rees and described it as ‘essential reading’. Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council whilst the paedophile ring shared with neighbouring Clwyd County Council raged within its Social Services Department and when Alison Taylor, the social worker who blew the whistle on the child abuse, was sacked.

Michael Beloff is also the President of Trinity College, Oxford and questions were asked years ago when he seemed to be admitting students with a not particularly impressive academic record but a great deal of money. Even more questions were asked when a student called Euan Blair decided that it would be a good idea to apply there, what with his mum being a good mate of the President. Something obviously backfired though because Euan went to Bristol University in the end, which was why Cherie ended up purchasing properties there with the help of the crook that was the boyfriend of her lifestyle guru Carol Caplin. I was delighted to see that when Cherie was forced to explain herself regarding this matter, she gave a tearful interview on TV concerning the difficulty of being a working woman ‘juggling’. I expect that Cherie believes that she’s better at multi-tasking than Tony because of her corpus callosum – after all she’ll have read all those articles in ‘Cosmopolitan’, in their ‘neurobiology for fuckwits’ series.

 

Trustees of the Runnymede upon its foundation included Lord Jock Campbell, Lord Edward Boyle and Archbishop Trevor Huddlestone.

Lord Jock Campbell was the first Chairman of the Runnymede Trust, 1968-80. Jock Campbell’s family owned sugar plantations in British Guiana and his great-great-grandfather was a slave owner. In 1934, after Eton and Oxford, Jock went to British Guiana to manage the family estates. He was sufficiently horrified by the working and living conditions that he witnessed to embark on a programme of reform. Many years later in the Lords in 1971 Jock Campbell dissociated himself from his ancestors.

However Jock did inherit a great deal of money from his family – dosh which could be traced back to that slave trade that his ancestors had been fully paid of adherents to – and he continued to receive a very generous income from the family’s interests in British Guiana. Jock was Chairman of the Commonwealth Sugar Exporters Association, 1950-84 and Chairman of Booker McConnell. He was Chairman of New Statesman and Nation and Chairman of the Milton Keynes Development Corporation, 1967-83. Jock was a member of the Fabian Society and in 1966 was given a peerage by Harold Wilson.

Jock Campbell was a friend of Ian Fleming who was related by marriage to Sir Charles Morrison, the older brother of Sir Peter Morrison. Before his death Fleming had a discussion with Jock regarding the ways of avoiding heavy taxation on his estate. Jock suggested that Bookers could act as bankers for Fleming to the benefit of both parties. Bookers acquired a 51% share of the profits of Goldmore Productions, the company handling the profits from Fleming’s books but not the film rights. Thus Bookers Authors Division was born, which later acquired the copyrights of other authors including Agatha Christie, Dennis Wheatley and Harold Pinter. The Booker Prize was launched in 1969 after publisher Jonathan Cape suggested that Bookers should sponsor a prize. So there are you are Radio 4, you’ll never be able to wax lyrical in a pretentious manner about Booker Prize winners again, it’s SLAVE TRADE MONEY at the root of it…

Lord Edward Boyle was the Conservative MP for Birmingham Handsworth, 1950-70 and was appointed Vice-Chancellor of Leeds University in 1970 when he stood down from Parliament. He received a peerage in the same year. Boyle was educated at Eton and Christ Church College, Oxford and worked at Bletchley Park. He was a Minister for Education, 1962-64. Boyle was a Trustee of the British Museum, 1970-81 and the Chairman of the Committee of Vice-Chancellors and Principals of UK Universities, 1977-79. It was noted in Boyle’s obituaries that he died ‘unmarried and childless’.

Archbishop Trevor Huddlestone was an English Anglican Bishop who was educated at Christ Church College, Oxford and Wells Theological College. Huddleston spent the 1940s in South Africa which is where he became involved with the anti-apartheid campaign. Huddlestone knew Archbishop Desmond Tutu when he was a boy and Tutu names Huddlestone as being a huge influence on him. Huddlestone also knew Hugh Masekala and was the person who gave him his first trumpet when he was 14. Huddlestone was close to Oliver Tambo, the President of the ANC between 1962 and 70, the years of exclusion. Huddlestone returned to the UK in 1956 and then between 1960-68 was Bishop of Masasi (in Tanzania). Between 1968-78 Huddlestone was Bishop of Stepney. In 1978 he became Bishop of Mauritius and later on in the same year he was appointed Archbishop of the Province of the Indian Ocean.He retired from episcopal office in 1983 but continued his anti-apartheid work – Huddlestone had become President of the Anti-Apartheid Movement in 1981. Huddlestone lived in Mirfield in West Yorkshire after his retirement – he had previously lived there as a young man.

In 1974 Huddlestone was questioned by the police regarding the sexual abuse of four boys who had been playing in Huddlestone’s office whose parents had reported Huddlestone to the police. The allegations were that Huddlestone had touched the boys indecently – Huddlestone didn’t deny his actions but stated that none of it was done with indecent intent. The police recommended charges of four counts of gross indecency. The matter was referred to the DPP Sir Norman Skelhorn, a man who had great difficulty prosecuting high profile people for child abuse no matter how overwhelming the evidence (see post ‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs’). Skelhorn decided not to charge Huddlestone after consulting senior figures in the Labour Party.

None of this was known to the public until the publication of Piers McGrandles biography of Huddleston in 2004 – McGrandles was part-time chaplain to Huddleston.  Desmond Tutu and Bishop Gerald Ellis (the Bishop of London whilst Huddlestone had been Bishop of Stepney) were greatly upset by the story and were convinced of Huddlestone’s innocence. Their explanation was that Huddlestone’s political enemies had set him up and that B.O.S.S., the South African Bureau of State Security, was behind it.

Huddlestone did have political enemies – Thatcher hated him, let alone B.O.S.S. and B.O.S.S. would do just about anything to their opponents, so it is possible that Huddlestone was smeared. However, as Normal Skelhorn demonstrated repeatedly, in the 1970s there was a huge reluctance to challenge yet alone prosecute ‘respectable’ men over allegations of child sexual abuse. If the police were recommending four charges of gross indecency, whatever Trevor Huddlestone was alleged to have done must have been quite serious and there was probably some very convincing evidence.

Jim Rose took over as Chairman of the Runnymede from Dipak Nandy and remained as Chairman until 1990, then Anthony Lester Chaired the Trust, 1991-93. Between 1993-98 Trevor Phillips was Chairman.

Trevor Phillips spent his childhood in north London and British Guyana and did a chemistry degree at Imperial College. Whilst at Imperial he was President of the Students Union and then became the first black President of the NUS, 1978-80, during the NUS’s Particularly Mad phase. Trevor’s associates at the NUS included future New Labour big wigs Charles Clarke and Peter Mandelson, both of whom know something about organised child abuse and wrongdoing in the NHS (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’). Phillips worked with his mate Mandy again at LWT – Mandy was best man at Phillips’s first wedding in 1981. Phillips was a researcher and a reporter for LWT, 1980-86 and then Head of Current Affairs at LWT, 1992-94. Phillips wrote and produced ‘The London Programme’ for LWT and also worked on projects for the BBC and Channel 4. It was Phillips who gave Richard Littlejohn his first break in TV. Phillips established Pepper Productions, an independent TV production company from which he made a great deal of money. Through Mandy Trevor became friends with Blair and he joined the Labour Party in 1996.

Phillips was a Labour candidate for London Mayor but his plans in that direction fell apart when it was discovered that he had sent his daughters to very upmarket public schools – namely the North London Collegiate School and Westminster School. However the Labour Party did designate Trevor as a member of the London Assembly in 2000 – he was Chair of the Assembly until 2003, when he resigned his seat in order to take up the position of Chair of the CRE. The CRE was abolished in 2006 and replaced with the EHRC and Tevor was appointed Chair of that body – he remained Chair until 2012. A lot of people in the EHRC know a great deal about abuse and criminal activities involving vulnerable people. Ann Beynon who’s husband Leighton Andrews was at one point Minister for Public Service Delivery in the Welsh Gov’t – whilst criminal conduct went unhindered in the NHS in north Wales and when the social services and mental health services had been destroyed by those who had protected the paedophile gang fifteen years previously – was a member of the EHRC. So unbelievably was Rachel Perkins. Perkins is a clinical psychologist who was clinical director of Springfield Hospital, the psychiatric unit attached to St George’s Hospital Medical School and who then sat on the Board of the St George’s University Hospitals NHS Foundation Trust. Whilst Perkins was clinical director of Springfield, staff there concealed child abuse and associated serious criminal activity, a number of patients were sexually assaulted and even murdered and at least one member of staff was murdered as well. A subsequent public inquiry condemned Springfield and suggested that the problems were such that the hospital was probably irretrievable. Whilst she was clinical director, Perkins ran a work scheme for ‘service users’ – one placement was found for one young woman as a pole dancer. Perkins herself is of course a lesbian feminist – the last place she will be working is in a strip joint. But then she doesn’t have to – she sat on the EHRC as a consequence of her ‘lived experience’ as a service user.

Trevor might be a black man – but more importantly very rich and a friend of Tony Blair and Mandy – but Rachel really claimed the street cred when she metamorphosed into a service user. Rachel had suffered from depression for many years and had taken a great deal of time off work – although she managed to write books about her Great Suffering whilst she was not going to work. Of course if Rachel really had been clinically depressed it is entirely understandable that she would need time off. But Perkins claimed to be so ill that she was literally never there  – but she remained as clinical director. Whilst people murdered each other. Rachel did finally step aside – I suspect it was the dreadful press coverage re Springfield that was behind that particular decision rather than Rachel’s putative poor health – and popped up on the Board of St George’s as the service user representative! I haven’t read much of Rachel’s work, but I’m wondering that if I did whether I might recognise some of it from other places. Because just before Rachel was appointed to the EHRC, I recognised part of something that Brown and I had published in an article that dear old Rachel had written. Feel free to reproduce this blog Rachel, I’ll be delighted.

Trevor’s time as Chair of the EHRC was not a smooth ride. Six commissioners walked out after expressing concern about his leadership and probity. Perhaps that’s how Rachel got in there.

In 2007 Trevor was awarded the Chevalier de la Legion d’Honnuer after he made a few comments following the race riots in France in 2005 that caused Sarkozy to insult black people who lived in the banlieue in Paris.

In 2010 Phillips was investigated concerning his attempts to influence the Joint Committee of Human Rights – a Parliamentary Select Committee – whilst they were writing a report on him. A Lords Committee cleared him of the allegations that had been levelled against him but described his behaviour as ‘inappropriate and ill-advised’.

Trevor Phillips is a Vice-President of the Royal Television Society – the RTS whose manager Tony Pilgrim remarked that it was a pity that one of their employees who was known to be a paedophile had been caught molesting a 10 year old boy and the RTS who employed manager Claire Price. The lovely Claire harassed and then unlawfully dismissed a close friend of mine who knew what happened to me in north Wales and wanted to make a documentary about it. The President of the RTS at the time was Sir Paul Fox, who was very anti-union and presumably a keen Thatcherite (see ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’).

Among other things Trevor Phillips is: Deputy Chair of the Board of National Equality Standard; Chair of Green Park Diversity Analytics; Director of WebberPhillips; Director of Pepper Productions; member of the Board at the Barbican Arts Centre; member of the Council of Aldeburgh Music; Trustee of the Social Mobility Foundation. At present Trevor is President of the Partnership Council of the John Lewis Partnership.

For 28 years Trevor was married to Asha Bhownagary, a child psychotherapist. Asha trained at the Tavistock Clinic and has worked for education and social services, in a hospital paediatrics department and in a special care baby unit. She has a private practice and lectures at the Tavistock. I suspect that Trevor knows a great deal about the abuse of vulnerable people but Asha will know so much that she’ll be in a position to give evidence in Court. But they will of course both remain completely silent on such matters.

Lady Diana Brittan was Chair of the Runnymede Trust 1998-99. Diana is the widow of Leon Brittan, former Home Secretary and the man who was investigated by Operation Midland for sex offences. It was reported earlier this year that Lady Diana had received approx £100k in compensation – which was accompanied by a confidentiality clause – from the Metropolitan Police for them daring to investigate Leon. Thatcher appointed Leon as Minister of State at the Home Office in 1979 under Willie Whitelaw and then in 1983 Leon became Home Secretary himself. Whilst Leon was Home Secretary organised child abuse was concealed, the dossier naming Westminster figures who were allegedly molesting children  that was given to Leon by Geoffrey Dickens MP was ‘lost’, the police abused their powers repeatedly but action was never taken against them – there was a feeling that the police had become a private army of Thatcher’s Gov’t (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’). Just about everything that was the responsibility of the Home Office was riddled with corruption under dear old Leon. Whilst Leon was Home Secretary the Home Office gave funding to PIE. Leon left the Cabinet as a result of the scrap over Westland and it has been alleged that he was the fall guy to prevent it being exposed that Thatcher had lied – Leon was given a job as a European Commissioner as compensation. Leon has been named repeatedly as a child abuser himself which is partly what caused him to come to the attention of Operation Midland – that and the allegation from a woman that he had raped her many years ago.

In 2002 ‘The Independent’ ran a toadying article about Diana, identifying her as a ‘new-style Tory wife’, explaining that she was actually very similar to Tony Blair: ‘She’s just where Tony is, she doesn’t act as a result of a traditional, party political, ideological perspective, but from a moral perspective. She does something because its the right thing to do.’ We all know how moral Tony is and how he had a penchant for doing the right thing. He was after all a pretty straight kind of guy – which will be why he lied to Parliament, was mates with Berlusconi and now acts as an advisor to various dictators and kleptocrats.

The Indie was writing about Diana because she had had an upsetting experience. In her capacity as Chair of the National Lottery Community Fund Diana had OK’d grants to what ‘The Daily Mail’ had described as ‘bizarre and politically correct’ causes and ‘The Daily Mail’ had unleashed a ‘hate campaign’ against her. Paul Dacre had become vexed that Diana had given her blessing to grants to a gay choir and an organisation breeding Andean guinea pigs, but the last straw for Dacre was the funding of an organisation helping unsuccessful asylum seekers fighting deportation. The hate campaign was unleashed – the Mail urged readers to WRITE TO DIANA’S OFFICE. That is what poor old Diana was having to deal with, which is what prompted the Indie to describe her as a ‘brave woman with a moral sense of what is right’.

Diana the Brave and Moral has had her fingers in many pies. She sat as a magistrate on the City of London bench from 1984 – whilst she was married to the Home Secretary whilst the police did what they like including amending statements in order to fit people up – and was appointed a member of the EOC in 1989 and then its Deputy Chair, 1994-96. Diana became Deputy Chair of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority in 1990 – whilst IVF clinics lied to their patients and generally fleeced them (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred – Particularly In Scotland’). She was Chair of the Race in Europe Network, Chair of the European Union of Women, Chair of the OU Foundation and a member of the Lord Chancellor’s advisory committee on legal education and conduct.  The Indie mentions that Diana is a ‘committee person’ because those are the people who get things done and that the world of committees like people with good networks. Perhaps such as people who are married to other people who concealed serious crime for years and then popped over to Brussels to help out. I expect that Diana has had Dominique Strauss-Kahn to dinner – a delightful man…and Christine Lagarde as well, Christine who Woman’s Hour really loved and put on their Power List. The Christine who was found guilty of ‘negligence’ by the French courts regarding that business of the 403 million euros ‘arbitration’ in favour of Bernard Tapie and would have gone to prison except that she was MD of the IMF and you’re not allowed to put them in prison.

Between 1977-89 Diana was the managing editor of a ‘technical press agency’ – I wonder what sort of sins were involved there. Being the brave moral woman that she is, she ‘advised’ Jonathan Aitken after he was found guilty of perjury and was facing prison.

Diana is involved with the Carnegie UK Trust.

Diana and Leon kept a home in London where they troughed with the rich n famous, but they also had a home in Wensleydale, North Yorkshire, what with Leon being the MP for Richmond. The North Yorkshire which was the centre of a paedophile ring. William Hague succeeded Leon’s seat in Richmond, became Secretary of State for Wales despite all that boasting about being a Yorkshireman through and through and having shown bugger all interest in Wales. Upon his appointment he organised the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry. When William was running for the Tory Party leadership he found himself in urgent need of a wife – the Tories were expressing great concern that he was ‘single’, which seemed a little inconsistent in so far as they had no problem with Sir Peter Morrison attending sex parties with under-aged boys from children’s homes in north Wales. Fortunately for William a suitable woman arrived as if to order – Ffion, who had been a senior civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed criminal conduct in the children’s services and mental health services in north Wales. Love blossomed, although Thatcher was disgusted that Ffion and William shared an hotel room before they were married. I have just purchased a copy of Thatch’s autobiography ‘The Downing Street Years’ – I’ve only read the foreword and introduction so far but I’ve noticed that Peter Morrison is one of those thanked by Thatch in the book. I’m looking forward to reading Thatch’s fond reminiscences re her old mate Jimmy Savile.

Following Diana’s brief stint at the Runnymede, Samir Shah was Chair of the Runnymede Trust until 2009. Samir is a media executive who certainly ticks all the boxes. He was a student at St Catherine’s College, Oxford in the 1970s as were Mandelson and others known to this blog (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny). In 1977 Samir worked for the Intelligence Unit at the Home Office whilst Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary busy concealing criminal activity in north Wales, so he’ll have found out a few interesting things and made a few contacts there (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Then in 1979 he joined Mandy and the gang at LWT where he was a researcher and a producer on Eastern Eye, Credo, Weekend World and The London Programme. In 1987 Samir was appointed head of BBC’s TV current affairs and in 1994 he was appointed head of BBC’s Political Programmes, TV and Radio. In 1998 became Chief Exec of Juniper, an independent production company.

Shah was a Trustee for the Medical Foundation of the Victims of Torture, 2004-06 – who I seem to remember a few years ago were found to be harbouring a Top Doctor who had played a key role in the Rwandan Genocide. He was the former Chair of Screen West Midlands and  was a non-executive Director of the BBC Board, 2007-10. Shah is on the Board of BAFTA, is or was Deputy Chair at the V&A Museum and in 2014 was appointed Chair of the Geffrye Museum. He is a visiting Prof at Nottingham University and sits on the advisory panel on Oxford University’s Humanities Division. Samir was also on the Advisory Group of the dear old Royal Television Society’s Cambridge Convention in 2015.

Samir Shah was followed as Chair of the Runnymede by Chris Jones who is at present still in post. Chris Jones is another broadcaster and media executive…

 

So those are the Chairs of the Runnymede Trust. What about the Directors? Well obviously Dipak Nandy was in place until 1973, but then he handed over the reigns to others. The Runnymede has had a few Directors with CV’s and networks as interesting as Dipak.

Usha Prashar was Director, 1977-84. Usha was born in Kenya but came to the UK – Yorkshire – with her family in the 1960s. She went to the independent Wakefield Girls School and then Leeds University, graduating in 1970. A post-graduate course in Social Administration at Glasgow University followed. Directing the Runnymede Trust certainly launched Usha into the action. She was a Fellow of the Policy Studies Institute – a think tank which later merged with Westminster University – between 1984-86 and was then appointed as Director of NCVO – the umbrella organisation for so many charitable organisations concealing serious wrongdoing. Usha was non-executive Chair of the Parole Board, 1997-2000. That was when the Parole Board appointed Colin Berry, David Mawson and Chris Hunter – three Top Doctors who concealed the abuses of psychiatry and the associated paedophile gang in north Wales – as members, as well as a number of other very questionable people.

Usha was appointed a Civil Service Commissioner in 1990 and was First Civil Service Commissioner, 2000-2005. She was a non-executive director of Channel 4, 1992-99 and a non-executive director of UNITE Group plc, 2001-04. UNITE Group plc is ‘the UK’s leading manager and developer of student accommodation’. So they’ll be the ones who built those extravagantly luxurious apartments which were ruthlessly marketed to students including those who couldn’t afford them and ended up in financial trouble. Never mind the quality of your courses, just look at the accommodation that you’ll live in if you come to study here… Usha became a Governor of De Montfort University in 1996 and was Chancellor, 2001-2006. In recent years after the arrival of a new Vice-Chancellor, DMU has became a much happier less dysfunctional place. Whilst Usha was on board however a lot of very odd things went on at DMU and a number of recent graduates ended up in scandals, including a social worker who was caught illegally smuggling a baby into the UK which she had purchased in Africa. The staff at the time kept flagging up that things were unravelling on the ground, but they were ignored.

Usha was also appointed a Trustee of the BBC World Service Trust in 2002 and a non-executive Director of ITV plc in 2005. She is or was President of the Royal Commonwealth Society and Deputy Chair of the British Council. She was Chair of the National Literacy Trust, 2001-05.

Usha served on the Hutton Inquiry into Iraq. The inquiry into the conduct of Usha’s friend Tony Blair who had given Baroness Usha her peerage in 1999.

Usha is a Trustee of Cumberland Lodge, ‘an educational charity initiating fresh debate on the burning questions facing society’. The website of  Cumberland Lodge has no sign of anything educational or anything remotely fresh, although the slogan ‘creative thinking and inclusive dialogue’ is emblazoned across the site – but they do hold their meetings in a lovely castle and there’s plenty of photos of that. The castle in question is Windsor Castle. That’s so inclusive that I might drop into a meeting of Cumberland Lodge myself.

The intellectual powerhouse that is Usha is also a Governor of the Ditchley Foundation, which was established to ‘promote international understanding and relations, especially Anglo-American’. The Ditchley Foundation was founded in 1958 by Sir David Wills, a descendant of W.D. and H.O. Wills, the tobacco barons. It is based in Ditchley Park, another splendid building for Usha to do her thinking in, near Chipping Norton. So Rebekah Brooks and Cameron are just down the road then.

The Chair of the Ditchley Foundation is Lord George Robertson, Secretary of State for Defence under Blair, 1997-99 and then NATO General Secretary, 1999-2003. That went well then. The Chairman of the Ditchley Foundation between 2000-09 was Sir John Major, former PM, one time bedfellow of Edwina Currie and the protector of the paedophiles of north Wales via the vehicle of William Hague.

The Director of the Ditchley Foundation from 2010-16 was Sir John Holmes, a former diplomat who also held a senior role with the UN. Sir John was Principal Private Secretary to Blair whilst Blair was PM and he was also involved in the N Ireland peace talks – in which whatever happened at the Kincora Boys Home was used as a negotiating tool. Sir John Holmes has just been appointed Chair of the Electoral Commission.

The Director of the Ditchley Foundation, 1999-04 was Sir Nigel Broomfield, a former diplomat who was Chairman of Leonard Cheshire Disability, 2004-09.

Virtually all the Directors are of this ilk – former diplomats who have done a stint with the UN and who often have links to defence officials.

What about Usha’s fellow Governors at the Ditchley Foundation? Here are the names of some of them:

Lord Adonis, David Cameron, Margaret Beckett, Virginia Bottomley, Lord Carrington, Robin Butler, Shami Chakrabarty, Menzies Campbell, David Hunt, Geoffrey Howe, Neil Kinnock, David Miliband, Pauline Neville-Jones, Malcolm Rifkind, Jack Straw, Shirley Williams, Peter Jay, Paul Boateng.

There is only one question to be asked – WHERE IS DR DEATH?

 

Ann Dummett was Director of the Runnymede between 1984-87. Ann went to Somerville College and was married to the philosopher Sir Michael Dummett. Ann and Michael were high profile anti-racism campaigners and along with the MP for Oxford Evan Luard founded the Oxford Committee for Racial Integration (previously the Oxfordshire Council for Community Relations). Ann then worked at the Institute for Race Relations and for the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants.

Michael Dummett was Wykeham Professor of Logic at Oxford, 1979-82 and whilst he held that position was also a Fellow of New College – where else? Dummett also held teaching posts at Birmingham University, UC Berkeley, Stanford University, Princeton University and Harvard University. In 1944 Dummet converted to Catholicism and enthusiastically engaged in Catholic debates.

Evan Luard, the MP with whom the Dummetts campaigned and worked, was a graduate of Kings College, Cambridge. In 1950 he joined the Foreign Service but resigned in 1956, in protests at Britain’s involvement in the Suez Crisis. He became a research fellow at St Antony’s College, Oxford in 1957 and was a Labour Councillor on Oxford County Council, 1958-61. Luard then served as Labour MP for Oxford, 1966-70 and again, 1974-79. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary for State in the Foreign Office, 1969-70 under Foreign Secretary Michael Stewart and again, 1974-79 – under dear old Dr Death.

Evan Luard was sufficiently attached to Dr Death to follow him into the SDP shortly after Shirl et al founded it in 1981. Luard contested the 1983 General Election for as the SDP candidate – he was deselected in 1987 in favour of Chris Huhne, but I haven’t found out why.

The Rev Ken Leech was the Director who followed Ann Dummett – Ken Leech was Director until 1991. The Rev Ken was an Anglican priest and a Christian Socialist who was born and grew up in the Cheshire/Lancashire area. He was inspired in 1956 after he heard Trevor Huddlestone speak.

In 1958 Ken moved to the East End of London where he lived whilst he studied at Kings College, London. In 1961 he began his theological studies at Trintiy College, Oxford whilst at the same time training for the priesthood at St Stephen’s House. He was ordained in 1965. He then spent many years working in some of the poorest parishes in London, in places like Hoxton (1965-67), Soho (1967-71) and Bethnal Green (1974-79). The Rev Ken took a special interest in drug addicts, prostitutes and homeless young people. In 1967 he set up the Soho Drugs Group. It was Ken who in 1969 – along with Anton-Wallich-Clifford and the Simon Community – established Centrepoint, which dealt with youth homelessness. Centrepoint’s first Patron was Diana, Princess of Wales.

The Rev Ken spent most of the years between 1965 and 2004 working on the ground  with the very people who would have been witnesses to the abuse of kids in care and the trafficking of them into prostitution and the involvement that some Westminster figures had in this, as well as the collusion on the part of the mental health services, the police and the legal and criminal justice system. There is no way that the Rev Ken did not know about this. Anyone who listens to homeless young people, care leavers, drug addicts, prostitutes and mental health patients finds out about it. I did and my CV is not half as good as Ken’s in that respect. Just on one occasion, in London in 1987, Brown and me stopped to help a young homeless man who had been taken ill in a subway after going overboard sniffing glue. Because we stopped to help we were within minutes surrounded by his mates and his girlfriend – they were kids in care who had run away, some of them from Swansea. We found out about it after one brief stop to help their friend. If you help people having a hard time, you do find out what is happening to them, it is dishonest for people who work with those folk to claim that they ‘didn’t know’. The Rev Ken will have almost certainly been given the names of the members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – repeatedly. Furthermore in Hoxton 1965-67 the Krays and their notorious mum were still living in Vallance Road, Ken will have been their neighbour – I’m sure that he noticed.

Ken’s obituaries tell us that he fought against the NF and other racist and fascist groups in the East End, that he campaigned for CND, for gender equality, for gay and lesbian rights. But Ken never opened his mouth about the organised sexual abuse of kids in care, the associated criminality in swathes of ‘respectable’ society – or about sexual abuse within the Church. But then if he had have done this, he wouldn’t have become Director of the Runnymede Trust. Or started up the Jubilee Group with Rowan Williams. Or sat on the Church of England’s Board of Social Responsibility. Or indeed have persuaded Diana to become Patron of Centrepoint. Neither would his ventures have received funding.

 

Sukhvinder Kaur-Stubbs was Director of the Runnymede, 1996-2000. Sukhvinder had all the ingredients for success as measured by ‘The Guardian’ – she was a Punjabi girl who grew up in Birmingham after her dad arrived in the UK with only a few fivers in his pocket, who got into Oxford and then learned the disciplines of management, marketing, budgeting and PR in the public, private and voluntary sectors. Obviously at the age of 33 it was inevitable that Sukhvinder would be appointed as Director of the Runnymede and that ‘The Guardian’ would write a profile which obsessed about the colour of her silk blouse, her jewellery and her ‘power hairstyle’ (which sounds like the sort of thing that Hillary Clinton probably has).

After four years at the Runnymede Trust, Sukhvinder became CEO of the Barrow Cadbury Trust, but she left there in a hurry in 2009 on the grounds that she wanted to spend more time with her adopted daughter. It was probably very much more preferable than working in what the Third Sector has now become.

Sukhvinder was/is also a member of the Council at Birmingham University, Chairwoman of the European Network Against Racism, a non-executive Director of Severn Trent, a member of the Board of the Black Country Development Corporation and of Advantage West Midlands, as well as a Director of the Home Group Ltd.

Sukhvinder is a Director at Swan Housing Group and Chair of the Social Care Institute for Excellence. I have laughed at the Social Care Institute for Excellence and taken its name in vain for years because it was one of the key vehicles that promoted the idea of ‘service user involvement’ in mental health. Whilst service users were mistreated, abused, unlawfully denied treatment, fitted up for crimes that they had not committed and died, whilst no complaints about anything anywhere were ever investigated properly, the SCIE continued publishing laughable guides to service user involvement. The guides aimed at service users themselves contained illustrations of cartoon-like characters sitting around in meetings – there was always an Asian lady among them – with think or speech balloons saying things like ‘what if I don’t feel comfortable?’ or ‘should I ask my social worker about this?’ and a few lines about how as a service user you were now empowered. As the media gradually moves towards a tiny bit of honesty regarding the state of social care in the UK, I think that we should now be asking where the fucking excellence ever was, why the SCIE were allowed to publish lies for so many years, who established that organisation and who footed the bill for the mountains of crap which emanated from it. Perhaps Professor Peter Beresford could enlighten us.

Recently Sukhvinder has become a non-executive Director of the Lewisham and Greenwich NHS Trust, an organisation recently created out of other NHS organisations – I suspect because the previous organisations were scandal ridden and bankrupt, so a rebranding exercise was needed. Sukhvinder’s colleagues on the Trust Board are the regulation collection of Angels who have undertaken MBAs and moved into management, managers and social workers previously affiliated to organisations where the most terrible disasters and scandals have occurred, accountants and former employees of the Dept of Health.

 

So that’s an account of a few free radicals, some of whom should not be free at all after their role in colluding with some of the most serious child abusers that have operated in the UK.

 

 

 

 

Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng And Tessa Jowell

Yesterday’s post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’ mentioned that Tower Hamlets Council thought it worth their while to send a solicitor and counsel to the Waterhouse Inquiry to represent them, which suggested that they believed that they might have something to worry about. I also speculated on possible links between Tower Hamlets and north Wales but I didn’t know of any for certain. My co-researcher has come up trumps again and has sent me a few useful links and pieces of information. There is a direct connection between Tower Hamlets Council and north Wales and that is a man called Roger Saint. Roger Saint features in the Waterhouse Report, indeed there is a chapter devoted entirely to his activities, but of course it had to be one of the chapters that I had not read. I hadn’t read it because it was a chapter entirely concerned with one foster carer, that is Roger Saint, rather than a chapter with information about the children’s homes or Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils. However it is a chapter full of treasures for those of us who are interested in networks, connections and fuckwittery so great that it surpasses all expectations.

Roger Saint was a man originally from Somerset but who had passed through many other places. He was educated in south Wales and gained employment in residential care in 1968 in a boys’ remand home in Winchester. After working there for a year he moved onto a children’s home in Wednesfield, then one in Wiltshire, then one near Salisbury. Whilst he was employed at Salisbury, in June 1972 he pleaded guilty at Neath Magistrates Court to indecently assaulting a 12 year old boy. Saint did not know the boy, but he saw the boy who was walking a dog as Saint drove past. He stopped his car, got out, grabbed the boy and indecently assaulted him. This conviction was reported to the Home Office Police Department by letter by the Chief Constable in June 1972 and the letter noted Saint’s appointment. Saint had resigned from his job before he was convicted and then secured another job in Manchester at a children’s home run by the Boys and Girls Welfare Society. His next job was at a children’s home in Barry, south Wales, but they found out about his conviction and he was asked to leave.

In Dec 1976 Saint purchased a house in Holywell, Clwyd, with his wife Carol whom he’d married in March 1976. Carol had a number of children from her previous marriage and in 1997 Saint pleaded guilty to a specimen charge of indecently assaulting one of those children. In 1975 Saint had acquired a job at the West Kirby Residential School – he stayed there for ten years. In 1997 he pleaded guilty at Mold Crown Court to offences of indecent assault on two pupils from West Kirby Residential School between 1975 and 1979. Three other counts against two other pupils were not proceeded with.

In 1977 Carol Saint responded to an advert from Clwyd Social Services for foster parents. A social worker from the Delyn Area Office dealt with her inquiry. In April 1978 the Saints approached Clwyd Social Services again, stating their interest in offering a placement to a baby or very young child. The same social worker processed their application and carried out home visits. Roger Saint did not disclose his 1972 conviction but the Saints did authorise Clwyd to check for convictions with the North Wales Police. Saint’s conviction did not of course show up on the records held by the North Wales Police because it had been incurred in south Wales and although New Scotland Yard had a record of it, the North Wales Police didn’t. The social worker provided a positive report about the Saints to the Local Authority’s Adoption Panel and in Dec 1978 the Saints were approved as adoptive parents. Documents submitted to the Waterhouse Inquiry showed that Saint had not mentioned his employment at Barry being terminated and he had falsified other details relating to his employment record as well. It was also revealed by Waterhouse that two references supplied by Saint during the process of his vetting by Clwyd in 1978 hadn’t been received yet this was never followed up, although West Glamorgan Social Services informed Clwyd that they had not been able to make contact with the names that Saint had supplied.

Between Dec 1978 and Feb 1988, eleven children were placed with the Saints, although only two of these were from Clwyd Social Services. The first placement was arranged two days after Clwyd approved the Saints. It was a result of a private arrangement between the Saints and the child’s mother, although a Clwyd social worker did carry out welfare checks and home visits between Dec 1978 and June 1979. The adoption went ahead in July 1979. Two more boys were placed with the Saints by Clwyd in April 1979, but things went wrong very quickly and although the social worker involved – who was from the Wrexham Area Office, although the boy already placed with the Saints was the responsibility of the Delyn Area Office – took no action. In Oct 1979 the boys ran away, were picked up by the police and taken to Holywell Police Station where the Social Services were called. The boys made allegations that they had been physically abused by both Carol and Roger Saint. Nevertheless they were returned to the Saints’ care. They ran away again in Jan 1980 and were found in St Asaph. The social worker had her reservations about returning them to the Saints and both boys were openly expressing a dislike of Roger Saint. Yet at this time the Saints were pressing for yet another child to be placed with them. By March 1980 it was acknowledged by everyone involved that one of the two boys was in a very bad emotional state. Roger Saint continued to request that a third child be placed with them, although three social workers did not think that this would be a good idea. The boy in a bad way was removed from the Saints’ care in March 1980. He gave evidence at Waterhouse that Roger Saint had physically and sexually abused him, as did the other boy, who himself was removed from the Saints’ care in July 1981. The ‘End Of Foster Placement Report’ compiled in Oct 1981 by the social worker in respect of this child was critical of the Saints but did not mention the physical abuse from Roger Saint, although she had been told about it previously by the boy. This boy was so frightened of the Saints that he had asked to be removed from their care without them being warned first, presumably because he feared retribution. The social services did indeed comply with his request.

From 1981 the Saints sought fostering and adoption opportunities outside of Clwyd. Saint maintained that they were encouraged in this by the Clwyd Adoptions Officer, who introduced him to a publication from BAAF (British Association for Adoption and Fostering), which led to him contacting the London Borough of Ealing. Saint also came across PPIAS, a national self-help group of mainly adoptive parents and through PPIAS he approached other authorities, including Tower Hamlets. He was making these approaches at the time that the second boy was being removed from the Saints care. The Saints were considered by Ealing but failed to bond with the two teenaged boys involved. Ealing were warned by the social worker of the second boy who had been removed from the Saints that Roger Saint subjected children to enormous pressure, but she didn’t tell Ealing about the physical danger from Saint. In July 1981 the London Borough of Greenwich considered a placement with the Saints and held two conversations with the aforementioned social worker who did mention the physical abuse. In August 1981 Greenwich turned down the Saints, as did Brent and Nottinghamshire in 1982.

In March 1982 Cheshire Social Services placed a one year old boy with the Saints, whom they later adopted via Clwyd’s Adoption Agency which was part of the Local Authority. Waterhouse notes that this boy stayed with the Saints and made no complaints about them. However as he had cerebral palsy and ‘special educational needs’, he may have been in no position to make complaints about them – Waterhouse does not detail the severity of his disabilities.

In Nov 1982 Tower Hamlets Social Services told Clwyd that the Saints were being presented to their adoption panel in Dec 1982 as prospective parents for two brothers in their early teens. Tower Hamlets asked Clwyd to carry out a police check on the Saints, which Clwyd didn’t do. Tower Hamlets failed to follow up the lack of a police check. From 1982, the Saints’ main involvement with new placements was with Tower Hamlets. At the end of 1984 they moved from Holywell to a village between Mold and Ruthin and then in Sept 1990 they moved near to Bala in Gwynedd. In Oct 1987 Roger was appointed a member of the Statutory Adoption and Foster Care Panel for Clwyd South, after Clwyd’s Adoption Officer had nominated him in Sept 1987. By then Saint was also the local representative of PPIAS. Within four months of approving the nomination from the Adoption Officer, Gledwyn Jones, Clwyd’s Director of Social Services, had found out about Saint’s 1972 conviction and in Feb 1988 wrote to Roger Davies, the County Secretary and Solicitor for advice. Davies did not reply, despite being sent a reminder 18 months later. Saint remained on the panel until Clwyd County Council was abolished in March 1996. In August 1992 Roger Davies became Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council.

Between Feb 1983 and Sept 1985, Tower Hamlets placed seven children with the Saints, five of whom they adopted. After their initial period of being boarded out with the Saints, all five boys complained of being sexually abused by Roger Saint. Four of the boys were adopted in Jan 1989, which was after Saint’s 1972 conviction had been revealed. Waterhouse makes reference to a letter that was written by the Metropolitan Police to Tower Hamlets in March 1988 confirming the conviction. In March 1997 Saint pleaded guilty at Mold Crown Court to indecently assaulting all five of the boys. Waterhouse notes that Saint’s 1972 conviction did not seem to have been revealed to Mold County Court in Jan 1989 when adoption orders were issued for the four boys.

At one point there was a change of social workers from Tower Hamlets who were dealing with the Saints. By the time that this happened, the Saints house was piled high with ‘looked after’ children but the new social worker recorded that the Saints were ‘parental’ and in no way was their place a mini children’s home. She also referred to the very sound relationship between Tower Hamlets and the Saints. Events in 1985 provide a clue as to why the Saints filled their home with kids whom they didn’t seem to like and yet requested more when some were removed from them as a result of their violence. Roger Saint had given up his job – on the advice of Tower Hamlets no less – and in 1985 an arrangement was made to pay the Saints double the going rate for looking after the children. In addition, Tower Hamlets enlisted the help of a charity to help finance the Saints’ smallholding. The Saints received a further rise in pay in May 1986. The Waterhouse Report states that one of the Tower Hamlets social workers had become ‘an advocate for the Saints’ even after she had discovered that Roger Saint had not disclosed his conviction. At much the same time that the Tower Hamlets social worker formed her view of the Saints, a social worker from Southall who had been involved with them was highly critical and so concerned that she rang Tower Hamlets in July 1987.

In the late summer of 1985 a girl of twelve from Tower Hamlets was boarded out with the Saints and remained with them until Sept 1989. The girl was driven to a local school by taxi and Roger Saint had told the taxi driver that she was ‘schizophrenic’. At a later date the girl told this taxi driver that Roger Saint was repeatedly asking her to remove he knickers so he could look at her. The taxi driver contacted Clwyd’s Head of School Transport who said that she’d notify Clwyd’s Social Services Dept. Within an hour, Saint had phoned the taxi driver threatening retribution through his solicitors, alleging that it was the girl’s condition that caused her to say such things. The taxi driver confirmed that he was never approached by Clwyd Education Dept or Social Services. Waterhouse notes in his Report that the girl later left the Saint’s care after she had run down the drive at their home saying that she’d had sex with a man three times. The police interviewed her with Roger sitting in on the interview. This girl was not called to give evidence to Waterhouse and old Ronnie concluded that ‘it seems quite possible that they [the incidents of sexual interference] were imagined by her’ and ‘were attributable as Saint said to her condition’. One can only wonder why at the time north Wales was populated by so many people who were suffering from a type of schizophrenia that caused them to allege that they were being abused whilst they were in care or in the clutches of the local psychiatrists! It can’t be attributed to the genetic inferiority of the locals and their putative inbreeding because a lot of these schizophrenics weren’t from north Wales. The symptoms did however only manifest themselves when they encountered the children’s services or mental health services…

In Feb 1988 the Saints applied to adopt two children from Devon and Devon Social Services discovered Saint’s conviction (in 1981, the national database of computerised police records had been established) and the Director of Social Services of Devon informed Clwyd. Clwyd asked the North Wales Police to check Saint’s record and they confirmed his conviction. North Yorkshire Council placed a boy with the Saints in Sept 1991 and he was adopted by them in 1995, becoming their eighth adopted child. North Yorkshire placed a further two children with them, in Dec 1993 and April 1995. Two other children from North Tyneside Metropolitan Borough Council and Greenwich were placed with the Saints in May 1994 and Aug 1995 and remained with the Saints until Roger Saint’s arrest before his 1997 trial. Ronnie Waterhouse didn’t seek evidence from North Tyneside or Greenwich because there had been no complaints. Nothing to worry about there then.

At Saint’s trial at Chester Crown Court in 1997 – where he was found guilty and sentenced to six and a half years in prison – North Tyneside Council stated that ‘the [1972] conviction was not so big and that he had successfully cared for so many children in the past and no person had made a complaint against him’. As mitigation, before sentence was passed on Saint, Ronnie Waterhouse noted that ‘Counsel…emphasised the positive aspects of Saint’s record as a carer of children, including the continuing allegiance of many of the adopted children’. The allegiance of children who no doubt knew that they would be violently assaulted or called schizophrenic and mysteriously disappear if they did complain…

So those were the practices which Tower Hamlets needed to defend when it dispatched Bryan McGuire the lawyer who was ‘instrumental in many of the changes and developments in public law in recent years, particularly in the field of…children’s services’ and who ‘sought to improve Local Authority services for the vulnerable’ to the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

Much as Ronnie Waterhouse, Tower Hamlets/North Tyneside/ Greenwich/ Cheshire/North Yorkshire Councils took a rather relaxed view of placing children in the care of a man who had a track record of violently assaulting them, molesting them and then demanding enhanced payment from Local Authorities in return for providing this service, the rest of the world didn’t and there was quite a hoo hah in the press following Roger Saint’s conviction and imprisonment. There was such a fuss that Blair’s newly elected Gov’t made a point of Taking Action. The man who Spoke Out was Paul Boateng, Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Health. Boateng had responsibility for social services and mental health and said regarding Saint: ‘…a truly horrific case. This new Gov’t will not tolerate a loophole in the law that allows Local Authorities to place children for foster care or adoption with convicted child abusers which happened in this case’.

‘A truly horrific case’ was Boateng’s opinion in 1997. But Boateng knew that something was very wrong in north Wales many, many years before he said that. Because before he was elected as MP for Brent South in 1987, Paul Boateng was a civil rights solicitor for Birnberg and Co and became a partner in the company. So he will definitely have known about a case that made legal history which was handled by Birnberg and Co whilst Boateng worked there – the case of Miss Mary Wynch. But let’s give Boateng the benefit of the doubt and accept that although he will have known that a lady from north Wales was illegally arrested, imprisoned and detained in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones after she complained about being swindled out of her inheritance by a ring of crooked solicitors, he may not have known that the North Wales Hospital was also being used to illegally bang up people who complained that they had been molested whilst in care in north Wales. (Although one wonders why Paul, a civil rights lawyer and Champ of the Common Man, committed to equality and diversity, never breathed a word about Mary’s case once he became an MP, never commented when the stuffing over of Mary received much media coverage and was the subject of an Early Day Motion in Parliament in the early 1990s and still remained silent when Mary was sent off into the sunset by Michael Howard’s Home Office, ruined, in 1995.) It is highly probable however that Paul knew that all was not well in terms of children in care in north Wales – and he most definitely knew that all was not well with children in care in London, some of whom were being sent to north Wales to live with people like Roger Saint.

In March 2016 the BBC revealed that a London police officer, Detective Inspector Clive Driscoll, in 1998 had been removed from an investigation that he was working on regarding the sexual abuse of children on an enormous scale whilst in the care of Lambeth Council. Driscoll was particularly interested in the activities of a paedophile called Michael John Carroll – usually known as John Carroll. Carroll had been the manager of Angell Road Children’s Home in Lambeth and was eventually jailed for ten years for sexual offences against children. Driscoll had identified five people whom he wanted to talk about regarding Carroll and one was Paul Boateng, who was then the Minister for Police in the Home Office. Driscoll made the mistake of attending a meeting with a group of social workers from Lambeth and named Boateng as someone whom he wanted to talk to. An internal Scotland Yard document that ‘Newsnight’ managed to obtain accused Driscoll of ‘serious indiscretions’ and referred to the ‘political sensitivities’ that resulted in his removal from Lambeth. Two people who gave information to Driscoll spoke to ‘Newsnight’ and suggested that Carroll and Boateng knew each other. Social worker Teresa Johnson who worked with Carroll at Angell Road said that she’d seen Boateng at the home on up to six occasions during the mid 80s. Another witness claimed to have seen Boateng during caravan holidays for children run by ACYC (Association of Combined Youth Clubs), of which Carroll was a member. The witness claimed that Carroll had boasted of his friendship with Boateng, believing that Boateng could ‘open doors’ for him. Boateng himself told the BBC that he had no recollection of going to Angell Road or meeting Carroll or visiting the ACYC during caravan holidays. Boateng stated that ‘as a campaigning youth justice lawyer in the 70s and 80s, I acted for many young people in care, met many of their social workers and visited many youth facilities…’ Ah, so he’ll have met the social workers who placed those children in north Wales and other settings where they were abused. Paul Boateng knew one social worker from Lambeth very well indeed – she was a lady called Janet and he married her in 1980. Janet appeared in the Telegraph in 2009 when it was claimed that the Foreign Office were investigating claims that she had bullied black members of domestic staff at the High Commissioner’s residence in South Africa – Boateng was appointed High Commissioner to South Africa in 2005 after he stood down as an MP.

All this surfaced in the media in 2016 because Judge Lowell Goddard, who had been appointed to Chair the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse, had stated that she was particularly interested in getting to the bottom of what had happened in Lambeth and wanted to examine ‘allegations that there was inappropriate interference in law enforcement investigations into the sexual abuse of children in the care of the Council’. Since then of course Lowell Goddard has resigned from her role as Chair of that Inquiry, stating that the Home Office were trying to force their own team of officials on her, which would not make it an independent inquiry. A group of former residents of children’s homes in Lambeth, the Shirley Oaks Survivors Association, walked out of the Inquiry for the same reason.

John Carroll is central to the child abuse investigation in Lambeth. At one point he said that he wanted to turn the Angell Road home into a centre to provide therapy for victims of child abuse – the police even sought advice from him when they investigated abuse in another home. In 1998 Carroll was arrested and one year later was convicted of 35 offences, including buggering young boys. There were 40 charges left on file. The offences were committed in Merseyside and London. Carroll was sentenced to ten years in prison and served five. But Carroll had been first convicted of indecent assault in 1966, against a 12 year old girl in his care at St Edmonds Orphanage, Wirral. He took up his post at Angell Road in 1978. In 1986 Carroll and his wife applied to Croydon Council in order to foster with a view to adopting two boys who’d holidayed with them in north Wales – his earlier conviction for indecent assault was uncovered, yet he was allowed to keep his job at Angell Road. In 1990 he was sacked by Lambeth Council after spending £300 on cigarettes and alcohol whilst the children ate out of date food. In Jan 1991 Carroll purchased the Hand Hotel in Chirk for £725,000 and also ran a small antique shop near Wrexham. I wonder how a jobbing paedophile working in a council run children’s home acquired that sort of money. (I also remember that one of the witnesses at the Waterhouse Tribunal told of how he was taken to Chirk and assaulted in a truly grim ordeal. Ronnie Waterhouse didn’t believe him.) Lambeth was one of the authorities sending children in their care to north Wales.

Boateng’s wife is not the only member of Boateng’s immediate family to attract bad media coverage. In 2011 his son Benjamin was found guilty of sexual assault and was sentenced to three years and ten months in prison and was put on the sex offenders register. It was then revealed that not long before he had been cautioned for sending a hostile text message to his former girlfriend and whilst the family were living in South Africa in 2006 Benjamin was cleared of accusations of the double rape of a teenager.

His knowledge of Mary Wynch’s case and his putative knowledge of John Carroll notwithstanding, I think that Boateng knew exactly how grim children’s services in London in the 80s were and I think that he has a very good reason for pretending that he knew nuzzling until Roger Saint was waved under his nose – apart from his wife being a social worker from Lambeth of course. Before he became an MP, Boateng was a Councillor with the GLC under Ken Livingstone – Boateng was Chair of the GLC’s Police Committee. Ken’s GLC did of course have it’s HQ and it’s powerbase in Lambeth. So Boateng was a Councillor in the organisation that was overseeing the bodies responsible for the kids who were being abused. Boateng was always considered to be on the hard left of the Labour Party until Kinnock became leader – and then Boateng’s political hue started changing… By the time he was a Minister in the Home Office under Home Secretary Jack Straw, Boateng took quite a firm line on law n order – after keeping quiet about all that wrongdoing in the children’s services and mental health services previously. Like many of his contemporaries in the GLC, Boateng was also involved with the NCCL, the National Council for Civil Liberties, which at one point allowed PIE to become affiliated to it – PIE being the organisation that campaigned to legalise sex between children and adults. Boateng was an executive member of the NCCL. Many other leading lights in New Labour were involved with NCCL, including Harriet Harman, Patricia Hewitt, Jack Dromey and Henry Hodge. When the NCCL’s links with PIE received media coverage some three years ago, Harriet et al became very vexed and tried to deny the connections. They couldn’t – PIE were affiliated to the NCCL and successfully managed to dupe idiots like Harriet into conflating homosexuality and paedophilia. (Some members of the Chester branch of the Campaign for Homosexual Equality, CHE, walked away because so many of the members were actually paedophiles, some of whom were employed in children’s homes in north Wales.) Recently, Shami Chakrabarti, who for years led ‘Liberty’, the name that NCCL later adopted, publicly spoke about paedophiles ‘infiltrating’ the NCCL. They didn’t infiltrate anywhere, they were quite open about their activities, it was just that Harriet et al were too thick and too busy playing identity politics to realise what PIE actually was all about. Interestingly enough, I have discovered that on one occasion when Peter Hain was still in the Young Liberals and was honorary Vice-President of CHE, he stated that ‘paedophilia is not a condition to be given a nod and a wink as a healthy fringe activity in society – it is a wholly undesirable abnormality requiring sensitive treatment’. If Peter Hain managed to work that out I wonder what was wrong with the rest of them. For more info on the NCCL and those who were involved in it, see post ‘The London Connection’.

Not that Boateng’s link with PIE hampered him – in 2000 Boateng was appointed Minister for Young People by Blair. But then Margaret Hodge was Minister for Children and she was leader of Islington Council when their children’s homes had been host to paedophile gangs.

On account of Paul being the first mixed race cabinet minister, his portrait hangs in that Hall of Lame – or indeed Shame – the collection of portraits of 21st century Parliamentarians.

Boateng was elevated to the House of Lords in 2010. When he was introduced to the House he was supported by Lord Ouseley and Lord Greville Janner. Greville is best known to me as the father of the dreadful Marion, who believes that she is a mental health campaigner and in this capacity travels around the UK visiting abusive facilities and complimenting the staff on their excellent work. Marion is sufficiently delicate as to need to be accompanied everywhere by her emotional support dog Buddy, even when she arrives in the Radio 4 studio to a toadying welcome from Claudia Hammond presenting the ‘All In The Mind’ programme. I know a lot of people who have suffered very badly at the hands of some whom Marion has supplied with free PR, but none of them have the luxury of an emotional support dog. However, most of the nation know Greville for something else – for being accused again and again of molesting children who were in care in the Leicester area. Despite the robust denials of Greville – and indeed his offspring (please see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’), it has now been admitted by the police and the CPS that there was enough evidence for Greville to have been charged years ago and were it not for inexplicable slip ups on the part of the DPP, he would have been. Sadly the slip ups continued at the hands of Alison Saunders, the latest occupier of that office. Greville was supposed to be at least facing a trial of the facts after some Top Doctors gave evidence that he wasn’t fit to stand trial, but more mysterious delays ensured that Greville was safely dead and buried before anyone ever got near a trial of the facts.

Boateng used his maiden speech in the Lords to highlight the needs of poor and disadvantaged children in both rural and urban areas. Like the kids from inner London who were shipped out to rural north Wales to join the kids there in being abused – shipped out by colleagues of Paul’s wife…

Paul is a Methodist lay preacher and in 1988 received the Dr Martin Luther King Jr Award from the Southern Christian Leadership Conference for his contribution to the field of civil rights. His contribution continues – he is a non-executive director of Aegis Defence Services, a ‘private security, military and risk management company’. Judging from it’s website, this is one of those companies that employs ‘security men’ who shoot poor people who have the misfortune to be living in dangerous parts of the world under oppressive regimes (the sort of regimes that Boateng’s former boss Blair now sells his ‘advice’ to). The Chairman of Aegis is Nicholas Soames (or as ‘Private Eye’ always calls him, Fatty Soames), former Tory Defence Minister, friend of Prince Charles, who told the media that Diana was mentally ill and in an advanced state of paranoia when she accused Charles of having an affair with Camilla. Fatty Soames has denied threatening Diana in the months before she died, telling her that accidents happen. I do hope that Fatty doesn’t own a white Fiat Uno, although if he does I doubt that he’d actually fit inside of it.

I have good friends who are Methodists and I don’t think that they would believe that being involved with Ageis would be a particularly Christian or neighbourly thing to be doing. But as Brown observed ‘people with an interest in human rights tend to end up giving advice to the violators rather than the victims, presumably because the former have most money’. Brown then claimed that Sylvester Stallone once said ‘ain’t nothing clean’. Perhaps I should incorporate that phrase into the title of this blog.

One of Paul’s former colleagues in Blair’s Gov’t could probably have helped Judge Lowell Goddard with her inquiries into the child abuse at Lambeth Council, if only Goddard hadn’t had a bellyful of the Home Office and returned to New Zealand. That is a former star of this blog, Tessa Jowell. Tessa has paddled in some very unpleasant ponds in her time. She was a child care officer in Lambeth between 1969-71 and a psychiatric social worker at the Maudsley Hospital between 1972-74. That’s the Maudsley where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones did a stint of ‘training’ under Dr Bob Hobson, before returning to north Wales to illegally imprison people who dared try to complain about the paedophile gang. The Maudsley that was still protecting Dafydd from the consequences of his criminal activities in 1991 (please see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Tessa was a Councillor in Camden between 1971-86 and was Chair of Camden’s Social Services Committee when she was 25 years old. I don’t think that meant she was Wonder Woman, I think it meant that someone was daft enough to appoint someone as Chair of the Committee who in no way had sufficient life experience for such as position. Between 1978-86 Tessa was Chairwoman of the Social Services Committee of the Association of Metropolitan Authorities. Those will have been the Metropolitan Authorities whose Social Service Depts were placing children in establishments staffed and run by paedophiles.

Between 1974-1986 Tessa was Assistant Director of MIND. So she will have worked with the Legal Director of MIND William Bingley. Who in the summer of 1987, told me that he knew all about Dafydd Alun Jones, that Jones was a ‘very charming psychopath’, that there had been five complaints about Jones to the GMC in one month including one involving a death and that the Mental Health Act Commission knew all about Jones as well but was ‘toothless’. When I contacted Bingley again a few weeks later and told him that Jones had now tried to bribe me and when that hadn’t worked had threatened to have me arrested and imprisoned unless I dropped my complaints about him, Bingley told me that such behaviour was ‘entirely characteristic’ of Jones. Bingley clearly wasn’t going to spring into action regarding Jones though, despite all the radical talk that was emanating from MIND at the time. A few days later I received a letter from William advising me not to go to north Wales at all. After leaving his post at MIND Bingley then took a job as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission. Which did of course continue to fail to challenge the abuses of the mental health services in north Wales. Guess who else was a member of the ‘toothless’ Mental Health Act Commission which colluded with Jones et al between 1985-90? Tessa! The MHA Commission may have been shite, it may have colluded with a man who was illegally imprisoning and sexually abusing his patients and concealing a paedophile ring that was operating in the social services dept of whom his mistress was Director, but it looked great on your CV!

MIND did something else interesting whilst Tessa was Assistant Director. In 1975 MIND organised a conference which was attended by a man called Keith Hose. Keith was Chairman of PIE and was busy campaigning to legalise sex between children and adults. Between 1975-76 Hose actively sought to increase the membership of PIE as much as possible and gain mass publicity to ensure that paedophilia ‘became a public issue’. It was suggested at the MIND conference in 1975 that PIE should submit evidence to the Home Office’s Criminal Law Revision Committee on the age of consent. PIE submitted a 17 page document in which it proposed that there should be no age of consent.

Tessa was a Governor of the National Institute of Social Work between 1985-97. That’s the National Institute of Social Work who’s Director of Education was Peter Righton, a convicted paedophile and founding member of PIE who used his position to publish material advocating sexual relationships between adults and children (see post ‘The Waterhouse Tribunal – Who Was Involved And What Happened To Them Subsequently?’).

Tessa was elected as Labour MP for Dulwich and West Norwood in 1992 and of course hit the big time under Blair’s Govt, becoming a member of the cabinet – she was also a member of Gordon Brown’s cabinet. She encountered a bit of difficulty when her husband David Mills, a friend of Silvio Berlusconi, was prosecuted in the Italian Courts for accepting a bribe from Berlusconi to give false evidence in corruption trials.  At that point Tessa publicly announced that they had split up, although people continued to spot them together looking like they were very good friends in places where Tessa thought that there might not be a media presence. Happily the relationship healed rapidly when David escaped prison on a technicality. You can read more about Tessa and David’s difficulties in my post ‘The London Connection’.

In 2012 Tessa became a Dame!

Tessa stood down from the Commons in 2015 and was elevated to the peerage in the 2015 dissolution honours. Luckily working in a vile institution with corrupt abusive psychiatrists or spending many years being involved with a number of other organisations that are colluding with, facilitating or concealing child sexual abuse is no barrier to a seat in the Lords. Tessa famously said on one occasion that she would jump under a bus for Tony Blair. With a CV like hers I’m surprised that no-one’s given her a push.

Just to finish, a brief word about a former colleague of both Tessa and Paul, dear old Diane Abbott. Diane has trodden a fairly similar path to that trodden by Tessa and Paul although she’s never actually aligned herself to the right of the Labour Party, simply remaining a hypocrite instead. Remember all that business of sending her son to a fee paying school after spending years maintaining that she completely opposed private education? Diane was also involved in a leadership contest at one point and stated that she was the outside candidate. She did claim that this was because she was a black, female, single parent, but a friend of mine observed cynically that it must have been because Diane had been to Cambridge whereas the others had been to Oxford. She did a stint at the NCCL between 1978-80 when PIE was affiliated to it and between 1985-86 was press officer at the GLC under Ken Livingstone. Between 1986-87 she was head of press and public relations at Lambeth Council – considering the slurry that is now pouring out in relation to that Council during that time, she either did a really brilliant job or there were so many of them involved that no-one was ever going to leak anything. Having watched and heard Diane in action many times on the TV and radio, I suspect that the latter was the case.

 

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.

 

 

 

 

Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…

This blog has previously touched on the way that ‘progressive’ causes such as ‘equality and diversity’ are ruthlessly manipulated by powerful people to close down complaint or debate about abuse in systems like the NHS and Social Services – a lot of Mike Claybrook’s comments on my posts discuss this. The blog has also constantly drawn attention to the various politicians in Wales who style themselves as ‘progressive’ and who keenly tweet their support for every worthy cause going yet who have remained strangely silent about the carnage in the north Wales mental health services.

The Guardian website is covering a story involving the Director of Public Prosecutions, Alison Saunders, who has become embroiled in a spat with a Judge Shorrock, after he wrote a letter to the Telegraph concerning witness testimony in rape and sexual assault trials. Saunders has accused Shorrock of ‘victim-blaming’ and peddling ‘rape myths’.

It would appear that this row was precipitated by a column written by Allison Pearson in the Daily Telegraph, in which she accused Saunders and Liz Truss, the Justice Secretary, of forming a ‘militant sisterhood’ because of their plans to ensure that alleged rape victims no longer have to endure live cross-examination in Court. Allison Pearson is a writer of bile in right-wing newspapers and is almost the living embodiment of the Private Eye’s imagined female columnist ‘Polly Filler’- Pearson’s writing usually involves an all-out attack on other women, usually women rather less privileged than her. Alison Saunders is probably delighted that Pearson has accused her of being a paid-up member of a ‘militant sisterhood’, Saunders would love people to believe that she is championing the cause of the oppressed, in this case victims of sexual assault. There are undoubtedly problems in sexual assault trials because by their very nature, no victim of an assault of that nature is ever going to want to stand up in open court and discuss it and this is frequently fully exploited by people accused of sexual assault or their legal representatives. On the other hand, being found guilty of serious sexual assault can result in a hefty prison sentence and it is not something that one wants to happen to someone who is not guilty. (Furthermore prisoners convicted of sex offences are frequently subjected to violent attacks from other inmates and their lives are often wrecked even after they have left prison.) So the system is left with a situation in which the defendant must be afforded a fair trial but the alleged victim spared as much distress as possible. In this instance, Saunders has gained much of kudos because a lot of people continue to be very concerned at the treatment of some witnesses in sexual assault trials. But how much of an underdog’s champ is Alison Saunders?

When Alison Saunders was first appointed as DPP there was a great rejoicing in certain quarters because she was only the second woman to have held the office, was the first DPP who was not a QC and was the first person to be appointed from within the Crown Prosecution Service. However Saunders’s time as DPP has been dogged by controversy.

There was much criticism of Saunders in the wake of the case of Eleanor de Freitas, who killed herself after the Crown Prosecution Service decided to take over a private prosecution brought against her by the man whom she had accused of rape. Eleanor was a very troubled young woman who had bipolar disorder. Saunders stated that the ‘evidence in this case was strong and having considered it in light of all of our knowledge and guidance on prosecuting sexual offences and allegedly false rape claims, it is clear there was sufficient evidence for a realistic prospect of conviction for perverting the course of justice’.

Saunders also came under fire from campaigners against assisted suicide when in 2014 she was alleged to have amended prosecution policy outside of the democratic process. She was taken to the High Court in 2015 by a campaigner who argued that Saunders’s amendment could pave the way for organisations like Dignitas to operate in the UK. The case against Saunders was dismissed…

However my ears really pricked up over the case of Lord Greville Janner, the former Labour MP from Leicester who for many years had been the subject of allegations that he sexually abused boys in care. Janner always denied this and maintained that he had been the subject of a smear by Frank Beck, a senior social worker in Leicestershire, whilst Beck was on trial himself for sexually abusing children in care – a witness at Beck’s trial also claimed that he’d been abused by Janner. Beck was later sentenced to seven life terms. The allegations against Janner did not go away and it was eventually revealed that the CPS had in fact had enough evidence to prosecute him many years ago but had failed to do so on a number of occasions. In April 2015 Saunders herself made the decision not to prosecute Janner on child sexual abuse charges despite his meeting the evidential test for prosecution. Saunders cited his poor health as the reason for not prosecuting Janner – although some of the medical evidence presented was challenged. In June 2015 Saunders’s decision not to prosecute Janner was overturned –  the decision marked the first time that a DDP has had a major prosecuting decision reviewed and overturned. Because Janner was deemed to be suffering from dementia and unfit to stand trial, it was announced that there would be a ‘trial of the facts’. Janner died before that happened. Since Janner’s death, many more people have made allegations that they were sexually abused by him and Leicestershire Police have placed the blame concerning the failure to prosecute him very firmly on the CPS. A number of the alleged victims of Janner have stated their intention to sue his estate. Janner’s family continue to maintain his innocence and his son, a barrister like Janner himself was, recently stated that the family will oppose attempts to sue his father’s estate. Janner’s daughter Marion is a mental health campaigner and is frequently wheeled out by Radio 4’s programme ‘All In The Mind’ as a ‘service user campaigner’. Much is made of the need for Marion to be accompanied at all times by her ’emotional support dog’ and indeed Marion, the dog and Greville used to make collective appearances until those sexual abuse allegations refused to disappear from the headlines. Marion launched a campaign entitled ‘Star Wards’, which seemed to involve complimenting dreadful services on their ‘care’ – indeed she managed to visit north east Wales a few years ago and noted the ‘excellent services’. Marion is now the proud possessor of an OBE. Oh well her dad netted a peerage…

After all that Janner business, there were calls for Saunders to resign. She didn’t.

There is another high profile female lawyer who also comes under attack from sections of the right-wing press for her alleged militant feminism and that is Vera Baird. Vera has a very impressive pedigree as far as feminist lawyers go. She was a colleague of Michael Mansfield’s, she acted for Greenham Common women, for striking miners in 1984-85 including for those involved in the Battle of Orgreave, for numerous women in domestic abuse and rape cases and worked with dear old MIND to make courts ‘more responsive’ to the needs of people with mental health problems. Vera is generally a very big name in terms of radical lawyers. Vera was elected as a Labour MP when Tony Blair was Prime Minister. She was eventually appointed as Solicitor General for England and Wales and her boss was Lord Falconer aka Charlie Falconer, Tony Blair’s former flatmate. Falconer had been appointed Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs by Blair in the wake of the abolition of the office of Lord Chancellor. The Secretary of State for Constitutional Affairs became the sponsoring Department for the Secretary of State for Wales.

One of New Labour’s achievements that Charlie – and Vera – really enjoyed boasting about was the Human Rights Act. The Human Rights Act they stressed gave people redress if they were, for example, in ‘care’ settings and were being treated with a lack of dignity, let alone being abused or neglected. But Charlie did something else that Vera supported which received much less publicity. They made it virtually impossible for anyone to gain access to the Legal Aid needed to bring a case under the Human Rights Act. Charlie Falconer touched my own life about ten years ago when he came to give a public lecture at Bangor University – he had been invited there by Betty Williams, the Labour MP for Aberconwy who had ignored many complaints from constituents about the abuses in the Hergest Unit. I was in the audience – and so were two local lawyers, both people who had represented many mental health patients. Charlie waxed lyrical about his achievements in Government, particularly the Human Rights Act, and gave a touching little theoretical example of an old lady who in a nursing home who was being left too long sitting upon a commode. She could now sue under the Human Rights Act thanks to New Labour! As we listened to this, I and the two lawyers all wanted to make the same point – that little old lady had effectively been prevented from suing the nursing home for anything unless she was very rich indeed, because you Charlie have just effectively abolished Legal Aid. Charlie finished his lecture – and Betty announced that Charlie would not be taking questions because he had another important appointment. I later found out that what Charlie actually did immediately after the lecture was to attend a drinks party with a select number of academics from Bangor who presumably had been invited on the grounds that they could be relied upon not to ask him any difficult questions. After Charlie’s visit to Bangor, the abuses at the Hergest Unit continued and some people died. No-one sued Hergest for anything under the Human Rights Act.

Charlie Falconer also worked very hard to amend procedures to make it easier for Government depts to refuse to release information in response to Freedom of Information requests. Indeed I have been refused access to documentation relating to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and the now defunct Mental Health Act Commission under clauses introduced by Charlie.

Vera, Charlie’s right hand woman, is now Dame Vera, on account of her services to ‘women and equalities’. Vera is now Police and Crime Commissioner for Northumberland. Unlike her situation when she was a Labour MP, Vera cannot now be voted out.

There are is another example of a female layer who also did very well for herself on the basis of her commitment to equalities and that was Constance Briscoe. Briscoe made much of being one of the few black women judges and achieved notoriety when she wrote a particularly grim misery memoir entitled ‘Ugly’, in which she detailed how she was horribly abused as a child by her mother and her stepfather, her mother memorably calling her ‘Miss Pissabed’. Briscoe’s misery memoir was featured in ‘Take A Break’ magazine which one would not have thought was standard reading for members of the judiciary – Briscoe was a recorder specialising in, among other things, children’s welfare and Mental Health Tribunals. Briscoe was a darling of the Daily Mail and was frequently featured in there discussing the enormous amount of cosmetic surgery to which she was subjecting herself on the grounds of her poor self-image that had resulted from her abusive childhood.

The tabloids and women’s magazines who lapped up Briscoe’s ‘inspirational’ story didn’t seem to notice that not only was all this rather unusual behaviour for a judge, but there were a few other worrying things happening around Briscoe. Her mother had come forward claiming that ‘Ugly’ was a pack of lies and that Briscoe had never been abused – her mother attempted to sue Briscoe for libel. Her mother lost, whereupon other members of Briscoe’s family then spoke to the media maintaining that Briscoe was indeed a liar and was abusing her position as a lawyer. However, abusive families sometimes do collude against any family member who exposes them and this was very much the line that the media took after Briscoe’s family went public. But then former colleagues of Briscoe’s who had worked with her at Mansfield’s  chambers – Briscoe had been given a pupillage by Mansfield, being a black female lawyer from a disadvantaged background – began to say some not very flattering things about her. Helena Kennedy was asked her opinion regarding her memories of working with Briscoe and was not half as rude as everyone else had been. Briscoe flattened her, making some very unpleasant comments regarding Kennedy’s attempts to look after the junior members of the chambers at that time. Then Briscoe became embroiled in yet another extraordinary court case. She maintained that she had been walking through London when a cab driver had yelled out of his window at her that she was a ‘black c***’. Briscoe jumped in the cab behind, pursued him through London, caught up with him, performed a citizen’s arrest and had him prosecuted. The cabbie protested his innocence but he lost the case – Briscoe was hailed as a heroine for her brave battle against racism and subsequently gave media interviews about the evils of a white man who couldn’t bear to see a black female judge. No-one pointed out the obvious – that it would be highly unlikely that a cabbie would actually have ever heard of Briscoe, yet alone recognised her. Furthermore, London is full of well-dressed professional black women, she wouldn’t have stood out at all. And if I know anything about traffic in central London, it is more than a little fortuitous that there just happened to be yet another cab available, just behind the alleged offender, for Briscoe to jump into in order to pursue and then apprehend him.

The next time that Briscoe hit the media it elicited rather less flattering headlines. In the wake of Chris Huhne and Vicky Pryce’s acrimonious marital breakdown, it was alleged that Briscoe, a friend and neighbour of Pryce, had perverted the course of justice in an attempt to ensure that Huhne was imprisoned. Briscoe was found guilty of lying to a police officer, lying in a police statement as well as providing a forged document and was jailed. The career that Miss Pissabed had built on the basis of her ‘inspirational’ fight for ‘equality’ ended. Vicky Pryce also went to prison but constructed herself as the female victim of her oppressive husband. Pryce was not a single mother on benefits, she was one of the country’s leading economists and an advisor to the UK Government. After serving her prison sentence she was soon back on the ‘Today’ programme, ‘Any Questions’ etc, such are the downtrodden.

The sort of ‘militant sisterhood’ displayed by the people whom I have written about above is about as genuine as the outbreak of feminism in Plaid recently, when Leanne and a few of her mates decided to shaft Neil McEvoy, for making a ‘bullying’ comment. At the time I understand that McEvoy was representing a woman who was in danger of being evicted.

Are these Sisters Doing It For Themselves or are these simply Sisters In It For Themselves?