The Cry Of The Lunatic

My post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’ supplies a few details regarding the mental health system of the wider UK in the 1980s, when the British Gov’t was actively colluding with Dafydd and his gang’s activities in north Wales, which had by then got completely out of hand and were dominating the whole region. Since I wrote that post I have found out far, far more regarding the reasons why Dafydd et al were allowed to involve themselves in serious organised crime unhindered. It was of course because they were supplying the Westminster Paedophile Ring and were part of an international trafficking network.

They were so many people who protected Dafydd, let alone the wider gang across the UK, that I still have more people to name and events to correlate, but it is very obvious that by the mid-1980s, when Mary Wynch, Alison Taylor and I would not shut up about crimes against vulnerable people in north Wales, Dafydd’s mates in high places really pulled out all the stops to save the bacon of the gang.

Jimmy Savile was appointed to the Broadmoor task force in a non-executive role from Jan 1987. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School, a big name in the pan-European ring of which Dafydd et al were a part, pleaded guilty to child porn offences on 18 Dec 1986 at Kingston Crown Court. Savile had of course been involved with ‘volunteering’ at Broadmoor since 1968, but it was after Ollie was arrested and convicted that the Dept of Health under Secretary of State Norman Fowler and then Ken Clarke gave the man who was known to be a serial sex offender a leading role in the management of Broadmoor, Baroness Jean Trumpington being the genius of a junior Health Minister who actually did the deed (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Jimmy Savile is known to have procured children for the sexual use of ‘VIPs’. Broadmoor housed a great many ‘dangerous patients’ who had dared complain about being molested in various care settings. The institution was completely lawless and run by the POA, who were not only battering and molesting the patients but were also working massive swindles and embezzling huge quantities of money from the hospital coffers. Thatch’s Gov’t could not reign the POA in, obviously because those members who staffed Broadmoor – and of course Ashworth and Rampton – knew damn well that scores of their ‘dangerous’ patients had been banged up simply because they were witnesses to serious crime, including that committed by people at the highest levels of society.

It was on 11 May 1987 that Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane released Oliver Brooke from prison on appeal and compared Ollie’s extensive collection of child porn, some of which he had acquired from Amsterdam and Copenhagen, to a collection of cigarette cards. Geoffrey Lane referred to the numerous testimonials to Ollie’s good character that he had received, although I have not been able to discover who provided those testimonials or indeed who Ollie’s defence team were.

In early 1987, the DHSS mandarin responsible for mental health, Brian McGinnis, left his post. McGinnis was later barred from working with children after concerns about his conduct toward them (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’). McGinnis was replaced by Cliff Graham, a close friend of Jimmy Savile, who then ensured that Savile was given a leading role in the Broadmoor management team. Cliff Graham was even more successful at ensuring that the UK’s mental health system doubled up as a people trafficking organisation than McGinnis had been (see post ‘The Old Devils’). It was Cliff Graham who as part of his ‘reforms’ recommended the establishment of the SHSA (Special Hospital Services Authority). Everything that Graham did served to make Dafydd et al even more untouchable.

It was from 1987 onward that people in Somerset who knew what was happening to me in north Wales found themselves befriended by the rich n famous with links to leading Tories (see posts ‘These Who Are Ready To Serve’ and ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’) and subsequently in receipt of a great deal of dosh.

After years of chaos and Savile-inspired crime at Broadmoor, in 1994 Cliff Graham was succeeded by Clive Wilson, who remarked on the lack of paperwork relating to previous events at the DHSS/DoH. In rather the same way that in 1995 when Nicola Davies QC was employed to conduct a review of the paperwork of the North Wales Police relating to the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Nicola – now Dame Nicola (see post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’) – discovered that all the paperwork from the last ten years was missing.

The DHSS was a major and crucial Gov’t Dept. How exactly did it find itself devoid of paperwork while a gang of paedophiles were given free range within it? Perhaps some could ask former Secretaries of State Norman Fowler, Ken Clarke, William Waldegrave and Virginia Bottomley.

 

Let’s look at a few more of those who were given responsibility for Broadmoor while a gang of sex offenders were allowed to use it as a prison for their victims as well as witnesses to their crimes.

Sheila Drew Smith was the Chair of the Broadmoor Special Health Authority. Sheila was a member of the Committee on Standards in Public Life (the Nolan Committee), 2012-18. In 2015, Sheila Drew Smith was commissioned by Home Secretary Theresa May to conduct an independent review of governance proposals made by the Independent Police Complaints Commission (IPCC) in response to the Triennial Review of the IPCC.

Sheila also served and might still serve as the Chair of the National Approved Letting Scheme from 2013 and as a Committee Member of Safe Agents. Her previous roles have included: Board Member of the Housing Corporation, 2002-08; Board Member of the Audit Commission, 2004-10; Board Member of Infrastructure Planning Commission, 2010-12 and Office of the Regulator of Social Housing (Tenant Services Authority), 2008-12; Member of the Selection Panel, Network Rail, 2010-present; Member of the Appointments Panel, Bar Standards Board, 2010-present.

Sheila has also been a Director of Circles Services Ltd, Circle Anglia Foundation Ltd and the Centre for Economic Policy Research.

Sheila’s early career was as an accountant with PwC, 1984-95. She was a Board member and then the Chair of Tower Hamlets Housing Action Trust, 1999-04 and has been a Board member of the London Thames Gateway Development Corporation since 2009. So Sheila knows a great deal about the development of Canary Wharf which involved a number of those Tower Hamlets Councillors who had concealed the trafficking of youngsters between the East End and Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, as well as about the efforts of Sir Sam Everington, a Top Doctor and leading light in the BMA and Lord Andrew Mawson in concealing the same heap of crap. See posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’.

 

The junior Minister in the DoH with responsibilities for Broadmoor, 1988-90 – when Savile had free reign and Dafydd and his mates banged their victims up in there – was the Tory Roger Norman Freeman, Baron Freeman, MP for Kettering, 1983-97.

Freeman was born on the Wirral and educated at Whitgift School, Croydon and Balliol College. When he was at Oxford, Freeman was the President of the Oxford University Conservative Association, 1964. Before entering Parliament, Freeman was an accountant for an investment bank.

Freeman was a junior Minister for the Armed Forces (1986–88) and then moved to the DoH to collude with Dafydd and the paedophiles. Between 1990 and 1995, he was Minister of State for Public Transport and in that post he was responsible for steering through the Commons the Railways Bill, providing for the privatisation of British Rail and enacted as the Railways Act 1993.

In Lilibet’s 1993 Birthday Honours – by which time the North Wales Police had ‘failed to find any evidence’ of the paedophile ring which Roger Freeman was concealing, a leading light of which was Sir Peter Morrison, the brother of Dame Mary Morrison, Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet – Freeman became a Privy Councillor. 

On 26 June 1995, Freeman was brought into the Cabinet by John Major as Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster and in this role, Freeman made a Ministerial visit to Lancaster Royal Grammar School, who’s most famous old boy is probably Cecil Parkinson, who also concealed Dafydd’s gang (see previous posts).

Freeman also inaugurated the process of privatisation of HMSO, though as a former Minister for MoD Procurement, one of HMSO’s major customers, he could be adjudged to have had a conflict of interest. He misjudged the effect of privatisation on HMSO, which, rather than preserve the business as a whole and protecting jobs, hastened the already-established process of splitting the business into its various parts, resulting in the destruction of some and the sale of others to foreign owners. The loss of jobs was massive and the old office building in Norwich is derelict. The National Audit Office later denounced the whole process as a debacle.

Freeman was narrowly defeated in the 1997 General Election and was rewarded with a peerage, just as Sir Ronald Waterhouse was calling the former kids in care who gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry a pack of liars.

Lord Freeman was the chairman of the charity SkillForce, 2004-16. He is now Patron of SkillForce and the Independent Transport Commission. His wife, Jennifer Freeman, is a former Secretary of the Victorian Society and is a specialist developer of architecturally historic buildings.

The Lord Freeman
Official portrait of Lord Freeman crop 2.jpg

Savile’s mate Alan Franey, who was appointed General Manager of Broadmoor after Trumpers gave the green light for Savile and his friends to colonise the management of the institution, took early retirement in July 1997, after the depths to which Broadmoor had sunk were so low that it could not be concealed any longer. Jo Sheehan was appointed as an interim manager. Jo had previously been the HR Director at Broadmoor, so she was well-acquainted with the thugs of the POA who violently assaulted the victims of the paedophile gang that were incarcerated in there and also kept schtum about Jimmy Savile sexually assaulting them, although it has now been admitted that two female patients are thought to have killed themselves as a result of Savile. Complain about Dafydd and his mates assaulting you? You’ll be banged up in Broadmoor where Savile will then enjoy himself. St Helena Kennedy and the Friends Of The Oppressed Wimmin will not say a word and should you complain everyone will be reminded that you are a Dangerous Mental Patient (see post ‘Close Your Eyes And Make A WISH’).

After Jo, a new CEO was appointed to Broadmoor – Dr Julie Hollyman. Hollyman had previously worked as a Top Doctor at Springfield Hospital, the mental health unit attached to St George’s, when the Top Docs at St George’s and Springfield and their social work colleagues in Wandsworth Social Services were colluding with Dafydd et al in north Wales as well as with the paedophile gang on their own doorstep (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

When I worked at St George’s I had a run-in with Julie Hollyman. I had rung her secretary up with the results of a pregnancy test for a Springfield patient and the secretary had been incredibly rude to me. I challenged the secretary regarding her dreadful manner and then Hollyman rang me, told me that her secretary was never been rude to anyone and then launched an attack on me. So I told Hollyman that her secretary had indeed been very rude and I wasn’t going to bandy words with Hollyman who had not heard the exchange. I suspected that Hollyman was going to make a complaint about me, so I told my senior colleagues what had happened. It transpired that they knew Hollyman, I was told that she was a bloody nightmare and Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain quipped that Hollyman should be a patient not a Top Doc. Which was all deeply ironic because the whole lot of them were colluding with Hollyman and her colleagues with regard to concealing organised abuse, although they clearly loathed her.

While Julie Hollyman worked at Springfield, patients and staff were murdered and a number of female patients were sexually assaulted, raped and became pregnant. At Broadmoor, there had been a scandal revolving around a female member of staff having a lesbian relationship with a patient – who had been transferred to Broadmoor from Springfield. The patient was transferred back to Springfield and the relationship with the member of staff from Broadmoor continued.

So Julie Hollyman as well as her Springfield colleagues had a very cosy relationship with Broadmoor before Hollyman was ever appointed CEO. When Hollyman was in post at Broadmoor, public statements were made regarding Hollyman ‘turning around’ Broadmoor and greatly improving things there. It later became clear that these statements were lies. But then when Hollyman was at Springfield, Springfield was being touted as a centre of excellence. For more information on the awful Hollyman and the many senior roles which she has held in the NHS, see post ‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’.

Thomas Strachan Heppell was another mandarin in the DoH with responsibility for Broadmoor when it was run by a pan-European paedophile gang. Strachan Heppell served in the UK Civil Service, 1958-95 and worked on health and social services policy, as Deputy Secretary in the DHSS, 1986-95. Heppell was subsequently a Visiting Fellow at the LSE; Chair of the Family Fund Trust for Families With Severely Disabled Children, 1997-03; Board member of the Broadcasting Complaints Commission; Chair of the European Institute for Health, 2007. Strachan Heppell also served as a Director of Tor Bryan Residence in Essex.

The concerns regarding patients in special hospitals being subjected to extreme violence by the staff – and occasionally being killed by them – really took off after allegations were made of serious abuse of patients at Rampton in a 1980 Yorkshire Television documentary. People were shocked at what was revealed but there was no awareness at that time that many of those patients were not even ‘dangerous criminals’, yet alone victims of vicious sex abuse gangs which were being facilitated by the biggest names in British forensic psychiatry, including Prof Robert Bluglass of Birmingham University, Dr Paul Bowden of the Maudsley and Prof Nigel Eastman of St George’s/Springfield, all of whom were mates with Dafydd and who feature on my documents.

Dr Paul Bowden and his moustache:

Paul Bowden

 

It was Sir John Boynton who was asked in 1980 to Chair the Inquiry into the abuse of patients at Rampton.

John Boynton was born in Carlisle and attended Glasgow Academy and Dulwich College, before taking a degree in law at London University and qualifying as a solicitor in 1939, undertaking his articles with the town clerk of Lambeth. In 1940 he joined the 15th Scottish Reconnaissance Regiment and served in France, Germany, the Netherlands and Belgium. 

Boynton served as a military magistrate in Germany after the end of the WWII, before returning to England where he worked as a solicitor for Derbyshire County Council. There was a long-standing paedophile ring in Derbyshire with links to Dafydd et al in north Wales. Boynton then served as Deputy Clerk of the Peace in Berkshire. In 1964 he moved to Cheshire, where he became Clerk of the Council and, after local government reorganisation in 1974, the first Chief Executive of the newly constituted Cheshire County Council, a post he held until 1979.

Dafydd’s gang in north Wales extended as far as Cheshire. Cheshire Social Services colluded with the gang in north Wales/Cheshire. Lucille Hughes back in the mists of time had worked as a social worker in Cheshire, as did Margaret Hanson who is currently Vice-Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Margaret is married to David Hanson, the Labour MP for Delyn, who was appointed as Blair’s PPS in 2001, in the aftermath of the Waterhouse Report (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’).

Both Margaret and David Hanson were Councillors in Cheshire when kids in care of Cheshire County Council were abused. The Chair of the Betsi Board is Dr Peter Higson, who was a clinical psychologist at and then manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh when Dafydd was unlawfully imprisoning victims of the paedophile gang in the dungeon there.

Boyton was instrumental in establishing the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives (SOLACE), and became its founding President in 1974. He was also elected President of the Royal Town Planning Institute in 1976 and was a member of the Economic Planning Council for North West England. 

Upon Boyton’s retirement from local government, he was appointed by the British FCO to oversee new national elections in Rhodesia following the Lancaster Health Agreement, involving the rival guerrilla organisations led by Robert Mugabe and Joshua Nkomo. Despite evidence of intimidation of voters and candidates, Boynton concluded that the elections – which resulted in Mugabe’s ZANU-PF party securing a majority of seats – had been ‘a reflection of the wishes of the people’.

Boynton’s Inquiry found problems relating to Rampton’s isolation, lack of leadership and focus on containment rather than therapy. He definitely did not find that a good proportion of the patients were distressed people who had been witnesses to a trafficking gang and who had been fitted up by Top Doctors when they complained about this.

However, Boyton’s Report was highly critical of an internal complaints procedure under which not one of 178 complaints regarding Rampton over a four year period had been upheld. Boyton’s recommendations led to the formation, in 1983, of the Mental Health Act Commission, to oversee conditions under which mental patients were detained.

Throughout its entire existence, the MHAC was led by a series of people who all colluded with Dafydd and the gang, as detailed in previous posts. In 1987, the MHAC were fully on board with the efforts of Dafydd et al to frame and imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a doctor’. The plan unravelled when a nursing officer didn’t tell as many lies as required and when a police sergeant at Bangor Police Station refused to take phone calls from Angels who rang up claiming that I had threatened them as well and then stopped Dr D.G.E. Wood from coming into my cell. Dafydd and the MHAC didn’t realise that things had gone pear shaped and among my documents are letters from a David Ewart of the MHAC to the mental health services in north Wales confirming that I was now in Risley Remand Centre. See post ‘Security, Security’.

In 1994 I and another Hergest Unit patient made representation to the MHAC that Dafydd was behaving improperly with female patients and that complaints about him were not being investigated by the NHS. The MHAC admitted that there had been allegations of this nature against Dafydd stretching back to the 1960s. I heard no more from the MHAC and documents now in my possession show that after I raised concerns with the MHAC, the Chairman and CEO of the Gwynedd Community Health Trust failed to respond to communications from me or indeed the MHAC, but instead consulted lawyers to ask if there was ‘anymore that could be done’ to prosecute me (see post ‘The Banality Of Evil’).

Sir John Boynton was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Cheshire in 1975 and was knighted in 1979. By that time, Sir Peter Morrison was the Tory MP for Chester and was abusing kids in care in north Wales, Cheshire and elsewhere.

Boyton married first, in 1947, to Gabrielle Stanglmaier, whom he met during his time in Germany. He married secondly, in 1979, to Edith Laane, who came from The Hague.

Boynton’s obituary in ‘Focus’, the newsletter of SOLACE, told us that Boynton ‘raised the profile’ of SOLACE as a body ‘which was respected by senior civil servants’ ‘to consult on government proposals for legislation and administrative changes’. When questioned by the press on the need to hold the SOLACE Annual Dinner at the Savoy, Boynton replied that ‘Claridges was fully booked’. At least Boynton and his mates could catch up with Ronnie Waterhouse at The Savoy, Waterhouse virtually lived at the Garrick and the Savoy.

 

Baroness Lucy Faithfull was someone who knew a great deal about the young lives of some of those who ended up in the clutches of the secure hospitals. Faithfull was born in South Africa, the daughter of an Angel and an army officer. When her father was killed in WWI in 1916, her mother returned to England. Lucy was educated at Bournemouth and studied then at the Sorbonne, which she financed by work in a nursery in Paris. At some point Faithfull also gained a degree in social sciences from Birmingham University. After her education, Faithfull worked at Birmingham Settlement for three years until 1935 as a social worker, running clubs and acting as a caseworker. She subsequently worked in the Education Dept of the London County Council as a care committee organiser. Child abuse was concealed by the London County Council. During WWII and until 1948, Faithfull served as a regional welfare officer for the evacuee programme. In the following decade Lucy Faithfull became employed as an Inspector in the Children’s Dept of the Home Office, which at the time colluded with the abuse of children.

Faithfull joined Oxford City Council in 1958 as one of the first children’s officers and she was appointed its Director of Social Services in 1970, retiring in 1974. There was a substantial problem with child abuse in the Oxford area, which was concealed by the Oxford City Council’s Social Services, including by Oxford social worker Barbara Kahan and Barbara’s husband, child psychiatrist Dr Vladimir Kahan. Barbara Kahan became a social work adviser on children in care to Sir Keith Joseph in Ted Heath’s Gov’t and remained on hand to advise Gov’t and organisations concerned with the welfare of children throughout the 1980s. See post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’.

Lucy Faithfull knew Barbara Kahan as well as Lord Longford, Longford being someone who spent decades colluding with the serious abuse of children, prisoners and psych patients (see post ‘Comedies Of Menace’).

It was Thatch who offered Lucy Faithfull a seat in the Lords – Faithfull was a Tory, although when she was offered her peerage, people claimed not to know that. Faithfull refused but soon gave in and accepted a peerage when Thatch asked her again. Faithfull was the first social worker to sit in the Lords, so she had obviously been very useful to someone. In the Lords, Faithfull was instrumental in the passing of the Children Act 1989, which seems to have done as little for vulnerable children as every other bit of legislation alleged to ‘protect’ them has. Faithfull helped to establish and from 1995 Chaired the All Party Parliamentary Group for Children, which has acted as a magnet for the paedophiles’ friends in Parliament.

Lucy Faithfull was a ‘vociferous opponent’ of Home Secretary Michael Howard’s Criminal Justice and Public Order Bill of 1994 which proposed the establishment of secure ‘training centres’ in the grounds of adult prisons for children aged between 12 and 14, arguing that locking up children is ineffective and that the huge cost of these could be better spent intervening with families at an earlier stage. Faithfull remained silent about Michael Howard’s ruination of Mary Wynch which had occurred the year previously but became known to Parliament in 1994 (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Faithfull did of course keep schtum throughout all those investigations and inquiries during the 1980s and 90s into the abuse of children in care as well.

Faithfull was Trustee of a number of voluntary organisations, notably the Caldecott Community and Bessels Leigh Schools. She was involved with the NSPCC, was the Vice-President of the National Association of Voluntary Hostels from 1978 and of Barnardo’s from 1989. Barnardo’s was yet another organisation which colluded with the abuse and trafficking of children in its care. Rhodri Morgan’s widow Julie is the former Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. Julie and Rhodri kept quiet about organised child abuse throughout their careers and were pals with Jim Callaghan, who along with his wife Audrey also concealed child abuse, Audrey having done so when she served on the London County Council (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’).

Faithfull was one of the founders and President of the NCB (National Children’s Bureau), with which Barbara Kahan and the paedophile social work academic Peter Righton were also involved.

In 1993 Faithfull founded the Lucy Faithfull Foundation, which works ‘as a child protection agency helping sexually abused children and their families’. The Lucy Faithfull Foundation has received much good PR as being ‘the only organisation which works with paedophiles who want to change their behaviour’. Interestingly enough, the Lucy Faithfull Foundation does no such thing. Two of my friends were supporting a man who had served a prison sentence for the possession of child porn who was genuinely keen to change his behaviour, after receiving no ‘therapy’ in prison, although that prison told the world that it did provide therapy for sex offenders. My friends contacted the Lucy Faithfull Foundation, only to be told that they did not offer any sort of counselling or therapy for offenders and could not recommend anyone who did. However the Foundation did subsequently recommend that my friends should purchase two self-help manuals on porn addiction – which wasn’t actually the problem of the man whom they were supporting. By this time he was back in prison for breaching his parole conditions. So my friends asked me if I would take the books into him because he did want to read them and the Governor of the prison had given permission for him to read the books in the prison library. I took the books in, only to be told by the prison officers in reception that I was not allowed to give him the books, even if the Governor had given permission and anyway they knew nuzzing. So I visited the man without the books. As far as I know Stafford Prison still has the books. Stafford Prison advertises itself as a prison for sex offenders which helps them address their offending behaviour etc, but then the Lucy Faithful Foundation tells the world that it offers help to sex offenders.

Lucy Faithfull of Tall Stories died unmarried in London in 1996, so didn’t live long enough to participate in the cover-up which was the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Baroness Lucy Faithfull knew Baroness Beatrice Serota. Beatrice Serota was brought up in the East End of London, the daughter of Jewish refugees from central Europe. She was educated at John Howard School and at the LSE. Serota joined the Civil Service in 1941 and worked in the crucial Ministry of Fuel and Power throughout WWII until 1946.

Serota became a member of the Hampstead Borough Council immediately after WWII and subsequently served successively on the London County Council as the member for Brixton and the GLC as the member for Lambeth. Investigations into the paedophile ring in Lambeth which during the 1970s, 80s and 90s was linked to Dafydd’s gang revealed that organised abuse in Lambeth reached back as far as the 1940s.

Serota chaired the LCC children’s committee for seven years and was a member of the Central Training Council for Child Care for at least nine years. The LCC concealed child abuse. Serota became a Chief Whip when she was on the GLC. Serota was Vice-Chair of ILEA, 1964-67. Members of ILEA colluded with organised child abuse for years, even before it became notorious as a bastion of the ‘loony left’ in the 1970s.

It was Serota’s ‘distinguished career in local government and the work that she did for children’ which in 1967 brought her a seat in the Lords as a ‘recognised authority on the subject’. Just like Lucy Faithfull!

Harold Wilson appointed Baroness Serota as a Gov’t Whip almost immediately that she was through the door of the Lords and then proposed her for the post of Deputy to Richard Crossman, having refused to promote Fattersley, whom Wilson suspected of disloyalty. Thus Serota was Crossman’s Minister of State, first at the Department of Health in 1968 and then in the combined DHSS the following year. Serota knew what Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist were getting up to in north Wales in those days and she’ll have known that huge swathes of the rest of the mental health system, including the ‘flagship’ that was the Maudsley, were facilitating the abuse of vulnerable people (see posts ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’ and ‘The Mentor’).

Serota’s obituary in ‘The Guardian’ commented that her time as Deputy to Dick Crossman ‘proved to be her only period of office as a government minister and yet she spent a lifetime in politics’ and that ‘Until the end of her life she was devoted to the London suburb of Hampstead, where she lived as an adult and cut her political teeth as a young married woman’. Hampstead housed numerous Top Doctors and members of the political class who were, like Serota, keeping a lid on the organised abuse of children and vulnerable people. ‘The Guardian’ tells us that Serota ‘was widely respected and liked in the Lords as a capable and competent person. She was conscientious, she got on with things and yet, as Dick Crossman identified early on in her political career, she was not going to challenge others because of personal ambition. She perhaps lacked decisiveness, that was what he thought. But this did not prevent her from having a very busy life, involving many decisions about the lives of others.’

What a bloody nightmare – an interfering old bag of a useful idiot who wielded power over The Poor while she lived among the best in Hampsty and looked after their interests.

 

Hansard, March 1969, records an account of the Lords discussion regarding the Report of the Committee of Inquiry into the Ely Hospital, Cardiff. The Committee of Inquiry was set up in 1967 by the Welsh Hospital Board at the request of Sir Kenneth Robinson, the then Minister of Health and one of the bestest friends that Dafydd and the paedophiles have ever had (see previous posts), to investigate allegations of severe ill-treatment of patients. The Committee was Chaired by one Geoffrey Howe QC. The Ely Hospital Scandal resulted from a whistleblowing nursing assistant who was discredited and smeared in every way possible, although his allegations that patients were being appallingly abused were found to be true. In its defence, Ely Hospital maintained that matters on their patch weren’t as bad as at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. There was no investigation into Denbigh despite this line of defence being used by Ely.

Serota made a statement to the Lords about the Committee of Inquiry into Ely in her capacity as the Minister of State for the DHSS. Even old Howe, who before being elected to the Commons had worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit and had been a close friend of Ronald Waterhouse since they were both at university, had to admit that things at Ely were very, very bad, what with staff grossly abusing their positions, stealing from the hospital and ill-treating patients.

By the time that Howe Chaired that Inquiry, he had been the Tory MP for Bebington on the Wirral, 1964-66, so will have known that the empire of Dafydd et al reached as far as there. Howe was to spend many more years in the Commons and then in the Lords colluding with Dafydd et al and I do wonder if Howe may have had a role in the destruction of F, the north Wales mental health patient who had witnessed very serious crime on the part of professional people, both where he grew up in Surrey – Howe was an MP for a Surrey constituency from 1970-92 – and later when F moved to Bethesda (see previous posts).

Serota fessed up that Howe’s Report on Ely made it clear that ‘Responsibility for serious deficiencies in standards of medical and nursing services and of administration is attributed to the senior staff of the hospital, to the Hospital Management Committee and to the Welsh Hospital Board. The Committee also criticises the present procedures for dealing with complaints in the hospital service as a whole.

‘We didn’t know’.

The poor old Lords was deeply shocked by Howe’s Report and there was a great deal of ‘never againing’, while stressing that it was only CERTAIN WARDS of Ely Hospital which had been roundly condemned and many comments about the need to think long and hard about this Report before anyone made any rash comments or decisions. Many of the Lords reassured themselves that Ely was an isolated case. Within just a few years it became clear that virtually every long-stay hospital had problems as bad as Ely, if not worse.

Lord Brooke of Cumnor told the Lords that ‘most of us would agree with what the noble Baroness said about not generalising from this lamentable case, but, instead, extending our support and appreciation to the devoted staff who work in many other long-stay hospitals—sometimes, I am sorry to say, under almost soul-destroying conditions. As to what is wrong, the responsibility of Ministers is involved, as well as of Regional Hospital Boards and hospital management committees. Do the Government recognise that the whole of the hospital service is critically short of money and that, while hospitals for the mentally subnormal are in the greatest need of all if they are to satisfy modern requirements, their needs cannot be rightly made good by simply twisting more tightly still the financial screw on other hospitals?’

Thank God that the staff of Ely weren’t a bunch of violent psychopaths, they were simply working in soul-destroying conditions with not enough dosh. As indeed the Angels have been on every occasion on which they have been caught red-handed battering the living daylights out of the vulnerable or helping themselves to NHS funds.

Lord Brooke of Cumnore was Henry Brooke, who survived Harold Macmillan’s Night of the Long Knives to become Home Secretary, 1962-64. Brooke is considered by some to have been one of the worst Home Secretary’s of the 20th century. Before entering Parliament, Henry Brooke worked in the Conservative Research Dept under the Chairmanship of Neville Chamberlain. Brooke was the Tory MP for Lewisham West, 1938-45, then served on the London County Council, 1946-51, for much of that time as Leader of the Conservatives on the LCC. Brooke also served on Hampstead Borough Council until 1955. Brooke returned to Parliament in 1950, serving in various roles including as Minister for Welsh Affairs in Macmillan’s Gov’t.

It was Brooke who, as Minister for Welsh Affairs, caused fury throughout north Wales through his crucial support of Liverpool Council’s bid to secure Westminster’s approval of an Act of Parliament to flood Cwm Tryweryn in Meirionydd to build a reservoir to provide water for Liverpool – drowning the village of Capel Celyn in the process – and thus by-passing Welsh local authority opposition to the scheme. However, largely in response to the protests over Tryweryn, Brooke subsequently attracted investment to Wales, including such projects as the Severn Bridge, the steelworks at Llanwern and the Heads of the Valleys Road. I note that the beneficiaries of Brooke’s investment which resulted from the fury over Tryweryn though were those in south Wales. North Wales lost a Welsh-speaking village and a valley and everyone was told to stop bellyaching because the scousers needed water.

Dafydd built up much of his power-base among Plaid supporters as a result of Tryweryn. Dafydd was still a medical student at Liverpool University when the anti-Tryweryn activism was happening and Dafydd travelled to Ireland in order to learn techniques at the knee of Irish republican activists (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’) So after convincing Welsh activists that he was Of Them and would even resort to violent activity to defend Language and Nation, Dafydd busied himself cultivating the company of the corrupt professional classes of Liverpool who’s co-operation he would soon put to good use in building up a trafficking ring to supply celebs and politicians of all colours with young people for sex, as Henry Brooke, Baroness Serota et al knew by the time that they were spouting off in the Lords about the caring Angels of Ely Hospital.

Henry Brooke was given a peerage in 1966. He married Barbara Brooke, who was the daughter of a Welsh Minister and was given a peerage in her own right after her loyal service concealing the crimes of Dafydd and other Top Docs. Barbara Brooke was a member of Hampstead Council, a seat she held between 1948 until 1965; she also was a Joint Vice-Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1954-64. Barbara was active in a number of health organisations in her lifetime, including being a member of the North West Metropolitan Regional Hospital Board from 1954–66; Chair of The Queen’s Institute of District Nursing from 1961–71; and the North London Hospital Management Committee from 1963-66.

Baroness Brooke was really impressed with the Seebohm Report (see post ‘The Great Stink’) and I think that she might have been a member of the Seebohm Committee. Seebohm’s recommendations that new personal Social Services Depts should be established within local gov’t and take over children’s services, as well as the care of the mentally ill and handicapped, were despised by Dick Crossman but nonetheless accepted and were put into action from 1971 onward, by which time Ted Heath was PM. Barbara stated that ‘What the Seebohm Committee wants is a family service geared to meeting as many as possible of the needs of the family’. It was the Seebohm Report which led to the dysfunctional Social Services Depts which were run and colonised by paedophiles who then used the role of those Depts as a ‘family service’ to destroy the families of their victims if they complained about what was happening to their kids.

Here’s Babs, ready to dispense advice to the lower orders:

Barbara was both a Dame and a Baroness.

Henry and Babs Brooke had four children:

Peter Brooke was the Tory MP for the Cities of London and Westminster, 1977-2001. Peter Brooke was, among other things, the Chairman of the Tory Party, 1987-89 and Secretary of State for N Ireland, 1989-92. Guess who concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al when Dafydd was in middle age, as well as the Kincora Boys’ Home elite paedophile ring? Brooke was rewarded with a peerage in 2001, when the outrage over the cover-up which was the Waterhouse Report had died down a bit.

Henry Brooke was a judge and Lord Justice of Appeal.

Honor Brooke, who married Dr Thomas Nigel Miller

Margaret Brooke, who married Dr James Pulfer.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us.’

First Single Volume Edition of The Lord of the Rings.gif

For more info on the Seebohm Committee and the Brooke clan, see post ‘The Great Stink’.

 

During the Lords debate regarding Ely Hospital, Lord Amulree stated that ‘I should like to associate myself with what the noble Lord, Lord Brooke, said about the staff of these hospitals. Like him, I have had considerable experience of the conditions under which they work and of the marvellous work they manage to do under those deplorable conditions. One wants to pay the biggest tribute one can to the devotion to duty which they show…The first comment I would make (possibly it is unwise, but I should like to make it) is that it is the attitude of the senior staff that really lays down the attitude in the whole hospital, from the senior doctor down to the junior member of the ward staff. I am pleased to see that the Minister is to consider some way of changing the form of complaint, and possibly to introduce some form of inspection—I do not mean that in a pejorative way at all, but in a general, friendly and hopeful kind of way…’

Lord Amulree need never have worried about an inspection system which would be in any way ‘pejorative’, that will absolutely never happen. No matter how serious the crimes of Top Doctors and Angels and how many people they kill, all they ever get is indeed a few words ‘in a general, friendly and hopeful kind of way…’

That’s why there are bodies buried out at Denbigh which no-one will recover…

Lord Amulree was of course a Top Doctor, Basil Mackenzie, the 2nd Baron Amulree. Furthermore Lord Dr Baz was a ‘leading advocate of geriatric medicine’ and it was the EMI patients in Ely Hospital who were being abused, so it really should have been Lord Dr Baz who was most condemning rather than wanting a few friendly hopeful words to be had with the patient bashers.

Amulree was born in South Kensington and was educated at Lancing College and Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge. Upon graduating Amulree joined the Ministry of Health, initially working on the delivery of cancer services, but left in 1949 to become physician in charge of the geriatric department at UCH. He was Governor and President of a number of organisations including the British Geriatrics Society, the Society for the Study of Medical Ethics and the Association of Occupational Therapists.

Amulree succeeded his father in the barony in 1942. He was a Liberal Peer and Whip between 1955 and 1977  and spoke in the Lords on a variety of issues in relation to the care of the elderly. Lord Amulree died in December 1983, aged 83, unmarried. The barony became extinct on his death. According to the writer and friend of Pablo Picasso, James Lord, around 1948 Amulree was having an affair with the art historian Douglas Cooper; when they parted, Cooper settled with art historian John Richardson.  

Douglas Cooper was not eligible for regular military service due to an eye injury, so he chose to join a medical unit in Paris when WWII started, commanded by the art patron Etienne de Beaumont. Cooper received a French Medaille Militaire as a result. Back in Liverpool Cooper was arrested as a spy because of his French uniform, missing papers and improper behaviour. Subsequently, he joined the RAF Intelligence unit and was sent to Cairo as an interrogator, a job at which he was enormously successful in squeezing out secrets from even hard-boiled prisoners, not least due to his “‘evil queen’ ferocity, penetrating intelligence, and refusal to take no for an answer, as well as his ability to storm, rant, and browbeat in Hochdeutsch, dialect or argot, [which] were just the qualifications that his new job required.” Cooper enjoyed the ‘social life’ there greatly.

After a short interlude in Malta – which was the location for a number of those who have been named as people in high places involved with child abuse or facilitating that abuse including Lord Mountbatten and Sir Alec Bingley (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’) – Cooper was assigned to a unit investigating Nazi looted art. Cooper’s detailed research on the Swiss art trade during the war revealed that many dealers and collectors had been involved in trading looted art. Cooper spent the whole month of February 1945 interrogating dealers and collectors having dealt with the Nazis, especially Theodor Fischer of the Fischer Gallery who in 1939 managed the sale of confiscated ‘degenerate artworks’. 

Cooper was particularly proud to have found and arrested Charles Montag, one of Hitler’s art advisers, who had assembled a private art collection of mostly stolen items for the Fuhrer and was involved in the liquidation of the Paris gallery Bernheim-Jeune; surprisingly, Montag was quickly released. Cooper arrested him again immediately, only to see him set free once again, due to Montag’s good connections to Winston Churchill, who refused to believe that his longtime friend and teacher ‘good old Montag’ could have done anything objectionable. After WWII, Cooper returned to England and then moved to southern France, where in 1950 he bought the Château de Castille near Avignon, a suitable place to show his impressive art collection. Chateau de Castille was nearly as good as Bluglass’s art gallery, Compton Verney.

Entrance colonnade at the Chateau de Castille, Argilliers:

Picasso was a regular guest at Cooper’s home and became a substantial part of life there. Cooper became a substantial promoter of Picasso. In 1950 Cooper became acquainted with art historian John Richardson shared his life with him until in 1960 Richardson left Cooper and moved to New York City.

Douglas Cooper was Slade Professor of Fine Art at Oxford, 1957-58 and guest Professor at Bryn Mawr and Courthauld Institute in 1961. He is an important figure among art experts of the 20th century although he was controversial, standing accused not only of plagiarism and inaccuracies in his works, but also of ‘flexible ethics’ and ‘cultivating quarrels as much as friends’. In the 1950s, Cooper attacked the Tate Gallery Director John Rothenstein, mostly for not supporting Modern Art, trying to get him dismissed. He even managed to anger Picasso so much that he excluded him from his circle and surroundings after he pressed Picasso around 1970 to legalize his children.

In 1961, Cooper was found on a road outside Nimes, heavily injured by stab wounds in the stomach. On his way to the post office in Nîmes to send an article about Picasso’s birthday to a London newspaper, he had stopped at a notorious quarter and picked up a young Algerian resistance fighter against the French occupation forces who had been interned in an open camp nearby. They drove to a lonely area, where according to Cooper, the boy drew a knife and required Cooper’s money or his life. Cooper was stabbed several times, pushed his intestines back in and dragged himself towards the city. Cooper’s training as a medic proved very useful; against all odds, his cries for help in that lonely area were finally heard, so he could be saved, although he had lost much blood and his intestines were heavily damaged. When the culprit was arrested he claimed to have been resisting a sexual assault.

In 1974, about 20 small paintings were stolen from Cooper’s house; Cooper dismissed his old housekeeper and in consequence lost all respect from the neighbours. Afterwards, he relocated to Monte Carlo, mainly for safety reasons, where he led a rather secluded life. Both incidents were reported by major English and French newspapers.

Cooper died on 1 April 1984 – Fools’ Day. He left his art collection to his adopted son William McCarty Cooper, having adopted him according to French law, in order that nobody else would inherit anything, in particular not his family. His written legacy is kept at the Getty Research Institute, Los Angeles, CA.

Cooper’s partner Sir John Patrick Richardson ran Christie’s US office for nine years after he left Cooper and France and was in 1995 appointed Slade Professor of Fine Art at Oxford University. When he was young Richardson became a friend of Francis Bacon and Lucian Freud. Among Richardson’s books were The Sorcerer’s Apprentice Picasso, Provence and Douglas Cooper (1999) and Sacred Monsters, Sacred Masters: Beaton, Capote, Dalí, Picasso, Freud, Warhol, and More (2001).

The art historian Sir Anthony Blunt lectured at the Courthauld Institute from 1933 and was Director, 1947-74. For 27 years from 1945 Blunt was Surveyor of the King’s Pictures and later, after the death of King George VI, the Queen’s Pictures, in charge of the Royal Collection, one of the largest and richest collections of art in the world. Blunt’s contribution was vital in the expansion of the Queen’s Gallery at Buckingham Palace, which opened in 1962. Blunt was also the National Trust’s picture adviser. Notable students who were influenced by Blunt include Nicholas Serota, Baroness Serota’s son.

Blunt was a third cousin of the Queen Mum, Gawd Bless ‘Er. On occasions, Blunt and his two brothers, Christopher and Wilfrid, took afternoon tea at the Bowes-Lyons’ London home at 17 Bruton Street, Mayfair, the birthplace of Lilibet.

At Cambridge, Blunt was a member of the Cambridge Apostles. In 1940, when serving with British Army Intelligence Corps, Blunt was recruited by MI5 and was later outed as a double agent working for the KGB. It is acknowledged that some people knew that Blunt was a double agent years before he was publicly named. In 1948, demobilised army officer Philip Hay attended an interview at Buckingham Palace for the post of Private Secretary to the Dowager Duchess of Kent. After passing Blunt in a corridor, Sir Alan Lascelles, the King’s Private Secretary, told Hay: ‘That’s our Russian spy’. The KGB suspected Blunt of being a triple agent.

With the defection of Burgess and Maclean to Moscow in May 1951, Blunt came under suspicion. He and Burgess had been friends since Cambridge. Blunt was interrogated by MI5 in 1952, but gave away little, if anything. Blunt was greatly distressed by Burgess’s flight and, on 28 May 1951, confided in his friend Goronwy Rees, who had briefly supplied the Soviets with political information in 1938–39. Goronwy Rees was appointed Principal of Aberystwyth University in 1953, when it was choc full of the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

In 1963, MI5 learned of Blunt’s espionage from an American, Michael Straight, whom he had recruited. Blunt confessed to MI5 on 23 April 1964, and Lilibet was informed shortly thereafter. Blunt also gave up John Cairncross, Peter Ashby, Brian Symon and Leonard Henry (Leo) Long as spies. Long had also been a member of the Communist Party and an undergraduate at Trinity College, Cambridge. During WWII he served in MI14 military intelligence in the War Office, with responsibility for assessing German offensive plans. Long passed analyses, but not original material, relating to the Eastern Front, to Blunt.

In return for Blunt’s full confession, the British Gov’t agreed to keep his spying career an official secret for fifteen years and granted him full immunity from prosecution. According to the memoir of MI5 officer Peter Wright, Wright had regular interviews with Blunt from 1964 onward for six years. Prior to that, he had a briefing with Michael Adeane, the Queen’s Private Secretary, who told Wright: ‘From time to time you may find Blunt referring to an assignment he undertook on behalf of the Palace – a visit to Germany at the end of the war. Please do not pursue this matter. Strictly speaking, it is not relevant to considerations of national security.’

Blunt’s life was little affected. In 1966, two years after his secret confession, Noel Annan, then provost of King’s College, Cambridge, held a dinner party for Labour Home Secretary Woy, Ann Fleming, widow of author Ian Fleming and Victor Rothschild and his wife Tess. The Rothschilds brought their friend and lodger – Blunt. All had had wartime connections with British Intelligence; Woy at Bletchley Park.

Nerdy readers of this blog will recognise the names of Adeane, Noel Annan, Woy and Ian Fleming as having featured in previous posts and being among those who knew about the activities of Sir Peter Morrison and Dafydd and the paedophiles.

On 15 Nov 1979 in the Commons, Thatch revealed Blunt’s wartime role and then in more detail on 21 November. Sir Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s Press Secretary, suggested, ‘I believe she did it because she didn’t see why the system should cover things up. This was early in her prime ministership. I think she wanted to tell the civil service that the politicians decide policy, not the system. She wanted them to know who was boss’.

Thatch was of course at that time covering up Peter Morrison, Dafydd and the rest of them as well as their very serious crimes and continued covering it all up until the day that the old cow pegged out in the Ritz.

Thatch also covered up whatever was going on at the Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast – the British state is still refusing to hold a full and open investigation into Kincora. What is known is that Kincora was used as the basis of a paedophile ring which supplied boys to the elite. Anthony Blunt and Mountbatten have been consistently named as two people who visited Kincora.

In a statement to the media on 20 November 1979, Blunt claimed the decision to grant him immunity from prosecution was taken by the then PM, Sir Alec Douglas-Home. 

Although Blunt was outwardly calm, the sudden exposure in 1979 shocked him. His former pupil, art critic Brian Sewell, said at the time, ‘He was so businesslike about it; he considered the implications for his knighthood and academic honours and what should be resigned and what retained. What he didn’t want was a great debate at his clubs, the Athenaeum and the Travellers. He was incredibly calm about it all.’ 

The Athenaeum is the club favoured by Top Doctors and academics. Jimmy Savile was a member, after being introduced to the club by Cardinal Basil Hume (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’). It was over an informal meeting at the Atheneaum involving Savile, Alan Franey and some of Civil Service mandarins named earlier in this post that Savile was offered a senior role in the management of Broadmoor (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’).

Lilibet stripped Blunt of his knighthood. Then a few years later she gave one to Peter Morrison. 

Lilibet, do you think that you may perhaps have made a few misjudgements regarding all this business involving gay spies, paedophiles and honours?

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones
MI5 – I do keep telling you, just recruit a load of service users. They will do a far better job than a bunch of greedy old paedophiles with Royal connections. Oh, I forgot – you’ve allowed the Top Docs to kill most of them.

 

During the Lords debate on Ely Hospital, Lord Segal admitted that ‘These conditions have been known to exist for quite a long time in the past, and have given rise to an enormous amount of uneasiness. Also, may I say how much the statement made by the Minister, that the Government intend to take drastic action in this matter, will be generally welcomed? May I stress also the urgency for some action to be taken to remedy the appalling conditions which she has described? In this connection I would emphasise the need for a special training for nurses who are on the staff of these institutions. Special recognition should be given to the difficult conditions under which they work, and, particularly, some adjustment should be made in the matter of their pay in order to recruit the proper type of nurse for these institutions. Furthermore, may I say how important it is that some proper channel should exist for the laying of complaints, when such complaints are known to exist, to see that they are not brushed aside in the future as they have been, most unfortunately, in the past?’

So not only did Lord Segal know what was going on in such institutions but he also knew that complaints were being ignored and that the ‘training’ of the Angels was crap.

Dafydd et al in north Wales stressed constantly the ‘expertise’ of the Top Doctors and the ‘trained nurses’. There were some nurses at Denbigh who definitely would have been capable of doing a good job in the right situation and one or two of them were actually very nice, it was the Top Docs who were very obviously the biggest problem. However there were a few Angels – the ones in senior positions – who lied, including on oath and abused their positions as well as the patients. A small number of Angels were uneducated, thick and crude and very obviously inhabited a base, brutal world. The conversations between them would have horrified members of the Lords – crude sexual comments about the rest of the world and the people whom they were paid to care for and a social life which involved drinking vast amounts and not much else. The biggest laugh was that they too were convinced that they’d been ‘trained’ and would brag about their proud ‘training’ at every possibility. It didn’t register with them that a small number of their patients had postgrad qualifications because most of them weren’t interested enough in the patients to even think about that – but if it did sink in they would feel incredibly threatened by a well-educated patient. The liberal elite those Angels were not.

Lord Samuel Segal was another Top Doc and a remarkably honest one, but it would seem only during this Lords debate. Samuel Segal was born in Oxford in 1902 to a scholarly Jewish household and moved to Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1909 with his family. He was educated at the Royal Grammar School, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Jesus College, Oxford and Westminster Hospital. He was a casualty Surgeon at Westminster Hospital then a Senior Clinical Assistant at Great Ormond Street Hospital and he served on several London County Council Hospital Committees.

Following the start of WWII, Segal joined RAFVR Medical Branch in October 1939. He served in Aden in 1940, Western Desert in 1941, Syrian Campaign in 1941. Segal was attached to the Greek Air Force, 1941; Squadron Leader, 1942; Senior Medical Officer RAF Naval Co-operation Group in Mediterranean, 1942. He was on the Headquarters Staff Middle East, 1943–44 and the Air Ministry Medical Staff, 1944-45.

Segal was a regional medical officer for the Ministry of Health, 1951-62.

At the 1945 General Election, Segal was elected as the Labour MP for Preston. He advised Nye Bevan on the attitudes of Top Doctors to the creation of the NHS in 1948. The Top Doctors were of course nearly all totally opposed to the creation of the NHS and Bevan famously was only able to overcome their resistance by stuffing their mouths with gold (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). What is less well-publicised is the shocking medical misconduct that would also be ignored as part of the deal…

Samuel Segal spoke against Gov’t policy in Palestine and in favour of the creation of Israel. The Preston constituency was abolished for the 1950 General Election and Segal stood for the new Preston North seat, but lost by 938 votes to the Conservative candidate, Julian Amery.

On 18 December 1964, Segal was created a life peer. In the Lords, he was Deputy Speaker and Deputy Chairman of Committees from 1973-82.

Lord Segal was Chairman of the British Association for the Retarded, the National Society for Mentally Handicapped Children (now Mencap). The mentally handicapped residents of Bryn-y-Neuadd, the long-stay hospital in Llanfairfechan were described to me as ‘vegetables’ by one of the senior managers of Bryn-y-Neuadd who was on the interview panel to appoint an advocate for the vegetables. The vegetables at Bryn-y-Neuadd were helped to explore their ‘sexual needs’ by Ann Craft, who also ‘supported them’ in their sexual relationships. Anne later bagged a senior job at Nottingham University and became a recognised authority on Empowering The Vegetables.

Ann Craft was married to Top Doctor Michael Craft. The Crafts conducted research with Dafydd and discovered during that research that there was a very high rate of incest among the forebears of the vegetables. See post ‘The Old Devils’. Many of the vegetables in Bryn-y-Neuadd had trouble communicating – the place had such a dreadful reputation that most people who had a vegetable preferred to grow them at home rather than hand them over to the Angels of Bryn-y-Neuadd, so it tended to be the most severely disabled vegetables who ended up there – so how the Crafts and Dafydd discovered the sexual habits of the vegetables’ ancestors I’d be interested to know. I haven’t been able to find any published outputs regarding the gardening that was undertaken by Dafydd and the Crafts, I suspect that there was none.

However, a helpful reader has sent me extracts from a 1965 book by Dr Michael Craft, entitled ‘Ten Studies Into Psychopathic Personality’. Most of the studies of the psychopaths simply describe people who when young children were kept in the hen house or in the attic or who had severely distressed parents who couldn’t look after them and shut them in rooms and didn’t talk to them etc. These abused and neglected kids had been labelled psychopaths by the age of 10 and had then been handed over to the likes of Dafydd et al. Craft’s masterpiece was subtitled ‘A Report to the Home Office and the Mental Health Research Fund’. So Craft’s idiocy was probably commissioned by the Home Office when Lord of the Rings Henry Brooke was Home Secretary. The Home Secretary who accepted Dr Craft’s pearls and presumably used them to formulate policy was one Woy Jenkins, who did a great many favours for Dafydd and the paedophiles, as did Woy’s fellow travellers Dr Death, Shirl and Bill Rodgers (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

One chapter in Craft’s book is entitled ‘The Case of Gwyn’. Should that not have been ‘The Case Of Gwynne’? Even Michael Craft could not have got to the bottom (so to speak) of The Case Of Dafydd, that would be a source of even more debate and contestation than Freud’s Case Of Dora.

Tony Francis had a secretary called Dora Carter who made false allegations about Brown to the police and tried to have him arrested, but that’s another story…

I warned you Top Docs, I have lots more documents that have not yet received a mention on this blog.

For further details regarding Michael and Ann Craft and their pioneering efforts to sexually liberate those incarcerated by a gang of sex offenders in north Wales, see post ‘The Old Devils’.

 

Lord Segal was also the Chairman of the Anglo-Irish Association and the Anglo-Israel Archeological Association. He was a governor of the now closed Jewish boarding school Carmel College and life governor of Manchester College.

Lord Segal died in 1985. His legacy lives on… As do his offspring…

 

Baroness Summerskill was rather braver than the other Lords. In the Ely Hospital debate she commented that ‘I am afraid I cannot agree with my noble friend when she suggests that we might receive this Report without comment. I believe that every time an inquiry of this kind is made it is much better for the helpless individuals in these institutions to have people in both Houses of Parliament who are prepared to ask questions again and again…some of us who have been in Parliament for many years have lived through this kind of moment, time after time. It is always suggested that we should read the Report and see what is in it. By the time we have read the Report other things are happening and people forget to ask questions at what I consider to be the relevant moment – now. What I want to ask my noble friend is this: is she aware that what she said just now applies to similar institutions throughout the country, in so far as the staff [whistleblowers] are intimidated? My noble friend said that two members of the staff were dismissed, or left, because they questioned the system: their questioning was unpopular, and therefore they were dismissed.’

Baroness Summerskill continued:

‘What I should like to know, in view of this Inquiry and of the Statement which has just been made, is what general inquiry is now going to be set afoot by her Department in order to see how far the conditions in this institution apply in others. Unless somebody from outside goes in, questions the management committees and generally makes a fuss, the conditions which she describes now and which have obviously been existing in this institution for years can go on in other institutions of which we have no knowledge. Therefore, my question to her is this- and I have faith in her Department, now that she is in this job, because she is a woman and has compassion. My noble friend at the back groans. I am afraid it is true that women have a little more compassion in these matters than, perhaps, some of the men. May I ask my noble friend whether she will see to it that her Department makes a general inquiry with regard to the administration of homes and institutions which are organised for the old and the sick? Because it is in these places that the patients are completely helpless.’

I cannot agree with Baroness Summerskill that women by their nature have more compassion in such matters than men. Institutions like Ely and Denbigh always employed a few women in senior positions simply in order to reassure everyone that abuse could not be taking place within because there was a woman in charge. Those women were every bit as callous and corrupt as their male colleagues and they knew damn well that their possession of ovaries was being ruthlessly used to give the stamp of approval to very troubled institutions doing terrible things. After all, Lucille Hughes was Director of Gwynedd Social Services…

Women who were not as callous or corrupt but who were simply overwhelmed by the absolute bastards who surrounded them would be wheeled out to meet visiting VIPs or the press to give a good impression. Sister Ella Fisk fulfilled this role at the Hergest Unit and an Angel called Ingrid did it in Bryn Golau Ward at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Ella was actually very nice and was ignored and trampled over by the most appalling people who were abusing patients, yet if a visiting Councillor or politician turned up to visit, it would be Ella who would be called upon to meet them, because everyone knew that some of the other staff would leave such a terrible impression. Furthermore Ella was the Angel who would be ORDERED by Dafydd, Tony Francis et al to report patients to the police and if necessary lie about the ‘danger’ that they presented when the Top Docs wanted to fit those patients up. Ella just did not have enough clout in that organisation to challenge the people traffickers with whom she worked. I also suspect that she was very frightened of them. She and her husband Clive both worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, they’d have been finished if they had resisted. Clive was a senior technician at Ysbyty Gwynedd, he will have known that some of the equipment wasn’t working, yet patients would be hooked up to monitors etc and no-one would admit the real situation.

It was Ingrid who, after Dafydd ordered the Angels to take me to a railway station, put me on a train to London and told me that if I ever returned to north Wales again I would be arrested, was one of those who drove me to the station and put me on the train (see post ‘Rivers Of Blood’). There were other more junior Angels who came with us as well, but I cannot remember who they were. When I finally managed to get an investigation into my complaint about Dafydd et al – although it was simply one enormous cover-up conducted by Dafydd’s mates (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’) – Ingrid was, I was told, one member of staff who refused to attend the hearing, although according to Bluglass, the ‘investigating panel’ were desperate to question her. But then they were all a bunch of liars running a trafficking gang so who knows what the truth was.

 

Baroness Edith Summerskill was a Top Doctor, writer, feminist and Labour politician. Edith Summerskill was educated at King’s College London and trained as a Top Doc at Charing Cross. Edith was a genuine pioneer, she was one of the first women to be admitted to medical school. She was one of the founders of the Socialist Health Association, she pressed for equal rights for women in the Home Guard and in 1938 she initiated the Married Women’s Association to promote equality in marriage and became its first President.

Summerskill entered politics at the age of 32 when she was asked to fight the Green Lanes ward in Harringay in the Middlesex County Council elections. She then served as a Councillor on Middlesex County Council, 1934-41. Edith became the Labour MP for Fulham West thanks to the working women’s vote. She caused some disquiet by taking the seat in her maiden name. When the Fulham West constituency was abolished for the 1955 General Election, she was returned to the Commons as MP for Warrington, a seat that she held until 1961.

Summerskill served in Attlee’s Labour Gov’t following the election victory in 1945, including in the Ministry of Social and National Insurance, heading the Dept although she was not a Cabinet Minister.

As well as her service in government, Summerskill also served on the Commons Political Honours Scrutiny Committee, 1967 -76.

Summerskill was a member of the Labour Party’s NEC, 1944-58 and served as Chair of the Labour Party 1954-55. She left the Commons in 1961 and was given a peerage.

Summerskill was a member of the Fabian Society in the 1940s and as an active feminist, she was instrumental in promoting women’s causes throughout that period, starting with the Clean Milk Act in 1949. Later, as the President of the Married Women’s Association, she campaigned in and outside of Parliament to assure the equal rights of housewives and of divorced women, which resulted in the Married Women’s Property Act in 1964 and the Matrimonial Homes Act in 1967.

I have a great deal more respect for the likes of Edith Summerskill than I do for people like Harriet because Edith Summerskill really did do many things that at the time were usually the preserve of men. However, Edith will have had feet of clay. Not only was there an absence of any sense on her part that she had achieved because she was from a privileged strata of society – she was the daughter of a Top Doctor and as a child accompanied him on his rounds and of course she married a Top Doctor – but she knew that some seriously grim things were happening to less privileged people, including at the hands of her and her colleagues, which she did not challenge. For most posh women of Edith’s generation, emancipation was about emancipating other posh women.

Edith was a real hero to many and I suspect that it was partly because when she was younger she looked absolutely wonderful. When compared to the gross old paedophiles who cluttered up Parliament at the time, Edith must have seemed a pretty good advert.

Like Vera Brittain, Edith was a true shatterer of glass ceilings who had a mediocre daughter who cashed in on her mum and gave the old paedophiles of Parliament a great deal of assistance. The mediocre daughters even both had the same name. Edith’s notions that women were not simply equal to men but actually superior in every way were famously published as the 1957 volume ‘Letters To My Daughter’. I do wonder whether Edith had to revise her ideas on natural female superiority when she later took a long hard look at the daughter to whom those letters were written.

Edith’s daughter Shirley Summerskill was also a Labour politician who made much of being a female Top Doctor at a time when that was rather more unusual than it is today, although not the flying pig phenomenon that it was when her mum qualified. Shirley inherited the gene for becoming a big name in the Labour Party and the gene for being a Woman Top Doctor from her mum. Shirley Summerskill was educated at St Paul’s School, Somerville College, Oxford, as were many other female breakers of glass ceilings, including Thatch and of course the other delusional Shirley. Here she is, telling the rest of us what is best for us:

Regius Professorship Lecture (15648721150).jpg

Shirley Summerskill trained as a Top Doctor at the medical school for the poshest, Tommy’s, through who’s hands Dr Death also passed just a few years later. The Tommy’s which was facilitating abuse and employing Dafydd’s mates as well as the lethal William Sargant who’s experiments killed some patients, including during the years when Dr Death was working as his research registrar (see post ‘Dr Death’) and performing illegal abortions like there was no tomorrow if the patients had the dosh for the backhanders (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Tommy’s Top Doctors were pretty liberal with the prescription pad as well if one had the cash.

Summerskill was a member of the Executives of the Socialist Medical Association and the Medical Practitioners’ Union. By this time, both of these were organisations that attracted highly paid, privileged Top Docs who very often for reasons of their aspirations to become big names in the Labour Party pretended to Care About The Poor and thus were Committed To The NHS eg. Dr Brian Gibbons, Ed Miliband’s Uncle Harry, Dr John Dunwoody and Dr Julian Tudor Spart as well as many others who protected Dafydd who have featured on this blog.

One of the early members of the Socialist Medical Association (which later changed its name to the Socialist Health Association) along with Shirley Summerskill’s mum Edith was Sir Richard Doll. Doll famously demonstrated the link between smoking and lung cancer and is the biggest name in 20th century epidemiology.

However the glue which adheres the Top Doctors together really is most impressive. My post ‘They Think It’s All Over – It Is Now’ described a laughable piece of ‘cancer research’ conducted by the paedophiles’ friends of Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University, which was published in 1990, when Dafydd and the gang were sending out distress signals like there was no tomorrow and were in need of good PR. The ground-breaking research received full media coverage on a world-wide scale, but just weeks later a retraction had to be issued when it was admitted that there were ‘flaws’ in the research. The flaws were enormous – the control sample had numbered three, one of the controls was not someone who was suffering from the type of cancer which was being studied anyway and a number of conclusions had been drawn which could not have been, even if there had been an appropriate control group. Sir Richard Doll had ‘advised’ on this research. Why Sir Richard Doll wasted his time and energy with this gang of fools who were wheeled out to save the bacon of Dafydd et al I don’t know. Not that publishing laughable ‘research’ which was discredited within weeks did the careers of the ‘researchers’ any harm. Two of the authors, Chris and Rhiannon Whitaker, – the statisticians who OK’d a control sample of three, one of whom was suffering with a different condition –  continued their careers as stats lecturers at Bangor University and Rhiannon ended up leading the North Wales Clinical Trials Unit…

Shirley Summerskill was elected as the Labour MP for Halifax in Jimmy Savile country in the 1964 General Election. After being a Labour Shadow Minister for Health, 1970-74, she served as a junior Minister in the Home Office throughout the 1974–79 Labour Gov’t, under two Home Secretaries, Woy and Merlyn Rees. During those years, the Labour Gov’t afforded full protection to Dafydd’s gang and to the molester George Thomas and ensured that Thomas’s friend and protector the bent lawyer and MP Leo Abse saw his baby the Children Act 1974 hit the statute books, thus ensuring that hundreds of children were removed from their families and sent to live with Dafydd’s gang as well as other linked gangs (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’).

In 1980 Summerskill was interviewed by BBC’s ‘Panorama’ about Britain’s preparations for a nuclear attack. This was a woman who throughout her entire medical and political career was unable to say boo to a Dafydd and certainly not on ‘Panorama’, because Dafydd’s mate from Llangollen, Elwyn Parry Jones, was Deputy Editor of ‘Panorama’, 1977-85.Roger Waters | Music fanart | fanart.tv

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  • When Labour returned to opposition in 1979, Shirley Summerskill became an opposition spokesperson on Home Affairs. She lost her seat in 1983 to the Tory Roy Galley.

Sumerskill married lawyer and future Labour MP John Ryman in 1957; they divorced in 1971. I am very impressed with Shirley in that she married a fine example of a Cad. John Ryman QC was easily as good as the son of Lord Bellamy on ‘Upstairs Downstairs’ who made one of the servants pregnant.

Ryman was a barrister and an enthusiastic fox-hunter who was elected as Labour MP for Blyth, near Newcastle-upon-Tyne, in Oct 1974. In 1976 Ryman’s agent was fined £400 under the Representation of the People Act 1949 and the Perjury Act 1911 for falsifying his election expenses return and overspending, although the election result stood. In 1986, Ryman announced that he was leaving the Labour Party and sat as an Independent until he retired at the 1987 General Election.

On 23 April 1992 Ryman was convicted of defrauding two women of their life savings. He had pretended to be the Director of a Swiss Bank and told the women that they would get 22·5% interest, but in fact paid the money to his ex-wife for maintenance payments. Ryman was given a two and a half year jail sentence.

Ryman and Summerskill had married in 1957 but had divorced by the time he entered Parliament. He was married five times in all. He claimed to have invested some money belonging to his fifth wife Nicola, a wealthy widow, in a high-yield Swiss bank account but in fact squandered the money on a horse, Jaguar car and holidays on the Orient Express. He had previously narrowly escaped being prosecuted by the family of a mistress whose money he had also claimed to have invested in a Swiss account.

When I read about The Cad I presumed that Edith would have had to have revised her theories about women being more intelligent than men, what with her daughter having been taken in. But I suppose that The Cad would have confirmed Edith’s low opinion of those in possession of testicles – they’re hopeless.

Rhett Butler – ‘Frankly My Dear I Don’t Give A Damn’ (1939):Rhett - Rhett Butler Photo (34806447) - Fanpop

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – ‘Really My Dear, You’re Getting Rather Tiresome’ (circa 1993)

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Not long after Dafydd did his best Rhett Butler bit, a Hergest patient told Dafydd that he was a ‘failure as a sex fiend’.

‘We didn’t know.’

The saddest element to the adventures of The Cad who married Shirley Summerskill was the means by which he was elected for Blythe in 1974. Blythe had previously been represented by Labour member Eddie Milne, since 1960. Eddie had succeeded the crooked old git Alfred – Lord – Robens, who became Chairman of NCB and was up to his eyes in it re the Aberfan Disaster in 1966. It was Robens who took the hit for Aberfan in order to get a great many other Good Labour Men off the hook, who were as much to blame (see post ‘Include Me Out’). Eddie Milne, a trade union official, was selected by the local constituency Labour Party to replace Robens, with the help of USDAW.

During his Parliamentary career, Milne became increasingly concerned about problems of endemic corruption within local government in the north east of England. The scale of these were eventually revealed in the Poulson Affair involving corruption and the leading Labour movement figure T. Dan Smith. Known as ‘a difficult man to get on with’ – perhaps because he wasn’t a crook like the rest of them? –  Milne’s problems were not restricted to his opponents in the local Labour Party; he twice unsuccessfully reported a local journalist, Jim Harland, to the Press Council over articles he had written.

By 1974 the breach between Milne and the local party was ‘irreparable’ and he was deselected on the eve of the Feb 1974 General Election. Milne had already made preparations for this eventuality and ran a campaign as an Independent Labour candidate. He overturned the Labour majority and defeated Ivor Richard, who had the official endorsement, by 6,140 votes. However, it was a short-lived victory, as Milne was narrowly defeated in the Oct 1974 General Election by The Cad by 78 votes. Milne’s supporters who won seats on the local authority had all been defeated by 1979; when Milne stood again in the 1979 General Election he did badly.

Milne wrote a book entitled No Shining Armour (1976) detailing his travails with the local party, and giving his view on the corruption scandals of the 1970s. It attracted 36 libel writs, and the costs and damages associated with it came close to bankrupting his publishers.

So the constituency of Blythe – now called Blythe Valley – gave an honest MP the boot and ended up with The Cad, who had previously been married to a woman who spent her career concealing a gang of paedophiles. Of course, one of the gangs of paedophiles which Shirley Summerskill concealed was the gang in the north east, which was closely associated with Dafydd et al in north Wales. The year before the year in which The Cad was elected for Blythe, Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth relocated from Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where children had been abused, to Bryn Estyn, where they really stoked up the gang run by Dafydd et al… The children’s homes of north Wales received hundreds of children in the care of local authorities in the north east of England. See previous posts.

The paedophile gang in the north east was linked to the local authority corruption involving Poulson et al (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’), but even Eddie Milne didn’t dare mention that.

The MP who succeeded The Cad for Blythe Valley was Labour’s Ronnie Cambell, who still holds the seat. I’ll be blogging about you soon Ronnie!

Shirley Summerskill’s nephew, Ben Summerskill, was Chief Executive of the UK gay equality charity Stonewall, 2003-2014. Stonewall gave the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board an award for being an LGBT-friendly employer some two years ago. Which left me quite surprised because I know one young gay man who did a placement when he was a student nurse at the Hergest Unit who dared raise concerns about the abuse of patients, only to find himself the subject of crude, homophobic bullying.

 

Lord Shackleton made a brief contribution to the Ely Hospital Lords debate, just to express the view that in discussing the Ely Report the House was becoming ‘seriously out of order’, because some members had been rather harsh with their words in response to the Report. Lord Edward Shackleton was the son of the Antarctic explorer Sir Ernest Shackleton.

Edward Shackleton arranged the 1932 Oxford University Exploration Club expedition to Sarawak in Borneo. During this trip he was the first to attain the peak of Mount Mulu. In 1934 Shackleton organised the Oxford University Ellesmere Land Expedition. Shackleton accompanied the party as the assistant surveyor. The expedition was eventually responsible for naming Mount Oxford (after the University of Oxford) and the British Empire Range. On leaving university, Shackleton worked for the BBC in N Ireland – an experience that turned him away from the Conservative Party towards Labour. 

In 1946, Shackleton was elected as Labour MP for Preston. A boundary change subsequently divided Preston into two seats and Shackleton was elected MP for Preston South on a much reduced majority. Shackleton served as PPS to the Lord President of the Council and Foreign Secretary in Attlee’s Gov’t, Mandy’s grandfather, Herbert Morrison. Shackleton was re-elected in 1951. One duty of the Lord President of the Council is to act as the visitor for the University of Wales.

In 1955, Shackleton was defeated and so Hugh Gaitskell recommended Shackleton to the PM and he was created a life peer. In Wilson’s Gov’t Shackleton served as Minister of Defence, 1964–67. He was sworn of the Privy Council in 1966 and made Deputy Leader of the House of Lords a year later. As Minister without Portfolio 1967–1968 and Paymaster General in 1968 Shackleton had a seat on the cabinet. During the Aden Crisis he was sent on a Special Mission as British Resident to help with the withdrawal.

Shackleton was Leader of the Lords, 1968–70, and subsequently sat as Opposition Leader in the Lords. He was used again on the Wilsonian reforms proposed for the Lords, liaising between committees and sub-committees, designed to reduce the Lords delaying powers from two years to just six months, but the PM dropped the bill in April 1969 to ‘concentrate on priorities.’ Sitting on the Committee for Civil Service Reform, Shackleton successfully widened access to entry for scientists.

From 1971, Shackleton was President of the Royal Geographical Society. From 1976 until 1992 he was Chairman of the joint-Political Honours and Scrutiny Committee. Lord Shackleton also wrote a Report, commissioned by James Callaghan, which described the economic future of the Falkland Islands, the value of the being British to the islanders and how their lot could be improved. It included the invaluable role eventually played by HMS Endurance.

Between 1988-89, Shackleton Chaired the Lords Science and Technology Committee, which culminated in 1989 when he was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society. He also served as Chairman of the East European Trade Council.

Lord Shackleton was Pro-Chancellor of the University of Southampton, an institution who’s medical school hosted a number of those who were providing a big umbrella for Dafydd et al (see post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’).

Shackleton acted also as Patron of the British Schools Exploring Society (B.S.E.S.) from 1962 until his death in 1994.

Edward Shackleton will have known Sir Charles Evans, Principal of UCNW, 1957-84 and probably other employees of UCNW as a result of Shackleton’s friendships with people involved in exploring, climbing and natural history. Charles Evans was a member of the 1953 Everest expedition and although his first career was as a neurosurgeon in Oxford and then Liverpool, Evans was far more interested in climbing (see previous posts). However, Evans’s status as a national hero after the successful Everest ascent – with members of the Everest team who worked for the security services – afforded Dafydd et al who were facilitating their trafficking ring through UCNW complete protection.

Sir Charles Evans – a fantastic mountaineer but a bloody dangerous Top Doctor and University Senior Manager:

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Lord Ogmore pointed out to the Lords that he was the only Welshman to speak on the matter of Ely, which primarily concerned Wales and remarked ‘may I ask the noble Baroness whether she is aware that this Report will be regarded with the utmost seriousness in Wales, and that Welsh people will want to know that there are no other institutions where the same conditions might already apply? May I also ask her whether, when her right honourable friend has discussed the whole question of Ely Hospital with the Chairman of the Hospital Board, a further report or statement will be made to Parliament, conveying to Members the results of that interview between the two gentlemen concerned?’

Of course there were other institutions in Wales in which conditions as bad as those in Ely prevailed – there was the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which was far worse. Furthermore Bryn-y-Neuadd at Llanfairfechan and Whitchurch Hospital in Cardiff were pretty bad, as well as a few others… It really wasn’t any secret.

David Rees Rees-Williams, 1st Baron Ogmore was born in Bridgend and qualified as a solicitor in 1929. He served in the Welch Regiment and the Royal Artillery and ended WWII as a Lieutenant Colonel. Rees-Williams was elected Labour MP for Croydon South in 1945. In the Gov’t he was a Minister in the Colonial Office, travelling to East Asia to consider the movements towards independence. Rees-Williams’s seat was redistributed at the end of the Parliament and he narrowly lost the successor seat in 1950, so he received the standard booby prize of a life peerage. He served as Minister of Civil Aviation in 1951 and was made a Privy Councillor the same year. Lord Ogmore was President of the London Welsh Trust, which runs the London Welsh Centre, Gray’s Inn Road, 1955-59. The London Welsh Trust was a magnet for those colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Lord Ogmore joined the Liberal Party in 1959 and served as Liberal Party President, 1963–1964. Lord Ogmore was among those who ignored Jeremy Thorpe’s Ugandan activities. Lord Ogmore’s constituency was just down the road from Warlingham Park Hospital which had a dreadful reputation and was eventually subject to an Ely-like damning investigation which resulted in staff going to prison for very serious offences against patients. My post ‘A Trade In People – Between London And North Wales’ details the horrendous abuse and fleecing – by a group of crooked Top Docs and lawyers in London with links to colleagues in Bethesda – of a family who’s lives were destroyed by Warlingham Park Hospital after their mum died in suspicious circumstances when an in-patient there and were then sent to live in Bethesda by the crooks who shafted them.

Lord Ogmore was married to Alice Alexandra Constance Wills and had three children. His daughter, Elizabeth Rees-Williams, married the actors Richard Harris and Sir Rex Harrison, the businessman Peter Aitken, and more recently Jonathan Aitken, the former Tory MP and old flame of Carol Thatcher’s who later went to prison for perjury. Lord Ogmore’s grandsons are actors Jared Harris and Jamie Harris and Director Damian Harris.

Sir Rex Harrison starred in the award winning film ‘Dr Dolittle’. Two days a week, no on-call and retirement at 55 yrs old. Duw it’s hard.

 

Lord Silkin found himself in a particularly difficult position in the Lords: ‘before we discuss this matter further, we ought to read the Report. I should like to put a question to the noble Baroness, and I put it because I was for many years both chairman and a member of a number of hospital management committees; and it seems to me inconceivable that a hospital management committee should not have known of what had been going on apparently for a long time. Certainly I should like to think that it could not have happened in the case of the hospitals with which I was concerned; and if a management committee is doing its job properly, it ought not to have happened in this case. May I ask the noble Baroness whether, in the Report, there is any reference to the activities of the Hospital Management Committee?’

Bit close to home there Lord Silkin! Of course the Hospital Management Committee at Ely knew, it was they who ignored the complaints and got rid of the whistleblowers.

Lewis Silkin, 1st Baron Silkin worked as a solicitor (Lewis Silkin LLP, the London law firm where he practised, still bears his name), before becoming a member of the London County Council in 1925. He Chaired the LCC Town Planning and the Housing and Public Health Committees and was a member of the Central Housing Advisory Committee. Silkin was elected as MP Peckham in 1936. He was Minister of Town and Country Planning in Clement Attlee’s Gov’t, 1945-50.

Silkin was raised to the peerage in 1950. Of his three sons, his eldest, Arthur, a civil servant, disclaimed the peerage. The other two, Samuel and John, both became Labour MPs, members of the Privy Council and Gov’t Ministers. Samuel was MP for Dulwich, 1964-83 and Attorney General for England and Wales as well as N Ireland, 1974-79. You’ve guessed it, Samuel concealed the crimes of the Top Docs and the paedophiles along with everyone else. Being the principled man that he was, Samuel refused a knighthood as AG. He accepted a life peerage instead in 1985, just as the explosions began in north Wales…

Samuel’s son Christopher also disclaimed the hereditary peerage on the death of his uncle Arthur in 2001, the first time a peerage has been disclaimed twice.

John Silkin was Labour MP for Lewisham Deptford, 1963-87. He served in the RNVR, 1942-46, along with the other high profile paedophiles, paedophiles’ friends and spies (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). At one point John Silkin had hopes of becoming Leader of the Labour Party, but that went pear-shaped among all the internal scrapping. The talents of Footie and the Windbag shone through instead. Of course they did, Footie and the Windbag held seats in south Wales so they had all the best shit on George Thomas, the Silkin family only had superior gen on the kids from south London who were being abused and trafficked by Dafydd’s gang and his mates at the Maudsley. See previous posts for further information on the Silkin family.

Baroness Hylton-Foster was firmly on the side of the patient-batterers during the Lords debate: ‘My Lords, may I ask the noble Baroness whether Her Majesty’s Government do not think that this is the moment to recommend that nurses should be moved around more? Because even with special training it needs superhuman patience to cope with some of the patients with whom they have to deal.’

Those patients really were such absolute bastards. They insisted on standing in the way of the flying fists and kicking boots of the Angels, they grew hair which the Angels felt compelled to grab hold of to drag the patients along the corridor and in addition at Ely those patients tried the patience of the Angels so much that the Angels hosed them down with cold water, the Angels just could not take any more.

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A photo of caring hands even used to appear on the leaflet regarding the complaints procedure for NHS Wales. I was sent such a leaflet after I complained about being assaulted and injured by four Angels in the Hergest Unit, a complaint that was never ever investigated.

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To make things even harder for the long-suffering staff of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, the attractive younger patients possessed bodies that poor old Dafydd and a few others just couldn’t resist having sex with…

Baroness Hylton-Foster obviously wanted to move the Angels around so that the good practice could be shared, in the way that by the late 1970s, the paedophiles employed in children’s homes across the UK had all networked together and used to shuttle back and forth between different homes in different regions of the country, forming one big happy family.

Audrey Pellew Hylton-Foster, Baroness Hylton-Foster was the daughter of 1st Viscount Ruffside and Violet Cicely Kathleen Wollaston. She married Sir Harry Braustyn Hylton-Foster, who had started a distinguished career at the Bar, in 1931; they were not blessed with children.

Born in India, the Baroness was educated at St George’s, Ascot and Ivy House, Wimbledon. Both her father and husband served as Speaker of the Commons. Audrey Hylton-Foster first lived at Speaker’s House during her father’s time there, when she went to recover from measles. While she was convalescing she started working for the British Red Cross and this, apart from politics, became her life’s work.

During WWII Audrey was an Angel at St Luke’s Hospital, Chelsea. She cycled ‘thousands of miles’ around London on her Red Cross duties. In 1950 she became Director of the Chelsea division of the British Red Cross. She was at various times President, Chairman and Patron of the London branch. In late 1980 she was acting as consultant at the national HQ.

 

Audrey’s husband began his political career after World War II. By 1950 he was MP for York. He died in office in 1965, after which she was given a peerage. Despite Audrey’s prior objections to women politicians, she became an active member of the Lords and for many years served as Convenor of the Crossbench peers. Like others who have been of particularly valuable service to abusers in high places, Audrey was appointed a Dame in 1990, being only a Baroness not being sufficient thanks for her contribution. 

Audrey Hylton-Foster lived in a converted Coach House on Leith Hill in Surrey. Each year she opened her gardens to the public, in order to raise money for various charities. One year, with help from actress Virginia McKenna, a substantial amount was raised for the Born Free Foundation. Mandy Leigh, one of the most monstrous members of staff at St George’s Hospital Medical School – she who had sex with a Top Doctor in the lab and who participated in ‘research’ which involved decapitating marmosets for no good reason and who of course kept schtum about the serious wrongdoing and harm to patients – was a good friend of Virginia McKenna’s family.

One of Mandy’s many pearls of wisdom was that it was often necessary to lie to patients for their own good. Another pearl was that FGM was best done in Harley Street – Mandy told me this when a Top Doc at St George’s admitted that his mate in Harley Street was performing FGM and I reminded him that it had been illegal for years…

And if marmosets are to be decapitated it’s best done by Mandy Leigh at the London Zoo, after lies have been told to the media about the research having been stopped.

Virginia McKenna

 

Audrey’s Garden Open Day raised funds for a number of good causes including the British Red Cross, Cancer Research, local schools etc. Who knows, perhaps the Institute of Psychiatry benefited as well and funds were raised for a few more primates to be caged while not very useful experiments were carried out on their brains:Dementia’s Terrible Legacy For Her Kids | JenningsWire

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Audrey died in 2002, so she was around to help with the fall-out of the Waterhouse Report.

Of course, after the Ely Hospital Scandal, working parties were set up, along with a system of inspections, so that it could never happen again…

I know someone who was a student psych nurse at Ely Hospital at the time of the scandal. He confirmed that the abuse of patients there was terrible and that he was so outraged at seeing an Angel kicking an elderly man down the corridor that he punched the Angel in the face. When he was older this man qualified as a social worker and worked in north Wales, in the field of mental health. He was responsible for, among other things, sectioning people in Denbigh and training the social workers who later worked with the paedophile gang. He was working as a social work lecturer at Coleg Menai in Bangor at the time of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. On the day after publication this lecturer walked into his class and said ‘One thing that will not be discussed today and never will be discussed is the Waterhouse Report’.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh yes you bloody well did and what’s more, that particular man knew about Robert Bluglass and his corruption as well because he discussed it with me. Geoff Lees later left his post at Coleg Menai and became the Director of Vale Of Clwyd MIND.

See my post ‘Social Work – Theory’ for details of the level of discussion and some of the comments made by the social work students in that class, nearly all of whom qualified and subsequently joined the paedophiles and their friends of north Wales…

 

 

Baroness Dame Serota married Stanley Serota, a civil engineer and they had two children. Her son Nicholas became Director of the Tate Gallery and her daughter Judith also pursued a career in the arts. When Nicholas Serota was Director of the Tate, Blair’s mate Richard Rogers was Chairman. Under Serota, the Tate expanded as a result of the conversion of the former Bankside Power Station into Tate Modern, for which the Tate was given £52 million towards. Nicholas I’ve been to the Tate Modern a few times and yes I did enjoy it, but I’m not sure that you should have been given £52 million for it. The current generation of the poor sods of the sort that your mother made a good living out of ignoring probably needed it more. As of 2015, Serota was paid a salary of between £165,000 and £169,999 by the Tate. When Serota was Director of the Tate, he encouraged BP to sponsor the Tate which caused quite an embarrassment at the time of the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill.

Nicholas Serota is currently Director of Arts Council England.

 

Previous posts and comments on this blog have mentioned Professor Stuart Stanton, a gynaecologist at St George’s Hospital Medical School who specialised in convincing rich, anxious women that they needed pelvic floor surgery. Stanton was reputed to have made a fortune and was hated and feared by even his colleagues who were facilitating child abuse and people trafficking, so I always wondered what is was that Stanton was up to. The corrupt MSF rep David Hole who spent most of his working day trying to dig up dirt or sensitive info on other people which he could then use against them was really busting a gut in his attempts to find out what Stanton was doing but Stanton’s secretary – who was very much more normal than most of the people employed at St George’s – wasn’t giving anything away, although like everyone else who worked with Stanton, she did used to say ‘God I’d never let him operate on me’.

Stanton went to Israel on a very frequent basis and had mistresses out there, but I’m sure that Stanton wasn’t going all that way just to discuss Uganda. I have received info about Stanton’s dreadful treatment of the ladies in his life, but I’m not publishing any of that because they need to be afforded privacy after falling into the jaws of a shark.

This morning someone sent me a few links which mentioned Stuart Stanton. His name appeared on the 2011 list of Trustees of the Jewish Music Institute. Stanton’s biography which appears on the website of the Jewish Music Institute describes Stanton as:

Professor and Consultant Urogynaecologist now in private and medico-legal practice in Central London. He is also a visiting Professor at Hadassah Hospital (Jerusalem) where he travels every three months to lecture, see patients and operate. He is a founder member of the South London Israel Forum (SLIF) which meets monthly to hear speakers on Middle East politics and Israel’s achievements in the Arts and Sciences, also a Trustee for Hadassah UK and a Patron of the British Friends of Hebrew University. 

The Vice-Presidents of the Jewish Music Institute were named as my old mate Michael Grade and dear old Greville Janner.

Stanton also appears on the website of the Jewish Medical Association UK. The section entitled ‘Israeli Medical Students’ tells us about the 2011 Israeli Student Attachment programme and that ‘the past four weeks have been incredible. Dr. Alan Naftalin welcomed us with a lovely dinner at his house and took care of all our needs during our stay. In addition, he made sure we learn a lot about medicine and the way it is practiced in the UK by arranging meetings with well experienced doctors such as Prof. David Katz, Prof. Stuart Stanton and Dr. Mike Peters of the BMA.’

Prof David Katz is an immunologist who used to work at either UCH or the Middlesex, I’ve forgotten which one – I met him in 1987. He was mates with the fraudsters at Royal Postgraduate Medical School/Hammersmith Hospital (see post ‘Interesting Facts’).

The same website tells us that in 2010, ‘The clinical attachment is at Newham University Hospital NHS Trust. Dr Alan Naftalin, Prof Susan Gelding and the educational team at Newham are responsible for the programme. In addition to Newham Hospital several JMA(UK) give them the opportunity to see other aspects of UK medicine. Thus they have also spent time with Prof Michael Baum (breast disease), Prof Atul Mehta at the Royal Free Hospital (Gaucher’s disease and Lysosomal Storage Disease), Prof Anthony Warrens at the Royal London Hospital (paediatric nephrology), and Prof Stuart Stanton (urogynaecology).’

Professor Michael Baum is a cancer surgeon who has a healthy cynicism towards ineffective ‘alternative medicines’, but Baum has never spoken out about the rampant corruption and research fraud among his colleagues which he undoubtedly knows about.

Now, let me clarify. I too believe that cross-national exchanges between students and academics are valuable and I have taken part in them myself. But Stuart Stanton was a Trustee of an organisation which had as Vice-Presidents Michael Grade, who ignored Jimmy Savile and his activities during Grade’s various roles at the BBC and Greville Janner, a man who stood accused of sexually abusing children in care. In the early 1990s, Janner was questioned by police regarding sexual assaults on children and his solicitor Sir David Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he retained George Carman. Thus Greville had the same legal team as Jeremy Thorpe did when Thorpe stood trial in 1979 for conspiracy to murder his former gay partner. It has now been admitted that Janner should have been charged and the CPS cannot explain why he wasn’t. Years later Janner was due to face a ‘trial of the facts’ after producing evidence from at least one Top Doctor that he was unfit to stand trial. That trial of the facts took so long to arrive that Janner died before it happened.

Stuart Stanton is a Top Doctor who spent most of his career working at St George’s Hospital Medical School, an institution which was concealing at least two paedophile rings, both of which had links to the ring that Janner was part of in Leicester. The Head of the Dept in which Stanton was employed, Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain, was a key figure in concealing organised abuse. Chamberlain was friends with Ollie Brooke, the Prof of Paediatrics at St George’s, who in 1986 was jailed for the possession of child porn. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring.

So what is Stanton doing in Israel?

 

Someone who is now constructed as a UK expert on old age care knows a lot about the abuses of vulnerable people in north Wale – step forward Professor Vanessa Burholt of the Centre for Innovative Ageing at Swansea University. The spiel about Ness on Swansea’s website tells us that:

After graduating from the Open University in 1994, Vanessa worked as a researcher at Bangor University while she undertook her PhD. After completing her PhD in 1998, Vanessa became Deputy Director of the Centre for Social Policy Research and Development at Bangor University and in 2004 took over as Director. Vanessa was awarded a personal Chair at Bangor in 2007, and shortly after moved to Swansea University, as Director of the Centre for Innovative Ageing. In 2016 Vanessa was also appointed Director of the pan-Wales Centre for Ageing and Dementia Research.

Vanessa holds a public appointment as the research member of the Ministerial Advisory Forum on Ageing and is co-Chair of My Home Life Cymru. Personal awards include Fellow of the Academy of Social Science and Senior Research Leader for Health and Care Research Wales. In 2015 and 2017 she won the College of Human and Health Science outstanding contribution to research award. She is a member of the ESRC DTC Peer Review College. She sits on the ESRC Grants Assessment Panel C and is member of the Board for Health and Care Research Wales. Vanessa sits on the CHHS Senior Management Board, the Social Care Ethics Committee, and the Research Committee.

Vanessa has worked on and led international and national research projects worth approximately £18M, and has supervised 23 post-graduate students. Her research interests include loneliness, support networks, intergenerational relationships, social exclusion, rurality, migration of older people and attachment to place and she has published more than 50 articles and book chapters on these topics.’

This translates as:

Ness worked at Bangor University throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry into the abuse of children in care, about which no-one knew anything, although Ness’s colleagues facilitated that abuse and ignored all complaints from witnesses and victims. Ness was involved with the School of Psychology, which was led by Professor Fergus Lowe; Fergus and his mistress Pauline Horne built their entire empire by holding everyone who had colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles over a barrel. Ness was also involved with IMSCaR, a research institute which was Directed by Prof Mark Williams, a clinical psychologist who worked with the paedophile gang and perpetrated the research fraud which was Mindfulness. Bruce Napier, a clinical psychologist who ran away from the Hergest Unit screaming loudly, was subsequently employed at IMSCaR. One of Ness’s mentors in old age care at Bangor University was Professor Bob Woods, the man who ran the clinical psychology programme, which involved students undertaking placements at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where they witnessed patients being abused and, if they were female students, were sexually harassed and propositioned by Dafydd. Ness knew as well as the rest of north Wales that the care for the elderly in the region, particularly for EMI patients, was so bad that healthcare staff did all they could to find alternative care for their own relatives.

Some 10 years ago, Ness’s PhD supervisor Prof Clare Wenger, who had by then retired, had the misfortune to be admitted to a ward for the elderly at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. Clare Wenger was so appalled by what she witnessed that she compiled an extensive report, sent it over 100 colleagues and healthcare bodies and appeared in the media. She was denounced by Ysbyty Glan Clwyd as a stuck up old cow. Not one of Clare’s colleagues or students defended her. Ness bagged her job at Swansea and fucked off out of north Wales to become an international expert on old age care. Which was of course what Clare Wenger was. Some years after Clare Wenger was ignored and then trashed when she refused to shut up, the Tawel Fan Scandal blew up on an EMI ward at Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us.’

  • BBC One - Upstairs Downstairs, Series 1
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Just how fucking stupid are you all?

‘First they came for the Service Users, And I didn’t speak up because I wasn’t a Service User.’

It was an international trafficking ring. They killed witnesses.

 

A national emergency has been declared. The National Crime Agency and the Home Secretary Sajid Javid have put out a paedophile alert on the grounds that an estimated 80,000 people constitute an online risk to children – they will leave no stone unturned in their efforts to hunt these people down. Oh don’t bother. The people facilitating it all are sitting in Top Docs surgeries, social service depts, counsellors therapy rooms, in police stations, in the Courts and in Parliament and their activities are no secret. It could have all been stopped thirty years ago when hundreds and hundreds of young people were complaining that they were being threatened, assaulted and sexually abused by the welfare services in north Wales. No-one helped us, no-one. Most of the complainants have since been found dead. Fuck off all of you. Why would anyone believe a word that any of you say?

 

The Labour Party is now in a state of total civil war. Margaret Hodge is demanding Jezza’s head on a plate for his alleged anti-Semitism and Gordon has joined in the fray, emphasising that there can be no place for hatred within the Labour Party. Everyone involved in this punch-up concealed Dafydd and the gang for years. However, the hyenas can smell Jezza’s blood and so they are circling.

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Margaret Hodge will be thinking up her leadership campaign slogan as I write this…

Vote Wisely, Vote Silly – You Know It Makes Nonsense. The Silly Party is committed to: raising unemployment; destroying industry; encouraging naughtiness in high places.

You’ll do a job as good as Thatch, Dame M!

Dame Margaret Hodge, former Leader of Islington Borough Council while Islington children’s homes were infiltrated by a paedophile gang who murdered some of the witnesses:

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Brown, who was the subject of a murder attempt:
Brian Brown

A Volkswagon Beetle, of the sort that my friend Anne was driving when she was killed:

  • File:Volkswagen Beetle .jpg

I’ve got a photo of my friend’s baby who died shortly after birth at the hands of Robert Fox as well, but that’s not publicly available….PROJ3CTM4YH3M Urban Exploration | Urbex: Denbigh Lunatic ...

  • North Wales Hospital, Denbigh - County Asylums
  • PROJ3CTM4YH3M Urban Exploration | Urbex: Denbigh Lunatic ...

 

Margaret Thatcher

 

Tony Blair


Charles, Prince of Wales
“You’ve all done very well!” | News | Academic Appointments

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A Local Boy Made Good?

My post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ detailed the enormous quantity of money – some of it via a Coutts cheque – that fell into the hands of some people in Somerset in the late 1980s/1990s who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd and the trafficking gang. I have explained that the constituency MP of the Somerset contingent was Tom King, who was personally known to one of them. King was Secretary of State for Employment, Oct 1983-Sept 1985, overseeing his Minister for State, June 1983-Sept 1985, Sir Peter Morrison, who was a member of the paedophile gang who had opened fire on me, Brown and some of our friends. In Sept 1985, Thatch appointed King Secretary of State for N Ireland, a post that King retained until July 1989, when King was made Secretary of State for Defence.

It was when King was N Ireland Secretary that he concealed the horrors of the Kincora Boys’ Home, the associated serious crime and national security risks. The high society paedophiles using Kincora had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and to the gang in south London which was facilitated by St George’s Hospital Medical School, Springfield Hospital and Wandsworth Social Services.

Previous posts have mentioned that some of the Somerset contingent also knew another of Thatcher’s Cabinet Ministers, John Biffen. John Biffen grew up on a farm near Combwich, about three miles away from where I lived before I left Somerset for university and he went to the village school at Combwich with one of the Somerset contingent. Biffen’s secondary school was Dr Morgan’s in Bridgwater, Biffen was there at the same time as my father.

I was always told that Biffen was a clever swotty kid who was horrifically bullied at school which didn’t do much for what would now be called his mental health. He won a scholarship to Jesus College, Cambridge from Dr Morgan’s, left Somerset and didn’t have any more contact with those who had made his life so miserable. However, Biffen did remain close to his mum and dad who carried on living at Combwich until I think they died. There were no doubt other people of whom Biffen had happier memories in Somerset with whom he did keep contact. His mum and dad knew many of the local farming families who knew me when I was a teenager.

After Cambridge, Biffen worked for Tube Investments Ltd and for a short time at the Economist Intelligence Unit.

In 1961 Biffen was elected as the Tory MP for Oswestry, later renamed Shropshire North. He succeeded David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech, who been appointed US ambassador. David Ormsby-Gore was US ambassador when JFK was assassinated and many of Ormsby-Gore’s family and descendants subsequently led difficult lives which ended in violent deaths. The family seat is in Oswestry but the Ormsby-Gores also own an estate in Gwynedd. The difficulties that the Ormsby-Gores have encountered in recent decades suggest to me that they were targeted by the paedophiles’ friends. See post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for further details.

 

Biffen was right wing and in the 1960s was a member of the Mont Pelerin Society, one of the monetarist think tanks on which Thatch based her policies. Unlike Thatch, Biffen was clever enough to actually understand the theories which were espoused. Biffen was a friend and disciple of Enoch Powell, but Biffen didn’t alienate people in the way that Powell did and was seen as the respectable embodiment of Powell’s ideas.

Before Thatch became PM, Biffen was in her Shadow Cabinet, along with Tom King and Michael Heseltine, who’s role in helping another person in Somerset who knew some of what was going on in north Wales was detailed in my post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’.

Biffen was one of those who enthusiastically backed Thatch for Tory leader in 1975. Another keen supporter of Thatch in that leadership election was Sir Peter Morrison.

Biffen was only one of three of Thatcher’s Cabinet Ministers who had not been part of Heath’s Gov’t. The other two were Nicholas Edwards, whom Thatch appointed Welsh Secretary (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’, ‘Corruption Bay’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’)  and Angus Maude. Thatch really liked John Biffen, Hugo Young’s book ‘One Of Us’ maintained that she viewed him as her guru.

As soon as Thatch became PM, Biffen was brought into the leadership circle out of nowhere. His first post in Thatcher’s Gov’t was as Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Hugo Young tells us that Thatch put Biffen in the Treasury to act as a restraining influence in the face of any dangerous tendencies towards Keynes’s theories that her Chancellor Geoffrey Howe might show. Young describes Biffen as being ‘the first authentic Thatcher political creation’. When Biffen was in the Treasury, Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of HM Treasury.  Geoffrey Howe had been concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years – Howe had worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Geoffrey Howe was a longstanding friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, they had first met at Cambridge.

In 1981, Thatch made Biffen Secretary of State for Trade and he remained there until April 1982, when Thatch appointed him Leader of the House and Lord President of the Council. At the time, George Thomas was Speaker and busied himself molesting boys.

The role of Lord President of the Council brought with it the role of visitor to UCNW (Bangor University). When Biffen was given that position, I was a student at UNCW. I hadn’t yet encountered the trafficking gang – that didn’t happen until early in 1983 – but Brown and I had already written to Sir Keith Joseph, the Secretary of State for Education, about student finance and received quite unpleasant replies. Our letters were written from our respective universities, but Joseph made mention of the fact that both of our ‘home addresses’ were near Bridgwater. He also seemed to know that Brown and I were friends, yet we had written to him separately, neither of us mentioning the other one. Joseph sent us a joint letter in reply.

I now know that UCNW was bugged by the security services at that time – I imagine because of the Irish Republican activity in the Students’ Union and the Welsh language activism in UCNW (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and I have been told that I was filmed when I volunteered at the worrying SU creche at UCNW in early 1982 (see posts ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’ and ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’). So Thatcher’s Cabinet knew that the daughter of people personally known to two of her Cabinet ministers was at UCNW, was of a leftie inclination and had begun observing a few things that should not have been happening but which were happening because of UCNW’s role in facilitating the trafficking ring of which Peter Morrison was a member.

In the autumn of 1982 I lodged in a house in Port Dinowic with a man who had grown up in care and had been the victim of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. I have given information that demonstrates that I was already under surveillance by the security services by then. The paedophile gang had also clocked me because they wondered who the English girl living in their victim’s house was. That led to the security services placing Brown under surveillance. Brown was at Aston University in Birmingham, which was run by Thatcher’s mate Sir Freddie Crawford, a Freemason who was part of the corruption of civic life in Birmingham. It was in early 1983 that Brown received the first murder threat from the man who later tried to fracture his skull.

It was in early 1983 when ‘T’ moved into our shared house on Anglesey and I and my house mates witnessed the complete dereliction of their duty of care on the part of UCNW and the Manpower Services Commission towards a 17 yr old girl who could not cope with living independently (see post ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’).

John Biffen remained Lord President of the Council until June 1983. By which time I was in the clutches of Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the trafficking gang.

Biffen became Lord Privy Seal in June 1983 and remained in that position, as well as Leader of the House, until June 1987. It was in June 1987 that Dafydd and the paedophiles, in collaboration with the Mental Health Act Commission and the Home Office – which was led by Douglas Hurd at the time – planned their co-ordinated attempt at fitting me up and imprisoning me for a serious crime, a plan which fell apart in July 1987 because of the refusal of a nursing officer and a police sergeant to not tell as many lies as were required (see posts ‘Workers’ Play Time’, ‘Security, Security’ and ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’).

Willie Whitelaw succeeded Biffen as Lord President of the Council in June 1983. Whitelaw was a paedophiles’ friend of many years standing and had protected Dafydd and the gang for decades, including of course by colluding with their criminality when Willie Whitelaw was busy giving young thugs a Short Sharp Shock in his capacity as Home Secretary, 1979-83. Well you can’t get much more of a shock than being gang raped in a children’s home, framed and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre where you’re beaten up by the screws and if you’re not found hanging ‘by suicide’ in Risley’s ‘hospital wing’ (see post ‘Include Me Out’), then unlawfully transported to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where you are never seen again.

Here is a particularly low form of life on earth:

The Viscount Whitelaw
William Whitelaw in 1963.jpg

 

In 1983, after his highly successful stint as Home Secretary, Thatch gave Willie an hereditary peerage. Very few of those were given out, although another lucky recipient was Thatcher’s friend George Thomas, again in 1983:

 

The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

Willie’s hereditary peerage died out because he only had daughters, whereas George Thomas’s died out because, being a paedophile who was only interested in young boys, he didn’t have any sons either. So one wonders why either of them actually wanted an hereditary peerage.

 

In 1981, whilst Trade Secretary, Biffen allowed Murdoch to buy ‘The Times’ without reference to the Monopolies Commission. According to Woodrow Wyatt, who helped persuade Thatcher to ensure this, the Commission ‘almost certainly would have blocked it.’

As Leader of the House, Biffen used the guillotine to cut short debate on the  European Communities (Amendment) Act 1986. The paedophile gang which Biffen concealed preferred to use firebombs to achieve their aims (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

 

Biffen’s image as an economic dry mellowed during his time in Gov’t and he made blunt public calls for greater moderation in Gov’t policy. In 1980 Biffen warned the country to prepare for ‘three years of unparalleled austerity’. In 1981 Biffen gave a speech to a fringe meeting at that year’s Conservative Party Conference in which he claimed that far from cutting public spending, the Gov’t had increased it by two per cent since 1979 and that the Gov’t was part of an all-party consensus in favour of the welfare state and public spending: ‘We are all social democrats now’, Biffen concluded in his speech.

Biffen’s comments regarding public spending were of course correct. Despite all the rhetoric, Thatcher’s Gov’t did not cut public spending. The austerity discourse was used to promote other agendas and to reconfigure the economy. Britain was the neoliberal experiment in Europe.

On 9 Feb 1986 Biffen claimed that Toryism was ‘not a raucous political faction’ and after the Conservative Party’s losses in the 1986 local government elections and poor performances in the two parliamentary by-elections held simultaneously, Biffen was interviewed on ‘Weekend World’ by Brian Walden on 11 May as the Gov’ts spokesman. He called the results ‘Black Thursday’, said the Conservatives needed to fight the next general election on a ‘balanced ticket’ and that ‘no-one seriously supposes that the Prime Minister would be Prime Minister throughout the entire period of the next Parliament’. This alienated him from Thatcher and resulted in his being dropped from the Cabinet after the 1987 General Election. This was no surprise, in that Thatcher’s Press Secretary Bernard Ingham had already famously called Biffen a ‘semi-detached’ member of the Cabinet. Thatcher in her memoirs described Biffen’s desire for a balanced ticket as ‘foolish’ and ‘a recipe for paralysis.’ In the month after his sacking, Biffen criticised Thatcher’s Gov’t as a ‘Stalinist regime’.

In June 1997 Biffen was given a peerage. By which time the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking evidence from the victims of Dafydd and the gang. The accounts of the most horrific abuses led Dafydd’s targets to be denounced as liars who were only seeking financial compensation.

Biffen remained unmarried until he was 48 yrs old, when he married Sarah Wood. He had one stepson, Nicholas Wood, a correspondent with the ‘New York Times’ and ‘International Herald Tribune’, as well as a stepdaughter, Lucy.

John Biffen was an anxious man who suffered from a number of health problems, including severe depression, for which he was treated by Top Doctors. So as was so often the case, this leading light in a Cabinet of absolute bastards who were prepared to see people die rather than admit to what Morrison and others were doing, had major vulnerabilities himself. No wonder John Biffen couldn’t stand up to a bunch of gangsters being facilitated by the Top Doctors. Biffen died in 2007, after suffering from kidney failure for many years.

 

Brian Walden noted that Biffen was the ‘most honest’ politician that he had interviewed. Biffen must have fessed up to Walden about the Westminster Paedophile Ring then and the murder of the house mate of the daughter of someone with whom he went to school.

Biffen’s obituary in ‘The Guardian’ stated that Biffen ‘was one of the cleverest politicians of his generation and one of the nicest. He was probably the best leader of the house (1982-87) in living memory during the most contentious and abrasive years of Margaret Thatcher. He was increasingly in temperamental and intellectual disagreement with her, but he managed to get Thatcherism’s business done with a humour that half-consoled an opposition which grew very fond of him. When he, most famously, opposed Thatcher’s plans for a poll tax, it was the fatal end to a career that he never greatly cherished…as leader of the House from 1982 to 1987, he gave Thatcher outstanding service and provided the government with an urgently needed human face. He once described himself in that office as “an unashamed boss’s nark”, but it is doubtful if she thought of him in such a light’.

Oh I’m sure that Thatch knew that she was dealing with a complete jelly, even if he was a very much more intelligent jelly than the other jellies with whom she surrounded herself.

‘Bunch of murderous sex traffickers? Anything you say and would you like me to take a large Coutts cheque down to Biffen’s parents’ neighbours in Somerset?’

 

‘The Guardian’ also observed that Biffen ‘was cooler about repeated tax cuts than might have been expected, and found himself in alliance with Peter Walker (minister of agriculture 1979-83 and energy secretary 1983-87) in resisting the public spending axe.’

Walker was Secretary of State for Wales, 1987-90, where he did of course provide Dafydd and the paedophile gang with outstanding service (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). It was while Walker was Welsh Secretary that those who lived down the road from Biffen’s parents found themselves bumping into members of the Oxford Dangerous Sports Club, who then gave them lots of money (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

Walker had been Minister for Agriculture when Dafydd unlawfully incarcerated Mary Wynch. Before Dafydd had her arrested and imprisoned, Mary had been working as a secretary in the Agriculture Dept at UCNW, which was run by Dafydd’s mates. Despite the laughably low academic standards in the Agri Dept, one of their staff, Richard Howarth, found himself as an advisor to Thatch. Howarth’s star dropped very suddenly out of the sky after Peter Morrison was found dead in 1995.

 

‘The Guardian’ believed that Biffen ‘had, indeed, considerable sympathy for working people, appropriate to a Baldwinian Tory. Indeed, as he grew older, he seemed at times to have more in common with middle-of-the-road Labour, at least in terms of ethics, than with the party whose radical rightwing roots he had watered. He had, interestingly, a high and affectionate regard for Neil Kinnock…’

Well as both Biffen and the Windbag were sitting in the corner wetting themselves in the face of the serious organised crime which had colonised the whole of Wales it is hardly surprising that they found so much in common.

My father was a high Tory who used to wonder why John Biffen went dangerously red. Gosh, if only I had known it was because Biffen was colluding with a bunch of paedophiles who were targeting Brown and me. Tom King knew that though. John Biffen is dead, but dear old Tom is still alive!

Baron King of Money Changing Hands In Return For Silence: as you gained your Commons seat partly on the back of the hard work that my grandpa – my HONEST grandpa who took the piss out of the Freemasons and told you that Edward Du Cann was a crook – put in on behalf of the Tories in Bridgwater, would you like to tell us all that you know, before you and the Lady Jane of One Sausage Roll To Last All Evening shuffle off this mortal coil?

When we were witnessing the extraordinary events involving ‘T’, King was Secretary of State for the Environment. So he will have had domain over many of the things which were central to the interests of the UCNW Depts of Zoology (who employed T) and Plant Biology (who ignored our pleas for help in the face of what she was doing).

I will do a bit more digging with regard to King’s responsibilities and decisions while he was in the Dept for the Environment and indeed why Tom King, who knew bugger all about the environment, was appointed to that post. King was appointed on Jan 6 1983. T moved into our house just weeks later.

I was told a few days ago that T was yet another gift to me and my friends from the security services, along with Leslie Gore, Naomi Grunfeld, Diane Foxhills, Donna Maria Morgan and Denise Baker-MacClearns (see previous posts), but I didn’t believe it. Looks like that once more, things were worse than I presumed.

Up until now I had believed that we encountered T, a crazy teenager who ran us ragged, stole from us and exhausted us just when we really didn’t need it, because we had a bit of bad luck. It seems not. So I won’t bother to protect her identity any longer. Patricia Margaret Edwards aka Trishles, you owe me your rent from many, many years ago. And the clothes of mine which you nicked. The Zoology Dept owes our house mate an apology for threatening to throw him out of the Dept because of Trishles’s crimes and Dr Adrian Bell is looking like a bigger and bigger dipstick with each day that passes. I told him about the chaos surrounding Trishles and aas ever my concerns were ignored. D.G.E. Wood knew about Trishles as well. When Adrian Bell seemed to think that it was fine that we were being robbed blind by a member of UCNW staff – Bell’s wife Alison was the rep on the UCNW Senate for the technical staff and Trishles was a trainee technician – I asked Wood for help. I didn’t realise that Wood was facilitating a sex trafficking gang, so it is hardly surprising that help or advice was not forthcoming.

So even in the wake of the security service’s own agent showing up the inadequacy of UCNW and the MSC, the paedophiles’ friends weren’t stopped. A house of students was just bled dry and subjected to much aggro.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh for God’s sake MI5, what did you think that you were doing? Can I have all the money that you have screwed out of me over the last 30 yrs please? Only please don’t pay me with a Coutts cheque, I don’t want to be associated with them.

 

John Biffen might have believed that Bernard Ingham was ‘the sewer not the sewage’, but I conclude that everyone involved was a complete turd.

I note that Biffen was sacked by Thatch in the post-election reshuffle of June 1987. Well he had served his purpose, as had his friend, the foolish old Windbag. They had all kept schtum about Dafydd and the paedophiles in the hope that it would win them the election. Thatch was the one who benefited.

Thatch won the election on 11 June 1987. On 11 May 1987 the Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal of Professor Oliver Brooke, the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s Hospital Medical School, who in Dec 1986 had been imprisoned for the possession of child porn. Lane compared Brooke’s collection of child porn to a collection of cigarette cards and allowed his appeal. Brooke was released in June 1987. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring.

 

18 Nov 1987, the King’s Cross Fire, which I missed by a few hours, having been delayed:

301 Moved Permanently

 

Biffen was ‘a quietly convinced high Anglican’.

The Guardian’s obituarist told us that ‘John Biffen was not temperamentally suited to leadership, dominance or bitter partisan fights…He was a very good thing and is remembered with gratitude.’

When the manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies refused to investigate my complaints about Dafydd, before Davies bellowed at me to ‘put up and shut up’, he told me that a lot of people thought that Dafydd was ‘a very good thing’. Well a gang of old paedophiles at Westminster did and no doubt they were very grateful to the fat idiot Alun Davies as well.

 

The Torygraph’s obituary of Biffen reminded us that Biffen ‘admitted possessing a “keenly developed sense of meanness”‘.

I haven’t had time to research the backgrounds of those who wrote Biffen’s obits, but they will have known about the Westminster Paedophile Ring, all the journos did.

 

John Biffen was at various times a director of Glynwed International, J Bibby & Sons, the Rockware Group and Barlow International. He was a Trustee of the London Clinic, 1994-02 and was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Shropshire in 1993.

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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