Cottaging At Castle Gate

Previous posts have discussed Ron Davies – the former Labour MP for Caerphilly, 1983-01, Labour AM for Caerphilly, 1999-03 and Secretary of State for Wales, 1997-98 – and how Blair was just about to confirm that Ron would be First Secretary (First Minister) in the soon to be established National Assembly for Wales when Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie and had to resign as Secretary of State (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). No-one ever quite got to the bottom of what had happened between Ron and Boogie because Alastair Campbell and Blair micromanaged what was made public about the incident. A number of versions of events were in circulation, including claims that Ron had been discovered starkers, or wearing women’s clothes. It was said that Ron had been mugged – yet Boogie the alleged mugger was interviewed by the police and not charged with any offence.

Rhodri Morgan’s autobiography has quite a lot to say about Ron – Rhodri was a good mate of his. Rhodri claims that Boogie ‘forced’ Ron to go to a cash machine, but kept Ron’s car because Ron forgot his PIN. Rhodri claims that the Boogie business came as a complete shock to him and questioned whether Ron really was someone who would ‘strike up a conversation with a total stranger from the margins of society on the grass verge on the edge of Clapham Common and then agree to go for a meal later that night with the man and his friends’.

Although Rhodri claimed to be completely surprised regarding the Boogie incident, he makes a number of other comments which suggest that he should not have been in the least bit surprised by it.

Rhodri admits that he had heard rumours concerning Ron’s ‘other life’, including information that Ron was frequenting a Turkish bath in Newport. There was rather very much more than a vague rumour about a Turkish bath.

Rhodri tells us that Brian Radford, a journo for ‘The People’, had heard rumours that Ron had driven in a private car up the A 470 and stopped at a public bogs known as a gay meeting place. Furthermore, ‘gay Welsh Tories’ had told Neil Wooding – ‘a prominent gay Welsh Labour figure’ – that Ron was ‘cottaging at Castle Gate’. In the same way that Dafydd Wigley claimed not to know what a paedophile was whilst spending decades as the MP for a constituency in which a paedophile gang operated which was assisted by some members of Wigley’s own party – including Ioan Bowen Rees, one of Wigley’s advisors – who occupied offices just around the corner from Wigley’s constituency office (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’), Rhodri explained in his memoir that he didn’t know what cottaging was when he was first told that Ron was cottaging at Castle Gate.

So how did Rhodri discover what cottaging involved? A ‘Labour activist in Wrexham’ who worked as a medical secretary in Wrexham Maelor Hospital ‘where related issues’ were dealt with, one Lesley Griffiths, enlightened Rhodri. Lesley explained to Rhodri that cottaging was a term for casual sexual encounters between ‘predatory men’ which took place in public bogs. Lesley certainly knew all about it. Accordingly to Lesley, because the police regularly patrolled the bogs which were known to be used for cottaging purposes and shone torches under the doors in order to see if they could count two pairs of feet in a cubicle rather than just one, cottaging men busy in the cubicles would ensure that one of them stood in shopping bags placed on the floor. Thus the police would only spot two feet and some bags of shopping rather than four incriminating feet.

I am certainly impressed with Lesley Griffiths’ knowledge of cottaging. I didn’t know that about the shopping bags until I read Rhodri’s book. Neither did I realise that Lesley Griffiths’ work at Wrexham Maelor involved matters relating to cottaging men – I presumed that she just typed up letters concerning abdominal surgery or some such matter. In 2007, nearly ten years after Ron resigned over his liaison with Boogie, Lesley Griffiths was elected as the AM for Wrexham.

In 2011 Griffiths was promoted to the position of Health Minister and what a bloody wet blanket she was. My post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ describes how dismal Griffiths’ performance was and how she ignored correspondence from me regarding the harassment and threats that I was receiving from the paedophiles’ friends employed in the north Wales NHS. Griffiths was in post when I had to flee north west Wales after I received a midnight visitor – who was seen off by my dog – and after cars were driven carelessly in my direction at a high speed on a number of occasions. Then there was the incident when someone who had provided a statement about the harassment of me by senior managers of the NW Wales NHS Trust was threatened by a policeman with a gun. A few days later I was trailed through Cricieth and beyond by the same policeman with a gun…

None of this should surprise us. Whilst Lesley was busy being ‘a Labour activist’ she was a Wrexham Councillor. The Wrexham Councillors – with the noble exception of Malcolm King – completely ignored the activities of the paedophile gang on their doorstep. The victims of that paedophile gang were being taken to local GPs and Wrexham Maelor Hospital with non-accidental injuries that were never investigated. One boy with anal injuries was told that he had ‘piles’.

Lesley – if you knew about the intricacies of cottaging and you worked in a dept in the Maelor which dealt with ‘related matters’, presumably you would have been fully aware that teenaged boys don’t tend to have piles and that piles don’t result in anal injury. Although serious sexual assault does. How was it that you knew about the shopping bags but not about the paedophile ring, whereas I – who have never worked in Wrexham Maelor dealing with cottaging-related matters – knew about the paedophile gang on your patch, but not the shopping bags?

Lesley Griffith grew up near Wrexham and has spent her whole life there. How she missed that paedophile gang or the criminal Top Doctors and social workers who have surrounded her for her entire existence I do not know.

I’m not an aficionado like Lesley, but I knew back in 1984 that cottaging was going on in Bangor and furthermore that the particular brand of cottaging happening in the notorious Garth Road public conveniences did not involve consenting adult Ron Davies’s, but rather the propositioning of boys as young as eight by older men. The problem was so bad that a lady magistrate – I can’t remember her name – spoke about it to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’. She observed that it was outrageous that this was going on and she even gave a description of ‘the man in a flashy car’ who had been seen loitering around the bogs in question. The lady magistrate was particularly critical of the police whom she maintained were wilfully ignoring what was happening.

The reason why the business of the molesters in Garth Road public toilets being allowed to go about their business unhindered caused such uproar in Bangor was that Garth Road public toilets were situated directly opposite Bangor Police Station (the Police Station in Bangor relocated more recently). The police could have just looked out of their front window if they wanted to keep an eye on Garth Road public toilets.

Considering how serious the problem was, the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ paid remarkably little attention to it – they reported the concerns of that magistrate and then never returned to the subject. But then the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an interesting choice of articles. There was a vicious paedophile ring associated with serious organised crime operating in the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor but never a word was published about it. There was bugger all coverage of the matter even when the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking place.

What the Bangor and Anglesey did publish however was articles in praise of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – particularly in 1993-95 when Dafydd had become too embarrassing even for the NHS in north Wales and there was pressure on him to retire, pressure that he was doing all that he could to resist (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). The ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ entertained the patients of the Hergest Unit by repeatedly describing Dafydd as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. Dafydd was not even a forensic psychiatrist let alone Europe’s leading. The Mail also waxed lyrical about the excellent forward thinking North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which according to Dafydd’s interviews with the journos was ‘unique’. Which I suppose was true, mental health care was and still is near-universally appalling in the UK but as far as I know Denbigh was the only institution with a dungeon for the unlawful imprisonment of the victims of a sex trafficking gang.

When I perused my medical files I discovered that the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an even cosier relationship with Dafydd than I realised. In 1988 a friend of mine who had experienced the joys of Dafydd’s idiocy and pomposity thought that it would be entertaining if we sent a completely mad letter to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ under Dafydd’s name, repeating his expressions and his crazy ideas to see if they would publish it. Our letter was remarkably similar to the nonsense that Dafydd came out with when he addressed the Welsh Baptist Union in 1971 and told them that learning Bible verses in Welsh when one is a child can protect against a ‘serious moral collapse’ (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’). We sent the letter off to the Editor but to our disappointment it was not published.

Many years later I found a photocopy of our letter in my medical files. It was attached to a compliments slip from the ‘North Wales Weekly News’ (the larger sister paper of the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’) along with a note saying ‘The attached letter was sent to the Bangor and Anglesey Mail purporting to come from Dr DA Jones. He has asked me to pass it onto you.’ The note was signed ‘Penny Bosworth, reporter’ and Penny had helpfully provided everyone with her phone number – 362747 – should any of the paedophiles’ friends wish to get in touch.

As the comedian Mrs Merton would say, ‘so Penny Bosworth, how did you become so friendly with a man who was running a sex trafficking ring?’

Someone at the Mail obviously did believe that the letter was from Dafydd because it had been prepared for publication – the photocopy showed up the marks that newspaper editors make on pieces before the edition goes off to be printed. I have no idea who on the Mail realised that the letter was too crazy to even be from Dafydd and called in Dafydd’s mate Penny Bosworth.

Our spoof letter was not the only extract from the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ that turned up in my medical records. In 1996 the mental health services manager for north west Wales, Alun Davies, in collaboration with the paedophiles’ friends at even higher levels in the NHS than him, was well on the way to closing down the day centre at the Hergest Unit. The day centre was the only bit of the mental health services in north west Wales which actually worked and was very popular with the patients. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team were abusive and threatened to assault patients in their own homes, the Top Doctors were all mad and constantly had patients arrested for bizarre and trivial reasons, most of the best staff had left the wards as the Unit had gone further and further downhill at the hands of Alun Davies, but the day centre had a number of friendly, more competent staff and was also a place where a lot of patients who were isolated and living in poverty could meet their friends and socialise.

In true ‘service user involvement’ style, the patients were told that the day centre was ‘under review’ and that they were to be ‘consulted’ about the closure. The patients were horrified to hear of the plans to close the day centre and all voted to keep it open. Because the patients had voted the wrong way, more votes and focus groups were held and the patients were told that the day centre was very bad for them and furthermore that it was ‘old fashioned’. The patients continued to vote in favour of the day centre. Then an auditor was sent in – that was a real scream, because the auditor also came up with the wrong answer. He concluded that the day centre was providing an excellent service.

Then individual interviews were held and patients were directly asked why they insisted upon attending the day centre instead of making appointments to see the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Patients responded with comments such as ‘because one of them said that he would hit me’ but that wasn’t recorded. Instead it was recorded that patients were ‘misusing’ the NHS by visiting the day centre in order to access the coffee facilities and lunches. That was true for some patients, but what wasn’t recorded was that numerous patients were living in such poverty that they couldn’t afford sufficient food. This was because the Arfon Team and Top Doctors had not told most patients about their entitlement to disability benefits, so many patients were living at sub-benefit levels. The day centre staff knew about this, as did the occupational therapy team – but they were told that helping with benefits advice was not their remit.

It is worth noting here on what grounds the Arfon Team and Top Docs refused to help patients with benefit claims or indeed housing. People were refused help if they ‘had upset people’. I and other patients noticed that the patients who were said to have ‘upset people’ were those who had complained about Dafydd and the paedophiles. As one patient said to me more recently ‘so I upset a gang of paedophiles 20 years ago and now I can’t get the help to which I am legally entitled’.

That was the sum of it. The day centre staff had a policy of supplying biscuits and milk and coffee for the patients because they knew that many of them didn’t have those things at home and I know at least two of the occupational therapists brought in old clothes and bits and pieces from their homes in order to supply patients with basics. Patients were also having their teeth extracted when they had toothache because extractions were cheaper than fillings.

‘Oooh it’s never been this bad in the NHS, it’s Carwyn’s cuts’. No it’s not, it’s the bloody paedophile gang wreaking havoc. Retired nurses from Denbigh had yachts moored off Anglesey and second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’), Dafydd was reputed to be a millionaire but the patients couldn’t afford food and toothpaste.

Then Alun Davies announced that the free bus travel which most of the patients relied upon to get to the day centre would be withdrawn. So only the four or five financially well off patients with cars and those within walking distance of the day centre could actually get there. Attendance dropped from over 200 during the week to less than 30.

Alun Davies announced that after ‘extensive consultation with the service users’ it was clear that the day centre was ‘under used’ and that it would therefore be closing. Davies then tried to sack one of the occupational therapists who had been bringing old clothes in to help the patients who couldn’t afford clothes.

Before the day centre closed its doors – the day centre was turned into offices, which is what hospitals should be used for of course – I and other patients wrote letters to newspapers, MPs etc.

In my medical records, the copies of the letters that I wrote to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ in defence of the day centre are lovingly preserved.

 

After the day centre closed down a number of patients became destitute and others were found dead. So many people died that one of my friends started referring to the National Holocaust Service. Other patients just went off the radar and disappeared.

The attack on the day centre began in about 1995. Just as the demands for an investigation into the possibility that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales could no longer be ignored. By the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, support – and indeed basic medical care – was being withdrawn from many mental health patients. Before Ronnie Waterhouse had completed that Report the day centre had closed and en masse destitution and deaths had begun.

After the old fashioned day centre was shut down, there was an increased investment in ‘other community services more appropriate to patients needs’. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team blossomed and there were even more of them employed to threaten patients, have them arrested and refuse to provide any services to patients who had upset people. A room above a disused pub in Caernarfon was opened on a Tuesday as a ‘community facility’ for patients in Gwynedd. The room wasn’t heated and there was no coffee provided, so a farmer’s wife from near Caernarfon – who was appalled at what was happening to patients – volunteered to go in every Tuesday and cook a communal meal.  She provided the ingredients herself. There was transport provided though – a minibus did a journey through the hill villages and picked up the few people who fancied spending a Tuesday in a freezing cold room above the disused pub.

The farmer’s wife told me that one week an old man from Penygroes who was in a very bad way was loaded onto the minibus by the driver. The old man had just put his clothes on over his pyjamas, he hadn’t eaten, washed, shaved etc for days and once he got to the room above the disused pub, he just sat there all day unmoving and also wet himself. The farmer’s wife observed that if that had been one of your relatives you’d have taken them straight to A&E. But no-one did, the minibus driver loaded the old man back onto the bus at the end of the day and took him back to Penygroes. The old man wasn’t at the disused pub the next week – he had been found dead in his house.

When I told Brown about this, Brown observed that the North West Wales NHS Trust operated on the same principle as the Nazis did when they transported people to the concentration camps – they counted the bodies onto the trains and counted them again at the other end but didn’t bother to note if anyone had died during the journey.

Alun Davies might as well have installed a gas chamber for the Hergest patients. Davies told so many bloody lies that no-one would have noticed if he had invited people to go into the showers but something other than water was coming out.

 

It was repeatedly alleged that the North Wales Police colluded with the paedophile gang operating in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, 1982-94 – David Owen  – flatly refused to co-operate with the first major investigation into the possible existence of a paedophile gang in the region. I have mentioned previously that one of the police officers who was constantly ordered by the mental health services to arrest me was Sgt Tim Evans. I was told by a third party that Sgt Evans made it clear that he thought that the whole situation was farcical and was asking why a hospital full of highly paid consultants were summoning the police on an almost daily basis to ‘deal with’ patients who had simply complained – I was one of the highest profile people in this position. At one point Sgt Evans refused to arrest me and I understand that he told the paedophiles’ friends that I had rights too and he just couldn’t arrest me when I had broken absolutely no law.

In response to Tim Evans refusing to wrongfully arrest me, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) wrote to Chief Constable David Owen and complained about Tim Evans. Francis stressed that Tim Evans and his colleagues were merely a bunch of uneducated plods but that the Top Doctors were Experts and knew how dangerous I was. Tim subsequently turned up at my place on every occasion after a ludicrous complaint was made about me to haul me off to the police station, although he did apologise for this, explaining that if he did not do it he was going to be disciplined and could be sacked.

Tim Evans undoubtedly knew what the paedophiles’ friends were up to – he had lived opposite Mary Wynch in Caernarfon for a start and he knew what had happened there (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). I presume that he was one of the many police officers who knew how bad the criminality was but it was prevalent at such a high level in the North Wales Police that he was unable to challenge it.

Sgt Evans may well have been right to have been worried. In the summer of 1987 Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station stuck his neck out to protect me in the face of the grand plan of Dafydd et al to frame and imprison me for ‘trying to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). Alun Davies bellowed at me that ‘we’ll be making a complaint about him’. A few months later Sgt Morgan was prosecuted for indecently assaulting a teenaged girl in Bangor Police Station and was sacked. That must have been the first time in the history of north Wales that the word of a 14 year old girl under arrest had been taken above that of a police officer. The indecent assault constituted Sgt Morgan putting his hand in the back pocket of the girl’s jeans whilst searching her – interestingly enough Sgt Morgan claimed to be searching for condoms.

Now Sgt Morgan may well have done what he was accused of doing. Sgt Morgan was famously obsessed with sex and did enjoy discussing it with people under arrest. However, Sgt Morgan’s ‘indecent assault’ on the girl occurred at a time when Dafydd was unlawfully imprisoning people who had suffered serious sexual assault in the dungeon at the North Wales Hospital. Why was Sgt Morgan held to account in a way in which no-one else was? Furthermore victims of the paedophile gang were regularly fitted up for serious offences. Interestingly enough, Jeff Crowther, a psychiatric nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, seemed to know that Sgt Morgan was going to be found guilty before Sgt Morgan’s trial had taken place.

Sgt Morgan seems to be in the same category as John Grant Jones, the former Clerk to the Magistrates in Bangor, who after a career at the heart of the paedophiles and their friends, was prosecuted for fiddling his pension entitlements and was sacked in 2005 and stripped of his OBE. By the time that the Dept of Constitutional Affairs sacked John Grant Jones, he had become the Justices’ Committee Chief Executive.

I remember John Grant Jones very well, he was rather nicer to the defendants in Bangor Magistrates Court than many other people were and he knew that people were being framed by Dafydd et al. Even if he did fiddle his pension, fiddling the pension really does pale into insignificance in comparison to what else was happening in the criminal justice system in north Wales. John Grant Jones was the first person to be stripped of his OBE in north Wales. All the corrupt senior police officers, NHS managers and Top Docs are still in possession of their gongs, even Elfed Roberts who decided that he was going to leave the North Wales Police when it was noticed that he seemed to be very wealthy and leading a gold-plated existence for a policeman. The Elfed whom I was told was known to be ‘corrupt’ back in the 1970s when he was still just a sergeant in Llangefni.

So who was Lord Chancellor – the person who presided over the Dept for Constitutional Affairs – when Jones Grant Jones was stuffed over yet the paedophiles’ friends were allowed to hang onto their jobs and gongs? It was Charlie Falconer.

Spit it out Charlie – what did John Grant Jones know about who that resulted in him being shot at dawn?

 

Chief Constable David Owen was President of the ACPO in 1990. He came from Gwynedd – he was the son of a police sergeant himself – but served with the Metropolitan Police, Lincolnshire Police, the Merseyside and Dorset forces before returning to North Wales.

Michael Argent succeeded David Owen as Chief Constable of North Wales. Argent didn’t refuse to investigate the organised abuse of children in north Wales, but he refused to allow another Chief Constable to oversee the investigation, although by then part of the remit was to investigate the North Wales Police themselves after allegations had been made that police officers were abusing children.

Former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea received the full support of the Police Federation throughout the years that he was accused of abusing children in care and even after he was convicted and imprisoned in 2016. Anglesea died in prison and at the time of his death was planning an appeal. The Police Federation were supporting him and there had been offers from barristers to represent Anglesea free of charge. The Police Federation turned up in force at Anglesea’s funeral to give him a good send off.

There are quite a few references in my medical records to police who were very obviously colluding with wrongdoing on the part of the paedophiles’ friends. There are of course the references to Superintendent Roberts from Bangor Police Station and the ‘deal’ that he had with Dafydd to wrongfully arrest me, unlawfully deliver me to Bryn Golau – the locked ward – at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where the nurses were instructed not to let me out by Dr Neil Davies. The nurses told Neil Davies that they were very unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’ because it was illegal, but Neil Davies explained to them that they weren’t guilty because the deal was between Superintendent Roberts and the Top Doctors – all the nurses had to do was to refuse to let me go (see post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’).

There are a number of references to a Chief Inspector Parry of Bangor Police Station who seems to have been very accommodating with regard to the paedophiles’ friends in 1988. In 1988 I was living in Surrey and working at the University of Surrey as a member of the cancer research team led by Professor Vincent Marks, who’s brother John Marks was Chairman of the BMA at the time. The shenanigans behind the scenes – including the plagiarism of my work which was then published by Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University Medical School of whom I had never heard until the other day and the involvement of a colleague of Dr Tony Francis’s in a scandal which resulted in a member of a related cancer research team being found dead – are described in my posts ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’, ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’.

I was continuing to write to the NHS in north Wales requesting that my complaints should be investigated. I received no replies other than threats to prosecute me on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ people by my letters and demands that I stop writing to them.

A letter dated 24 Aug 1988 from Dr AH Chadwick of the BMA’s Welsh Office in Cardiff to Dr DJC Davies, the Chief Medical Administrative Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, refers to their meeting in DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988 and expresses ‘extreme concern’ about my ‘antics’. My antics being those letters of complaint which detailed the serious criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Chadwick wrote that ‘today I have been requested by the four BMA consultant psychiatrists for urgent assistance’ and that he has now received ‘further alarming reports’ about me. The ‘four BMA consultant psychiatrists’ are the paedophiles’ friends Tony Francis, his wife Sadie Francis, Dr M. Devakumar and Dafydd.

On 2 Sep 1988 PM Rees, an administrator for Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote to Chadwick, referring to Chadwick’s letter of 24 Aug 1988 to Dr DJC Davies, regarding plans to arrange a meeting between the psychiatrists, the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, ‘solicitor to the Welsh Health Authorities’ and a representative of the North Wales Police.

On 14 Sept 1988 a letter from PM Rees to Devakumar explained that ‘as requested through the BMA’, a meeting had been arranged with Chief Inspector Parry to discuss me.

A document dated 21/9/88 constitutes the notes made after a meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd held on 16 Sept 1988 ‘to discuss the action to be taken’ regarding the ‘problems’ posed by me. The usual suspects attended the meeting – a collection of Top Docs, senior Angels and managers who have featured previously on this blog – as did Chief Inspector Parry. Parry confirmed at the meeting that at Bangor Magistrates Court in Nov 1987 I was given a conditional discharge and bound over for a year. That was the result of an attempt by Dafydd to have me prosecuted for assaulting a doctor. It subsequently became clear that I hadn’t assaulted anyone – I had however shouted at a doctor. The doctor concerned had been involved in threatening me and illegally detaining me at Ysbyty Gwynedd earlier that year (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’) and of course my requests for an investigation had been ignored.  After the assault case collapsed, the paedophiles’ friends had me prosecuted for breach of the peace. Parry explained to the meeting that ‘any threatening behaviour during this period could result in her retrial for the original offence’.

Obviously there had been no ‘threatening behaviour’ from me because I had not been retried.

Another document in my medical records simply entitled ‘Gwynedd Health Authority’ records that Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd of the North Wales Police attended a meeting about me on 14 Oct 1988 with Andrew Park and usual suspects. A new name joined the usual suspects – Mr G. Palmer, Chief Administrative Nursing Officer. At this meeting Tony Francis informed everyone about the injunction that he had taken out against me, on the basis of him perjuring himself and giving an account of all those assaults which it was later admitted by Andrew Park and Francis’s own lawyers Hempsons that I had not committed. Dafydd told the meeting that he was not prepared to take out an injunction against me. In 1994 Dafydd changed his mind and obtained an injunction in the High Court in Liverpool after discussing his anus in court and the threats made by another person to stick a hand-grenade up his bum, which according to Dafydd was all my fault (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). I will be blogging more about Dafydd and his injunction soon.

Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd told the meeting that my conditional discharge imposed by Bangor Magistrates would run out on 10 Nov 1988. The note stated that the ‘Malicious Communications Act was coming into force on 29 Sept 1989’ and it was agreed to refer any mail sent by me to after that date to members of staff which contained ‘malicious communications’ to the police with a view to prosecuting me under this legislation.

There was never any attempt to prosecute me under the Malicious Communications Act so presumably my communications weren’t malicious enough. However I am curious about the use of the tense in the letter ie. that the Act ‘was coming into force’. This suggests that the document was written before the Act came into force – but the note claims to be an account of a meeting held AFTER the Act had come into force. There are no signatures on this document and I am wondering if it is yet another document which was not compiled when, or recording what, it claimed. I have a number of such documents in my possession – many of them dated during 1988 or 1989. I believe that they were forged or at the very least were backdated and written long after the date would suggest (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). Many of these documents were allegedly written by Alun Davies and were letters to the Welsh Office regarding my complaints. The dates are inconsistent, none of the letters are signed and there are other errors in the letters which suggest that they were written by someone at a much later date to cover the arse of the north Wales NHS. I will be blogging more about them soon.

My medical records contain an internal memo dated 8 Nov 1988 to Alun Davies from Tony Francis complaining that my letters have not been forwarded to the police. Francis demands that this is done and also says that he’s made a statement to the police and forwarded a letter to the administrators to give to the police. The memo states that it was dictated but not signed by Tony Francis.

There is an undated letter from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry saying that Davies is sending Parry a letter that I had written to Dafydd.

My suspicions that there was a great deal of forgery going on are confirmed by a note dated 24 Nov 1988  explaining that Andrew Park has amended an account of a meeting ‘as arranged’. This was not Park redrafting a lawyer’s letter – this was Park making up what happened in a meeting in which the homicidal maniac that was me was being discussed. A meeting attended by a senior police officer. What ever would be wrong with providing a fictitious account of that meeting?

It will have been very clear to Chief Inspectors Parry and Lloyd that in spite of the florid allegations that were made about my ‘antics’ constantly, there was no evidence that I was doing anything other than writing very angry letters detailing criminal activity and asking for an investigation. Furthermore there had been a number of incidents in which the paedophiles’ friends had been demonstrated to have perjured themselves in their attempts to have me charged yet no questions had been asked about them lying to the police. By the time that Parry and Lloyd were attending these meetings about me, Dafydd had been sued by Mary Wynch and the case had been reported in the London-based press and Alison Taylor had blown the whistle on the abuse of children in care in Gwynedd and had been sacked from her job by Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes.

Whilst the Chief Inspectors attended meetings with the paedophiles’ friends, Alun Davies had recorded a conversation with me without my knowledge in which the fat idiot had tried to entrap me, without success. There is a transcript of the call in my files, with Davies asking me ‘ooh what are you planning to do to us then’, obviously hoping I was going to fly off the handle and explain how I would be decapitating and dismembering them all in the near future.

There  are other references to other obliging police officers in my files.

On 13 Oct 1990, Mr D. Hinchcliffe, the general administrator of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, wrote to the policeman at Denbigh Police Station, Mr Bob Rowlands, about my ‘harassment’ of them all. Mr Hinchcliffe was obviously on good terms with Mr Rowlands because the letter begins ‘Dear Bob’. Mr Hinchliffe mentions a previous letter of his about me which he sent to Bob on 25 Sept 1995, but my files don’t have a copy of that one. I wonder why? Hinchliffe’s letter to Bob was CC’d to Dafydd, D. Griffiths and Janice Davies. D. Griffiths was a general administrator at Clwyd Health Authority who had a solid track record of refusing to reply to my letters detailing the criminal activities of Janice Davies – Dafydd’s Nurse Ratched on Bryn Golau Ward.

 

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to the MDU, 192 Altrincham Road, Sharston, Manchester about me. His refers to his previous letters about me behaving an a ‘menacing and intrusive way’. He accuses me of throwing a rock through a glass door at his house on Anglesey. Not that Dafydd had any evidence at all that I did this. Indeed Dafydd isn’t quite sure when the rock was thrown because he wasn’t actually in his house when it happened. Dafydd explains that he ‘was away’ but ‘two person were sleeping in the house and found the rock and broken glass door in the morning’. Dafydd thinks that the rock was thrown through the door ‘at probably about 3 am’. How the hell did he managed to time if if he wasn’t there and the only two people who were, were slumbering – did one of them at least not wake up when the rock came flying through the door????. Oh – Dafydd had a dog as well, a drug dealer’s dog, a Doberman who tried to attack the police on one occasion. Didn’t the dog bark? As for knowing that it was me who threw the rock – of course he knew that it was, because as Dafydd tells the MDU lawyers Hempsons ‘I can conceive of no other person likely to have done this’.

Dafydd was running a sex trafficking ring who dealt in drugs and child porn, I can conceive of a great many people who might have chucked the rock. If indeed a rock had ever been chucked. Dafydd noticeably provides no evidence whatever – no photos, no statements from the two persons who were sleeping in the house, not a sausage. He did tell the MDU that I was charged with assault on a junior doctor but he forgot to add that the charges were dropped when the junior doctor admitted that I hadn’t assaulted him after all.

Dafydd also says in his letter that a psychiatrist ‘whose name escapes me at the moment but which can be retrieved’ stated that I would ‘very likely end in a secure ward for the criminally insane’.

Yes Dafydd, because you, Tony Francis, Dr Chris Hunter and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends were constantly trying to fit me up after carrying out secret assessments on me which concluded with recommendations that I should be sent to a high security hospital because I was criminally insane…

Dafydd mentions one such incident – ‘I can recall an occasion when forensic psychiatrists attended a conference discussing the possible risks and possible management’. Would that have been the conference held by Dafydd’s mate Dr Chris Hunter – of whom I had never even heard at the time – who held a conference about me after Tony Francis and Dafydd asked him to? A conference that was held without my knowledge in north Wales – whilst I was working in a London medical school. A conference which was attended solely by paedophiles’ friends, many of whom had never met me (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’).

There is no solid evidence amongst any of this garbage – if the name of the person who made the splendid comments about me ending in a ward for the criminally insane ‘can be retrieved’, why wasn’t it retrieved before Dafydd wrote this letter? Or indeed since?

The name of that particular person wasn’t retrieved, but a whole list of other names was. Dafydd had back up! He told the MDU that they had his permission to approach: Avril Davies, the Mental Health Act Administrator at the Hergest Unit; Alun Davies; Tony and Sadie Francis; Hugh Thomas Pierce; Mrs Janice Glass; DC S.A. Owen ‘who has now become extensively involved in this matter’.

Avril Davies and the Francis’s were paedophiles’ friends. I have no idea who Hugh Thomas Pierce is. Janice Glass was one of Dafydd’s servants at his house, but I’ve never met her. And I did not even know of the existence of DC Owen, although he/she had become ‘extensively involved in this matter’.

I only heard about me throwing a rock through Dafydd’s door at 3 am some time after I’d done it, when a nurse at the Hergest Unit told me what I’d done. Which is just as well – DC Owen or indeed any other police officer hadn’t interviewed me about my crime, so if that helpful nurse hadn’t have let me known that I’d been over at Dafydd’s in the small hours chucking rocks through his door, I’d have been blissfully unaware of my crimes.

Dafydd worked as an expert medical witness. This is a man who had people banged up in Ashworth and Broadmoor for the rest of their lives on the basis of his ‘evidence’.

Much more recently in 2009 DC Steve Power was involved in yet another attempt to frame me on the part of the North West Wales NHS Trust – after a previous attempt had fallen apart (see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). When my lawyer had Steve bang to rights in the police station, Steve announced that he would be taking this matter no further because he was retiring in a matter of days. I recognised Steve Power when he interviewed me in 2009. I had met him about four years previously, after I made a complaint to the police about being assaulted by staff in the Hergest Unit. I was locked in a room and prevented from reporting the assault when it happened, so after I got out of the Hergest Unit I wrote to the North Wales Police. I received a letter back with an appointment to discuss the matter at Caernafon Police Station. I turned up for the appointment only to be told by the police officer on duty that ‘another matter’ had arisen, so he was unable to see me. He told me that he would send me another appointment. I never heard another word. The officer was DC Steve Power.

 

Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of the children in care in north Wales had a great deal of trouble with the North Wales Police. The two North Wales Police officers who’s names are usually heard in relation to the investigations into the abuse of children in care after Alison blew the whistle are Detective Superintendent Peter Ackerley and Detective Chief Superintendent Gwynne Owen. Alison’s concerns were rubbished and she was accused of fabricating multiple abuse allegations, including allegations against former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea and manipulating children into making false accusations.

I too was accused of ‘manipulating’ and ‘encouraging’ people to complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. It never seemed to occur to the paedophiles’ friends that their conduct was so dreadful that when it was witnessed by people other than kids in care or psych patients – who had become very used to being routinely abused – people were horrified. They didn’t need to be ‘encouraged’ or ‘manipulated’ by me to complain.

The conduct of the North Wales Police over many years left a great deal to be desired.

I have found out that former Detective Constable Jo Bott was interviewed during the 1991-93 investigation into child abuse in north Wales. Bott repeatedly took refuge by answering ‘no comment’. Well there’s a turn up for the books – because when I witnessed Jo in action in 1993 when she was a key mover and shaker in false accusations that a new father was a danger to his baby whilst two people who had sexually and physically abused children were afforded full protection by Bott, Bott had a great deal to say. In fact Jo was ever so friendly and chatty as she extracted information from a new parent who trusted her. When Jo returned to see that man a few weeks later, having used the information that he provided about the abuse of at least FOUR children to protect the abusers and frame an innocent person, Jo still had a bit more to say – only this time, what she had to say was rather unpleasant and threatening as opposed to friendly and chatty (see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’).

Come on Jo, tell us what you know about who had it in for the other completely innocent and good father involved in it all as well, Martin – who was found dead at a most convenient time for you and the paedophiles’ friends…

The 1991-93 North Wales Police investigation into child abuse recommended that Gordon Anglesea should be prosecuted. Not only was he not prosecuted until many, many years later, but this information was concealed. It only became public in 1997 when Gerard Elias QC revealed it at the Waterhouse Inquiry.

It is thought that the Police Federation backed Gordon Anglesea’s libel case against HTV Wales, Private Eye, The Indie on Sunday and The Observer, which Anglesea won in 1994 (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). North Wales Police officers attended Anglesea’s libel hearing and they knew that information was being witheld ie. that there had been a recommendation that Anglesea should be prosecuted.

 

In 2005 the ‘investigative journalist’ Richard Webster published a book called ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. Webster’s book was principally a vehicle for trashing the reputation of Alison Taylor. His theory was that the secret of Bryn Estyn was that there was no serious abuse there, that it was just another bog standard mediocre children’s home.

I cannot understand why Webster ever took an interest in Bryn Estyn. He had no connections with Wales and when he planned and wrote the book he was based in Suffolk. He contacted people in north Wales telling them that he was writing a book on institutional child abuse in 1996 but BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced.

Webster’s volume is substantial, but it is clear to anyone from north Wales that Webster either had no idea of what was going on or that for some reason he had been sent to assist the paedophiles’ friends. No-one could have lived in north Wales for any length of time over the last few decades and not have noticed that the health and welfare services were and still are truly dreadful. This escaped Webster. He also concluded that Lucille Hughes paying a special visit in person to interview a kid who had alleged that he had been abused was a sign of Lucille’s concern and conscientiousness. This was Lucille bloody Hughes – she probably went out to see the boy to threaten him at gun point, Lucille was not a nice person.

No-one seems to know who funded Webster whilst he ‘researched’ and wrote his book. He made many visits to north Wales and stayed there for substantial lengths of time. Furthermore Webster enjoyed a very cosy relationship with certain people in the North Wales Police.

Some two weeks after the publication of the Waterhouse Report in 2000, Richard Webster wrote an article for the ‘New Statesman’ entitled ‘Can A Whistleblower Be Wrong?’. This was an attack on Alison Taylor where she was accused again of making it all up and getting the kids to make it all up as well. In order to write the article, Webster had gained possession of confidential police documents, including witness statements. He had interviewed Peter Ackerley at length on at least one occasion, although this was denied by Diane Kaiser, the solicitor for the North Wales Police – documentation subsequently demonstrated that Webster had interviewed Ackerley. Webster also used the statements that Gwynne Owen – another person who trashed Alison – made to the CPS for the NS article.

The ‘New Statesman’ had a shock when in 2001 Alison sued them for defamation. I think that Alison represented herself. The NS admitted in court that they published Webster’s article on the assumption that Alison could not afford to sue them. The publisher of the NS at the time of the article was Peter Wilby and it was owned by Geoffrey Robinson. The NS instructed Bindman and Partners to act for them and Adam Speker QC was Counsel. Bindman and Partners had represented Peter Howarth at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Howarth was one of the prime organisers of the paedophile ring in north Wales and was jailed for numerous sex offences against the boys in Bryn Estyn.

In 2002 the NS and Webster fell out. The NS severed his representation on the grounds of the irreconcilable differences between them and Webster because of his refusal to settle the case. The NS subsequently settled with Alison in Dec 2002 and she withdrew her case against Webster. Webster protested about the publication of a settlement notice – he was represented (it was suspected pro bono) by Adrienne Page QC. Page is the cohabitee of Adam Speker and a colleague of Cherie Booth. Justice David Eady presided over the hearing, despite Eady having had previous dealings with Webster.

Page and Speker continued their links with Webster and they provided legal advice for ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. The book was launched at a party in the Commons organised by Claire Curtis-Thomas, the then Labour MP for Crosby. Curtis-Thomas is associated with Dr Death’s mate Shirley Williams and she also has close links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring hot spots of south Wales and Cheshire. Webster published the book himself – and later self-published a paperback version.

Webster died in 2011 but his website – which is yet another vehicle for trashing Alison Taylor – is still online and is obviously being maintained by someone.

Someone must have been behind Webster. He seems to have had only one principle aim – to discredit Alison Taylor in any way that he could. His was an expensive project and somebody footed the bill.

Geoffrey Robinson, the owner of the ‘New Statesman’ when it launched Webster’s attack on Alison, has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976. Robinson was Blair’s Paymaster General, 1997-98 – he resigned after lending all that dosh to Mandy…Robinson’s personal fortune is estimated at approx £30 million. Robinson owns a number of homes even grander than the one that Mandy purchased with the dosh that was lent to him by Robinson, including one in Tuscany at which the Blairs took one of their famous holidays courtesy of their very rich friends.

 

To return to Ron Davies.

Rhodri Morgan explains that Neil Wooding passed the warning about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate to Val Feld, ‘a big cheese in the Swansea Labour movement’ and a close friend of Julie, Rhodri’s wife. So Val Feld told Julie.

Val Feld was a woman from a privileged family in Caernarfon who knew all about the abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and I bet that she knew about Ron before Neil Wooding said anything to her. Val founded Shelter Cymru and was the Director of the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) for Wales, 1989-99. She was the AM for Swansea East, 1999-01. Val was a mate of paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt and just a few weeks ago Hutt had a plaque placed on the wall of the Senedd in tribute to Val who kept quiet about so much. For details of what Val ignored, see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’.

 

Neil Wooding, the man who sent up the flare regarding Ron Davies, is Director of Strategic Planning Performance and Capability at the Office for National Statistics. Neil is an old lag from the Welsh Gov’t. He was Director, Pubic Service Management Wales, 

Not only did Rhodri claim not to know what cottaging was, but Rhodri also experienced confusion over Castle Gate, the site of Ron’s cottaging. Rhodri explains in his book that he presumed that ‘Castle Gate’ was the name of some dive of a pub where Ron had been entertaining himself. Then someone told Rhodri that Ron had been cottaging at Castle Gate in Cardiff – the entrance to Cardiff Castle. Which was approx 100 yards from Rhodri’s constituency office in Transport House.

Rhodri was nearly as close to Ron’s preferred cottaging territory as the Bangor Police were to Garth Road public toilets.

Rhodri wonders in his book whether Blair ‘knew about’ Ron. It is highly probable that he did because Blair specialised in promoting paedophiles’ friends to high office, particularly the Lords. However Rhodri does confirm that ‘MI5 didn’t know’ because of Ron’s ‘astonishing ability to cover his tracks’.

Cottaging at the entrance to Cardiff Castle hardly demonstrates an astonishing ability to cover one’s tracks. Rather it demonstrates complete confidence that everyone knows what you are doing and that no-one is going to blow the gaffe. Of course MI5 knew, they were probably the strangers who were meeting Ron at the Castle Gate for sex. Why does Ron think that the encounter with Boogie ended in disaster just as Blair was about to ensure that Ron became Wales’s FM?

Rhodri notes that Ron was good mates with Nick Brown. Nick Brown has been the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne East since 1983. Nick’s CV ticks numerous boxes which suggests that he has known about the paedophiles and their friends for decades (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Shortly after Ron Davies had his moment of madness with Boogie, Nick – who was the Minister of Agriculture at the time – became embroiled in some sort of scandal involving a rent boy. Blair’s autobiography ‘A Journey’ admits that Alastair Campbell successfully re-packaged the incident as a good-news story about Brown coming out as gay because Blair was crapping himself at the idea of the Gov’t being hit by two sex scandals in such close succession.

According to journalist Tom Bower, Nick Brown ‘was accused of paying £100 to rent boys to be kicked around a room, and admitted his sexuality’.

‘Private Eye’ recently reported that Nick Brown is suing Bower over a particular sentence in Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ -not even a sentence that I would have thought was particularly incriminating. Brown’s barrister is Adrienne Paige QC! Paige was one of the junior barristers who worked with the crooked barrister George Carman on libel cases (No Ordinary Methods’). Carman knew about the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile gang and its link to the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Blair was a junior barrister in Carman’s team and Carman was also the head of Cherie’s chambers.

 

Although Ron was a Master of Disguise with a Cunning Plan who excelled in covering his tracks by having casual sex with male strangers in central Cardiff at one of the city’s most popular tourist attractions, Ron was gregarious and socialised with many people who of course all had no idea at all of his ‘other life’. The other life that was a constant source of gossip.

Rhodri was such a good mate of Ron that Rhodri was the campaign manager behind Ron’s efforts to become what Rhodri called ‘Top Taff’ in the Shadow Cabinet. Ron became Top Taff in 21 Oct 1993 when John Smith appointed him Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron remained as Top Taff after John Smith’s death, throughout Margaret Beckett’s position as Acting Leader of the Labour Party and continued in the role once Blair ascended the throne.

Whilst Rhodri was busy negotiating Ron’s future as Top Taff, I was subjected to constant attempts by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales to construct me as a dangerous offender and imprison me. Attempts which continued with increased vigour after Ron had become Top Taff because by then people just would not stop alleging that a paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of society because of its links to Westminster and Whitehall and its connections to paedophile rings in other parts of the UK.

Ron’s Chief Political Advisor and spin doctor was Rhodri’s next door neighbour, Huw. Huw was married to Julia, who had been Rhodri’s secretary since shortly after he was first elected to the Commons in 1987. After Ron resigned as Secretary of State in Oct 1998, he hid from the media by staying at Huw and Julia’s place. Nick Horton, the chief political reporter of the ‘Western Mail’, turned up at Rhodri’s house in search of Ron because he’d been told that Ron was there. Rhodri was so relieved that Horton never guessed that Ron was next door – no-one knew that Ron was in there because Huw and Julia drew the curtains for the whole weeks whilst Ron laid low. House of Ron’s adviser and spin doctor goes into lock-down for a week with all curtains drawn whilst Ron is rumoured to be kipping at Rhodri’s next door? Of course no-one guessed – the fact that no-one published Ron’s whereabouts was completely unrelated to everyone having egg on their faces after keeping schtum about Ron for years.

Something went a bit sour after Ron’s resignation though. Rhodri makes reference to strained relationships and Julia resigning as Rhodri’s secretary…

 

In previous happier times, at Welsh night during the 1996 Labour Party Conference, the Welsh Affairs team all dined together – Rhodri, Ron and Win Griffiths.

Win Griffiths is a former teacher who was Labour MEP for South Wales,  1979-89 and Labour MP for Bridgend 1987-05. Griffiths was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1997-98 reshuffle. After leaving Gov’t Griffiths Chaired the Welsh Grand Committee. He retired from Parliament in 2005.

After retiring Griffiths was Chair of Bro Morgannwg NHS Trust for eight years, a Trust which was in the usual troubled dysfunctional state for an NHS body. In 2012 Lesley Griffiths praised Win for his ‘dedication’ to Bro Morgannwg. Not sure that is much of an endorsement Win. Lesley also named Win’s successor as Chairman – it was Andrew Davies, the former AM for Swansea West and bedfellow of Meri Huws, who previously faced allegations that his Ugandan discussions with Meri had been responsible for Meri landing the job as Chair of the Welsh Language Board (see post ‘People With Energy’).

As for Win, he then moved on to become Chair of WCVA – so he’s the one who is overseeing the waste of public funds and the activities of the paedophiles’ friends that is the Third sector in Wales.

 

Pre-devolution, Ron was big pals – and dined regularly – with Dafydd Wigley and Richard Livsey, as a group of ‘pro-devolution leaders’. Rhodri comments that Ron provided ‘really good leadership’ to this group.

Richard Livsey was the Lib Dem MP for Brecon and Radnorshire, 1985-92 and 1997-01 and was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 1997-01. Livsey was an agriculturalist who after his death was described by everyone as a ‘gentleman’. His time in the Liberal Party stretched back to 1960 and he tried for a seat in the Commons in 1970 and in 1979. Livsey will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith.

Livsey was close friends with Geraint Howells – Howells was his mentor. Geraint Howells was one of those who signed the Early Day Motion in 1992 demanding an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch. Like everybody else who signed that EDM – except for David Bellotti – Howells then never mentioned Mary again and received a peerage. The only one of those who’s name was on the EDM who did not bag a peerage was David Bellotti who tabled the EDM. David Bellotti lost his seat soon after tabling the EDM and was never returned to Parliament. Geraint lost his seat too, unexpectedly, as a result of a very dirty deal on the part of Plaid and the Green Party, but he escaped to the Upper House (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

When Livsey stood down as Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems in 2001 – after the Waterhouse Report had been published and difficult questions had been, temporarily at least, silenced, Livsey was given a peerage.

 

Ron Davies also had an ‘excellent working relationship’ with Rachel Lomax, the Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1996-99. Rachel Lomax oversaw the setting up of the Welsh Assembly. She arrived in the Welsh Office just in time for the establishment of the Waterhouse Inquiry as well.

William Hague – the Secretary of State for Wales at the time – must have really wanted Rachel because she was an economist who was recalled to the Welsh Office from the World Bank, where she was a Vice-President and Chief of Staff to President of the World Bank.

Lomax went to Cheltenham Ladies College, then Girton College, Cambridge and then to the LSE. After she left the LSE in 1968 she joined the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson, 1985-86, whilst Lawson was Chancellor, then a Deputy Secretary at the Treasury, then Deputy Chief Economic Advisor, 1990-94. In 1994-95 Lomax was head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office.

Rachel has certain been where the action is. Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, so she’ll have known him and like everyone else who worked with him will have heard about him molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and London. It was while Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury that Dafydd unlawfully had Mary Wynch arrested, imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then unlawfully imprisoned for a year in Denbigh. Rachel Lomax touched Mary Wynch’s life again in 1994. In 1994 it was the Treasury solicitor who finally ruined Mary (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Mary was far too old for Peter Morrison to have been interested in her and she was female anyway, but as well as knowing that at least one person had almost certainly been murdered whilst in the care of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes and that a group of local lawyers were collaborating together to fleece their clients, Mary also witnessed the preparation of young patients in the North Wales Hospital for their futures in the sex industry. Dafydd had given instructions that the patients on the young people’s ward should be encouraged to have sex with each other and the Angels would gather around to watch the show.

By the time that Rachel Lomax had arrived at the Welsh Office to organise the cover-up, Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried.

 

Rhodri’s book explains a rather dodgy deal that Rachel facilitated for Ron in 1998. The HQ of the interim Assembly was located at Crickhowell House in Cardiff. The rent on Crickhowell House was kept low provided that the future Assembly committed to a new HQ on the adjoining site. The landlord of the whole area was the ABP (Associated British Ports) property subsidiary Grosvenor Waterside. The ABP could then recover their loss on the low rent through the enhanced capital values on the land surrounding the new Assembly building. Rhodri thought that it was most unsavoury that such a corrupt deal underpinned the building housing the Assembly from the very beginning. For details of the other massive scams involving ABP and the development of Cardiff Bay, see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Honest Rhodri never wanted the Assembly to be located in Cardiff Bay anyway – he wanted it to be in Cardiff City Hall, next to Cathays Park where the civil servants worked. The corrupt civil servants, who had spent decades concealing the criminality involving Dafydd and the paedophiles. Numerous documents among those detailing the criminality and cover-ups in my possession have the Cathays Park Welsh Office address on them, including some of those that I am fairly sure are forged (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). I will be blogging more about those documents soon.

Rhodri himself had an office in Cathays Park as well and it was the traditional home of the Secretary of State for Wales. Rhodri explains that it was really great working in Cathays Park because everybody was there and you could just pop along to see whoever you needed to. That’s right Rhodri, the office of the corrupt Medical Ombudsman was there, as was the office of the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, then in later years the corrupt Public Services Ombudsman and of course the corrupt Social Services Inspectorate was there as well. Just to tie everything up nicely, the office of the corrupt Mental Health Tribunal was also situated in Cathays Park. Everything conveniently located on one site!

 

Not only did the corrupt Secretaries of State have an office in Cathays Park, but they even had an apartment there, so they could live on campus among the crooks. The apartment was originally created from a few offices for the use of Nicholas Edwards and his wife Ankaret. Old Nick and his wife made good use of the flat between 1979-87, as did Peter Walker (1987-90) and David Hunt (1990-93) and (1995). However John Redwood (1993-95) didn’t use the flat, he insisted on returning to his place in Wokingham to sleep.

No wonder there was havoc in Wales whilst Redwood was Secretary of State and everyone was desperate to see the back of him – him not living above the shop must have profoundly disrupted the smooth operation of the corrupt machine. On the other hand I’m sure that David Hunt, the man who assisted with so much of the most serious wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends during his long and glorious career (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friend Of Cardiff North’) found that flat very useful for the days between 26 June 1995-5 July 1995, when Hunt returned to his old job as Secretary of State for Wales in what must have been for the shortest length of time that anyone has ever occupied a senior Gov’t position. It was during those heady risk-laden days when the knotty problem of the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd – a retirement which never was – and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital took place. Not that the North Wales Hospital did close, although everyone was told that it did. Part of it stayed open in secret.

Get digging out there at Denbigh, I know that old Hunt will have pushed the boat out in the summer of 1995 and probably got hardly any sleep at all what with all those civil servants running in and out of his flat screaming ‘but how are we going to explain the human remains if we close the bloody place down and someone turns it into luxury apartments???’, but Hunt deserves to be exposed before he joins the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who are dropping dead on an almost daily basis…

 

Rachel Lomax was one of those who scarpered after Ron’s downfall at the hands of Boogie – she resigned from her post as the Welsh Office and in Dec 1998 took up the role of Permanent Secretary at the DHSS. Rhodri observed that just before Ron hit disaster Rachel Lomax had purchased a new house for herself in the Vale of Glamorgan and such was Lomax’s loyalty to her home nation that she kept her home in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Lomax left the DHSS/DWP in 2002 and then served as Permanent Secretary at the  Dept of Transport, having moved there with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling when Blair reshuffled his Cabinet following the resignation of the Secretary of State for Transport Stephen Byers, he who subsequently described himself as a ‘cab for hire’ in a lobbying scandal and was banned from Parliament for two years (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

From 2003-08 Lomax was a Deputy Governor at the Bank of England, serving on its Monetary Policy Committee. She left just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 to ‘pursue other interests’. In Dec 2008, Lomax became an independent non-executive Director of HSBC Holdings, where she was also a member of the audit and risk committees. In Dec 2010 Lomax joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive Director. Rachel is also a non-executive director of Serco and a trustee of Imperial College London (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ for the details of the research fraud and misconduct on the part of those who have worked or are still working at Imperial) and has served as President of the Institute of Fiscal Studies.

 

There is another person who could tell us all a great deal about Ron and a lot of other people as well but he seems to have kept a very discreet silence – a man called Les who is a former Cardiff taxi driver. After ferrying the general public around Cardiff, Les worked as the official driver for that very good friend of the paedophiles of north Wales Lord Wyn Roberts, then as the official driver for Ron and then as the official driver for Rhodri. Les could give us the best anecdote ever in terms of who he had in the back of the cab…

Lest anyone think that I have a problem with Ron and others mentioned on this blog because they are gay and I am conflating gay men with child abusers, I don’t and I’m not. The problem that I have tried to highlight on this blog is that a number of the people discussed have used prostitutes – male and female – who were coerced into that business whilst they were kids in care and to coerce them into sex work those kids were subjected to very great cruelty at the hands of serious criminals. If sex workers are consenting adults who have not been coerced into that work I don’t consider what they are doing or who their customers are to be anyone else’s business. Despite some of the scare stories, the best research into sex work has shown that there is a contingent of prostitutes who are adults with agency, fully in control and who conduct business discreetly and safely. Many of them have actually worked as nurses and furthermore prostitution among nurses is a good deal more common than anyone likes to admit. Sadly there are also people who have been forced into prostitution – ironically by the sort of nurses who worked for Dafydd – and who most definitely need protecting and rescuing.

The people discussed on this blog do not have track records of being honest and transparent and they all try to portray themselves as having only ever conducted relationships with consenting adults, even when that most definitely is not true. Ron may have become notorious for cottaging at the Castle Gate or for picking up Boogie on Clapham Common, but before he became an MP Ron was an advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst everybody in Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority ignored serious complaints about drama teacher John Owen sexually abusing his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

In north Wales there was a Mafia code of silence regarding the activities of the paedophile gang – partly because some people were terrified of them but partly because everybody was covering the arses of their friends and relatives and that technique was also used to secure themselves jobs, promotions and, in later life, pensions.

Consider just this alone. Ron worked as a tutor-organiser for the WEA, taking over from Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the Windbag was elected to Parliament. Rhodri Morgan also worked for the WEA in south Wales, 1963-65. When they were young, Rhodri and the Windbag shared a house. Rhodri and the Windbag spent many enjoyable years campaigning together. Wayne David, who succeeded Ron as Labour MP for Caerphilly, also worked for the WEA in south Wales, starting in that role in 1985. Like Ron, Wayne was a teacher who trained at Cardiff University. I could continue…

Were any of this lot, a bunch of not very bright people who scraped their way into universities – usually in south Wales – and somewhere along the way developed a massive sense of entitlement and fancied themselves as Cabinet Ministers or even PMs, ever going to grass each other up? They saw the way that many other people in Wales lived and that was certainly not for them. No matter how many of them banged on about the forefathers going down the pit, most of them had never got their hands dirty themselves. Glenys Kinnock has never been near a pit in her life, she lives a millionaire’s life between London and Europe and her daughter-in-law is PM of Denmark. Pretty good for a school teacher from Holyhead whose home town suffers from severe disadvantage and was host to a paedophile gang. Never mind the Castle Gate, Ron Davies could probably have gone cottaging in the middle of John Lewis’s in Cardiff on a Saturday afternoon and no-one would have said a word.

Alun Davies, the corrupt NHS manager in north Wales who constantly tried to have me imprisoned, didn’t come from north Wales. Davies was from the Rhondda…

Ron’s wife – now ex-wife – Christina Rees, the Labour MP for Neath, is a barrister. Her wiki entry is incredibly brief and talks about her school days and love of sport.

‘We didn’t know.’

After Ron fell from grace on Clapham Common a few people from south Wales who didn’t have ambitions to become PM but who didn’t dare identify themselves in the press, admitted that they did know, that indeed ‘everyone knew’ about Ron and furthermore that he was a vindictive aggressive bastard whom a lot of people didn’t dare cross.

Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after Boogie, but he didn’t resign as an MP. In fact Ron put up quite a fight. His first strategy was to make a speech in the House about the violence that he had suffered at the hands of his father as a child. Which is sad but Ron is by no means alone in having had that happen to him. This was followed by Ron coming out as bisexual. Then Ron claimed to have some interesting psychiatric problem which involved him seeking out ‘risky situations’ – for which he was of course ‘receiving help’.

If Ron was paying good money to attend Dafydd’s sex therapy clinic it wasn’t very effective because in 2003 Ron was caught in another risky situation in a well known cruising and dogging spot. Ron’s story was that he was looking for badgers.

At no point did Ron simply say ‘I’m gay, now sod off because it’s no-one else’s business but mine’.

It was after he was photographed looking for badgers that Ron stepped down as MP for Caerphilly. However, Rhodri’s book explains that Ron did not go quietly.

It was the Chairman of the Party, Brian Curtis, who was left to ensure that the Labour Party divested itself of Ron by persuading Ron to pull out of the candidacy for Caerphilly before the 2003 General Election election. Ron had recently bought an expensive house on a mortgage and he refused to stand down unless his PPI to cover his mortgage payments could be activated. Rhodri states that  Jessica Morden, the General Secretary of the Labour Party, was ‘unhappy’ about providing the letter of cover to Ron’s bank – Ron needed a letter saying that he’d been forced to resign his candidacy to prevent accusations from the bank that he’d voluntarily left his job. Ron only stood down once he knew that the insurance on his mortgage was secured.

Rhodri tells us that ‘Jessica did what she had to do because it was absolutely necessary in the reputational interest of the Labour Party’.

Rhodri believing that this was sufficient to save the reputation of the Labour Party reminds me of a document that the former Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts wrote when he got wind of Edwina Hart’s plan to abolish the Trust. Elfed memorably wrote that ‘the Trust must be seen to be beyond reproach at this crucial time’. How did Elfed and his colleague Martin Jones the CEO of the Trust ensure that the Trust was seen to be ‘beyond reproach’ at that crucial time? Well in the face of the rising toll of patient and staff suicides, Elfed and Martin refused to investigate any patient complaints, sent an extract from my medical records to a senior member of staff in Bangor University, rang various other colleagues of mine and told them that I was dangerous, intimidated a number of people who had witnessed what was happening to me and who had made statements about it and then had me arrested on the grounds that I had pink hair and had laughed at Elfed’s car and called it a penismobile.

Elfed and Martin seemed unaware that they had become famous as a result of their attempts to be seen to be beyond reproach at a crucial time. No wonder that Edwina carried out her plan to abolish them. Then Edwina stood for the leadership of the Labour Party in Wales and during the leadership debates the topic of anti-social behaviour was discussed. A lady in the audience asked how the candidates were going to tackle anti-social behaviour among young people. Edwina responded by saying that it wasn’t only young people who were capable of anti-social behaviour. I and the person whom I was watching this with were howling with laughter because we suspected that Edwina might have well have been thinking of two particularly unhinged NHS senior managers in north west Wales…

 

What Rhodri doesn’t explain is what Ron Davies was doing buying an expensive house on a mortgage when he knew that everyone was trying to get rid of him – and why did Ron bother to buy PPI, everyone knew by then that the buggers never pay up. Was Ron expecting perhaps to not only be in need of PPI but confident that he would be able to get them to cough up?

What happened to Jessica, who just did what she had to do? (Dafydd used to say that on the rare occasions that he was actually put on the spot and asked why he had broken the law. ‘I just did what I had to do’ would always be accompanied with Dafydd’s claim that ‘I found myself in this bizarre situation’. Yes, with a load of abducted victims of a paedophile ring imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital…)

Jessica Morden was well rewarded for doing what she had to do to save the reputation of the Labour Party ie. ensure that Ron bagged an expensive house in return for not standing again as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. Jessica was accepted as the Labour candidate for Newport East and became the MP for that constituency in 2005. Jessica was selected by the use of an all woman shortlist. No-one could accuse Blair of parachuting Jessica into south Wales though. Not only had Jessica been the General Secretary of Welsh Labour, but in 1991 she worked for Huw Edwards, Labour MP for Monmouth and she then worked for Llew Smith, Labour MP for Blaenau Gwent, 1992-95.

So Jessica had been around quite long enough to not know about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate.

Llew Smith was also elected as the MEP for South Wales East in 1984. He stood down in 1994 – and made way for one Glenys Kinnock!

Huw Edwards succeeded the Monmouth seat from the Tory MP Sir John Stradling Thomas after Sir John was found dead in his Dolphin Square flat. Readers who follow the comments section of my blog will remember how often Richard Card has commented on the death of Sir John. Sir John had been expressing concern about the allegations of Westminster figures being involved in child abuse and was believed to be about to speak publicly and possibly name some of those alleged to be involved. He was found dead hours before he was due to speak.

Children trafficked for sex from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were taken to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). One of the community social workers employed on the Maesgeirchan estate on which Ty’r Felin was located was Meri Huws – Meri is alleged to be a former bedfellow of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘People With Energy’).

Jessica got her chance at Newport East after Alan Howarth, the sitting MP, was elevated to the Lords by Blair. Howarth became famous when he crossed the floor. He was the Tory MP for Stratford-upon-Avon, after being elected in 1983. In 1995 he defected to Labour, was selected for Newport East and subsequently became a Minister in Blair’s Gov’t. Howarth was dropped from the Gov’t in 2001, after the Waterhouse Report had been published and the claims that it was a massive cover-up had been silenced, at least temporarily.

Howarth was an unlikely defector to New Labour. He had been a hard right Tory, a founder member of the Thatcherite No Turning Back group. Early in his career, Howarth had worked in the Conservative Party Chairman’s office under Willie Whitelaw – who spent many years in many capacities concealing the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales. Then Howarth became Director of the Conservative Research Department and Party Vice-Chairman. Matthew Parris used to work in the Conservative Research Department and claimed that there was a senior member of staff there who used to go cruising for young men on London buses. Parris also maintained that every summer, a group of male staff from that Dept would take a holiday at a place in Italy known as the ‘Villa of Shame’ where they were supplied with ‘boys who were always willing’.

What possible use could Blair have made of Howarth in 1995 when Howarth defected – whilst demands for a public inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been followed by Nicola Davies QC reviewing the paperwork to see whether a public inquiry should be held? Nicola found that the paperwork of the North Wales Police relating to the abuse of children was missing from 1989 onwards. There’s a surprise.

Howarth crossed the floor on 8 Oct 1995. Peter Morrison had been conveniently found dead three months before and now Nicola Davies QC and Secretary of State for Wales William Hague just had to work out how to rig the Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal that people were demanding.

On the eve of the 1997 General Election the Labour MP for Ogmore, 1979-01, Sir Ray Powell told an interesting tale about two of his Blairite colleagues. He alleged that Mandelson and Ron Davies offered him a peerage if he gave up his seat in the Commons for Alan Howarth, the Conservative who had crossed the floor to join the Labour Party (see post ‘News From Sicily’)…

 

The political career of Ron Davies didn’t finish once he’d secured his upmarket house.  In 2004 he resigned from the Labour Party claiming that they were all a bit incompetent in the Welsh Labour Party. Ron then joined the new Forward Wales Party and stood for election as an MEP. In 2007 he stood for election to the Assembly – as an Independent – for Caerphilly. In 2008 Ron was back on Caerphilly County Borough Council – where he had begun his career decades previously. He held the Economic Development and Urban Regeneration portfolio, originally as an Independent but later actively supported the ruling Plaid group on the Council. In recent years there has been an ongoing scandal at Caerphilly County Borough Council involving financial mismanagement on a huge scale. There has been a criminal investigation which found serious wrongdoing but it was decided to proceed no further with the investigation because of the cost of the investigation. So it rather looks as though some of Ron’s colleagues have made off with hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money and they will not be held to account.

Ron joined Plaid in 2010 and has since stood as a Plaid candidate in three elections.

 

Rhodri explained in his memoir that he was sympathetic to politicians who stood accused of involvement in sex scandals as a result of his own experience. At one time a ‘Top Welsh Tory’ put it around that Rhodri had been cautioned for picking up prostitutes in the Cardiff docks area. A full apology to Rhodri was issued and a donation to charity was made after Rhodri approached the Tory Party Chairman at the time for help. That Chairman was Dr Brian Mawhinney, now Lord Mawhinney.

Mawhinney was a Tory MP, 1979-05 and concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles whilst he was Minister of State for Health, 1992-94. Mawhinney was PPS to Tom King, 1984-86, whilst King was Secretary of State for NI and then held Ministerial positions in the N Ireland Office between 1986-92. So Mawhinney knows all about Kincora.

Mawhinney’s brother Richard is a lawyer who is married to Patricia Scotland QC. Patsy’s big break was representing the Welsh Office at the Waterhouse Inquiry – she was given a peerage during the Inquiry. Patsy never looked back, she has gone from high office to high office, despite being embroiled in scandal and dogged by allegations of improper conduct wherever she goes. When Patsy was given the brief for the Waterhouse Inquiry her brother-in-law Brian was a member of the Cabinet.

Details of Patsy’s network of paedophiles’ friends can be read in posts ‘Baroness Patricia Scotland QC Was On Board As Well!’, ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ and ‘Even More About Baroness Patricia Scotland QC’.

Brian Mawhinney was Chair of the Tory Party, 1995-97. Which was just when everyone was dealing with the very tricky problem of Dafydd, the paedophile gang, the demands for a public inquiry and then the setting up of the rigged Waterhouse Inquiry. Mawhinney became Chairman of the Party on the last day of David Hunt’s tenure as Secretary of State for Wales. Peter Morrison was found dead eight days later.

I would imagine that the Tories were in such deep shit during Mawhinney’s time as Chairman of the Party that they would be very vulnerable indeed to approaches by angry Labour politicians who claimed to have been the subject of baseless rumours circulated by the Tory Party. Mawhinney might have been so worried that he could have even resorted to apologising to Labour MPs who perhaps really had been cautioned for kerb crawling around Cardiff docks.

Rhodri stood accused at some point between 5 July 1995 – 11 June 1997. Which was when the patients in north Wales were being left destitute and dead after their day centre had been closed down and when such strenuous efforts were being made to have me banged up in a secure unit.

 

As for other news recently. Professor Nick Hardwick, the Chairman of the Parole Board (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’), has stated that if details are released about Top Doctors who serve on the Parole Board, the Top Doctors would be at risk of coming under attack on social media. Did Nick perhaps have in mind recent blog posts of mine in which I mentioned that Professor Robert Bluglass and Drs Colin Berry and David Mawson all served on the Parole Board after Bluglass and Berry actively concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles and David Mawson just politely failed to mention it when faced with the evidence?

Southern Health have been fined £2 million after the HSE mounted a prosecution against them in the wake of the deaths of Connor Sparrowhawk and another patient. This is substantially the result of the efforts of Connor’s mum Dr Sara Ryan who has worked very hard since Connor’s death to expose massive failures at Southern as well as the deaths of hundreds of patients which were never investigated. Sara has been subjected to the usual that anyone complaining about serious failings in the NHS can expect – she was described as ‘toxic’ by the Top Doctor whose negligence and dishonesty resulted in Connor’s death, she received an anonymous insulting call from a member of staff at Southern, the son of a senior NHS manager sent out a tweet describing her as a ‘fucking pest’ and then she was insulted all over again when she gave evidence at a GMC fitness to practice hearing.

Sara feels a sense of satisfaction now. I am not underestimating what Sara has achieved, but no-one involved in Connor’s death – or indeed in the deaths of the hundreds of other patients who were slaughtered by Southern – have lost their jobs. They are all still practising. The £2 million fine will be paid by Southern from its vast budget of public money. It will be given to the British state’s coffers. It was the British state who allowed Southern to kill patients. I would not be surprised if as a result of being fined £2 million, Southern now put in a plea for some special source of extra money from the Gov’t on the grounds that they are short of cash. They’ll get it as well.

The statements made by Southern yesterday were cut n pasted from the usual NHS template. ‘We’ve failed’. ‘This will be a catalyst for change.’ Just like all the other deaths were going to be a catalyst for change. As indeed was the conviction of the mass murderer Harold Shipman. So that’s why no-one been struck off in the wake of the genocide at Southern.

There is only one thing that will be a catalyst for change in the NHS – people who have abused or killed their patients being escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and then put on trial.

 

 

I Want Serious Money Now Please

I switched on the radio earlier but immediately switched it off again, because Gyles Brandreth was on there. I didn’t need to hear him tell the world how brilliant he is or bang on about how he established a Teddy Bear museum, which seems to be mostly what he does during his many appearances on light entertainment shows on TV and radio. Although I am not interested in listening to Brandreth, it did remind me that I need to blog about him, because his former career is relevant to this blog.

Most people know that Brandreth is a former Tory MP, but fewer people know that he was the Tory MP for Chester between 1992-97. In fact Gyles took over the seat from the former MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison. Regular readers will know that Peter Morrison molested children in care in north Wales. Some of Morrison’s Tory colleagues have admitted that they knew that he was abusing boys and at least one of them has maintained that Thatcher was told about this but she appointed Morrison Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party nonetheless. Brandreth himself is very reluctant to talk about Morrison but has indicated that he knew nothing of Morrison’s activities. How likely is this?

The north Wales paedophile ring was known to extend into Cheshire – even Ronnie Waterhouse admitted that in the Waterhouse Report. John Allen, who owned the Bryn Alyn Community and trafficked the boys in his ‘care’ to brothels in London and Brighton and is currently in prison after being convicted of abusing children in north Wales, owned a children’s home in Cheshire as well. A witness at the Waterhouse Inquiry talked about being taken to a big house near Chester where he was molested. By the time that Brandreth had been elected for Chester, allegations of terrible child abuse in north Wales and Cheshire had recently appeared in the London based media. Brandreth was an author, journalist and broadcaster. His wife was a writer and publisher.  They will not have missed the stories about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Cheshire.

Brandreth will have no doubt heard the stories from other sources as well. Although Brandreth didn’t stand for election until 1992, he is on record as having said that he had always wanted a political career. He was President of the Oxford Union in 1970 and his contemporaries there were Ann Widdecombe and Edwina Currie, who by 1992 had both worked closely with the people who had concealed the activities of the paedophile ring. Brandreth has spoken publicly about the good friendship that he enjoyed with Widdecombe at Oxford. He is a gregarious man who remained friendly with many people active in the Conservative Party – I’m sure that something will have been said to him, particularly when it got around that he was standing for Chester.

Of course, whilst Gyles was MP for Chester, John Jillings and his team conducted their inquiry into the north Wales paedophile ring and then in 1996 all hell broke out when it was announced that the Jillings Report would never be made available because the contents were so incendiary that Clwyd County Council’s insurers’ legal advisors had threatened to withdraw insurance cover if the contents of the Report were made available, even to members of the Council (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). There had also been a police investigation into child abuse in the region and in 1996 William Hague announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse would be holding a public inquiry into the matter. Just as Brandreth got elected, five people with connections to the north Wales child abuse scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Brandreth never heard any of this discussed????

Perhaps after he was elected, Gyles simply never rubbed noses with anyone who might have known Peter Morrison or who knew about the concerns over his activities? Unlikely – one thing that Brandreth did successfully do whilst he was MP for Chester was campaign for University status for Chester College. Chester were most grateful and in Dec 2016 appointed Brandreth Chancellor of the University of Chester. Campaigning for your local college to acquire University status involves a lot of hobnobbing with precisely the sort of people whose hair will have been standing on end in the wake of the rumours swirling regarding the activities of the recently departed MP.

Brandreth served in John Major’s Gov’t as a Whip and as Lord Commissioner in the Treasury. He’ll have been particularly well-briefed as a Whip – they are notorious for digging up dirt on MPs and using it to coerce people. Brandreth was interviewed by Lynn Barber for the ‘Guardian’ in 2005 and he discussed his ‘exciting’ time as a Whip with her. He stated that as a Whip ‘you often have to smooth people, you have to take them aside and say “you know the PM really loves you.” Then with other people you have to say “Do you know what the message from No 10 is? Fuck off. We’ve had enough. Five years ago we advanced you £10,000 – do you remember that? Just remember that, because we need you in the lobby tonight”‘.

So Gyles didn’t spend all his time talking about Teddy Bears and Scrabble and woolly jumpers then. Imagine what this intimidating shit would be saying if he had knowledge of child sexual abuse among colleagues past and present and he wanted them in the lobby. Of course, John Major’s Gov’t was often on very shaky ground which is why they will have often needed a Whip to carry on in the way in which Gyles boasted of.

Elsewhere in the ‘Guardian’ interview Barber states ‘he says…that everything he does…is a performance’. He explains that his work as an after-dinner speaker is lucrative – the money is good ‘though not as good as Cherie’s’. Indeed money seems very important to Brandreth, or more precisely having a great deal of it is. His wife grumbled about him being a backbench MP on £50,000 pa and when he lost his seat she decided that she’d had enough of the penury that comes with a salary of 50k in a household with other sources of income at the same time and told him ‘I want serious money now please’.

Mrs Brandreth got serious money as well. Brandreth boasts that he lost his seat on the Thursday and started work on LBC on the Saturday. Of course since then the bumptious vacuous bastard has never been off the radio and TV, although he never says anything of substance.  Gyles also decided to try his hand at interviewing, his first try being an interview with the Duke of Edinburgh! It brought him into close proximity with the Royals and associated Courtiers, but Gyles wasn’t at all daunted because he had ‘sat on committees with the Prime Minister’. His interview with Phil the Greek was so successful that it led to a five year contract with the ‘Sunday Telegraph’! At this time of course, Amanda Platell was the press manager for Conservative Central Office and was keeping all the crap relating to the paedophile ring and the Waterhouse Inquiry out of the media (see post ‘Did Glenda Occupy A Key Role In Keeping It All Out Of The Media?’).

Brandreth’s media career really took off after he left Parliament, in the way that the careers of so many of the lawyers who defended the paedophile gang at the Waterhouse Inquiry did after the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’). Was somebody grateful to him for something perhaps? For such a tosser his social occasions really draw in the big names as well. Gyles is President of the Oscar Wilde Society and hosts an annual Oscar Wilde Party – guests have included Camilla Duchess of Cornwall, Stephen Fry, Derek Jacobi, Joanna Lumley and Julian Fellowes.

Toadying interviews conducted with Gyles have remarked on how successful his three children are – one is a barrister, one is a journalist and one is a Gov’t economist. Their paths in life probably wouldn’t have been the same if they had been kids in care being molested by Peter Morrison whilst corrupt lawyers on the Chester and Wales Circuit along with powerful figures in the media and Gov’t concealed it all, but if their dad had information about such matters that could have helped them considerably.

These days Brandreth lives in Barnes in south west London and his name appears on a website listing notable people who live in Richmond-Upon-Thames. Barnes was the location of the brothel the Elm Guest House which was staffed by children in care and where high profile people, including Westminster figures, were alleged to have abused them. At least one boy from the children’s homes in north Wales has stated that he was trafficked to the Elm Guest House and in 2015 the ‘Daily Telegraph’ reported allegations that Peter Morrison had raped a 14 year old boy there. There was also a paedophile ring operating in Richmond-Upon-Thames involving children in local authority care. Dr Alice Levinson, one of the Top Doctors from Springfield Hospital who concealed the criminal activities of the Top Doctors in north Wales whilst they facilitated the paedophile ring, now lives in Richmond-Upon-Thames and has a psychotherapy practice there. Although Alice knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients and that I was suicidal because of Dafydd and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) constantly having me arrested, she recommended that I be referred to forensic services for ‘containment’. Alice consulted Lucille Hughes for evidence of my ‘dangerousness’ – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services whilst Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services but failed to act. Alice might be a neighbour of Gyles’s!

Brandreth has written a book about his time as an MP. I haven’t read it, but I think that I ought to. However I do know that he has prefaced that book with a quote from PM Arthur Balfour: ‘nothing matters very much and very few things matter at all’.

Some things do matter Gyles. Admittedly not Teddy Bears or woolly jumpers or being the world’s best Scrabble player or getting in the Guinness Book of Records for making the longest after-dinner speech or even your wife’s naked greed – but a vicious paedophile ring with a side-line in pornography and drug dealing and connections in Parliament who are framing innocent people who stumble across them matters very much. Particularly when people who have dared give evidence against them keep being found dead.

Gyles – it’s your turn to speak for one minute without hesitation, repetition or deviation on the subject of ‘Organised Crime – How I’ve Become Very Rich By Keeping Quiet About It’.

 

Someone else who was in need of Serious Money and who certainly got it is a Lord Crickhowell, who features on an item on BBC News Wales today. The item is entitled ‘Cardiff Bay: What Has Thirty Years of Development Achieved?’ and follows on with a few pearls from Lord Crickhowell who ‘hailed the regeneration of the former docklands as a success’ but stressed that to ensure even more success, a ‘more co-ordinated approach’ to further development is needed. Lord Crickhowell certainly knows all about co-ordinated approaches and the ‘success’ of the Cardiff Bay development. Cardiff Bay is lovely, but there is much grief about it in Wales because the benefits of the successful regeneration of Cardiff Bay have not spread to the rest of south Wales yet alone to west, mid or north Wales. Many people in those regions are still living in cardboard box in’t middle of road despite the luxury down in Cardiff Bay. One person who has done very well indeed out of the regeneration of Cardiff Bay though since he co-ordinated the redevelopment there is a man called Lord Crickhowell.

The Welsh blogger Jac O The North has written an excellent account of the raw corruption that was involved in the development of Cardiff Bay. Jac has compiled a ‘factsheet’ with the history and details of the dodgy deals, sleights of hand and conflicts of interest involved which can be downloaded from his blog. I know that ‘factsheets’ are usually laughable documents produced by the NHS or MIND which fail to explain that the ‘medication’ that you have just been prescribed could well kill you, but Jac’s factsheet regarding Corruption Bay is in a league of it’s own. I highly recommend it. I will provide a summary of Jac’s research here – and pose a few questions and possibilities that Jac hasn’t raised, almost certainly because Jac’s research into corruption doesn’t usually involve delving into the wrongdoing of the health and welfare services.

Jac’s factsheet describes ‘how political power and influence was blatantly and systematically abused for almost twenty years so that vast sums of public money could be used for corporate and private gain and how the Welsh establishment and the Welsh media either acquiesced, turned a blind eye or was simply too scared of the culprits to defend the public interest’.

Cardiff Bay is built on the site of the former docklands. When the coal industry ended, the owner of Cardiff docks, Associated British Ports (ABP), was left with an eyesore and a financial liability. ABP was privatised by Thatcher’s Gov’t in 1982/3 whilst Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell was Secretary of State for Wales. Edwardes was the MP for Pembrokeshire and was Secretary of State for Wales between 1979-87. He had extensive shipping interests and through these business contacts and personal links with ABP.

Following the privatisation of the docks, Edwardes spent a few years working to set up a publicly funded body to regenerate the privately owned docklands. This led to the creation of a quango, the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (CBDC) in 1987. The chair of CBDC was Geoffrey Inkin, a failed Tory candidate and friend of Edwardes. Inkin was also Chairman of the Land Authority for Wales (LAW) which acquired land for development. LAW had the power of no-appeal compulsory purchase, could smooth out difficulties with planning regulations and could get priority treatment from utilities. The key to the commercial success of Cardiff Bay was the £200 million+ barrage across the estuary, which created a lagoon across the ‘unsightly’ mud flats therefore making the Bay more attractive to investors and those buying, leasing or renting land and property from ABP.

Thus ABP had it’s own private quango pouring public money into the company from which ABP would reap profits. Although ‘the largest waterfront regeneration scheme in Europe’ was paid for by public money, ABP still owned the existing buildings and land as well as everything built on it. The amount of public money that was admitted to have been spent on Cardiff Bay was £500 million – there are suspicions that it was actually much more.

In 1987 Edwardes stood down as an MP and in order to receive his share of the bonanza that he’d engineered, he joined ABP as a Director in 1988. In May 1988 Edwardes was also appointed Chairman of the National Rivers Authority (NRA) – that was the body that was adjudicating on the barrage.

Edwardes and Inkins’s influence via the Cardiff and County Club, the Welsh media and other agencies ensured that any Welsh institution or body that might add to the Bay’s prestige or boost ABP’s profits was approached to locate there. The Welsh media uncritically plugged the project.

So Edwardes, the father of the whole scheme, was a Director of the company reaping the benefits and head of the environmental agency that theoretically had the power to sink the whole project.

A Gov’t Bill getting the barrage through Parliament was passed in 1993 and ABP and CBDC effectively became one entity. However it transpired that no-one wanted to rent, lease or buy Crickhowell House, a huge office block on the development. In 1993, the Welsh Office, headed by Secretary of State for Wales David Hunt, took out a 20 year lease at a total cost said to be in excess of £20 million. As Crickhowell House only cost £11 million to build, that resulted in a very healthy profit for ABP-CBDC. The building was allocated to the Welsh Health Service’s Authority, although they never occupied more than about 1/3 of the building.

In the mid-1990s Wales experienced the saga of the Opera House which was proposed for Cardiff Bay. The leading light in this plan was none other than Nicholas Edwardes, in his capacity as a Trustee (or equivalent) of the Welsh National Opera Company. A competition was held to design the Opera House which was won by Zaha Hadid, but it was never built. There was a lot of squabbling over Hadid’s design, but many people also wanted a new rugby stadium for Cardiff. The dosh was coming from the Gov’t in London who wouldn’t fund both and in the end a new rugby stadium proved a much more popular choice, so that went ahead. Edwardes and Inkin tried to get the rugby stadium sited in the Bay, but that plan failed.

After the devolution referendum in 1997, Ron Davies, the new Secretary of State for Wales, started negotiations with the leader of Cardiff Council for Cardiff City Hall, the building earmarked for housing the new National Assembly of Wales. The negotiations broke down – there have been allegations of skulduggery – and nominations for other sites for the National Assembly began. It was decided to locate the National Assembly in Cardiff Bay, in a new building. Blair’s friend Richard Rogers was the architect who had the winning design for the new building – I’d love to know how that happened, Rogers’s claim to fame was designing the Millennium Dome which was a national joke.

At about this time, Grosvenor Waterside Developments became visible – this was the property arm of ABP, used to disguise ABP involvement.

Ron Davies announced that until the new Assembly building was completed, the temporary home for the Assembly would be in Crickhowell House. Rhodri Morgan, at that time a Labour MP, described Crickhowell House as ‘the very embodiment of that corruption-ridden, semi-colonial, Tory past…’ Rhodri was opposed to the barrage and preferred City Hall as the location for the Assembly. Jac wonders whether it was this that caused London to prevent Rhodri from leading the Labour Party in Wales – Blair famously did all he could to prevent Rhodri Morgan becoming First Minister although it backfired on Blair and Rhodri did end up eventually becoming First Minister. Jac speculates that perhaps Blair et al feared that Rhodri would have taken the Assembly to City Hall.

Jac describes powerful influences at work to keep the location of the Assembly in the Bay. He notes that although there had been much Tory sleaze behind this – Edwardes et al were desperate to have a big prestigious building located in the Bay – the incoming New Labour Gov’t showed no sign of exposing or even undoing the sleaze. Jac speculates that Blair’s 1997 administration allowed the scam because the greed of the ABP-CBDC and the cliques and cabals in Cardiff resulted in Welsh political life being sucked into Cardiff – which suited the control freakery of the New Labour Gov’t, who viewed Wales as dangerously red and dangerously insubordinate and it would be easier for London Labour to manage the sheepshaggers if they were reduced to one city. Jac wonders whether Edwardes told the holders of the purse strings in London that the Cardiff Bay project was too far gone to call back and that the project would fail without a prestigious centrepiece to attract investors. If Cardiff Bay failed, London Labour would look as bad as the Tories. Who would benefit? Plaid – whom London Labour and the Tories perceived to be beyond the pale.

Jac supplies details of an HTV ‘Wales this Week’ episode from July 1999. The programme exposed a secret deal involving extending the lease of Crickhowell House and Alun Michael AM who was then First Secretary (First Minister) – Blair’s choice of First Secretary who had been forced upon a Wales that did not want him as First Secretary – denying the deal, but then admitting it. The programme also exposed the lies that were told regarding the cost of the land that was allocated for the Assembly building. Jac believes that the programme was designed to embarrass the Labour Party, as many questions relating to the Tories’ part in the corruption and the cock-ups went unasked. The Chairman of the HTV Group was one Nicholas Edwardes – who, along with the Tories, was not mentioned during the programme.

The Civil Service mandarin who was instrumental in the machinations to locate the Assembly in Cardiff Bay was Rachel Lomax. Lomax left a prestigious job with the World Bank in 1996 to take up her appointment as Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office. Jac questions the machinations engineered by Lomax and suspects that the ‘official’ version of events is untrue. Lomax was moved to the DSS (DWP) in Feb 1999.

Jac sums up by mentioning that Alun Michael was the MP for Cardiff South and Penarth, that his constituency included Cardiff Bay and that prior to becoming an MP Michael was a Councillor in Cardiff. So he wanted the Assembly in the Bay. Cynog Dafis (Plaid) also supported the location of the Assembly in the Bay, although Dafis’s own constituency in west Wales didn’t benefit from the Cardiff Bay development. Jac notes that the Welsh media were also robustly in support of the Assembly being in the Bay. At one point Rhodri Morgan announced that the building of the new Assembly had been put on hold – in response to this announcement, Grosvenor Waterside sent a letter threatening legal action if building was not commenced. Jac wonders why Rhodri didn’t call their bluff, as the grounds for legal action was shaky and the threatened exposure of what that company had actually done would have soon shut them up – Jac believes that although Edwardes and his Tory friends weren’t at all supportive of devolution, they were desperate for the Assembly to be located in the Bay to ensure that the development was a success.

Jac has researched and published all of this because he is outraged that millions of pounds of public money has made Nicholas Edwardes and his mates very rich through bank-rolling a project that has been of very little benefit to the rest of Wales, much of which is still desperately poor.

Jac’s research re the details of Edwardes’s massive scam cannot be faulted. However, with regard to Jac’s speculation as to why politicians who would have benefited greatly from exposing Edwardes kept quiet – Jac has missed something of major importance that tied Edwardes and the Tories, Blair and co, Rhodri and even Plaid all up together, although they hated each other. That was the paedophile ring in north Wales and the associated cover-up.

As explained in previous posts, Nicholas Edwardes was Secretary of State for Wales during the years covering Mary Wynch’s unlawful arrest and incarceration by the paedophiles’ friends, he was in post when the paedophile ring was running riot and when Alison Taylor first started blowing the whistle on what was going on, he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens was running his campaign to expose the Westminster Paedophile Ring and named Sir Peter Hayman in the House, he was in post when child care staff in north Wales were being convicted in court of serious offences against children yet the Welsh Office was failing to inspect the children’s homes and he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens handed his dossier with details and names of Westminster paedophiles to Home Secretary Leon Brittan – who then ‘lost’ the dossier. He was in post when Margaret Thatcher was told that Sir Peter Morrison was molesting boys. And on a minor note, he was in post when I first made representation about the criminal activities of the paedophiles’ friends as well. Under Edwardes, the Welsh Office concealed the whole lot.

As detailed in previous posts, the cover-up at the Welsh Office continued under successive Secretaries of State for Wales – including David Hunt, who was also named in Jac’s account. Jac mentions the arrival of Rachel Lomax at the Welsh Office in 1996, after her removal from a high-flying job with the World Bank after just a few months. Rachel Lomax was mentioned in my post ‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?’. She was the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office once the Waterhouse Report got underway and she remained there until Ronnie Waterhouse had heard the evidence and discredited the witnesses. Lomax then buggered off when that had all been dealt with, whilst Ronnie set about writing the Report and reassuring everyone that no political figures had been involved in the abuse of children. Lomax was a very big hitter – she had been dragged back from the World Bank, obviously for something important.

Lomax began her career with the Civil Service in 1968 in the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer 1985-86. She was Deputy Chief Economic Advisor in the early 1990s. In 1994-95 she was Head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office. Then she was Vice-President and Chief of Staff to the President of the World Bank.

This was a woman who was part of the Tories’ inner circle and who was completely trusted by them. She got them out of one hell of a tight spot – and not just one that resulted from the development of Corruption Bay. Remember, by the time that Lomax had arrived in the Welsh Office, scores of victims of and witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been found dead. There was no danger of Blair’s lot saying a word either, because as explained previously scores of Blair’s buddies in the New Labour Gov’t had been running the London Councils who had sent children in their care to north Wales where they were abused or whose own children’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles (see post ‘The London Connection’). Alun Michael was born and went to school in north Wales and had previously been employed as a ‘youth worker’. He was one of the people who signed the Early Day Motion opposing the proposed closure of Garth Angharad, a hospital for ‘mentally ill criminals’ where a number of those who had been victims of the paedophile gang had ended up. Neither were Plaid going to blow the gaffe – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones had been a Plaid candidate and other Plaid politicians, especially in north Wales, were representing constituencies where the paedophile ring was operating in the local social services, who were loudly proclaiming their defence of all things Welsh eg. in Gwynedd. Cynog Dafis had previously participated in some fancy footwork with the Green Party in order to successfully unseat a Lib Dem who signed an Early Day Motion calling for an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch (see post ‘A Few of the Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

The whole lot of them were over a barrel. They must have all begged Lomax to help them out of that mess, not one of them could have exposed Edwardes’s money-making scheme because they’d all helpfully not asked any awkward questions whilst he and his successors at the Welsh Office had covered up a paedophile ring and the associated serious corruption in medicine and the law. As for Rhodri – well when the Jillings Report was withheld he had made furious comments about Welsh politicians not being allowed to know the details of a paedophile ring operating on their own patch. But I suspect that Rhodri knew what would happen if he exposed Edwardes and Corruption Bay – the whole thing would explode and the presence of a gang of murdering paedophiles on Welsh soil would be blamed on the Welsh sheepshaggers in the Assembly. So he went and appointed Brian fucking Gibbons as Health Minister who did his bit by covering up the criminality of the paedophiles’ friends the Top Doctors.

One further point. Edwardes was MP for Pembrokeshire. Long after reports of the paedophile gang in north Wales became public, there was a huge trial in Swansea – of a long-standing paedophile gang in Pembrokeshire.

So what became of the lovely Rachel Lomax, who allowed Nicholas Edwardes to get away with milking the taxpayer of millions and kept the lid on child rapes, prostitution, trafficking and a few murders, as well as institutional corruption in medicine and the law? Well after leaving Wales completely wrecked in the wake of all that, Rachel became Permanent Secretary at the DWP (formerly the DSS). In 2002 she moved to the post of Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Transport,along with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling. She then joined the Bank of England – and left there in 2008, just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers, to ‘pursue other interests’. So unlike her dozy git of a boss Alistair Darling, Lomax knew that she had assisted in crashing the global economy and got the hell out of there. Regarding her ‘other interests’ – in Dec 2008 Lomax became a non-executive director of HSBC holdings and a member of their audit and risk committees and in Dec 2010 she joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive director.

 

So for what should Rachel Lomax stand trial first then? Concealing a massive swindle on the part of a Gov’t Minister, concealing a paedophile gang who killed a number of people or crashing the economy? If you’re reading this Rachel, Inspector Knacker would no doubt like to hear from you.