The Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul

Readers might remember that the Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul took place in 2015 when Jeremy Corbyn stood for the leadership against a collection of clapped-out Blairites who had previously been convinced that Ed would have been PM by then and that they would all be Cabinet Ministers. Would Yvette the Strong Woman win the leadership? Or would it be Andy ‘I’m From The North Me’ Burnham?  I was delighted when Jeremy won and then appointed John McDonnell as his Deputy, I’d never had such a laugh. Except after all those phone calls to Dafydd of course. Kim Howells is on record as saying that ‘two old Trots’ will never lead the Labour Party to victory, but he’s got to admit that they are enormously entertaining.

There was however a previous Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul which involved an even greater campaign of vilification than that which the mainstream media mounted against Jeremy in 2015, although because the press did not believe that Jezza would ever win the Labour Party leadership, they only mounted their attack on him after he was elected Labour Party leader in Sept 2015.

The first Battle For The Labour Party’s Soul took place in 1983, when Peter Tatchell stood as the Labour Party’s candidate in the Bermondsey by-election of February of that year. Peter Tatchell was subjected to an all-out character assassination before the by-election; Bermondsey was a safe Labour seat, so a massive hate campaign was launched from multiple angles to ensure that Tatchell didn’t win.

Now that Peter Tatchell has attained the status of a National Treasure on account of his Brave Fight For Gay Rights, people who were born by Feb 1983 will find it difficult to believe that to which Tatchell was subjected, by the media, the opposition and by the leadership of his own Party. Tatchell was given a really, really bad time; it was constructed as a battle against the far-left, but most of the insults thrown at Tatchell were slung at him solely because he was gay and a campaigner for gay rights when such past-times were enough to exclude one from polite society.

The press coverage leading up to the 1983 Bermondsey by-election has gone down in history as  the most sordid and vindictive coverage of an election campaign that there has ever been. The dirty tricks and abuse included the famous photo of Tatchell which appeared in the tabloids and was doctored to make it look as though he was wearing heavy make-up. There were quips about ‘the queen’ and references to Tatchell as ‘her’. The campaign material of Tatchell’s opponents, even of that nice Simon Hughes who stood as the Liberal candidate and stressed that the by-election involved a ‘straight choice’ – as opposed to a queer choice – was appalling.

HISTORY - libber834b

Simon Hughes said not one word in condemnation of the homophobic abuse directed towards Tatchell and Hughes subsequently won the by-election. Years later Simon Hughes admitted that he was bisexual and had been in homosexual relationships.

Simon Hughes was the Lib Dem MP for Bermondsey and Old Southwark and the preceding constituencies, 1983-2015; President of the Lib Dems, 2005-09; Deputy Leader of the Lib Dems, 2010-14.

Sir Simon Hughes
Simon Hughes2.jpg
 Minister of State for Justice and Civil Liberties Dec 2013-May 2015

Before and after the by-election, Peter Tatchell was violently assaulted and received death threats; I always thought him admirable to have withstood it all. Tatchell was remarkably forgiving towards Simon Hughes when Hughes later admitted to having had gay relationships himself and maintained that he ‘didn’t know’ about the abusive campaign material issued in his name.

I have just read Tatchell’s 1983 book, ‘The Battle for Bermondsey’, which provides much detail regarding the Bermondsey by-election campaign, the events leading up to it and the history of the Labour Party in Bermondsey. In his book, Tatchell provided extracts from the hate mail which he received at the time from people who were horrified at the notion of a gay man representing the constituency, but which dwell extensively on the sexual practices that the writers presume that Tatchell indulged in. It reminded me rather of the screaming homophobes of my teenage years, who, when I stated that I didn’t really have a problem with consenting gays, would yell at me ‘do you know what they do??? They don’t just hold hands you know’. I wasn’t 100% certain of what they did do, because I didn’t consider it any of my business and I’d never have been rude enough to ask them. As I got older I did gain some idea of ‘what they do’ and I still didn’t consider it any of my business… Peter Tatchell’s book provided some shining examples of the lurid fantasies of his more rabid correspondents.

One reason why I read up on the Bermondsey by-election and what went before it, is that Bermondsey, Peckham and Dulwich were the areas which came under the domain of Southwark Borough Council. Previous posts have described how Southwark was one of the Councils which sent huge numbers of kids in care to children’s homes in north Wales throughout the 1970s and 80s and some of the most serious complaints of abuse, such as children being forced to have sex at gunpoint, were made by children from Southwark. Southwark continued to send kids to children’s homes in north Wales in great numbers even after the most serious complaints had been made. Huge amounts of money was being transferred from Southwark Council into the coffers of John Allen et al, so much that numerous people in Southwark Council could not have not noticed this.

Sir Simon Hughes I am sure would tell us that he didn’t know about Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Previous posts have provided details of Simon Hughes’s background, but I’ll note here that Hughes was educated at the Cathedral School, Llandaff, where he was Dean’s Scholar and Head Boy in 1964, then at Christ College, Brecon and Selwyn College, Cambridge where he graduated with a law degree. Hughes subsequently attended the College of Europe in Bruges. He was called to the Bar at the Inner Temple in 1974.

The Llandaff Cathedral School has long been a favourite seat of learning for the paedophiles’ friends and their offspring. Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain went there; when Simon Hughes was contesting and then representing Bermondsey, Chamberlain was concealing the south London branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which was operating via St George’s Hospital, the associated mental health unit Springfield Hospital and Wandsworth Social Services. Chamberlain’s mate Oliver Brooke, the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s, was a key figure in the pan-European paedophile ring of which Dafydd’s gang was a part. Ollie was jailed in Dec 1986, but his mates who colluded with him all remained in business at St George’s and Wandsworth. See previous posts, including ‘Oliver!’.

After the bad PR which accompanied Ollie’s imprisonment, St George’s symbolically deposed their Dean and in 1988 replaced him with Professor Sir William Asscher. Asscher had spent most of his career in Cardiff, where he had er concealed the crimes of Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, the related gangs in south and west Wales and the crimes of George Thomas aka Viscount Tonypandy, the Labour MP for Cardiff Central and then Cardiff West, 1945-83, the Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70 and the Speaker of the House, 1976-83. See previous posts.

Christ College, Brecon is another favourite establishment of the paedophiles’ friends. Plenty of highly influential paedophiles’ friends have of course passed through Cambridge University, including Selwyn College, which was one factor which afforded Dafydd et al such protection. As well of course as all those dodgy barristers with Welsh connections.

Simon Hughes first joined the Liberal Party in 1972, when he signed up to Cambridge University Liberal Club as a student. Jeremy Thorpe’s penchant for casual sex with a wide variety of men was well-known in the Liberal Party by 1972 and quite a number of them knew that he was hassling and threatening Norman Scott by then as well, including Emlyn Hooson, a barrister practising in Wales and big figure in the Liberal Party, especially in Wales. People in the Liberal Party also knew about Cyril Smith abusing children and even more people knew about it after details appeared in an alternative paper in Rochdale in 1979 and the story was picked up by ‘Private Eye’. David Steel was so concerned that it would impact negatively on Jeremy Thorpe’s forthcoming trial as well as damage the Liberals that Steel made an arrangement with the crooked much-feared barrister George Carman QC – who acted for Thorpe – to keep the Cyril Smith story out of the mainstream press. Carman knew about Dafydd’s gang in north Wales/Chester.

 

Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss is a member of Inner Temple. Butler-Sloss’s  brother Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87 – Geoffrey Chamberlain and many of his colleagues lived in Wimbledon – and while Havers was Attorney General for England and Wales as well as AG for N Ireland, 1979-87, under Thatch, he blocked prosecutions against a number of high profile paedophiles, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman.

The Lord Havers QC
Lord Havers 1987.jpg

Elizabeth Butler-Sloss came into her own in 1988, when she Chaired the Inquiry into the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and concealed the extent of the havoc caused by the trafficking gang in the North East of England with links to Dafydd’s gang (see previous posts eg. ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named…’).

Mahatma Ghandi and Jawaharlal Nehru, the PM of India, studied law at the Inner Temple:

The Inn contains several buildings and sets of buildings used to house Chambers, with those rooms above the second floor generally being residential in nature. The sets are Crown Office Row, Dr Johnson’s Buildings, Farrar’s Building, Francis Taylor Building, Harcourt Buildings, Hare Court, King’s Bench Walk, Littleton Building, Mitre Court Buildings, Paper Buildings and the eastern side of Temple. 

 

Simon Hughes became part of the SDP-Liberal Alliance, along with Dr Death – who was personally mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales who were facilitating Dafydd’s gang – the Boy David and Shirl, who also knew all about Dafydd’s gang and who, in 1979 when she was Secretary of State for Education, refused to hold a Public Inquiry into UCNW (Bangor University), despite the chaos reigning as a result of the institution being run by Dafydd and the gang. Hughes joined the newly founded Lib Dems in 1988 and was their Spokesman for Education until 1992, during which time teachers in north Wales and elsewhere with links to Dafydd’s gang were convicted of offences against children.

Simon Hughes moved to Bermondsey in 1981. There may have been many reasons why Hughes relocated, but in 1981 Dafydd’s gang were in need of help, because Mary Wynch had begun legal action against them. Mary alleged serious corruption on the part of legal and medical professionals in north Wales, so she was using Birnberg and Co, based in Camden, as her solicitors.

Simon Hughes will have known about Dafydd and the gang in north Wales by 1981, because Mary’s litigation made legal history and caused a stir from the moment that she began it. It was in the aftermath of Mary beginning legal action that reinforcements arrived in north Wales, including in the form of Tony and Sadie Francis, in the early 1980s. Dafydd knew that he could be in very, very deep shit if he didn’t call in numerous favours and those being called upon to help out knew that they’d go down with the Titanic as well if assistance wasn’t forthcoming.

Strange but true

 

On 25 Jan 1981, The Gang Of Four broke the mould of politics and made the Limehouse Declaration:

  • The Iron Lady - 1982 Alliance Referendum
  • The SDP Gang of Four Stock Photo, Royalty Free Image ...
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When the Gang Of Four broke the mould of politics, they based their strategy for targeting seats entirely on their knowledge of Dafydd’s gang and the Westminster Paedophile Gang (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

The strategy led to this:

The Baroness Thatcher
portrait at half length of an older white woman with coiffed, light golden brown hair, wearing jewellery, dressed in a dark suit, hands crossed, against a cloudy backdrop
 Prime Minister of the United Kingdom
In office
4 May 1979 – 28 November 1990

 

In 1992 -after the Gang of Four had broken the mould of politics and the Tories had been in Gov’t for 13 years – there were proposals that Garth Angharad, a ‘hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’ near Dolgellau, should be closed down. Elfyn Llwyd, the Plaid MP for Meirionnydd Nant Conwy and then Dwyfor Meirionnydd, 1992-2010 and a very good friend of Dafydd’s gang, tabled an Early Day Motion on 21 May 1992 opposing the closure of Garth Angharad, on the grounds that there were no other ‘hospitals’ in Wales providing a service like Garth Angharad. What services did Garth Angharad provide? Well it didn’t have an A&E or any machines that went ping or indeed even any Top Doctors. Because Garth Angharad was indeed a hospital like no other. It wasn’t run by the NHS or even BUPA; Garth Angharad was a remote old building hidden away in Snowdonia which was owned by Paul Hett, a solicitor who was struck off in 2007 for embezzling clients’ money. Paul Hett was the proud owner/manager of three children’s homes/schools in north Wales where children were abused, some of those schools/children’s homes having been located at Garth Angharad. Hett was so flaky and the abuse of kids housed in his institutions so bad that even Ronnie Waterhouse had a few harsh words for Paul Hett and his institutions. Garth Angharad was simply a prison for the victims of Dafydd’s gang who were held there illegally. See post ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’.

The case conference held about me in 1989 – while I was sitting in a London medical school as a postgrad – which I only found out about four years ago and was Chaired by Dr Chris Hunter, Dafydd’s mate who I had never heard of until four years ago and took evidence from numerous other people whom I hadn’t heard of which culminated in Hunter declaring that I was extremely dangerous, capable of murder and should be sent to a high security hospital and offering to compile a Court Report even though I wasn’t facing any charges at the time (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter), was held at Garth Angharad.

Simon Hughes was one of those who signed the EDM opposing the closure of Garth Angharad. See posts ‘Further Information on Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’.

When Simon Hughes signed that EDM opposing the closure of a an unregulated private prison owned by a man who had owned and managed schools where children were abused, Simon Hughes had spent four years as the Lib Dems Spokesman on Education.

 

Peter Tatchell eventually became the Secretary of the Bermondsey Labour Party, but he and his supporters did not become the dominant force there until the early 1980s. The conveyor belt of kids in care from Southwark to north Wales had begun years before Peter arrived in Southwark. Peter had previously lived in Hornsey (north London), yet another area with which Dafydd’s gang had excellent diplomatic relations; Peter had been a youth worker. Previous posts have mentioned that as a gay activist in London at the time, Peter must have known about the trade in people between London and north Wales but he has never spoken about it.

I do not however assume that Peter was necessarily involved in abusing youngsters. Previous posts have discussed a good friend of mine who moved to north Wales in 1979 and opened a cafe. He ended up being as much of a target of Dafydd’s gang as I did, because he told a few too many people that pre-1979, he was a youth worker in north London and that he withdrew from a social work course after he raised concerns about the abuse and neglect of clients by Haringey and Islington Councils, only to be told by his tutors at the North London Poly that he could not criticise the Councils and that was the end of it. This man also told people in north Wales about the luxurious life-style of one Margaret Hodge that he witnessed and he also knew a well-known ‘radical lawyer’ and his wife, the radical lawyer’s wife  in recent years having sat as a member of the GMC. The Top Doctors dripped so much poison into so many ears regarding my friend who owned the cafe that eventually no Top Doc would agree to treat him and it was recorded upon his medical records that he ‘destroys therapists’. No, they destroyed him because he was a witness and a whistleblower…

In Bermondsey, much was made of Peter Tatchell being Unemployed. Perhaps Peter Tatchell considered that a better option than working in social work/youth work in London at that time…

Tatchell’s book enters into considerable detail regarding the dreadful corruption in the Bermondsey Labour Party and its long history. Tatchell is not simply speculating; the people and events which he describes have been verified but most of it was never reported in the mainstream media.

John O’Grady was the leader of Southwark Borough Council, 1968-82. John Allen opened Bryn Alyn, which received so many kids in care from Southwark, in the late 1960s. O’Grady was a founder member and the Vice-Chair of the Social Democratic Alliance (SDA), which was formed in 1975 by a group of right wing Labour MPs and was a forerunner of the SDP. After much twisting and turning by everyone involved, after the SDP was formed in 1981, the SDA dissolved into it.

 

Tatchell identifies the Labour MP for Bermondsey, Bob Mellish, as well as his business associates and friends, as being the cause of the toxicity in Bermondsey. Mellish and his mates ran the Constituency Labour Party as a personal fiefdom, lied to everyone and rigged absolutely everything for the benefit of themselves while Mellish made much of being a True Cockney Who Represented The People, particularly against Incomers And Migrants. Bob Mellish sounds as though he was doing exactly the same as Dafydd, but Dafydd did it in north Wales in Welsh. The strategies were identical.

Bob Mellish’s business associates included the notorious T. Dan Smith from the North East of England who was notorious for his massive civic corruption, particularly involving local authorities and building contracts, which stretched as far as London. T. Dan Smith was involved with the corrupt Yorkshire-based businessman John Poulson, who in turn was responsible for the end of the career of Reginald Maudling, Heath’s Home Secretary who had previously served as Chancellor of the Exchequer Under Macmillan and Douglas-Home, Reggie having been caught out in dodgy business deals linked to Poulson. More recently, allegations that John Poulson was involved with the organised abuse of children have surfaced. See previous posts for further information on T. Dan Smith and John Poulson.

Robert Joseph Mellish, Baron Mellish served as the Labour MP for Rotherhithe, 1946-50 and then Bermondsey, 1950-82. Mellish was born in Deptford, the thirteenth of fourteen children. His father was a docker. After Mellish left school he worked for the TGWU. He began work at the Stratford office of the newly created TGWU on the evening of the day that he left school. So Mellish was there at the very beginning, which might explain why he was selected as the candidate for Rotherhithe, in the face of candidates which were considered to have a much greater chance and who were more popular across the constituency, after the TGWU dockers’ delegates voted for him en bloc. He easily won the constituency in a by-election in 1946 and in 1950 the constituency was expanded and named Bermondsey.

Mellish had fought the Japanese in South-East Asia during WW II, which gave him a great deal of kudos in many circles, the Japs being renowned for their extreme cruelty during the war.

In 1950 Mellish was appointed PPS to George Strauss, Minister of Supply. George Russell Strauss, Baron Strauss (18 July 1901 – 5 June 1993) was a Labour MP for 46 years and was Father of the House of Commons, 1974-79. Strauss was the son of the Tory (and previously a Liberal Unionist) MP Arthur Strauss (1847–1920), who later joined the Labour Party. George Strauss was educated at Rugby, where the hostile treatment experienced by him and other Jewish boys left him as a vehement supporter of racial equality. Sadly some of that obviously didn’t rub off on ‘I hate darkies’ Mellish, more of which soon. Strauss became a metal merchant and a leading member of the London County Council on which his wife Patricia also served.

Members of the London County Council, including Jim Callaghan’s wife Audrey (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’), colluded with the organised abuse of children and vulnerable people.

Strauss gained the seat of Lambeth North in 1929. He lost it in 1931, but regained it in a 1934 by-election. In 1939 Strauss was expelled from the Labour Party for supporting the ‘Popular Front’ movement of Stafford Cripps, whom he had served as PPS. Strauss was Parliamentary Secretary at the Ministry of Transport, 1945-47 and was the Minister of Supply, 1947-51. After boundary changes, Strauss became MP for Vauxhall in 1950, which he represented until 1979. On 9 July 1979 Strauss was created a life peer as Baron Strauss of Vauxhall in the London Borough of Lambeth.

The investigation into the paedophile ring that operated in the children’s homes of Lambeth throughout the 1970s, 80s and 90s which had links with Dafydd’s gang – kids were abused in Lambeth and sent to north Wales where they were abused – maintained that organised abuse of children in Lambeth dated as least as far back as the 1940s. See previous posts.

In 1951 Bob Mellish was appointed PPS to the Minister for Pensions, George Isaacs. George Isaacs was the MP for Gravesend, 1923-24, then Southwark, 1929-59. George Isaacs was an active trade unionist in the early years of the 20th century and served as General Secretary of the National Society of Operative Printers and Assistants (NATSOPA), 1909-49. This post also took Isaacs onto the General Council of the TUC – he was President of the TUC in 1945 – and he was active in the Labour Party. Isaacs was Minister of Labour and National Service in Attlee’s Gov’t, 1945-51 and then Minister of Pensions in 1951. Isaacs retired from Parliament in 1959. He had long since moved to East Molesey in Surrey where he served as a Deputy Lieutenant and as a JP. Isaacs was eventually Chairman of the Surrey Bench of Magistrates. Isaacs lived until 1979, so he was around to assist Dafydd and the gang as they built up their empire of child sex workers throughout the 1970s.

 

Bob Mellish was Chairman of the London Regional Labour Party, 1956-77 and it was through the London Regional Labour Party that Mellish exerted influence during the 1950s and early 1960s, when Labour were in Opposition.

Mellish was appointed as Gov’t Chief Whip, 1969-70 and 1974-76, by Harold Wilson and was renowned as a tough Chief Whip. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary to the Minister for Housing and Local Government, 1964-67, then becoming Minister of Public Building and Works, 1967-69. Mellish became Minister for Housing and Local Government in 1970, under Tony Crosland, Secretary of State for Local Government and Regional Planning. Tony Crosland was a swinging bisexual who concealed the paedophile gang in the North East of England which was linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and supplied Dafydd’s gang with staff and children from the 1970s onward (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Mellish was a Wilson loyalist and was said to have wept when he heard the news that Wilson had stepped down as PM in 1976. He supported Footie to replace Wilson, but in vain; Callaghan won the leadership ballot. Mellish got on well at a personal level with Foot, despite the great ideological differences between the two men, but disliked Callaghan so much that he resigned from the Cabinet within months of Wilson’s own retirement.

It was Foot who in Dec 1981 as Labour Leader made a speech stating that Tatchell would not be endorsed as a Labour candidate and that Foot didn’t ever envisage that he would be.

I mentioned previously that Bob Mellish was a racist git and proud of it. At one stage he opened a speech by saying “As I come to this platform, many of you will know that I have never been an anti-racialist”. In 1976 Mellish argued that the Malawi Asians expelled by Hastings Banda should not be allowed to live in Britain despite possessing British passports:

We cannot go on like this. I do not care what those on this side of the House, or the Opposition side or anywhere else, say. Problems at local level will become worse and worse for our own people unless something is done. All hon. Members know that people come to their surgeries describing the most distressing conditions – terrifying conditions. People born and bred in their own constituencies have been on the housing waiting list for as long as six years. But, on the points system, one must give immigrants preference…People cannot come here just because they have a British passport – full stop.

Wasn’t having a British passport traditionally the essence of the criteria that allowed one to ‘come here’?

Tatchell mentioned in his book that a black person was actively blocked from becoming active in the Bermondsey Labour Party when Mellish and his henchmen were in control.

 

Thatch’s Gov’t was keen to get a Labour figure to sit on the London Docklands Development Corporation as Vice-Chairman in 1980 but the Labour Party was entirely opposed to the creation of the LDDC and refused to nominate. Mellish offered a way through as he was willing to take the post; as a sitting MP he would lose his seat if the post was paid, so a special provision was made that it would be unpaid until the Vice-Chairman elected to take payment.

Mellish’s appointment as Vice-Chairman of the LDDC, a non-elected body, was made directly by Michael Heseltine. Heseltine originated from Swansea and is someone else who knew about Dafydd’s gang, their role in the Westminster Paedophile Ring and Heseltine tried to benefit from that knowledge. Sir Anthony Meyer’s battle with Beata Brookes, a Tory politician in north Wales who was a former social worker, which resulted in an all-out civil war in the Tory Party in north east Wales (see previous posts) and Meyer’s subsequent ‘stalking horse’ challenge to Thatch’s leadership was a plan by Meyer to lever Heseltine in as Tory leader, but for reasons which are not yet clear to me, Heseltine didn’t go for it at the time as Meyer expected and hoped.

When I wrote my post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’, I presumed that Sir Anthony had gone into battle to prevent Beata Brookes from bagging a Westminster seat because he knew that Brookes was a mate of Dafydd and Lucille and was fully on board with the trafficking ring. I found out later that Anthony Meyer was also fully on board with the trafficking ring and went into battle because he just hated Beata and the Thatcherite wing of the Tory Party. Pretty much an everyday story of north Wales folk – fighting tooth and nail because they hate each other but everyone’s on board with Dafydd’s gang.

Mellish’s wiki entry tells us that his ‘acceptance of a post with the LDDC exacerbated the split with the Bermondsey Constituency Labour Party which had elected a slate of left-wing officers at its annual meeting that same year’. That is true, but the wiki entry does not mention the endemic corruption and the business deals with corrupt businessmen that Mellish was involved with which were part of the reason why there was a ‘split’ between Mellish and the ‘left-wing officers’ of his CLP. The split was always described as being ideological, but Mellish was involved in matters which no honest activist would ever have been able to defend and support.

Mellish’s wiki entry continues with the info that he ‘was against the shift to the left in the Labour Party and decided not to stand for election again. Tam Dalyell later said that “Mellish’s final years in the Commons were dogged by controversy and beset with troubles in Bermondsey from hard-left ‘yuppie’ incomers and the Militant tendency, people who were moons apart from the dockers who had selected him four decades earlier”.

Tam Dalyell failed to mention that Mellish ensured that his constituents knew all about his dad being a docker and Mellish fighting the Japs during the war which will have gone down very well with many of them, but no-one told those constituents that Mellish and his crew were exporting the most disadvantaged kids in the Borough into the hands of a gang of paedophiles in north Wales and that the reason why Mellish’s constituents couldn’t get housing wasn’t simply because the darkies were jumping the queue, it was because Mellish and his corrupt associates had completely screwed up local authority housing.

You should have socked it to them Mr Tatchell, I know that you were given a dreadful time, but if you had exposed the worst of what was going on and the links between Dafydd’s gang and Thatcher’s Gov’t, then history could not have been rewritten as a fight between yuppies playing at being lefties against a noble working class man who Really Spoke For His Constituents. Likewise had anyone briefed the dockers re some aspects of Enoch Powell and his activities, they might not have been so robust in their (alleged) support of him in 1968.

It was the same old crew who won the biggest prizes as a result of Lord Bob and his mates being The Authentic Voice Of Sahf London:

The Baroness Thatcher
portrait at half length of an older white woman with coiffed, light golden brown hair, wearing jewellery, dressed in a dark suit, hands crossed, against a cloudy backdrop

 

Documents released from the National Archives relatively recently confirmed that Thatcher did indeed want to extinguish trade union power in the UK. Nice one Lord Bob of the Dockers, you certainly helped there!

The Baroness Thatcher

Bob Mellish 1964.jpg

 

 

Sir Peter Morrison

Peter Morrison

 

The Lord St John of Fawsley
Lord St John of Fawsley.jpg

 

So why was Bob Mellish involved with Dafydd and the gang? Probably because of this particular child molester and mate of Dafydd’s gang, who was another Labour Party vote-puller of the same vintage as Bob Mellish and was also a friend of Harold Wilson and someone who, like Mellish, hated Jim Callaghan:

The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

Bob Mellish wanted his ally John O’Grady to be selected to succeed him as the constituency MP, but the constituency party selected  Tatchell, the Secretary of the Bermondsey CLP. Mellish threatened to resign immediately and force a by-election if Tatchell was endorsed by the Labour Party nationally. Michael Foot, then the Labour Party leader, hung Peter Tatchell out to dry in his Dec 1981 speech – without forewarning Tatchell – in which he stated that Tatchell would never be endorsed “so far as I am concerned”. Footie was rude about Thatchell’s Gay Lib activism. This was the Footie who shagged anything that moved of both sexes when he was younger and who’s wife Jill Craigie told him to satisfy his ‘additional needs’ with other people but not to bother to provide her with the details. See previous posts. Footie knew about Dafydd and the gang and colluded with them. Footie kept his own sexual shenanigans out of the press by making it clear to them that he had even more dirt on Lord Rothermere and Lord Beaverbrook than they did on him and one word about Footie’s additional needs in the press and the world would find out about the additional needs of Lords Rothermere and Beaverbrook.

Those other men of principle Denis Healey and Fattersley, who also knew about the activities of Dafydd’s gang, as well as the activities of George Thomas, Greville Janner, Sir Peter Morrison, Lord St John of Fawsley, Sir Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe, Lord Louis of Mountbatten, Ma’am Darling and Ma’am Darling’s husband Lord Snowdon, joined Footie in condemning Peter Tatchell and his gay leftie ways. Merlyn Rees was also Shocked and Disgusted by Tatchell. Merlyn Rees not only colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles throughout his career, particularly when he was Home Secretary, 1976-79, (see previous posts), but Merlyn Rees was a Director of Municipal Mutual in 1996 (see post ‘I Predict A Riot’).

Municipal Mutual were the insurers of Clwyd County Council and the North Wales Police. In 1996, when the Jillings Report into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed after the Jillings Investigation and it was known that Jillings had concluded that the abuse had been horrific, indefensible and that organised abuse had been taking place in north Wales for decades prior to the 1970s, Michael Beloff QC, the legal adviser to Municipal Mutual, ensured that no-one except for Municipal Mutual’s lawyers read the Jillings Report, not even the Clwyd Councillors. Michael Beloff QC ordered that if Malcolm King, the Chair of Clwyd’s Social Services Committee – who was feared to be a bit of a loose cannon where the matter of the abuse of kids was concerned – ever managed to see the Report and publicise its contents, then King should be sacked. See post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

No-one did ever see the Jillings Report for many, many years because all known copies were pulped; in 2013, someone produced a copy that had been lurking quietly somewhere and it was finally made publicly available. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless, even to those of us with a good knowledge of who the culprits were.

 

When the UK press were throwing everything including the kitchen sink at Peter Tatchell, Dafydd’s gang were trying to snare me into a glorious future which would have involved providing sexual services to the vile old grunters who were giving Tatchell such a bad time.

Strange but true

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Strange but true

Er, no Dafydd, I wouldn’t have even been tempted… Not even if I had known that one of their mates was the thirteenth son of a docker who had fought the Japs.

No rational person would ever have been tempted, which was why Dafydd’s gang murdered people who challenged them.

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In August 1982, it became clear that Tatchell would be permitted to stand if the CLP selected him again, so Mellish announced his resignation from the Labour Party to sit as an Independent MP. In November 1992, Mellish resigned his seat in Parliament and forced the 1983 by-election in which Mellish campaigned for John O’Grady who stood as a Real Bermondsey Labour candidate. O’Grady’s campaign involved him travelling around the constituency in a horse and trap singing a homophobic song about Thatchell.

You should have given me a ring Peter, I’d have popped down to Bermondsey three years later and sung a song about Dafydd, because I’d encountered him by then.

O’Grady performed badly at the Feb 1983 by-election although Mellish did take satisfaction from the heavy defeat of Tatchell by the bisexual Simon Hughes.

In 2003, after Mellish’s death, Tatchell claimed that Mellish was secretly bisexual and was “persistent” in propositioning Tatchell but warned Thatchell when he was rebuffed not to publicise it as no one would believe him. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if this was true. I’m not someone who believes that a paedophile lurks on every corner, but these mad old sods were so confused and hypocritical about sexuality, including theirs, that some very odd things were happening. Tatchell quietly behaved with a great deal of dignity in the face of these bastards and while I would never suggest that he should ever have conducted himself like them, Tatchell should have dropped the bomb of Dafydd, the Top Docs and the trafficking gang and dealt with them for good. We would have helped you Peter, but the British state were far too busy assisting Dafydd in murdering our friends and wrecking our lives. Even so, had someone even told me that Tatchell had been stung by the London arm of Dafydd’s gang I’d have been a most willing worker…

North Wales Hospital, Denbigh - County Asylums

 

Lord John Walton, President of the BMA, 1980-82; President of the GMC, 1982-89:

  • Appointment with the Dean - City Church Newcastle
  • Lord Robert Kilpatrick, President of the GMC, 1989-95:
  • Obituary: Robert Kilpatrick, Baron Kilpatrick of Kincraig ...
See previous posts for more information on Walton and Kilpatrick.

Bob Mellish later joined Dr Death and the SDP. So the Devil went straight into the arms of Dafydd’s own true friends (see posts ‘Dr Death’ and ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’)

David Owen

 

In 1985 the thirteenth son of a docker who didn’t like darkies and had also fought the Japs stood down from the LDDC and accepted a peerage on 12 July 1985 as Baron Mellish, of Bermondsey in Greater London, sitting as an independent.

In July 1985, Dr D.G.E. Wood, Tony Francis et al were busying themselves with preparations to wreck the future careers of my friends and I. I had contacted lawyers as well as Keith Best, the Tory MP for Anglesey, re my concerns over the activities of the mental health services in north Wales, unaware that the whole lot of them were colluding with the gang. Mary Wynch’s application for leave to sue Dafydd and the gang was heard by the Master of the Rolls on 9 July 1985; Mary was given leave to go ahead and sue Dafydd and the gang. See post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’.

In August 1985 my best friend from school worked in the box office at the Edinburgh Fringe. When she refused to pull strings to obtain a ticket and accommodation – the event was sold out by the time that she was asked – for Samuel Brittan, a journo on the FT and the brother of Leon Brittan, Home Secretary, June 1983-Sept 1985, Samuel sent a copy of the letter that my friend had sent him, in which she apologised but explained that she could not get him a ticket and an hotel, to his mate Michael Grade, the then Controller of BBC 1. Michael Grade wrote back to Samuel telling Samuel that he was ‘appalled’ at my friend’s ‘rudeness’ and that he would ensure that Samuel did get a ticket ‘even if I have to give you mine’. The Edinburgh Fringe box office went apeshit, presented my friend with copies of Brittan and Grade’s correspondence and gave her a bollocking. Just weeks previously my friends’ parents, who were both mental health professionals working in the West Country, had given me advice as to how to deal with the horrors then being thrown at me by the north Wales mental health services.

In 1986, my friend and her husband moved to a flat in Bethnal Green when they began their careers in the media. I stayed at their flat for a short time, for the first few weeks of my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital. We were all threatened by some seriously nasty characters. We attributed it to thuggery and possibly fascist activity but I now know that the sex offenders and nasties were gifts from Dafydd’s gang. Over the next five years, we all found ourselves on the receiving end of gangsters (see post ‘The Turn of The Screw’). In early 1991, just after I was forced out of my job at St George’s, my friend was unlawfully sacked from her job with the Royal Television Society. Her husband was soon afterwards forced out of his job at the BBC. Dear old Michael Grade and his pals were terrifically good mates with everyone at the RTS and the BBC… See previous posts.

Leon Brittan was known to have concealed the Westminster Paedophile Ring and there have been allegations that he too abused children and young people.

Leon Brittan

 

Official portrait of Lord Grade of Yarmouth crop 2.jpg

 

It was Michael Grade who supported Esther Rantzen in establishing ChildLine, after a conversation between them in 1985. Rantzen has been accused of ignoring calls to ChildLine from kids in care in north Wales and one woman maintains that she told Rantzen about Jimmy Savile but was ignored. In 1988 I wrote to Rantzen about Dafydd and the abuses of mental health patients in north Wales. I did not receive a reply. Rantzen’s sister Priscilla Taylor worked as a social worker for Lambeth Borough Council and Priscilla’s boss Valerie – later Baroness – Howarth was appointed Chief Exec of ChildLine by Rantzen. See previous posts.

The Lord Havers QC
Lord Havers 1987.jpg

 

Bob Mellish was a supporter of Millwall Football Club and was President of the Millwall Supporters Club. Wasn’t there a sizeable problem with serious violence on the part of Millwall fans at that time? And er, infiltration of the fans by the NF? NF recruiters distributing their leaflets at matches involving Millwall? And links between the organised violence at football matches and serious organised crime?

The tallest building in Milton Keynes, Mellish Court, is named after Bob Mellish. So there’s an honour for Milton Keynes, although perhaps someone could explain why a corrupt old bastard from Bermondsey who’s business associates were builders and planners involved in municipal corruption across the whole of England should be honoured by a tower block in Milton Keynes…

China's 'loadsamoney' culture shocked this humble ...

 

Tam Dalyell’s obituary of Mellish which was published in the Indie gives further insights into the sources of Mellish’s power. Dalyell described Mellish as the ‘cement that prevented the Labour Party being split asunder’ under the entry of Britain into the Common Market and that Mellish achieved that by a ‘remarkable feat of political management’ which was matched by his ‘wheeling and dealing’ in Gov’t on ‘wage limits agreed by Jack Jones and Hugh Scanlon, the closed shop, the Docklands Labour Scheme and the compulsory introduction of comprehensive schools’.

Dalyell told us that Mellish was far more successful as Wilson’s Chief Whip than anyone ever thought that he would be; when Mellish was appointed, it was widely believed that Wilson had made a terrible mistake and that Mellish would be the most dreadful bully, but ooh no, he did a wonderful job. Mellish was appointed Chief Whip in 1969, just after John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community and the trade in disadvantaged children between the wider UK – including Southwark – and north Wales began in earnest. George Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales, April 1968-June 1970. When George Thomas was Secretary of State, responsibilities for Health and Social Services in Wales were transferred to the Welsh Office. George was in charge of the kiddies homes and the psychiatric hospitals!!!

 

Ian Mikardo, Mellish’s constituency neighbour and someone who was on the left of the Labour Party, was initially ‘quite appalled’ at Mellish’s appointment as Chief Whip but later stated that Mellish was ‘to a perfect degree a round peg in a round hole’. Ian Mikardo was someone who knew that disadvantaged children from his own constituency in the East End were being abused and trafficked by Dafydd’s gang but Mikardo said nothing (see previous posts).

Eight of Mellish’s 13 siblings died as children from conditions such as meningitis and scarlet fever. According to Dalyell, this resulted in Mellish having a lifelong commitment to healthcare. You’ve guessed it, Mellish ‘devoted his time to the work of the East End hospital Boards throughout his life’. The East End hospital Boards who did not help their disadvantaged patients as much as they pretended to or indeed should or could have; the hospital Boards who removed slum kids from their parents and transported them to Australia knowing that they were going to lives of sexual abuse and slavery or, from the late 1960s onward, sent them into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophile gang.

For details of how, in the mid-1980s, a group of healthcare workers and managers in the East End who had concealed Dafydd’s crimes extracted dosh from Ken Clarke at the DoH to reopen the Mildmay Mission Hospital in Shoreditch and transform it into a hospice for terminally ill AIDS patients, many of whom were rent boys who had been abused and trafficked by Dafydd’s gang, see post ‘Apocalypse Now’.

The Mildmay also looked after a number of high profile celebrity AIDS patients. Their names have never been revealed, being people who were afforded rather more respect and concern than the victims of Dafydd’s gang. A number of celebs, including former East Enders stars are supporters of the Mildmay’s work.

The Labour MP Peter Shore was someone who assisted in extracting the dosh from the DoH to transform the Mildmay into a hospice for AIDS patients. Peter Shore was one of those who opposed Peter Tatchell standing as the Labour candidate in Bermondsey. Shore was someone else who knew about the activities of Dafydd et al and benefited greatly from keeping his trap shut (see previous posts).

 

A few other Interesting Facts with regard to Bob Mellish:

Mellish’s appointment as PPS to George Isaacs was backed by Mandelson’s granddad Herbert Morrison, then the Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. George Thomas was first elected in 1945, the year that Mandy’s granddad became Deputy PM. Mandy’s granddad knew Thomas.

Mandy’s granddad was born in and went to school in Lambeth. He was Leader of London County Council, 1934-40; MP for Hackney South, 1935-45 and for Lewisham East and then Lewisham South, 1945-59. In 1959 Herbert Morrison was elevated to the peerage.

Tam Dalyell alleged that Bob Mellish’s commitment to improving housing and slum clearance ‘created a bond’ between Mellish and Dame Evelyn Sharp, who was Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Housing and Local Gov’t, 1955-66, during which time Mellish served in that Ministry. Sharp was born in Hornsey – now part of Haringey – the daughter of the vicar of Ealing. Sharp’s uncles included Richard Harvey, Archdeacon of Halifax, Sir John Harvey, Judge of the Supreme Court of New South Wales and Sir Ernest Harvey, Chief Cashier to the Bank of England. Evelyn Sharp studied at Somerville College, Oxford and graduated in 1925.

Sharp joined the Civil Service in 1926, served at first in the Board of Trade and then in the Ministry of Health, which at the time was concerned with Housing and Local Gov’t and this became Sharp’s speciality. When the Ministry of Housing and Local Gov’t was formed in 1951, Sharp worked with Harold Macmillan. From 1964, Sharp’s Minister was Dick Crossman. Mellish was promoted to Minister of Works in 1967, the year after Sharp retired. Dick Crossman was Lord President of the Council, 1966-68 – Herbert Morrison was Lord President of the Council, 1945-51 – one responsibility which comes with that position is that of the visitor to UCNW.

Evelyn Sharp had some interesting sidelines for the mandarin running the Ministry concerned with Housing and Local Gov’t while a corrupt MP with business associates who were notorious for local authority corruption in terms of building and planning worked in her Ministry. After she retired, Sharp was Director of Bovis, the construction company and was President of the London and Quadrant Housing Trust. Sharp served on the Royal Commission on Local Gov’t in England, 1966-69 and was a member of the IBA, 1966-73. Sharp’s enthusiasm for modernist architecture and urban rebuilding caused it to be said of her that she ‘truly did come close to doing as much damage as the Luftwaffe’; Sharp gave her backing to many development of high rise flats. Low income residents of the cities of the UK will have had a bum deal, but Sharp, Bovis, Mellish and their mates will have done very well out of it.

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When Mellish was causing havoc in Bermondsey, Mandy was working for LWT and then in 1985 began ‘modernising’ the Labour party and doing all that he could to make the Windbag electable after the Windbag was appointed Leader of the Labour Party in Oct 1983. The Windbag who knew Tony Francis and who’s wife was a school teacher from north Wales and who were both colluding with Dafydd et al.

The biggest light entertainment star on British TV in the early 1990s was Cilla Black; ‘Blind Date’, the show hosted by Cilla, was so profitable for LWT that it turned it’s fortunes around. Cilla was a close friend of Geoffrey Chamberlain at St George’s Hospital Medical School, who was colluding with that paedophile ring in south London and Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. Mandy was a member of Lambeth Borough Council, 1979-82.

Michael Grade was an executive for LWT throughout the 1970s and in the early years of the 80s.

 

The Lord Morrison of Lambeth
Herbert Morrison 1947.jpg
The Lord Mandelson
Peter Mandelson.jpg

 

Tam Dalyell considered Bob Mellish to be the ‘authentic voice of working class dockland London’ – the authentic voice who was so concerned for his dockland constituents that he helped Thatch out by becoming Vice-Chair of the LDDC, 1981-85.

Mellish’s constituents will all have bagged jobs as bankers after the development of London’s Docklands:

Hotels in Docklands, London | Accommodation in Docklands ...

 

For further information regarding how those who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang were part of the regeneration of London’s Docklands, see post ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’.

Bob Mellish is on record as saying about Harold Wilson that ‘the Prime Minister is a soft and decent man, almost too gentle. Some say it’s a weakness. I believe it’s a strength. He is very loyal to his friends…I am not a sycophant, but I do respect and admire him.’

Bob Mellish: one crooked old bastard who was Mr Big in the London Labour Party, supporting a whole host of other crooked old bastards, who were all in the pockets of the crooked old bastard who was PM. The entire farce was underpinned by an absolute idiot but a very dangerous idiot:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

He doesn’t just hold hands you know!

Bob Mellish died in May 1998, during the middle of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Ronnie Waterhouse was on very good terms with Frank Chapple, the General Secretary of the ‘moderate’ union, the EETPU (Electrical, Electronic, Telecommunications and Plumbing Union), 1966-84 and Ronnie acted for the EETPU on many occasions. Chapple was personally involved in the attempt in Nov 1980 to flood the Bermondsey Labour Party with phoney members – many of whom lived nowhere near Bermondsey – when Tatchell and other members of Bermondsey CLP were challenging Mellish and his mates with regard to their abuses and corruption. The applications to join the Bermondsey CLP were all done using the EETPU as a vehicle, by people using their affiliation to the EETPU as the basis of their application. Two such people were Southwark Councillors Charles Sawyer and Joe Lees. If they are still alive perhaps they would like to explain why they sent so many disadvantaged kids into the hands of a vicious sex abuse gang in north Wales who then trafficked them back down to London to work as rent boys, infecting many of them with HIV in the process.

Frank Chapple, Baron Chapple of Hoxton (8 August 1921 – 19 October 2004) was born in the slum area of Hoxton, east London. There was no bath or running hot water in the Chapple home. A Communist Party member early in his adult life, Chapple left the party after and partly as a result of, the Soviet suppression of the Hungarian Revolution of 1956. Thereafter he remained a forceful anti-communist. Frank Chapple will have known many of the members of the Communist Party in the 1950s, including many of the radicals who used to spend their summers at Croesor in north Wales who were friends with Sir Clough Williams-Ellis, his wife Amabel and their friend Bertrand Russell. The crowd who used to visit Croesor knew about Dafydd’s gang, which before Dafydd ran the show was led by Gwynne the lobotomist (see post eg. ‘The Village’).

Hoxton is just down the road from the flat in Bethnal Green in which my friends lived in 1986-87. The Krays grew up in Hoxton and hung around with the more degenerate politicians as well as gangsters and showbiz folk. Lod Bob Boothby used rent boys and was reputed to have had an affair with Ronnie Kray as well as his long-standing relationship with Harold Macmillan’s wife Dorothy. I cannot understand why no-one was surprised when many years later it was revealed that Ronnie Kray was being feted and treated like a King in Broadmoor. Broadmoor and indeed the whole mental health system was run by criminals and traffickers which was how Jimmy Savile made his way into it and was given senior managerial responsibilities. See posts ‘Socio-Politicial Context of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’, ‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’ and ‘The Old Devils’.

 

Chapple served as a member of the General Council of the TUC, 1971-83. Throughout that time the TUC concealed the crimes of Dafydd and associated gangs, sometimes very directly by protecting abusers employed in health and social care who were members of trade unions (see eg. posts ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’ and ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’). Chapple first joined what became the EETPU in 1937 and he had held offices at every level in the union. After his retirement, Frank Chapple was elevated to the Lords. Frank Chapple died in 2004. So he was around well after the publication of the Waterhouse Report to ensure that the truth remained suppressed.

Baron Chapple of Hoxton:

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One of Chapple’s sons, Barry Chapple, was a regional official of Amicus, which succeeded the EETPU. Amicus was the UK’s second largest trade union and the largest private sector union, formed by the merger of MSF and the AEEU, agreed in 2001 and two smaller unions, UNIFI and the GPMU. MSF was the union that represented many professionals in the NHS who were not Top Doctors or Angels and MSF used their knowledge of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors to wield a great deal of power in the NHS, but did not use their influence to stop the wrongdoing or the abuse of patients. David Hole, who served as one of the MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School when I worked there, 1989-91, was along with his colleagues concealing an enormous mountain of crap including crap directly relating to the trafficking gang which was operating in south London at the time and the Westminster Paedophile Ring (see previous posts). Amicus merged with the TGWU in 2007 to become UNITE.

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Jeremy Corbyn

 

Lest anyone wants further evidence of the wrongdoing in Southwark with Dafydd et al, not only is Southwark on the doorstep of the Maudsley, where Dafydd ‘trained’ with other Top Doctors who were facilitating organised abuse and who protected Dafydd et al in north Wales for the rest of their careers, but Dafydd’s mate Dr Jim Birley (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) joined the Maudsley as a consultant in 1969. Birley was the Dean of the Institute of Psychiatry, 1971-82, Dean of the Royal College of Psychiatry, 1982-87 and President, 1987-90. He was President of the BMA, 1993-94.

There are plenty of accounts that suggest that Jim Birley was quite mad. He spent time working with William Sargant at Tommy’s – as did Dr Death – when Sargant was carrying out such dangerous irresponsible experiments on patients that many of them died. Jim Birley claimed to have seen miraculous recoveries as a consequence of barbarous treatments that even at the time were known not to work. Then Jim Birley had a psychotic breakdown himself but was alleged to have made a full recovery within two days, so he returned to work.

Jim Birley was one of the British psychiatrists who took Soviet psychiatry to task in the late 1980s for abusing psychiatry for political purposes. While his mate Dafydd had the victims of a paedophile gang who had dared complain illegally imprisoned in a dungeon.

Jim Birley didn’t confine himself to Top Doctoring in hospitals. He established the Windsor Walk Housing Association which was supported accommodation. At about the same time Birley established the Camberwell Rehabilitation Association, which employed patients to undertake tasks such as making fuse boxes. In 1971 Jim Birley – after meeting David Ennals – founded the Southwark Association for Mental Health.

In 1971 David Ennals was leading a major campaign for MIND and Ennals joined in the long tradition of MIND in concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the gangs associated with him (see previous posts). Ennals later became Chair of MIND and it was whilst Ennals was Chair that Tony Smythe was appointed as Chief Exec of MIND. Tony Smythe had links with paedophiles’ rights groups such as PIE. David Ennals was Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1976-79, while Dafydd and the gang ran riot in north Wales. Before he had ever met Jim Birley, Ennals had served as a junior Minister in the Home Office – whilst the Home Office was directly responsible for managing Approved Schools, such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park, where there were paedophile gangs in operation.

Lord David Ennals’ son Sir Paul Ennals was Chief Executive of the NCB (National Children’s Bureau). Peter Righton the social work academic who was a convicted paedophile was involved with the NCB. Paul Ennals was also a member of safeguarding Boards in Haringey, Gateshead, Sunderland and Tyneside. Which would have meant a lot of commuting. All of the locations in which Sir Paul was busy safeguarding had paedophile rings operating in the children’s services. Lord Ennals’ brother Martin Ennals was Secretary-General of Amnesty International for some years.

See previous posts for further information re David, Paul and Martin Ennals.

 

Much as I admire Peter Tatchell’s resistance in the face of the gangsters which were Bob Mellish and his mates and one can only fall about laughing at the idea that Labour big wigs believed that Tatchell was the Labour Party’s problem, Peter and his supporters fell into the usual trap of campaigning on behalf of the Top Docs, their campaign being to keep St Olave’s Hospital open, although St Olave’s closed in 1985. In the late 1960s, St Olave’s operated a Day Hospital for psychiatric patients which St Olave’s shared with Cane Hill Hospital. Cane Hill Hospital was used as a dumping ground by the Maudsley for ‘chronic’ patients who were ‘never going to get better’. Those patients will have been in a very sorry state and they will have been drugged up and abandoned. A Top Doctor will not have gone near them for months on end. In the late 1970s, virtually all the ‘services’ and patients at St Olave’s were transferred to Guy’s. In 1979, only 40 patients remained at St Olave’s and 30 of them were psychogeriatric patients, who were eventually transferred to New Cross Hospital. They too will have been abandoned by the Top Doctors.

I can understand that Peter may have felt that the psych patients of St Olave’s had so little that Peter et al were helping by keeping a shite mental health service going. After all, in the latter half of the 1990s, I argued very strongly for keeping the Day Centre in the Hergest Unit open on the grounds that at least it provided patients with a warm meeting place where they could socialise and have a cup of coffee with their friends, many Empowered Service Users being so poor and isolated that if the Day Centre shut they would not even be able to do that. Before the Day Centre died by a thousand cuts, it was a vastly preferable ‘service’ to that which was the North Wales Hospital Denbigh or the thugs of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. After the Day Centre closed, patients died and became destitute en masse. See previous posts. However, what Peter and his supporters should really have been aiming for, while admittedly doing what they could to make patients’ lives as comfortable as they could under the circumstances, was to smash the racket that the Top Doctors were running, because that was the real problem. Those patients, along with the kids in care, were being abused and neglected, while the Top Docs stuck their noses into every trough available and dictated their own salaries. Every Gov’t Minister fell for it, even Battling Barbara Castle who was Going To Stamp Out Private Medicine. She didn’t, because the Top Docs told her to fuck off and Battling Babs didn’t dare cripple them and their rotten to the core profession. Furthermore Battling Babs ‘went private’ for fertility treatment herself because it wasn’t available on the NHS.

David Ennals and Dr Death were Ministers in the DHSS under Battling Babs.

Jeff Crowther, who for years worked as a nursing officer/manager in the mental health services in north Wales (see previous posts), was considered quite a leftie by his colleagues. Jeff loathed the Royal Family and one day I heard him telling the other Angels that the country fell for the Royals’ scams at every Royal Wedding and Royal Baby, but the Royal Family were a bunch of leeches who were bleeding the nation dry. I very much preferred Jeff to many of his colleagues, but he knew what Dafydd and the gang were doing, he admitted to me that Dafydd ‘was a corrupt old bastard’ and that he knew that Dafydd was sexually abusing patients and when I lost my temper and yelled at Jeff ‘why won’t any of you stand up to him?’, Jeff said ‘because we’ve got jobs to keep and mortgages to pay’ and walked off.

Sir Peter Morrison Jeff. One of those whom Dafydd was supplying with boys in care for sex parties. Morrison’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to HM Queen Lilibet. The Duke of Westminster, one of Carlo’s closest friends, was involved in concealing Dafydd’s gang. So was Carlo himself, in his capacity as Chancellor of UCNW (Bangor University). Carlo’s mate Jimmy Savile was a visitor to Bryn Estyn, where one boy alleged Savile witnessed a gang rape of one boy. Why do you think that Di was making PR visits to AIDS wards where victims of Dafydd’s gang were dying, or to Broadmoor where victims of Dafydd’s gang were banged up and being assaulted by Savile? You knew all of this, you were not as thick as some of your colleagues and you kept quiet because you wanted a job as an Angel. You still didn’t grass the bastards up when they killed your wife and then sent a murderous thug after you.

Looks like you were taken to the cleaners as well Jeff.

Charles, Prince of Wales

 

Labour Party ‘grandees’: Do you think that basing your election strategies and indeed Gov’ts on the continued success of a gang of paedophiles in north Wales was a particularly sensible idea? I wouldn’t expect anything better to have emanated from the brain of the Windbag, but surely some of you could have worked out what was going to happen? Battle for your soul? You didn’t have one, you only had a sole, which I and the others Empowered Service Users experienced as you trod on us for decades, you thick-as-pig-shit-we’d-better-give-the-Top-Docs-everything-that-they-ask-for-because-they-know-about-George-Thomas-and-anyway-we-won’t-get-medical-care-ourselves-if-we-piss-them-off utter dipsticks.

 

For all the mouthing off by Cockney Wanker and his chums about being the Authentic Voice and Committed to the Constituents, areas like Southwark are still on their knees, so somehow Cockney Wanker’s constituents didn’t reap the rewards throughout the decades that Cockney Wanker et al laid down their lives to fight their corner in the face of the invading gay hordes in the form of Peter Tatchell and co. I note that Cockney Wanker himself ended up in the Lords. Along with Lord Chapple, Lord Owen, Lord Kinnock, Lord Mandelson and the rest of them.

As for the fate of the wider UK after Cockney Wanker had saved us from Mr Tatchell:

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Ray Gunter succeeded Bob Mellish’s mate George Isaacs as Labour MP for Southwark, 1959-72. Gunter was born in Wales and had a background in the railway industry and the trade union movement – specifically his union, the Transport Salaried Staffs’ Association (TSSA). Gunter was elected as the MP for South East Essex in 1945 and was a backbencher throughout the six-year Labour Gov’t of Attlee. In the late 1940s, Gunter’s Essex seat was broken up; he was elected for Doncaster in Yorkshire in 1950. He was unseated in 1951 by the Tory Anthony Barber.

Gunter was associated with the right wing of the Labour Party and was a member of the Labour Party’s NEC, 1955-66. He was president of TSSA, 1956–64. Gunter was returned to the Commons as a TSSA-sponsored MP in 1959 and became a Shadow Cabinet member.

After Labour won the 1964 General Election, Harold Wilson made Gunter Minister of Labour. The dilemma Gunter faced was his trade unionist’s natural view that trade unions should be able to negotiate responsible pay rates for their members through “free collective bargaining” but on the other hand the wildcat strikes in some parts of British industry were often seen as damaging to the economy, and “wage restraint” was the alternative. Soon after Labour’s 1966 General Election victory, the seamans’ strike saw this conflict came to a head. Gunter took the same tough line as Harold Wilson. He would later describe his stint as Minister of Labour as a “bed of nails”. Gunter sought to complete his work by bringing in a new bill drawn from the findings of the Donovan Commission Report on trade union power, but Wilson reshuffled him to Minister of Power in April 1968. Gunter was rumoured to have been linked with negative leaks from Cabinet and resigned from Gov’t on 1 July 1968, stating he could no longer work in a Wilson Gov’t. Gunter’s successor in labour affairs, Barbara Castle, saw her proposals to reduce trade union powers in her 1969 White Paper, ‘In Place Of Strife’ fail in the teeth of concerted trade union opposition. Gunter resigned from Parliament in 1972.

Gunter died in 1977 and was buried on the Isles of Scilly, where for many years – like Harold Wilson – he had a house, located in Launceston Close, Old Town and called Y Bwythen Bach. Gunter’s name lives on in a block of sheltered flats for the elderly built by Southwark Council in Walworth; not that Gunter found himself spending his twilight years in that block of flats.

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Ray Gunter was succeeded in his Southwark seat by Harry Lamborn. Lamborn was born in London and also had a background in the union movement, specifically his union USDAW, local government and the London Co-operative movement.

Lamborn was a member of Camberwell Borough Council, 1953-65 and was Mayor in 1963/4. He represented the Dulwich constituency on the London County Council, 1958-65. Lamborn was elected to the successor body, the GLC, in 1964 for the constituency of Southwark and was re-elected in 1967 and 1970. Lamborn was Deputy Chairman of the GLC, 1971/2.

Harry Lamborn was elected for Southwark a by-election in May 1972 and after his constituency was eliminated in boundary changes, he ran in the newly configured Peckham. He was comfortably re-elected in the Feb 1974 General Election and was PPS to Denis Healey, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, 1974-79. Throughout it all, kids in care from Lamborn’s constituency were sent into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Lamborn was comfortably re-elected in the Tory landslide of 1979, but with a reduced majority. He died in August 1982 and was succeeded in the Peckham constituency by Harriet Harman, a star of many previous posts on this blog. Harriet did and said nothing either about the kids from her constituency who had been and continued to be sent to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused either, but then Harriet’s dad John Harman was a Top Doctor who was mates with many of those facilitating and colluding with Dafydd’s gang.

Harry Lamborn’s name too lives on in a block of sheltered flats for the elderly built by Southwark Council, on Gervase Street off the Old Kent Road in Peckham. Will Harriet too be immortalised in the name of a block of old people’s flats? Well Jane Hutt’s mate Val Feld who did more than most wimmin in Wales – except for Jane Hutt herself, Julie Morgan, Lesley Griffiths and Edwina Hart of course – to collude with Dafydd’s gang is remembered by a plaque on the wall of the Senedd (see previous posts)…

 

While reading about Southwark, I noticed something odd. Susan Elan Jones was a Councillor in the London Borough of Southwark, 2006-09 and was Deputy Leader of the Opposition on that Council, 2007-09. Susan Elan Jones is currently the Labour MP for Clwyd South, after being elected in the 2010 General Election, succeeding the paedophiles’ friend Martyn Jones (see previous posts). Susan Elan Jones is rather hopeless and invisible as an MP, but she has done a bit of screaming in the direction of the two old Trots who currently lead the Labour Party. Susan was one of those who resigned from Jezza’s Shadow Cabinet in June 2016, denouncing Jezza as unelectable and calling on him to stand down.

Part of Susan’s statement read: ‘When I was re-elected as MP for Clwyd South in May 2015, I made a plea that we should never forget those in our society who are less fortunate…although I shall no longer be a Shadow Minister, I will of course continue to be totally committed to my work in Parliament and my constituency, as well as to the Party of which I have been a member for nearly 31 years’.

Well Susan, some years ago this lot were on the doorstep of your constituency and as someone who grew up near Wrexham during the 1970s and 80s, you’ll know that a lot of people are still living with the consequences, so I’m wondering when you’re going to remember those who really were a great deal less fortunate than you were:

 

 

 

 

The milking of the notion of Violent NHS Patients continues. I’ve been too busy to read all the news stories properly today, but I see that The Torygraph is leading with a report that two patients died in a clinical trial at UCL and it was covered up (this will not be the first time that has happened) and other reports tell us that the NHS ‘needs more’, the billions and billions extra that they have been promised is still not enough.

Of course the ‘Today’ programme this morning also led with an NHS story; it is that hoary old chestnut Angels Are Being Attacked By Patients. This one is a favourite as any fule kno and it usually accompanies demands for more dosh. The strategy has a long and glorious history as well; my post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’ used info from a PhD thesis that mapped the scare stories featuring Dangerous Mental Patients with pay claims from asylum attendants in the first half of the 20th century, although there was plenty of evidence to suggest that it was the patients who were usually on the receiving end of neglect and brutality. Matthew Hancock the Health Secretary has stated that the first NHS strategy to tackle Violence Against Staff is being launched.

That’s funny Matthew because I clearly remember that happening some years ago. The reason why I remember it so clearly was that I was one of the Violent Patients whom Keith Thomson, the CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, proudly told the local press about; one woman had been banned from all NHS premises by the use of a restraining order, it was in all the north Wales papers! That woman was me and I later discovered that the restraining order was legally invalid. It was issued by the corrupt judge Huw Daniel on the day that a court case collapsed against me because at least eight NHS staff were found to have lied to the police. One of those who lied was an occupational therapy student called Mike, who admitted to his line manager that he had been forced to make a statement about me after I rang him up for help and advice, having been banned from all NHS premises by the legally invalid restraining order… The original prosecution was mounted against me for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies (the mental health services manager) after I made a complaint that an Angel and four healthcare assistants had assaulted and injured me. Alun Davies was sitting in the National Assembly with Jane Hutt and her officials when he repeatedly rang the police maintaining that he was terrified and that I presented a very real risk to him. As I sat, injured, in a locked ward at the other end of Wales…

So where was the prosecution of Alun Davies, at least six NHS workers including the Nurse Manager of the Hergest Unit Lena Henry and at least one police officer for perjury and conspiracy then??? Oh, there wasn’t one.

At the same time that Keith Thomson told the local papers about the Violent Patient who had been banned from all NHS premises, the RCN rep for Ysbyty Gwynedd provided the same newspapers with figures for the numerous ‘assaults’ on NHS workers at Ysbyty Gwynedd which I knew to be grossly exaggerated. The RCN rep knew the reality as well, because he was Gareth Phillips, who until he had health problems and was signed off work sick, was employed as an Angel at the Hergest Unit. Gareth’s wife Penny had also worked as an Angel at the Hergest Unit for years. Gareth wangled that job as a RCN rep by keeping schtum about the abuse of patients. Gareth was Jeff Crowther’s closest friend and they used to spend their weekends and holidays off in the summer going to festivals where they would indulge, in their own words, in a ‘drugs binge’.

Why were the former kids in care from north Wales who alleged that they had been abused by staff told by Ronnie Waterhouse and everyone else that they couldn’t be believed? Because they had drug problems and were thought to be after compensation. An Angel who regularly indulges in recreational chemicals, is looking at the end of their career and still wants a good salary? Come this way sir, we have a job as an RCN rep if you agree to keep your mouth shut and tell lies to the media when we fit up one of the witnesses to Dafydd’s trafficking gang.

By the time that I was acquitted of ‘threats to kill’ I’d nearly finished a PhD. After I had the temerity to get my PhD, a campaign of harassment was unleashed upon certain people in Bangor University, including my PhD supervisor and his wife, a number of my friends and even the Vice-Chancellor. See previous posts. Alun Davies subsequently began frequenting the University, a place where he had never previously set foot. Not only that, but Davies began turning up in the Students’ Union building when I was in there. Davies was frequenting Bangor University on the pretext of asking students to volunteer for charidee work. Some students had been volunteering at the Hergest Unit, a lovely bunch who volunteered with a group set up by the Hergest whistleblower. Alun Davies ordered that the group should be disbanded because the students Weren’t Qualified. No, but they all had an interest in entering the mental health professions and furthermore they noticed that Hergest patients were being abused and neglected. That was when Davies noticed that they Weren’t Qualified.

Students of Bangor University: as people who had passed A levels, you were ALL More Qualified than Alun Davies, who had NO qualifications. Davies began his career as the lowliest grade of NHS clerk in south Wales and rose to the top on the basis of his frank corruption. Davies came from the Rhondda, which was the domain of George Thomas and on the doorstep of the Windbag. Geddit???

Here’s Baroness Windbag, who’s mum and dad gave her boyfriend the Windbag a helping hand with his political career by introducing him to their mate Lord Cledwyn, the Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79, who was mates with Jim Callaghan and concealed the molesting ways of George Thomas, who served as a Welsh Officer Minister under Secretary of State Cledwyn and succeeded Cledwyn as Secretary of State for Wales. See posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘How Much Greater Is A Man Than A Sheep?’.

Baroness Kinnock.jpg

 

Between 1974 and 96, Gwynedd County Council managed children’s homes on Anglesey, including one in Holyhead, where kids were abused by Dafydd’s gang. This was the Chancellor of UCNW throughout the decades when that institution was run by Dafydd and the gang:

Charles, Prince of Wales

 

Glenys and Neil: After I graduated, Dr D.G.E. Wood and your mate Tony Francis hurled at and insulted me and told me to get out of North Wales. When I didn’t, they hurled at me a bit more. When I did eventually leave north Wales and go to work in London, their mates down there hurled at and insulted me and told me to got back to north Wales. Could you ask Carlo where exactly he wants me to live, because there seemed to be a lot of indecision. Perhaps Carlo could provide me with a cottage on the Duchy’s estate, like he did for Peter Ball, the molesting Bishop?

The Gov’ts latest drive against Violent NHS Patients – believe me, there’s been quite a few now, all labelled as the first drive against Violent Patients – has been given a boost by legislation which will Double The Sentences of Violent Patients. The legislation was proposed by Chris Bryant, the Labour MP for the Rhondda. Bryant is a former vicar who some years ago appeared on Gaydar clad only in a rather sad pair of undies, accompanied by a message asking ‘Oi mate, do you want a fuck?’ I do not know how many offers the Rev Bryant received, but if he’d peddled his bottom in the vicinity of Gwynne, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales in the 1980s, he’d have had plenty of takers. When Thatch was destroying the Rhondda in the 1980s, Chris was a fresh faced Oxford grad who was a staunch supporter and member of the Tory Party (see previous posts). I really do think that someone ought to tell his constituents.

One of the tabloids today – I think it was ‘The Sun’ – reported that Cops believe that there may be ‘another two Saviles’ at large ie. celebs who are serially sexually assaulting kids. I would have thought that the world would now be a little suspicious of elderly men who wear nothing but a pair of gold lame shorts and ask 4 yr olds if they’ll be his girlfriend when they are invited to ‘glittering balls’ arranged by the NHS to raise money, but no, the Top Docs don’t learn, as they have learned nothing with regard to De-escalation Techniques When Faced With Violent Patients. Vanity, money and the desire for a gong will win the day every time.

 

Bizarre plan to give Savile a new title to strip his ...

 

BBC News Wales reported today that the Royal College of Psychiatrists has employed a Poet in Residence no less. It is the brother of one of the Manic Street Preachers. I imagine that the Royal College of Psychiatrists will manage to kill anyone’s enjoyment of poetry stone dead. The Manic Street Preachers did of course star Richie Edwards, who disappeared many years ago. Richie was very able but had been distressed for years; he was a serious self-harmer and I really don’t think that the Top Docs did him much good…

 

As it is Halloween, here’s some pictures of the ghosts that haunt north Wales:

 

 

Not That Anyone Ever Knew Anything About This Lot Who Are Haunting The Region Of Course…

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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Little Shop Of Horrors

This blog has already featured many people who knew me who used their knowledge of what happened to me at the hands of Dafydd et al for personal gain, often in the shape of securing jobs or promotions. I’m revisiting some of these people in this post, but now I’ll explain the links between them.

 

Throwback Thursday 'Little Shop of Horrors' (1986)

 

I’ll begin with Dr Dee Gray – formerly known as Dee Jones – as well as a frequent star of this blog, Meri Huws. Dee and Meri both worked at Bangor University when I did my PhD there and for a few years subsequently as well. I have discussed Dee previously, but not by name. However, what she did was disgusting and the paedophiles’ friends won’t stop squealing, so I’m naming her now.

Dee is a former Angel from Liverpool who shared an open plan office with me and Meri was Head of the Dept of Lifelong Learning. Meri was subsequently appointed PVC for Welsh Language and Cultural Affairs at Bangor, which resulted in comparisons between Meri and Sir Les Patterson, the Cultural Attache. Meri’s promotion also led to even more bawdy jokes circulating than had been doing the rounds previously, as a result of allegations that she had only landed the job as a result of pressure on the University from the Welsh Gov’t after Meri had relationships with Welsh Gov’t Ministers Alun Pugh and Andrew Davies and was rumoured to have had a fling with Rhodri Morgan as well (see post ‘People With Energy’). Regular readers will know that in the 1980s Meri was a ‘community social worker’ for Gwynedd Social Services on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, which was the location of Ty’r Felin children’s home. Kids at Ty’r Felin were severely abused and trafficked to local venues where they were sold for sex and boys were taken to Dolphin Square in London as well (see post ‘Are You Local?’). I suspect that it was Meri’s role in or knowledge of this which was her real source of influence, rather than her multiple flings with people in the Welsh Gov’t, although that will have helped.

Meri was widely loathed by other paedophiles’ friends, but because they are all utterly pathetic and not very good at anything, the whole lot of them rely upon their own and each others’ pasts as paedophiles’ friends to land jobs and research grants. One person who particularly loathed Meri was Dee. Dee was a source of crude comments about Meri – references to Meri’s ‘oral skills’ were made when Meri’s many roles on bodies concerned with the Welsh language were mentioned and it was also observed that Meri was indulging in ‘animal behaviour’ as she tripped over herself in her unsuccessful attempts to bag another man who would have given her career a boost.

The irony was that whilst Dee sat in our office hurling insults at Meri, Dee was manager of a NHS ‘risk assessment’ project in collaboration with the NW Wales NHS Trust, the funding of which had been obtained by Meri. My post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’ discussed how Dee’s colleagues on the risk management project – Patricia Gaskell, the solicitor for Ysbyty Gwynedd and John Bowles, the risk manager for the NW Wales NHS Trust – were two of the very people who were failing to investigate serious complaints and perverting the course of justice and destroying/fabricating evidence in order to secure convictions against patients who had complained. When Dee had project meetings, the drinks and nibbles would be carefully placed on tables next to my desk, so the delightful Mr Bowles would stand next to me reading the papers on my desk, having a good look at what was on my computer screen and listening in to my phone calls.

Whilst I worked in that office, someone rifled through my desk and accessed my computer when I was out of the office. I suspected that it was Dee or an accomplice. Then John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer.

I have covered the excesses of Dee and Gaskell and Bowles in previous posts, as well as Dee’s anger when she saw that Brown and me had appeared in the lay press discussing the slaughter in the mental health services in north Wales. Days after the piece about the mental health services appeared – I had also previously featured in ‘The Guardian’ in an article about HE policy – Dee approached me in private and asked me if I could get an article about Bangor University in the press. I presumed that she meant an article about some aspect of the University’s research – I thought that she was angling for a free plug for her lame NHS propaganda. Er – no. When I asked Dee what she was thinking of, she told me that I ought to write an article about the VC, who was ‘causing so much damage to the university’. This was the VC who had challenged the paedophiles’ friends and who was at that time under full attack from them. I said no and days later Dee screamed at me that me writing about the NHS was damaging her career.

In fact Dee did really well out of me. She was in the office on the day that I was showing a friend the letter that Alun Davies had written and CC’d to Top Docs and other managers in which he detailed his plans to fit me up in court. She called across the office that Alun Davies should be ‘exposed and pilloried in the press’. Then Dee let the NW Wales NHS Trust know that she knew about that letter and screwed a research grant out of them in return for her silence. That was only the beginning. Keith Thomson, the Trust CEO, had resigned the day after my lawyers had subpoenaed him to appear before a judge in the High Court in Cardiff, who had threatened him with prison if he didn’t hand over my medical records. Dee knew about that. She knew about Dr Robert Kehoe, the ‘expert witness’, who lied in his report about me, Brown and some of my colleagues (see post ‘An Expert In Resistant Service Users’). Dee knew about the assaults on and deaths of Hergest patients; about an agreement between the Top Docs and Angels at Ysbyty Gwynedd to refuse a witness to the serious wrongdoing all NHS treatment, although it was acknowledged that this man had a life-threatening condition; and she also knew about the misconduct of the obstetricians and gynaecologists at Ysbyty Gwynedd, which had included a sexual assault on one patient. Dee herself had previously suffered at the hands of the obstetric service of Gwynedd Health Authority. She successfully sued them.

Dee also knew that there was such a serious bullying problem in the School of Healthcare Sciences that at least two members of staff had become ill and had been forced out of their jobs. One, an Angel, Jan Stanley-Smith, then joined the paedophiles’ friends of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and the other, Professor Fiona Poland, relocated to UEA. Jan and Fiona know much about the paedophiles’ friends and the abuse of patients in north Wales and Fiona’s knowledge of the abuse of vulnerable people stretches back to her days in Manchester in the late 1970s.

Dee sued someone else as well as Gwynedd Health Authority. After her NHS risk management project imploded because neither she, Bowles or Gaskell knew what they were doing, Dee sued Bangor University, because her incompetence and deceit was somehow their fault. The two PhD students whom Dee had failed to supervise who did not get their PhDs were seething and told me that Dee had somehow shafted the University and walked away with a great deal of money, but no-one knew how she did it.

I have recently been told that Dee and some corrupt union reps used their knowledge of what was happening to me at the hands of the NHS as leverage – some Bangor University staff have dual appointments with the University and the NHS. I have also been told that Meri Huws played a role in it all.

Dee then rocked up in a senior role at Public Health Wales. Leading on leadership no less. Only the NHS would ever employ someone to lead on leadership, let alone someone who had been sacked from at least three previous jobs and who, when working as an Angel, had given the wrong advice to a man with diabetes such that he fell into a coma. In her role at Public Health Wales, Dee was given control of some purse strings. She later delighted in telling staff at Bangor University that in this role, Public Health Wales sent her to see the VC of Bangor University. According to Dee, the VC realised that she was now ‘a very important person’ and that ‘he had fear in his eyes’.

Interestingly enough, when Dee turned up, what the VC actually did was tell her that he was too busy to see her and told his PA to send her to see Meri Huws. So as Brown summarised, Dee was sent off to wander the corridors with Meri. Yeh, he had so much fear in his eyes Dee, that he knew just how well a pair of pig-shit thick paedophiles’ friends who have spent their entire lives screwing people over would get on together and he wasn’t going to waste time with either of you.

The Very Important Person subsequently left Public Health Wales under a cloud and set up an ‘executive coaching agency’ – ‘Gray’s Learning’ – and was recently paid thousands of pounds by her old mates at the Betsi for her ‘consultancy’ in teaching Top Doctors about transformational change, learning organisations and, no doubt, leadership. Since I blogged about her executive coaching agency, Dee has disappeared from the internet, but her photo remains so she can be recognised if she is bumped into on a dark night. I think that Dee still lives at Deiniolen should any customers of the executive coaching agency wish to ask for a refund. Dee’s website didn’t explain that she is an Angel who has been sacked three times and who nearly killed a patient, it stated that she was a university senior manager and a Gov’t adviser.

 

Meri of course had rather bigger ambitions than Dee. Meri’s track record has already featured on this blog, including her unlawful sacking of a member of staff because they dared have a visual impairment. A local psychotherapist who was employed by the Dept of Lifelong Learning sued Meri for unfair dismissal. Meanwhile, Meri et al were running courses in partnership with Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Someone else knew about the numerous complaints from students, the litigation and the failed ‘research projects’ run by Lifelong Learning – the former UCNW Dean of the Faculty of Science Dr Eifion Jones’s daughter, who is Prof Richard Bentall’s ex-wife (see post ‘Interesting Facts’). Richard Bentall had done his degree and PhD at UCNW whilst Dafydd ruled the roost in the Psychology Dept and Richard then returned to take up a Chair of Psychology at Bangor when Prof Fergus Lowe had expanded his empire after overthrowing Dafydd.

Fergus was Senior PVC when Meri was PVC. Fergus befriended Meri, pumped her for info – guess what and who that info was about?? – and then treated her with complete contempt. Meri eventually departed for the greener grass of Trinity St David University, where she joined other paedophiles’ friends, including some former theologians from Bangor University. One of whom was Dr Catrin Haf Williams, who’s father was the clergyman who officiated at the wedding of William and Ffion Hague (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’).

Trinity St David is located in west Wales, where a paedophile ring operated which had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. By the time that Meri had arrived in a senior job at Trinity St David, Keith Thomson had been appointed CEO of the NHS Trust for Pembrokeshire and Dyfed. Thomson was given that job when Dr Brian Gibbons was Health Minister. The Gibbons who wrote to me telling me that our correspondence was ‘closed’ after I told him that I had evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales. The evidence related to Keith Thomson, amongst others.

I mentioned in my post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ that I have in my possession documents demonstrating that e mails sent from me to friends of mine at Bangor University somehow ended up in the hands of the civil servants of the Welsh Gov’t – it seems to have happened when Lesley Griffiths was Health Minister – and that the identity of my friends had been commented upon. This info had been communicated to two corrupt mental health service managers in the Betsi, Dr Adrian Harris and Simon Pyke. There was also a fallacious allegation that I had visited the home of a Welsh Gov’t Minister. God knows who dreamed that one up, but I expect that I went to murder them in cold blood, it’s what I’m usually up to. My e mails to my friends had concerned a vicious unprovoked attack on me – which resulted in injury – by the daughter of a local barrister. The attack was never investigated by the police because when a Top Doc was called to document my injuries, instead of doing that, he sectioned me when he heard who had attacked me. I was taken to Wrexham Maelor Hospital, where they admitted that I had been unlawfully detained – the section papers had not been signed. I was told that I was free to go, so I did (see post ‘Five Find A Mystery (Partially) Illuminated’). Whereupon I was reported missing by the Betsi Board, my mugshot appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ and I was then traced by the police to Cumbria, where I was on a walking holiday. A mental health team from Cumbria were sent to section me but refused to do so (see post ‘The Real Check And Balance – Which Was Ignored’).

One friend whom I e mailed about the assault on me also knew that I and another witness had been threatened by a rogue policeman with a gun. Why might the civil servants and the Betsi have been interested in the identity of my friend I wonder? Someone else knew that I was friends with this man as well – Dee Jones. She asked me who he was one day.

This man shared an office at Bangor University with another member of staff, Jamie Burrows. Jamie’s mum was Mary Burrows, who was the CEO of the Betsi and who came under such sustained attack by the BMA and the paedophiles’ friends that she resigned. My friend told me that Jamie was being treated appallingly at Bangor University because of who his mum was.

Fergus Lowe will have known a great deal about all these matters, but he’s dead so sadly he can’t be arrested and questioned.

 

As for Meri, not only did she get completely pissed at every University function that she attended, but she would drive back to her home on Anglesey immediately afterwards. On one occasion, a senior member of staff physically removed Meri’s car keys from her to stop her getting into her car bladdered, but most people don’t have the stomach to fight a pissed, screaming Meri, so she was frequently behind the wheel drunk. I witnessed her regularly driving whilst using her mobile phone as well. Was Meri ever prosecuted? Of course not. But then she had previously facilitated a paedophile gang with which the police had colluded. The University police officer was a paedophiles’ friend, as was at least one of the Ysbyty Gwynedd police officers.

Meri did her first degree at Aberystwyth University and claims to have a postgrad social work qualification from Oxford, but no-one is quite sure if this is true. However, because Meri worked as a social worker for Gwynedd in the 1980s, she will know that the Student’s Union Community Action group in UCNW colluded with the abuse of children at Ty’r Felin, because the students volunteering with CA used to work at Ty’f Felin. CA was the wealthiest student society in UCNW, it employed a paid manager and owned and ran a minibus in which the abused kids were ferried around. Perhaps Meri could let us know where all that dosh for CA came from.

One of the leading lights in CA in the late 1970s/early 1980s was an English Lit student called Anita Purkis. Her younger sister Ros was a student at UCNW when I was there. I was friends with Ros, she was my neighbour in hall in the first year. Ros became ill and attempted suicide after an encounter with Gwynne the lobotomist. She ended up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh under the care of Tony Francis and killed herself a few years ago after years of neglect at the hands of one of Tony Francis’s former colleagues in Manchester. Francis knew that Ros’s sister had been involved with CA.

Meri’s neighbour Prof Bob Woods knew about Meri and the drunk driving. Not that it will have bothered him, Bob Woods is a clinical psychologist colleague of Dafydd and the paedophiles, a bit of drunk driving is neither here nor there.

Bob Woods is a lay preacher. He used to turn up at Penrallt Baptist Church in Bangor to do a turn. Some of the people at Penrallt were very nice, a number of my friends went there. Penrallt was very popular with the staff of Bangor University and local health and social care professionals, so that Church contained a great many people who knew about the paedophile gang but were far too compromised – or frightened – to say a word.

 

Here’s a few accessories who were regulars at Penrallt: Peter Brindley, the retired head technician from the School of Plant Biology and his wife; Judy and Malcolm Stammers, two former psychiatric social workers and their offspring Ben and Jonathan (see post ‘Feet In Chains’); Joan Beer, the widow of Top Doctor Bill Beer, who was killed in a car crash in Dec 1999, two months before the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘The Think It’s All Over – It Is Now’); Neil and Joan Rymer.

Joan Rymer used to work as a teacher at Hillgrove School, which came under serious attack from the paedophile gang and their friends when I worked as a teacher there, after the Headmaster dared challenge Keith Fearns of the Arfon CMHT when Fearns paid him a visit and demanded that he sack me (see post ‘Have The Lambs Stopped Screaming?’). At the same time, another teacher at Hillgrove with whom I was friends who was in a violent marriage discovered that Hillgrove School had been approached by her abusive husband with a Top Doc in tow demanding that she be fired on the grounds that she was a ‘drug addict’. The ‘drugs’ in question were valium, which had been prescribed by the Top Doctor. Shortly after this, I heard Joan Rymer telling her mates in Penrallt that someone was going to sort the Head of Hillgrove School out. They did, the stress of a false accusation and a court case nearly killed him.

‘What would Jesus do?’ asked a recent Penrallt newsletter. Well he wouldn’t have done what Joan Rymer and her friends did.

Joan Rymer’s friend social worker Judy Stammers was mates with paedophiles’ friend and vicious lying social worker Sheila Jenkins, whose husband Prof David Jenkins worked at Bangor University, as well as with Sally Atkinson, who was a teacher at Hillgrove School. Sally was also someone who had the knives out for the Headmaster and his wife – so Sally asked her friend Judy Stammers what could be done about him. The initial plan was to accuse him of failing to implement child protection policies. I heard the plan being formulated in the staff room with another paedophiles’ friend who held a grudge. Sally Atkinson’s father had been a lecturer at the teacher training institute, Bangor Normal College, along with so many other paedophiles’ friends. Meri Huws had lectured at the Normal College.

The cowardly attack on Hillgrove School began in 2002, but continued for a number of years. At the time, Blair was PM and his PPS was the paedophiles’ friend David Hanson (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’). David Hanson is married to Margaret Hanson, who is currently Vice-Chair of the Betsi Board. Margaret formerly worked as a family and children’s social worker in Cheshire, when Dafydd et al ran the paedophile gang in north Wales/Cheshire. Margaret was also a Councillor in Cheshire, as was David Hanson.

It was during all this when Brown’s mum was found dead. As was Dr Dafydd Arthur Jones, a member of Meri’s staff who was being badly bullied by Meri and was desperate to escape from the Dept of Lifelong Learning. The paedophiles’ friends knew that I was friends with Dafydd Arthur. He was found dead on a mountain, a fit man who was only in his 40s. Dafydd Arthur went to the same chapel as one of Dafydd’s contacts, the former Deputy Principal of the Normal College. The Principal of the Normal College had been Professor Gareth Roberts, who became Head of the School of Education after the Normal College merged with Bangor University. Meri and Dee worked in Depts which were part of the School of Education.

Neil Rymer, the husband of the arch-plotter Joan Rymer, was, like Prof Gareth Roberts, a mathematician. Neil Rymer had been a lecturer in the UCNW Dept of Maths, which was closed down in a round of Gov’t cuts many years ago.

Another member of staff in the Maths Dept was Dr Jan Abas, who’s daughter Melanie is a Top Doc at the Maudsley. Melanie Abas, her father and her mother knew all about the paedophile gang on her native soil and she featured in my post ‘The Old Devils’.

Some of those who had been put out to grass from the Maths Dept never forgave the University, one being the husband of Gwerfyl Roberts. Gwerfyl is a former Angel who lectured in the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University. The delightful Gwerfyl’s racist bullying and other scams are detailed in my post ‘What Time’s Chaos?’.

 

The toxic brew at the School of Healthcare Sciences was strengthened by the arrival of Dr Chris Burton – now Prof Chris Burton – a ‘stroke specialist’. Chris Burton was not a complete fool like Gwerfyl et al and he was very contemptuous of her and her pals. Chris had never wanted to work at Bangor, loathed the institution and everyone in it. He took the job there after he had been obliged to leave a number of previous jobs after doing a few things that he should not have. One of Chris Burton’s previous bosses was paedophiles’ friend Professor Mike Nolan, who had previously worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Chris shafted Nolan, but I suspect that before he did that, Chris Burton had extracted info regarding the paedophile gang from Nolan, which was no doubt how Chris then landed a job at Bangor University when he had become untouchable. Like all the best Angels, Chris had his bullying skills down to a fine art – he left one student suicidal after months of intense victimisation and undermining.

Chris is a high profile out gay and in his youth he earned extra money in various capacities in gay clubs and as a dancer on TV. Chris Burton didn’t know this, but one of the people who’s life he made miserable entertained themselves by watching old video clips of Chris Burton dressed up as a Roman centurion performing with a dance troupe on the 1980s quiz show ‘3-2-1′, which starred a character called Dusty Bin. Chris became known in Bangor as the Dusty Bin Dancer. So that’s the Welsh Gov’ts stroke expert for you.

 

Another old lag at Bangor University who played the same game as Dee – toadying to Meri in order to gain jobs that he couldn’t do whilst despising her – was Dr Eben Muse. Eben spent a while under Meri’s wing at the Dept of Lifelong Learning, thought that his prospects would be improved in another Dept and when that Head of that Dept was massacred by Fungus for daring to challenge the paedophiles’ friends, Eben returned to the arms of Meri and walked away with the offer of what he thought was another job. Only Meri shafted him and Eben had to beg for shelter  in the School of Creative Studies and Media, where he then tried to wreck the career of one of the best academics in Bangor University. What currency had Eben acquired which enabled him to twist the arms of people and ensure that they continued to employ him in the wake of his track record of mediocrity? Dee Jones et al told him about me of course and the evidence that I had re the paedophile gang. Furthermore Eben’s wife is a teacher in Gwynedd, so Eben and Mrs Muse are implicated in the wrongdoing in a major way.

Eben learnt Welsh at the knee of Meri and although his conversational Welsh is good, every Welsh language specialist who knows him maintains that his formal Welsh is nowhere near good enough for the series of jobs as a Welsh language specialist that he has bagged in competition with first language Welsh speakers.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us.’

 

My post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ supplied details regarding Prof John Farrar, a now retired plant biologist who spent years working at Bangor University and who was a PVC along with Fungus and Meri. Farrar was a contemporary of the junior lecturer in the School of Plant Biology who was known to be picking up under-aged girls for sex, whose colleagues knew about his activities and were worried that he would be arrested. Farrar hated this man – although Farrar hated everyone – and had explosive rows with him. But not about him having sex with school girls. Farrar was a colleague of Dr Chris Wood, who was married to the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the paedophile/sex trafficking ring in north Wales. As if any lecturer in UCNW was ever going to be investigated for sexually exploiting young people…

Before Farrar retired after keeling over from a heart-attack induced by a particularly dreadful row with Fungus, Farrar’s pride and joy was the Environment Centre Wales at Bangor University. It cost a great deal of money and was very much Farrar’s empire. However there were a number of structural problems due to design faults, but no-one was allowed to mention them when the VIP guest arrived to open the Good Ship Farrar. The VIP concerned was Gordon Brown!

So Bangor University received two visits from New Labour big wigs in rapid succession. Charlie Falconer, who turned up at the behest of Betty Williams, paedophiles’ friend and the former MP for Conwy, 1997-10 (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and then Gordon.

Betty was known to be hopeless and the world looked forward to her retirement. However as the big day neared, north Wales was gripped by panic. It transpired that Meri had her eyes on Betty’s seat and was said to have been ripe for selection as a time expired Blair’s babe. The nightmare only stopped when a delegation of local Labour Party activists made representation and firmly stated that Meri was ‘unsuitable’ to be a candidate. They didn’t have to say WHY the pissed, shagging colleague of a paedophile gang was unsuitable – Labour Party HQ knew why. It was for the very reasons that New Labour big wigs wanted her to succeed Betty Williams.

 

John Farrar’s former wife Stel worked as a Welsh for adults tutor in Meri’s Dept of Lifelong Learning and Farrar and Stel’s son Robin has for some years now held high office in Cymdeithas yr Iaith. Meri used to be Chair of Cymdeithas.

 

A helpful stranger has assisted me in joining up a few of the dots regarding events at the Agriculture Dept at UCNW in the 1970s, 80s and 90s and the possible reasons why it was a stronghold of the paedophiles’ friends. I knew that it was, but I couldn’t work out WHY. Mary Wynch had worked there as a secretary and had uncovered something so dreadful that Dafydd and the gang unlawfully imprisoned her for a year in 1979. Following that, a new Prof and Head of Dept arrived from Aberdeen University, the dreadful J.B. Owen. Under J.B. Owen’s watchful eye, the farm run by the Agri Dept went bankrupt – and after being bailed out went bankrupt again a few years later – vindictive attacks were launched against staff and students leading to an exodus of students to other Depts and academic standards were laughable. Yet one of this crew, the agricultural economist Prof Richard Howarth, became an adviser to Thatcher (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

The students who left the Agri Dept in droves did so because they wanted to study agricultural science, as opposed to what the Agri Dept were teaching, which was how to run large estates by extracting the generous Gov’t subsidies which were available at the time. The students who were the children of large landowners, of which there were quite a few, were very happy with what the Agri Dept delivered. The Agri Dept had no time for SSSIs or organic farming or applied biology or indeed anything but how to get those Gov’t subsidies for your estate. J.B. Owen, when still new to the post, gave an interview to ‘Farmer’s Weekly’ in which he said that he wanted ‘graduates with mud on their boots’. What he meant was that he wanted graduates who employed people with mud on their boots – Owen was making a (successful) pitch for the children of large landowners who were a bit more academic than those who went to Seale-Hayne, Harper Adams or the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester.

 

In the 1980s, estate management was still mostly the preserve of men, so the girls who graduated from the Agri Dept in those days tended to work for ADAS (the Gov’t agricultural advisory service) or agri-chemical companies.

 

J.B. Owen was a landowner on Anglesey himself and his forefathers had provided the dosh which founded the Agri Dept. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon – Lord Kenyon – was President of UCNW, 1947-82 and was a landowner in the north east of Wales. Lord Kenyon’s obituary described him as having done much for agriculture in north Wales. Including I suspect calling J.B. Owen back from Aberdeen University when the paedophile gang sent up the distress flare. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was sexually abusing at least one boy in the care of the social services in north Wales and later died of HIV/AIDS. Lord Kenyon held leading roles in the NHS in the region, including as Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority for several years during the 1970s. He sat on the North Wales Police Authority, on Flintshire County Council, was a magistrate and was north Wales’s most senior Freemason. Lord Kenyon held many other roles, including that as a Director of Lloyds Bank. For further details see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Beata Brookes, the Tory MEP for north Wales, 1979-89, was a UCNW graduate, a former social worker for Denbighshire County Council who later sat on Clwyd Social Services Committee and from 1973 was a member of Clwyd Health Authority. Brookes was involved in just about every disability charity or organisation in north Wales. Brookes’s toxic presence in north Wales caused a crisis in the regional Tory Party. She – and her family – farmed in north east Wales. Brookes’s brother was a Freemason who also held office in the NFU and was involved in other organisations associated with farming and countryside sports. To read the details that was the extreme horror of Beata Brookes’s lifetime of helping the unfortunate, see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’.

 

Ian Mackeson Sandbach was another estate farmer in north east Wales. Mackeson Sandbach was the most senior Freemason in north Wales some years after Lord Kenyon held that honour. Mackeson Sandbach’s granddaughter Antoinette Sandbach is a barrister, a former Tory AM and now the Tory MP for Eddisbury in Cheshire. Antoinette’s gran Geraldine was President of the Royal College of Midwives branch in Denbigh. Now there’s a useful job for someone who might want to conceal a sex trafficking and paedophile gang who are banging their victims up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. See previous posts for full details of the Sandbach clan.

 

The richest and grandest ‘farmer’ in the region was of course the Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor. One of Grosvenor’s estates was in Cheshire. Previous posts have detailed Grosvenor’s connections with St George’s Hospital Medical School when that institution was concealing both Dafydd and the gang in north Wales and a related paedophile gang in south London and how Thatcher’s Gov’t allowed Grosvenor to purchase a piece of real estate in Knightsbridge worth millions for £6k in a deal which involved everyone keeping quiet about Dafydd, the paedophile gang and Thatcher’s friend and Minister Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing children in north Wales and elsewhere. See post ‘Dates For Your Diary’ for further background on Grosvenor and his family.

Grosvenor was, among many other things: President, Holstein UK & Ireland (formerly British Holstein Society), 1988; President, Institution of Environmental Sciences, 1989-13; Life Governor, Royal Agricultural Society; Vice-President, Royal Smithfield Club, 2004-death; Vice-President, Country Landowners Association, 1999-death.

Grosvenor’s close friend was Carlo, who was Chancellor of UCNW. The sister of Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester who was abusing kids in care, was Dame Mary Morrison, Woman of the Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum HM Lilibet. Grosvenor was President of the City of Chester Constituency Conservative Association. Peter Morrison used to turn up for events in Cheshire held by the farming community.

Carlo was also friendly with the Marquess of Anglesey, whose family were leading lights in the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party. Every Anglesey MP including Keith Best, Tory MP, 1979-87 and Welsh Office Minister, has concealed the paedophile gang. See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

 

The Agri Dept at UCNW was a laughing stock, but it served a lot of people very well.

 

There is a farm shop and cafe/restaurant near Corwen called Rhug Farm Shop. It’s very nice, but far too expensive to be the place where one buys the weekly groceries. The shop is owned by Lord Newborough, who owns much land in north Wales, including land near Corwen and near Caernarfon. Lord Newborough specialises in foodie-things, like salt marsh lamb and he even grazes bison. His farm is organic and as one enters the farm shop, one is greeted by a huge photo of Carlo and Camilla doing a bit of shopping at Lord Newborough’s place. I think that they are mates with him. Lord Newborough calls himself a farmer and he certainly does some interesting things on his land, but Lord Newborough only felt the call of the sheep and the bison when his dad died. Prior to that Lord Newborough worked in global capitalism. You can watch a video in his cafe – or at least you could the last time that I was in there – and it tells you all about Lord Newborough’s adventures in the money markets of places like Hong Kong.

I suspect that Lord Newborough’s dad did very well out of the Tories’ agricultural policies in the 1980s and 90s, as dreamed up by the paedophiles’ friend Richard Howarth.

Fungus will have known all about it; if only the departed were still here to spill the beans.

 

I have speculated that J.B. Owen was called back to base by the paedophiles’ friends in 1979-80, after the Mary Wynch crisis. My post ‘Now Then…’ discusses Lord Stewart Sutherland, an Aberdeen graduate who in the mid-1960s worked as a lecturer at UCNW, between 1977-90 held senior roles at King’s College London and who was VC of London University, 1990-92, whilst the paedophiles’ friends were up to their eyes in wrongdoing in King’s College and London University.

Stewart Sutherland was appointed as Head of the newly created OFSTED in 1992, ie. Chief Inspector of Education, Children’s Services and Skills. Chris Woodhead succeeded him in 1994 and remained in post until 2000, throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry. Woodhead was appointed by PM John Major, remained in post under Blair and had his term extended by David Blunkett in Blunkett’s capacity as Education Secretary. Chris Woodhead was loathed by many people in education, especially the teaching unions, because he constantly banged on about the evils of ‘progressive’ teaching and maintained that nearly all teachers were hopeless and that it was his job to root them out. So a lot of people squealed with delight when it became public that Chris Woodhead, whilst a teacher at Gordano School in Bristol, had had a relationship with one of his pupils.

Woodhead lived with his former pupil for nine years. They insisted that their relationship had begun after they had left the school, but in 2015, immediately after Woodhead’s death, it was reported that his former wife disputed this version of events and stated that she had been asked to consider a menage a trois with Woodhead’s former pupil when the latter was just 17, a claim in which Woodhead’s former wife was supported by a number of Woodhead’s colleagues at Gordano and Tony Robinson of ‘Blackadder’ fame, who knew the Woodheads in Bristol.

Woodhead didn’t do himself any favours when he stated in 1999 that sexual relationships between teachers and their pupils could be ‘experiential and educative on both sides’.

Someone who did teacher training with me at Bangor University later became involved with one of his sixth formers and resigned his post to cohabit with her. There have been requests for me to name him on this blog, but I don’t know the full circumstances so I’m not going to. Keith Fearns and the paedophiles’ friends made fallacious accusations against me but remained silent about this man who qualified with me, but my former fellow student may have formed a genuine relationship with a girl who was 18 and resigned his post in order to live with her. So at the moment I’m keeping an open mind.

 

Woodhead went to Selsdon Primary School in South Croyon, then Wallington County Grammar School in Surrey. Later, he went to Bristol University, where he did his first degree and a PGCE.  Woodhead briefly worked as an English teacher at Wallington County Grammar School for Boys. Subsequently, he taught at the Priory School in Shrewsbury, 1969-72, moving to Newent Community School from 1972-74 as assistant Head of English. Woodhead obtained a MA in English from Keele University in 1974. Woodhead’s final teaching position was at Gordano School in Portishead as Head of English. During this period, he was noted for his espousal of ‘progressive’ educational ideology, something he later recanted.

In 1976, Woodhead left teaching, and subsequently moved into teacher education. He worked as a tutor on the PGCE teacher training course at the University of Oxford and held a number of posts in education development, including Deputy Chief Education Officer in Devon, 1988–90, as well as posts in Shropshire and Cornwall, 1990–1. From 1991-93, Woodhead was Chief Executive of the National Curriculum Council and also of the SCAA from 1993-94 (the School Curriculum and Assessment Authority), later replaced by the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority), which replaced the National Curriculum Council and the School Examinations and Assessment Council from 1 Oct 1993.

On 2 November 2000 Woodhead announced his resignation.

In Feb 2005, ‘The Guardian’ confirmed that in 1997 Woodhead had over-ruled a unanimous decision by his own inspectors and a subsequent inspection visit by HMI inspectors, to declare that Islington Green School was failing and required special measures. According to the head of the school at the time, ‘the consequences for staff and pupils were catastrophic’.

Woodhead was employed as a columnist for ‘The Daily Telegraph’ and ‘The Sunday Times’ newspapers. In approx 2002 Woodhead was appointed a Professor of Education at the University of Buckingham, long associated with paedophiles’ friends in high places of a right wing persuasion (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’).

In 2004 Woodhead became Chairmain of Cognita, a company that owns and runs independent schools. Woodhead and Cognita were reported in the press as having expelled pupils and were accused of ‘milking profits’ and dismissing a whistleblower who accused the company of allowing ineligible teachers to participate in the state run Teachers’ Pension Scheme.

Cognita became embroiled in a sexual abuse scandal when it emerged that one of its teachers at its Southbank International School, had systematically sexually abused at least 60 pupils at the school over a period of years. The man concerned taught at the school from 2009-13. Woodhead was the Chairman of the school board. Hugh Davies QC, who was appointed to look into the scandal, stated that at the school: ‘The structures of governance did not deliver effective supervision of those with operational responsibility for child protection,’ and that child protection policies were not ‘fully understood and/or implemented’ and there was a lack of training among the school’s child protection officers.

Woodhead married again in 2006 and lived in Herefordshire.

Woodhead was knighted in 2011. 

Woodhead was diagnosed with the MND in 2006. He was a Patron of Dignity in Dying and campaigned for an assisted dying law.

Woodhead was on the Advisory Council of the think tank Reform. 

 

Here are a few observations. My housemate Anne who was killed in a car crash in 1986 caused by the paedophiles’ friends came from the same place as Woodhead and attended Wallington Grammar School for Girls. Anne’s mum was a teacher in the area. Woodhead’s dad was an accountant – so was Anne’s dad. Dafydd, John Allen and the paedophiles had a branch of their gang operating in Shropshire when Woodhead taught there and later held senior roles in education development. Woodhead was at Keele University in 1974. Keele had a problem with paedophiles who were teaching on some of their courses, most notably social work academic Peter Righton, who was a member of PIE and was convicted of child sex offences. Righton worked closely with Barbara Kahan, who concealed child abuse throughout her career, including in Oxfordshire, where she and her Top Doctor husband Vladimir Kahan lived and worked for most of their lives (Always On The Side Of The Children’). The Kahans were there when Woodhead worked at Oxford. Jeremy Thorpe and his associates were still colonising Devon when Woodhead held a senior role in the education service in that county.

Woodhead went to Bristol University, as did D.G.E. Wood and David Hunt, who spent so many years in the Welsh Office concealing the crimes of Wood et al. Wood’s father was a Top Doc near Bristol and Wood grew up there. Woodhead lived in Herefordshire at the same time that Sir Ronnie Waterhouse did. Woodhead was Head of OFTSED throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry and he resigned some months after the Waterhouse Report was published. Woodhead was knighted just before Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

Woodhead, being ambitious, fancying himself as an intellectual with political interests and holding senior positions in education, will undoubtedly have known at least some of the stars whom he found himself in close proximity to.

 

Towards the end of his life, Woodhead did something even more interesting than living with one of his pupils and mouthing off about the evils of incompetent, progressive teachers. Woodhead went to live in north Wales – in Llanfrothen. I even bumped into him in Morrison’s in Caernarfon. Llanfrothen is the neighbouring village to Croesor, the village featured in my post ‘The Village’, which was a favourite destination for high profile radicals and activists on the left during the middle years of the 20th century. They knew about organised sexual abuse in the region, they knew about Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist and a few of the local people in the area had been ruined by Dafydd and Gwynne.

In 2011 Thomas Merfyn Hughes, a social work manager for Gwynedd Social Services who had challenged the paedophiles’ friends – although he was Of Them – and who had also been the election agent of paedophiles’ friend Elfyn Llwyd MP, was found dead near his home in Croesor. Merfyn Hughes’s body was found some time after he died, concealed, in someone else’s garden, at the bottom of an embankment. The explanation supplied for his death at the inquest did not make sense on any level. See post ‘A Particularly Worrying Death’.

I don’t know exactly when Woodhead moved to Llanfrothen, but he was there when he launched an attack on Bangor University in his ‘Sunday Times’ column, which must have been in about 2009-10.

Woodhead claimed to have received a letter from the mother of a law student at Bangor denouncing the dreadful standards at Bangor Law School. Woodhead named and shamed Bangor Law School and a lecturer there. The sins of the lecturer were alleged to include having such a poor grasp of English that he couldn’t be understood. This wasn’t true. The lecturer concerned was Asian, but he was sound academically and his English was good. There was a lecturer in the School of Law who’s English was very poor and there had been complaints, but that was a female Chinese lecturer, so there can’t have just been a simple mis-identification. The law students then revealed that the student who’s mum had complained had gone to so few lectures that she’d barely had time to draw conclusions about the competence of the staff. Some of the law students then made allegations that this girl had been nakedly racist towards other people.

Chris Woodhead then disclosed that the student’s mother was a law lecturer herself, So She Knew and furthermore she was African, so the allegations of racism could not possibly be true. I was very friendly with a Bangor law student at the time and was given full details. It sounded very much as though Woodhead and ‘The Sunday Times’ had set Bangor University up.

The odd thing was that there were huge problems at Bangor Law School, but they were not caused by the man who had been named by Woodhead. The problems were caused by the paedophiles’ friends, who had given places to some highly unsuitable students. These included a former police officer who had criminal convictions and who then offended again and was returned to prison; two female mature students who committed a huge fraud and were sent to prison; a former social worker who just seemed to be completely nuts and spread unpleasant fantasies about the other students; and an associate of Dafydd’s who had served a prison sentence and was defrauding local businesses whilst telling them that he was a barrister. The person who gave these students places was Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer, who’s wife Joanna Griffiths was Director of Social Services for Conwy, who’s sister Gwen Carrington was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and who’s brother Huw was a grossly incompetent solicitor who spent years sitting in the courts in north Wales watching the paedophile gang fit up their victims. For more details about the branch of the Mafia which is the Slayer’s family, see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’. The Buffet Slayer had previously been a lecturer at the Normal College. It was alleged that the two women who were jailed for fraud were personal friends of the Buffet Slayer’s sister.

The Slayer’s activities had made the Law School so notorious that law firms were refusing to employ Bangor graduates and the University authorities were tearing their hair out over the havoc presiding. Except for Fungus. I mentioned in a previous post that before I left Bangor, Fungus knew that I was watching the paedophiles’ friends at work and whenever I was engaged in conversation with anyone, Fungus would appear behind me eavesdropping and glowering. Fungus virtually followed me around the University if he saw me with my friend the law student.

It was at this time that I had heard of plans on the part of the paedophiles’ friends to fit the VC up for a criminal offence after his wife had died. The VC originally came from Llanfrothen. Some of his friends and relatives were still living there when Woodhead moved in.

 

Do you know anything about all of this Cherie and Blair? It all kicked off after John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer and after Dee and Meri had been busy.

Cherie and Blair are friends with Michael Beloff QC. Who’s dad Max was one of the founders of the University of Buckingham (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’). Max knew Ioan Bowen-Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council when the paedophile ring operated within the Council’s children’s homes (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Michael Beloff was the legal adviser to the insurers of Clwyd County Council – he was responsible for ensuring that the Jillings Report was not made available to anyone but the Council’s insurers and lawyers (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). One member of the Jilliings Panel was a social work academic at Keele University.

 

As for David Blunkett who thought that Woodhead was a jolly good thing – when Blunkett was Home Secretary, he gave a resident of a village near Caernarfon a Citizens Award and she was later awarded an MBE. Her neighbours were horrified. She had carried out vigilante action against people who dared to have mental health problems, had appeared in the local paper commenting on black people who are violent and then one of her family was imprisoned for the rape of a girl under seven yrs old.

It was Blunkett who used his powers as Home Secretary to extend the prison sentence of Howard Hughes from Llandudno, who was convicted of the rape and murder of a little girl called Sophie Hook in the mid-1990s. There was no forensic evidence against Howard Hughes, who has learning disabilities. Many of the people involved in the investigation and trial were paedophiles’ friends. Hughes had previously spent time at Bryn Estyn, where he maintains that he was sexually assaulted. His claim for compensation was turned down on the grounds that he is a convicted murderer. Hughes also spent time in the paedophiles’ prison Garth Angharad near Dolgellau. Hughes is one of three people serving the longest sentences in the UK. There are concerns that he has been the victim of a serious miscarriage of justice. See post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’.

 

 

So stop squealing paedophiles’ friends, you’ve had a good innings. You’ve lied, you’ve cheated, you’ve plagiarised other people’s work, you smeared innocent people and fitted some of them up for criminal offences and you’ve ignored serious sexual offences and even the murders of witnesses. Furthermore I haven’t finished naming all of you yet.

 

Some of the cast:

Dr Dee Gray, Transformative Leader and Angel of Death:

Grays Learning » Dr. Dee Gray

 

The Crack of Doom:

  • Meri Huws | Folly Farm | ZoomInfo.com

 

Bring that computer back!

Let us prey:
Presentations now Available DSIDC Annual Conference ...
Professor Chris Burton:
The Brave Rabbit. Dusty Bin Money Box
Dusty Bin:
Prof Chris Burton
Professor Mike Nolan, another world leader who’s genius and excellence benefited the citizens of north Wales:

Mike Nolan