The Crucible

I have discussed in previous posts how people in Somerset who knew what was happening to me at the hands of the trafficking gang in north Wales were approached to smear Brown and I. I was told a few weeks ago that ‘evidence’ gathered as a result of these approaches was accumulated by Dafydd et al for the purposes of being used for a ‘forensic psychiatric assessment’ to demonstrate how mad and dangerous I was and to justify my transfer to a secure psychiatric hospital. People not au fait with the mental health system may believe that this cannot happen without the patient facing a trial in Court. Sadly this is untrue. Patients can be transferred to high security hospitals, for life, from low security units on the basis of ‘evidence’ of which the patient is unaware and that has not even been demonstrated to be factual. I have documentation that demonstrates that this is what Dafydd et al were planning for me and that they spent a great deal of time and effort preparing the ground.

I detailed in my post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ how in the autumn of 1994 Dafydd made an allegation on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all that I had thrown a rock through the glass door of his house at approx 3 am in the morning. I did not even know that I had been accused of this by the time that Dafydd had told the police that I had done it. Neither was Dafydd in his house when he claimed that the rock had been thrown. The people who were alleged to have been in the house were ‘asleep’ and found the rock the next morning. This allegation then turned up again, accompanied by no evidence at all, in an affidavit which Dafydd swore in at the High Court in Liverpool and was the basis on which he obtained an injunction against me on 3 Nov 1994. See posts ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ and ‘The Banality Of Evil’.

Since I blogged about the allegation that I threw a rock through Dafydd’s door, I have been told that no rock was thrown by anyone, that the rock was planted and that Dafydd et al knowingly told a pack of lies to the police and to the High Court.

I was well used to Dafydd, Tony Francis and others making the most extraordinary claims about me for which there was not a shred of evidence. I had, according to them, tried to stab people, tried to throttle people and had violently assaulted a whole range of other people. In 1991 Dafydd told Professor Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital that I had broken into his office and behaved in such a manner that Dafydd believed that he would be killed there and then. Goodness knows when this was supposed to have happened, I certainly have no recollection of any such incident, but Jacobson faithfully recorded this as fact and sent the details in a letter to Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School. Yet in the same letter Jacobson made it clear that he knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and that Jacobson suspected that Tony Francis was as well. See post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’.

Some two years ago I found that it had been recorded upon my medical notes that I had ‘sexually assaulted a psychiatrist’. Gobsmacked, I approached the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board about this. They admitted that there was no evidence that this had happened and told me that it would be removed from my records. There was no investigation into who had made this claim or how it had ever found its way onto my records and I wouldn’t be surprised if this allegation is still on my records. It was documented upon my medical records some years ago that I ‘had held a nurse hostage’ and that I ‘had been in prison for attacking someone with a knife’. No-one could tell me when and where I’d held this Angel hostage or when I went to prison, where I served my sentence or which judge sentenced me and in which court and how long my sentence was. No-one would agree to rectify my records.

I was told some months ago by an NHS whistleblower that they had witnessed psychiatric nurses gossiping and speculating about patients over cups of tea and fags and on the basis of no evidence at all had drawn the most extraordinary conclusions among a flurry of comments such ‘ooh I bet that’s what happened’, ‘he could have, couldn’t he’ and that this Angelic gossip had then been documented as fact upon patients’ records.

This is pretty much standard practice and as long ago as the mid-1980s when I first began to take an interest in such matters, I was reading case histories in journals involving patients who had been banged up in Broadmoor and other such places for decades on the basis of no more than this sort of speculation and accompanying scare stories. The first such case history that I came across involved a woman who was detained in Broadmoor for years on the grounds that a ‘packet of weedkiller’ had been found in her cabinet and that there were ‘grave suspicions’ that this lady had ‘plans to poison a nurse’. No evidence at all was presented to indicate that any such idea had crossed the patient’s mind, but that was the basis on which she was banged up for decades. I seem to remember that Dafydd’s friend Professor Robert Bluglass was involved in this case. Who knows, that weedkiller may have been planted by the Angel who was in imminent danger of being poisoned, just as that brick that I threw through Dafydd Alun Jones’s door found its way into Jones’s house.

 

I wasn’t intending to blog about the silly tales that were gathered by the paedophiles’ friends from people who knew me in Somerset as a teenager, because it is laughable and ridiculous and to be honest I’m really fed up of hearing about these ludicrous stories that were sent around about me and Brown and I want to get on with blogging about the political Mr Bigs behind the abuses on the part of the welfare services and the associated cover-ups. However, it has been pointed out to me that most people don’t read ethics journals and very few people have any idea that someone can find themselves in a high security hospital labelled ‘dangerous’ simply on the basis of allegations which have not been proved in any court and of which they may well have not even been told were made. I have also been reminded that many of the witnesses to organised child abuse were discredited by such means and I have been asked to highlight what happened in my own case.

I’m not sure of the details of all the crazy allegations that were made about Brown and I, but I have been told that some of the ‘evidence’ gathered by the paedophiles’ friends related to a saga that involved me just before I sat my A levels at Bridgwater College in June 1981.

Bridgwater College was opened in 1979 as a flagship ‘tertiary college’, one of the first in the UK. There was a technical college in Bridgwater for years and then, after the schools in Bridgwater became comprehensives without sixth forms, ‘the tech’ began offering A levels and many of the former grammar school teachers, refusing to work in comprehensive schools, decamped to ‘the tech’ to teach the sixth formers. There was much hostility between the teachers who taught plumbing, mechanics etc and those who taught A levels. The snobbery was rampant, with some of the A level teachers pretending that they were Oxbridge dons who had to tolerate manual workers in their vicinity. This division was still very obvious when Bridgwater College officially became a tertiary college in 1979. I was among the first intake of students to Bridgwater Tertiary College and we all noticed that the two cohorts of lecturers generally hated each other.

By 1979, the Bridgwater schools were in a very sorry state, although I am told that they are now much improved. The best of them was Haygrove School, but that wasn’t up to much either. Many middle class parents in the Bridgwater area sent their kids to schools in Taunton or other locations in their desperation to avoid the Bridgwater schools. I went to Chilton Trinity School and although I knew a variety of kids there well, I can’t remember anyone who actually enjoyed their time at that school. Some kids had a truly horrific time – there was a major bullying problem at Chilton – and a few kids were removed from the school by their parents for the sake of their children’s well-being and mental health. Any representation about the bullying was met by a response from Chilton that it was the child that was the problem, not the school and a small number of teachers joined in with the victimisation of certain kids.

In addition there was dreadful strife at Chilton because the staff universally loathed the Headmaster, a man called W.C. Francis, known to some of us as ‘Willie Franco’, after the Spanish dictator who was still much in the news in those days. There were demands from a whole variety of locals for Franco to resign and representations were made to Somerset Education Authority by a great many people, but Franco refused to go. Franco was Welsh and was alleged to be running a rather odd sort of mafia, involving the promotion of his fellow Welshmen working at the school. I did notice this. There were some staggeringly mediocre teachers who would suddenly be given promotion and yes, most of them were Welsh. However I suspect that what really endeared them to Franco was that they were incompetent. It was noticeable that the best teachers got nowhere and were openly treated with disrespect by some of their colleagues.

The bad feeling towards Franco was so great that most of the teachers at Chilton resigned from one of the unions – I think the NUT – because they refused to belong to the same union as Franco. He certainly was pretty awful. Chilton had a lot of kids from difficult backgrounds and a good many who were undoubtedly being abused in various ways. Although Franco professed to be a socialist – I think that he might have been a Labour Councillor as well, although he lived in the Highbridge area, not Bridgwater – he identified the kids with no home support and belittled and bullied them in public.

Willie Franco did not like me and neither did his acolytes. I never had enough money for new clothes and one day he carried out a vindictive attack on me in public, telling me that I looked appalling and I had to be one of the scruffiest people in the school. I responded that he was in no position to level such allegations at someone else, he was no snappy dresser himself. (One observation made by parents constantly was that Franco looked dreadful. He was enormously overweight, wore cheap and not in the least bit clean clothes which did not fit him and insisted on wearing an academic gown which had a massive rip in it.) Franco hit the roof and I was suspended from school and told that I could not return until I had written him an apology. I wrote the apology but ensured that I included a few lines about the hypocrisy of a man who believed that he was a socialist, ran a predominantly working class school but was suspending pupils who could not afford the uniform. I also mentioned that bullying, stealing and vandalism were rife at the school yet went unacknowledged.

Franco really went ballistic then. I was told by another teacher that I ‘had told the truth and truth hurts’ and that I should have known that. Er, in the same way that a middle aged man on a good income should have known that school girls do not control the household income and if they are not given the funds for new clothes, they won’t have new clothes.

I was then ordered to be taken to Franco’s office, in the company of a teacher to apologise IN PERSON. Franco refused to speak to me and walked out of the building when he saw me arriving. No-one could deny at that point that the chaos was the result of Franco rather than me, so I was then told that I could return to lessons.

Days later, Franco surpassed himself with regard to another pupil, one of my friends. He grabbed hold of her – she had been cheeky to him, because guess what, he had insulted her – and pushed her out of the door saying ‘you come from a disgusting family and I don’t want you in my school’. She was too frightened to go home to her parents and tell them what had happened and instead ended up in a house of sexually exploitative older men after running away and then tried to kill herself. It should have been enough for Franco to have been sacked but no, it was like a vicar or a Top Doctor caught red-handed, Franco was going nowhere.

I and my other pal had witnessed what Franco had done to our friend and we knew that the shit really had hit the fan behind the scenes after she tried to kill herself. By then, it was the summer of 1979, we had finished O levels and were waiting to begin our A levels at Bridgwater College.

When we arrived at Bridgwater College, we found that some of the lecturers were very prejudiced towards kids whom they perceived to be ‘Somerset’ (ie. working class) and that there were not many pupils from Chilton doing A levels. Most of the A level students were from Haygrove, the exam results from Chilton, Sydenham and Blake schools being so bad that their pupils were usually refused places to do A levels. I of course had also arrived at Bridgwater College with what Brown described ironically as ‘a silver tongued reference from W.C. Francis’.

Some of the teachers at Bridgwater College did fight the sack of prejudices that W.C. Francis had sent along with students like me, but others didn’t. The biggest nightmare was the A level biology teacher, Pam Sellars, who just hated us and made it clear that she didn’t want students from Chilton or indeed students with Somerset accents in her class. Sellars was such a notorious problem that some of the other lecturers actually did stand up for us as she repeatedly attacked me and certain other students. The Head of the Science Dept was a man called C.A. Street, who was left to deal with the problems caused by Sellars who, like Franco, was fully protected by Somerset Education Authority. She was as obnoxious to C.A. as she was to us, so I cannot imagine that he had an easy job. My perception was always that C.A. was very good to me. He was well aware that I was being singled out by Sellars and he did defend me.

I have been told that Dafydd et al got hold of information either from C.A. or involving C.A. and were planning to use it as ‘evidence’ to demonstrate my insanity and dangerousness. I don’t want to accuse C.A., because I don’t know if the ‘evidence’ actually came from him, or from someone else. The information that Dafydd et al seemed to have been given involved a massive row that I got into with the authorities at Bridgwater College just before I sat my A levels.

Just weeks before A levels, I was in the library at Bridgwater College with my friends and other students who were chatting and making a racket. For once, I wasn’t. I was actually revising. Unfortunately, a librarian called Molly was on duty, who was a good mate of Pam Sellars’s. Molly marched in and ordered me to leave, on the grounds that I was causing a rumpus and ‘she’d heard much about me’. I was outraged and refused to leave. The other students told Molly that I had not even been talking. Molly strutted off. Within 30 minutes, the Deputy Principal arrived in the library. He was a new appointment to the ‘flagship college’, a man called Graham Bishop. He simply walked up to me and told me to get out of the library. I asked him why and he repeated his order to get out without any explanation. I refused. He went purple, turned around and left. Within twenty minutes, a smug looking Molly arrived clutching a note, which she gave to me. It told me to go to the Principal’s office that afternoon at 4 pm.

The Principal of Bridgwater College was a man called J.C. Miles. The citizens of Bridgwater saw him as being a cut above most of them, because he wrote poetry. I don’t know much about J.C. Miles, other than that he was a philosophy graduate and must have had at least some standing in the world of FE.

When the message arrived for me to go to see JC Miles, the student who had actually been making the noise that Molly complained about went to Graham Bishop’s office and confessed. She told him exactly what she had been doing and confirmed that I had been revising and had not been involved. Bishop told her that he could see that ‘she was a sensible girl’, but ‘Sally has a background that you might not know about’. My friend did know about the ‘background’ – the background was Chilton school, W.C. Francis, my friend trying to commit suicide and prior to that my father getting so fed up with the shite academic standards at Chilton and their endless bellyaching over idiocies such as me not wearing the uniform that he had a row with them and told them that if this didn’t stop I would not be attending school, I’d study at home. Chilton told him that they would prosecute him, so he reminded them of a few laws that they were breaking. My parents were not prosecuted and I studied for my O levels at home for the final few weeks of ‘school’.

Bishop did not tell JC Miles that ‘the sensible girl’ had been to see him and had fessed up. So I arrived at JC Miles’s office later that afternoon and received a bollocking for ‘riding roughshod over Mr Bishop’, ‘abusing the library facilities’ and was told that I was now suspended from College. I started crying, because by then I was totally fed up with the constant aggro and baseless accusations from Pam Sellars and her mates and I yelled ‘but I haven’t done anything, it was Clare and she has told Mr Bishop that it was her’. JC Miles looked mortified and said ‘I wasn’t told that’. So I told him to speak to Clare and Bishop for confirmation. By now, I had missed the last bus back to my house, so JC Miles ended up giving me a lift home. He changed his approach completely, he was friendly, chatty, talked about university and poetry and we discussed Descartes. When he dropped me off, he told me to go and see him again the following week, because he would ‘take a personal interest’ in my progress.

When I next went into College, it was all over that I had been spotted by the caretaker – a friend of Pam Sellars’s – being escorted off the premises and herded into JC Miles’s car. So it was even a bigger shock when everyone found out that I hadn’t been put in prison, I had been given a lift home and had enjoyed a conversation about philosophy.

Graham Bishop never came near me again, although I did not receive an apology. I sat my A levels a few weeks later and ended up doing quite well in them. Indeed the biggest laugh of all was that I was one of the highest performers, my name appeared in the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and when JC Miles went to give a speech at Chilton school in September, he mentioned their former star pupil, me. I was, I understand, described by JC Miles as ‘a very nice girl’.

Now then Dafydd, WHERE did this account of my insanity at Bridgwater College come from? I had no more contact with the Bridgwater College lecturers after I was declared – ON STAGE IN FRONT OF AN AUDIENCE! – to be a ‘very nice girl’.

JC Miles is now dead, so we can’t ask him. Graham Bishop, while I was still at university I think, became the Principal of some sort of educational establishment outside of Somerset, but I can’t remember where. C.A. will have retired years ago and the last that I heard, he had moved away from Somerset.

 

Here’s a bit more context regarding why I have been asked to publicise this utter silliness.

There was at least one teacher at Chilton who was known to be abusing children. His misconduct was ignored. His wife had formerly been married to a leading light in the Tory Party in Somerset and when she was younger her difficulties were such that she had a child who was removed from her care. Her husband, would you believe, made a bet with another teacher when I was still at that school, that I would ‘end up as a prostitute, in prison or in a mental hospital’.

Can readers guess who those worms were in contact with? They knew where I had gone to university, because one of them, unbelievably, had posed as a friend to me, my father and my uncle and had kept in contact with us after I moved to north Wales. He split up from his wife after I left Somerset and remarried a truly vile PE teacher from Chilton. I was told that they were caught having sex together in the gym on one occasion. I received an e mail from this man’s daughter the other day, demanding to know why I had described her father as a ‘nasty wolf in sheep’s clothing’ on this blog. She has been given the full details behind my rationale, which I will not be publishing on this blog.

Now. Anyone want to make any more statements about me being dangerous? Or are you all going to shut up at last?

 

I have been told that there was an abuse ring operating in Somerset when I lived there. It wasn’t anything like as bad as the ring in north Wales, but I am told that there definitely was one, that it was linked with the gang in north Wales and rings in other parts of the country and the whole bloody lot of them got together when I refused to shut up about Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd because they feared that Brown and I would blow the whole thing open.

I mentioned on a previous post that when I was twelve, I used to visit a farm worker who lived down the lane and help him with his goats. I have been told that he was a paedophile. He never touched me or attempted to, but he did say some things that he probably should not have said to a 12 yr old. As an adult I take the view that he was probably a rather sad man and I’m not going to exaggerate any of his actions. He was however dealing in drugs and I’ve been told that some of those who visited his house were undercover officers and that I was filmed in his house. Because policing priorities were drugs, this man’s interest in me was ignored. He left Somerset when I was 14 and went to live in Wales. I have no idea where. I have been told that he had a connection to the paedophile rings in Wales and when I fell into the hands of Dafydd et al, my link to this man was known and noted.

I couldn’t imagine why this man, Stuart, would have been one of Dafydd’s gang. Stuart was a farm worker, there’d be no rich pickings for Dafydd with Stuart. However Brown has told me that gangs employ ‘spotters’ and Stuart might have been one of them. Furthermore, although Stuart never tried to molest me, the drug squad in Somerset was utterly corrupt and Brown suggested that Stuart may have been working for corrupt officers, or began working for them to save his own skin and that might be why he gave my name to the gang in Wales.

One thing that has occurred to me now that I’ve been told that info relating my time at Bridgwater College was gathered by Dafydd et al, was the horror of JC Miles and other Bridgwater big wigs at events in 1981 at the ‘Bridgwater College discos’ in the Town Hall. The discos did originate with Bridgwater College, but they also proved popular among other people, including a group of exploitative young men who began attending the discos to pick up younger girls. These young men used to hang out in a pub called the Mansion House in Bridgwater. They were in their mid-20s to early-30s and had been kicked out of polys and universities so returned to Bridgwater to impress the teenagers with their knowledge of the world. They weren’t what I would consider to be sex offenders, they were just a bit daft and pretentious, but on their heels came some really dodgy characters. Things began getting more and more out of hand at the discos, until at one, there was literally a gang bang in the bogs, held by a 15 yr old girl who was what would now be described as a victim of grooming. The gang bang turned into a violent punch-up when it was discovered that one of the men in the queue was the teenager’s ‘boyfriend’. The ensuing scene was quite something for Bridgwater, the police arrived and could hardly believe what had been going on and local people were horrified at what ‘Bridgwater College students’ had been doing. There were hardly any Bridgwater College students at the disco in question, the students had stopped attending because the events had been hijacked by roughnecks.

Poor old JC Miles couldn’t cope at all with the thought that the name of Bridgwater College had been associated with such an event and the discos were stopped. So then ‘Town Hall discos’ were held, which really were something…

 

Knowing Dafydd, I expect that he drafted a statement in which it was stated that I had organised the gang bang. Well I’m sorry to disappoint you Dafydd, but I wasn’t even there. One of my friends was, which was how I heard about it. I have been to about eight discos in my entire life. One was at Fiddington Village Hall, one was at Holford Youth Club, one was at Cannington Village Hall, one was the birthday party of a friend at Bridgwater College and the others were parties at Bangor University. So it is plain just what a life of disco-heavy excess that I have led.

 

The ‘sensible girl’ with whom I was friends at Bridgwater College went to study medicine at the Welsh National School of Medicine in Cardiff and is now a consultant surgeon. I lost touch with her after Dafydd et al came after me. There are suspicions that they nobbled her, but I have not been given evidence. She did know about, even as a medical student, serious wrongdoing at the University Hospital, Cardiff, as did the man who later became her brother-in-law, who was also a medical student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. Brown’s best friend from Haygrove/Bridgwater College became a Top Doctor as well, he went to Westminster Hospital Medical School and now works as a Top Doctor in Somerset. I really do hope that those two friends of ours did not become corrupted, they definitely were not when they entered medical school.

Another student from Bridgwater College who knew me but only vaguely – he was in the year below me – went to do medicine at Southampton and is now a consultant obstetrician/gynaecologist, Bruce Ramsay. He was friends with one of the Top Doctors who was working at St George’s when I worked there, that particular Top Doctor becoming notorious after he told one of my colleagues that ‘I don’t have sex with medical students because it isn’t a woman’s place to be a doctor, I just have sex with nurses’.

‘Ah, your life in their hands, the doctors and nurses they were wonderful.’

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I have been told that there are concerns that Bruce Ramsay may have been involved in smearing me, but I have been given no firm evidence that he did. Bruce Ramsay will certainly remember Pam Sellars, him pointing out her numerous mistakes in front of the rest of the class provided endless entertainment for her victims.

I have mentioned previously on this blog that a number of girls whom I knew at school and Bridgwater College went into nursing. I have been told that some of them knew what happened to me in north Wales and that possibly, one of them, Ruth Moore, used the information for her own benefit. Ruth’s family lived in the same village as Brown’s parents and knew Brown’s mum well. I wrote to Ruth for a few years after we left Somerset. The last letter that I wrote to Ruth was written just after I’d been forced out of my job at St George’s, when Dafydd et al were in full cry. Ruth had just got married and was living near Nottingham. Where of course I had encountered massive research fraud and wrongdoing just three years previously (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). Ruth was working as a nurse tutor by then, which was a bit weird because when we wrote to each other before I went to work for the Cancer Research Campaign Laboratories at  Nottingham University, Ruth told me that she’d had enough of nursing, that there was much wrong with the profession and that she was going to go into primary teaching. Ruth trained at one of the London hospitals which was crawling with corruption – I think it was either Hammersmith or Great Ormond Street Hospital.

Ruth is now ‘Network Manager/Lead Nurse at Staffordshire, Shropshire & Black Country Neonatal Operational Delivery Network’. That’s the Staffordshire/Shropshire/Black Country which hosted an paedophile gang with links to Dafydd and of course the Staffordshire which has the lethal, dangerous NHS. Ruth’s Linked In indicates that she’s come a long way since she received my last letter in 1991:

University of Derby, BSc Advanced Nursing Practice, 1999-01; Acting Senior Educator, Nottingham Neonatal Service, 2000-02; Mid-Trent Neonatal Network Practice Development Co-Ordinator, 2002-04.

In 2012, Ruth-less did a Masters course at Birmingham City University in the Social Care Assessment of Vulnerable Wimmin!

Would you like Brown and me to send you some of our publications on the ways in which the NHS and social care services assist and collude with the abuse of vulnerable wimmin Ruth-less?

 

Other observations re my days at Bridgwater College. At one point, one of the lecturers asked one of my friends if she’d like a babysitting job, because he had friends who wanted a babysitter. She said yes and began babysitting. After a few weeks she told me that she was really worried, because the man whom she was baby sitting for – who was married – had starting making moves towards her and had made it very clear that he expected sex as well as babysitting from her. She had decided that she was going to leave the job, but didn’t know whether she ought to tell the lecturer who had sought her out to babysit. She wasn’t under 16, but she did feel massively pressurised and she had no idea whether the Bridgwater College lecturer knew that his friend did this sort of thing. I don’t think that she did ever tell the lecturer what his friend expected in addition to the babysitting.

There was one married lecturer at Bridgwater College who had a relationship with a student, not a mature student either. JC Miles was horrified and told him to end it. The lecturer concerned didn’t like JC Miles, continued the relationship and from then on was as rude as possible in public to JC Miles. Bridgwater was a small place and the wife of the lecturer concerned was known to many staff and students and was incredibly upset about her husband’s conduct.

 

Not long after I left Bridgwater College, a new member of staff arrived who later became a big name in education. I never met her, but I heard a lot about her because Brown’s mum at one point was working as a lecturer for the summer schools at Bridgwater College and knew this person quite well. The person in question was a domestic science teacher called Maxine Room. Brown’s mum maintained that Maxine was a real problem. She was a work-place bully, she toadied to powerful people – by this time, Bridgwater College had expanded greatly, so it would be worth Maxine’s while ingratiating herself to people at the top of the organisation – and Maxine was not above lying to the senior managers for her own gain. There were also suspicions that Maxine was either having a relationship with one of her bosses or allowing him to think that she would be available for one. The thing that really pissed Brown’s mum off was that Maxine was such a princess that the whole summer school timetable had to be planned for Maxine’s convenience, Maxine refusing to work weekends or evenings. So Brown’s mum had to do those slots. Maxine also enjoyed making comments about a lady of Mrs Brown’s learning driving such an old wreck of a car.

I forgot all about Maxine Room until about ten years ago when a friend who was working at an incredibly troubled FE college in Keighley told me that the college had now been merged and was part of a super-college and the new Principal used to work at Bridgwater College. It was Maxine. I rolled around laughing and said ‘that’s the cookery teacher who was so awful to Brown’s mum’. Imagine my surprise when my friend said that Maxine was well-connected with New Labour in Westminster and was expected to end up as Lady Maxine. I got out the smelling salts at that point. The new super-college was highly dysfunctional and was mired in scandal within months but it didn’t stop Maxine. Maxine bagged another job, as the Principal of an even bigger super-college in Lewisham. It was after that when the wheels came off Maxine’s bandwagon. Maxine hit the headlines of the educational press as the first super-head of an FE college to lose her job after a truly terrible inspection report.

I googled Maxine a while ago. She was calling herself Dr Maxine Room – she shouldn’t have been, because she only had an honorary doctorate – and had of course set up her own ‘consultancy’. Upon receiving her honorary doctorate from Bristol University, Maxine gave an inspiring speech about being an inspirational Black Woman Leader who’s old mum and gran told her that education was the route to success so Little Black Maxine became a cookery teacher. Maxine’s narrative was a sort of less traumatised version of that of Constance Briscoe aka Miss Pissabed, an Inspirational Black Woman friend of Michael Mansfield’s, who was the First Inspirational Black Woman Judge in the UK who specialised in child protection and mental health and who subsequently went to prison for perverting the course of justice.

Maxine now features on the website of the Helena Kennedy Foundation, which tells us that:

Maxine is an experienced Chief Executive and strategic leader who was appointed Principal and Chief Executive of Lewisham College in September 2009. Lewisham College was awarded Learning and Skills Beacon status in 2004 and gained a Beacon Award for the strength of its links with employers in 2007.

Previously Maxine held the post of Principal and Chief Executive of Park Lane College, Leeds. Followings its merger with Keighley College in 2007, this college grew to over 38000 students.  Maxine was instrumental in instigating the merger of three colleges in Leeds to form the Leeds City College and became the Principal of Park Lane Campus, Leeds City College before moving to Lewisham. Prior to taking up the post in Leeds, Maxine was Principal of Swansea College.

Maxine has always worked in further education and is passionate about education, training and skills and equality and diversity.  She has a vast experience of the business of further education including curriculum and quality, employer engagement, community development, merger and capital build.   Maxine’s career started in teaching at Bridgwater College, Somerset and progressed to management roles there and at Filton College, Bristol before taking up the post at Swansea. As a Principal of a large inner-city college serving a diverse and multi-cultural population, Maxine represents the institution on a number of groups and Boards including the 157 Group, London Capital Colleges and is a Board member for the Northern Ballet Theatre.  Maxine is a mentor for the Black Leadership Initiative.

So it’s the usual story of Inspirational Leadership then:

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I keep forgetting one major factor whenever people tell me that what happened during my days in Somerset did matter when Dafydd et al came after me. It is that Gary Glitter lived in Somerset for a long time, he lived at Wedmore. Gary Glitter was known to be abusing children for years before the law caught up with him and it wasn’t that Gary Glitter was having sex with girls two days before their 16th birthdays either. Gary Glitter committed serious offences against girls as young as eight. I used to hear stories from Somerset about Gary Glitter having traumas and attempting suicide. I am wondering if, as in the case of George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy, Gary Glitter’s distress was linked to enquiries about his activities with children and his fears that he was about to be caught.

Dafydd’s mate and protector Professor Robert Owen (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) had a daughter who lived/lives in Somerset, not that far from Wedmore and Ian Dunbar, the tame Prison Service Regional Director who was used to conceal the fact that Risley Remand Centre was full of kids from the north Wales children’s homes and Dafydd’s patients when the Risley riot broke out in 1989, also lived on the Somerset levels, not a million miles away from Wedmore (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

 

I need to mention Bath as well. Bath was always much grander than the rest of Somerset and was inhabited by celebs, city gents and the seriously rich, long before the rest of Somerset became gentrified. Bath saw action in 1983, because it was the location of the family home of Sara Keays, Cecil Parkinson’s secretary and mistress. Parkinson resigned as Trade Secretary in Oct 1983, after it became public that Sara was expecting his baby.

Sara had been in a twelve year relationship with Parkinson and was a fully paid up Tory herself when she was unceremoniously dumped by Parkinson after she refused to have an abortion, as requested by Parkinson who had previously voted to restrict abortion rights. Sara had hoped to become a Tory MP and I think that her father, Colonel Hastings Keays, was an active Tory as well.

It was later revealed that Parkinson was going to leave his wife for Sara, but it was Thatch who persuaded him not to. Thatch banged on about Cecil’s ‘poor wife’ – well there was also a ‘poor mistress’, someone was going to get hurt unless Cecil took up polygamy which would have been rather more honourable than what he did end up doing – but it was widely suspected that Thatch was desperate not to lose old Cecil from her inner circle and wanted him back in the Cabinet again asap.

Cecil was indeed rehabilitated. On 13 June 1987 he was appointed Energy Secretary, a post he retained until 24 July 1989. One of Cecil’s Ministers at Energy was Sir Peter Morrison, who was at the time abusing kids in care in north Wales and in other locations (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). Cecil was then Secretary of State for Transport, 24 July 1989-28 Nov 1990. When William Hague became leader of the Tory Party in June 1997 – just over a year after Hague orchestrated the cover-up which was the Waterhouse Inquiry – he appointed Parkinson as Chairman of the Conservative Party, a post Parkinson held until June 1998. So Parkinson was Party Chairman while Ronnie Waterhouse took evidence from witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and called them liars and while Dafydd and the gang busted a gut to frame me for an offence and then have me transferred to Jimmy Savile’s place of employment! Cecil Parkinson had previously been Party Chairman, 14 Sept 1981-11 June 1983.

Cecil Parkinson was an active Freemason.

  • Strange but true

 

Thatch and Sara Keays believed that Parkinson was an ‘attractive, charming man’.

Cecil Parkinson

  • Strange but true

 

Parkinson might have been in need of a bit more Brylcreem, he hadn’t quite equalled Gwynne the lobotomist or Ronnie Waterhouse.

 

The Keays family went into a state of shock at their treatment at the hands of Parkinson and the wider Tory Party – they were subjected to an intense smear campaign by the Party and by the Tory-supporting press. Sara’s baby Flora was born quite severely disabled. Parkinson refused to ever see Flora and never communicated with her or sent her birthday cards etc.

At the time of the revelation of Parkinson’s relationship with Sara Keays in 1983, Parkinson made much of what he described as ‘the volume of letters in support’ that he received. As numerous members of the Conservative Party attacked Keays, Edwina Currie said ‘I feel very very sorry for Cecil and his family. Most of my thoughts on Sara Keays are unprintable. Perhaps the most polite thing to say is she’s a right cow’.

Well Edwina, I wouldn’t have gone public like Sara did, domestic scraps like that are best conducted in private, but as someone who spent a considerable time shagging John Major while you were both married to other people yet preaching monogamy to the rest of the world – ‘Back To Basics’ anyone? – and more importantly as someone who knew that Peter Morrison was molesting children and that because of this, the lives of a group of young people who were witness to Dafydd et al were destroyed to save a few reputations that were most definitely not worth saving, I’m not sure that you were in a position to denounce anyone as a cow.

Edwina was also at the scene of the crime when her colleague in the Dept of Health, Trumpers, appointed Jimmy Savile to a management position in Broadmoor, a position for which Edwina knew that Savile was unsuitable (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’). However Edwina is on record as saying that although Savile was a nasty piece of work, he did promise Thatcher’s Gov’t that he’d threaten and blackmail the Angels staffing Broadmoor into ceasing their massive fiddles and embezzling.

Why might those Angels at Broadmoor have been so uncontrollable? Er, how about the knowledge that they would have had that many of their ‘dangerous’ patients were nothing of the sort but were people who had been molested by social workers, Top Docs, celebrities and even politicians?

 

In 2002, Channel 4 made a documentary about Sara and Flora, in which Flora spoke about the father who refused to have anything to do with her. If I was Sara I wouldn’t have wasted my breath telling Flora about the old hypocrite, whatever use would a father like him have been. I’m not sure that Cecil was much more use to the children whom he fathered with his wife whom he did acknowledge. One of their daughters, Mary, developed serious drug problems and became involved in prostitution. She was found dead last year, at 57 yrs old.

 

The artist Graham Ovenden who was eventually jailed for a series of sexual assaults on children ( see post ‘The Village’) founded the movement The Brotherhood of Ruralists, some of whom were based in Somerset, including in the Bath area.

 

The MP for Bath, 1979-92, was Chris Patten aka Lord Patten of Barnes, who’s many conflicts of interest have previously been detailed on this blog. The good burghers of Bath must have seen through Patten eventually because in 1992, they voted in the Lib Dem Don Foster instead.

Don Foster’s biography is as incriminating as Chris Patten’s. Foster was born in Preston and attended the Lancaster Royal Grammar School before studying at that hotbed of paedophiles and their friends, Keele University, graduating in 1969. Foster received the Cert Ed in the same year and  received an MEd from Bath University in 1981.

Don Foster was a science teacher at Sevenoaks School in Kent in 1969, before his appointment as Avon Education Authority’s Science Project Director in 1975 and as a Lecturer in Education at  Bristol University in 1980, before being engaged as a management consultant with Pannell Kerr Forster, from 1989 until his election to the Commons.

Foster was a founder member of the Avon Liberal Democrats and was elected as a Councillor on Avon County Council in 1981. He was the SDP-Liberal Alliance Group Leader, 1981–86. Don also served as the county’s Education Committee Chairman and remained a Councillor until 1989.

Dr Death was personally known to some of the Top Docs in north Wales who were facilitating the abuse gang.

Foster was the Liberal Democrat Spokesman for Education under the leadership of Paddy Ashdown, 1992-99.

Paddy knew about Jeremy Thorpe, about Cyril Smith and almost certainly others. Paddy knew at least one person from Somerset who knew what happened to me in north Wales (see post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’).

In Jan 2014 Don Foster announced that he would stand down as an MP at the following General Election.

Foster’s is a member of Amnesty and the Child Poverty Action Group, both causes which attract paedophiles’ friends and he is also a supporter of WaterAid. 

Foster was nominated for a peerage in 2015, despite having previously favoured abolition of the Lords. When accused of hypocrisy, Foster stated: ‘I want to get rid of [the House of Lords] and the only way [to do that]…is having people there who will do just that.’

Well you’re all doing a fantastic job of getting the Lords a dreadful reputation Don, but there’s no sign of it actually disappearing off the face of the earth yet. Why not invite Dafydd to join you all in there, you might as well take it to extremes. 

 

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Previous posts have mentioned that Bristol was a hot-spot for paedophiles’ friends, what with Dr DGE Wood’s family of Top Doctors being based there and Wood himself being an alumnus of Bristol University, along with Lord David Hunt, who is a Bristol law graduate and who spent a few years post-graduation involved in Tory politics in the West Country.

We should not forget that other Top Doctor, Liam Fox, who has been the Tory MP for north Somerset since 1992. Liam’s more questionable activities, including those with Adam Werritty, which no-one ever quite got to the bottom of, have featured previously on this blog. I am more interested in Fox serving as PPS to Home Secretary Michael Howard, June 1993-94. It was during that time that Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch, after Mary had won her case against Dafydd et al  (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Michael Howard must have been really impressed with Liam’s abilities, because when Howard was leader, Liam Fox was Chairman of the Tory Party, 2003-05. When the paedophiles’ friends had yet another go at imprisoning me, this time for ‘threatening to kill’. No evidence once again, just at least eight NHS staff perjuring themselves. The case collapsed on the first day of the trial. Nonetheless, the corrupt judge Huw Daniel issued a restraining order against me that was unlawful and legally invalid. He also told lies to the press and those lies were faithfully repeated in the media. Days after the case collapsed, someone forged a certificate of indictment stating that I’d pleaded guilty to ‘violent disorder’. The PNC was also unlawfully amended to show a fabricated criminal record against my name. There was an attempt to strike me off the teaching register, but a junior Minister cleared my name. He was subsequently named in the media as ‘having let paedophiles remain on the teaching register’. There has been no investigation into any of this.

Liam Fox is a member of the Royal College of GPs. With whom Dr DGE Wood has held senior office for decades.

Michael Howard is a barrister from west Wales, where a trafficking gang linked to Dafydd’s gang operated. Howard is married to the former model Sandra Paul. Who, in her heyday, socialised with many of the celebs and VIPs who were known to be utilising the services of vulnerable young people working in the sex industry. Sandra’s first husband was Robin Douglas-Home, the nephew of the former PM Alec Douglas-Home. Robin’s affair with Princess Margaret took place at the time of his split from Sandra. Robin committed suicide three years after his fling with Princess Margaret (see post ‘An Appalling Vista’). Margaret’s husband Lord Snowdon was the bisexual, drug using son of a Welsh Top Doctor. Snowdon used to visit the Caernarfon area and it is alleged that when he was younger he used the services of rent boys. When he was elderly, Snowdon’s mistress was Marjorie Wallace, the Top Doc’s wife and ‘mental health campaigner’ who’s campaigning was directed at incarcerating dangerous mental patients and ensuring that Top Doctors involved in the abuse of vulnerable people were allowed to continue unhindered. I wrote to Marjorie giving her full details of the abuses at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in the late 1980s. I did not receive a reply. See post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’.

 

I have been told that it might be worth mentioning the names of two other people who were at Bridgwater College with me, although no-one has told me that they were used to smear me. The concern is that Neil Hamilton, Aberystwyth law graduate and the Tory MP for Tatton, 1983-97, who socialised with Sir Peter Morrison and who lost his seat after the Ian Greer Associates lobbying scandal – with which Morrison was also involved – may have encountered them. The two students were Sally Sparks and Christine Skeats, who both went to Hatfield Poly in the early 1980s, while Hamilton taught there. Christine went into teaching and I think that she is now a Headteacher in England somewhere. Christine’s mum knew Brown’s mum, they lived in the same village and it is likely that Christine might have known what was happening to me as Dafydd et al did everything possible to protect Peter Morrison…

 

I have mentioned before on this blog that I have been asked by people what the illness that I experienced which took me into the hands of the paedophiles’ friends actually was. I am of the opinion that when I was much younger, I had a fairly serious mood disorder of a stereotypical, near text-book type. It was never managed properly because the Top Doctors had no interest in treating patients, they were far too busy running a trafficking gang. It was Brown who looked after me during my bouts of severe depression, without him I would have died. I believe that I could have been up and functioning properly again years before I eventually was, but because I was caused so much distress by a bunch of gangsters, I just was never given the breathing space to recover. When I finally walked away from them – after I realised that it was only a matter of time before they either succeeded in having me imprisoned or killed me – within two years I had a PhD and I then acquired an impressive publication list as a result of six or so years working as a researcher at Bangor University. My life was destroyed all over again when I was subjected to an unprovoked violent assault which resulted in me being injured by someone whom I was told was the daughter of a Welsh barrister who was well-known for this sort of thing, ‘but her dad gets her out of trouble every time’.

My life wasn’t destroyed by the assault, it was destroyed because when I went to Aberystwyth Police Station to report the assault, the police called a paramedic to assess my injury. Unfortunately the police had seen on their computerised record that I ‘had a history of mental illness’, so the paramedic called a fucking Top Doctor and a mental health team ‘just in case’. Who refused to document my injuries and sectioned me, insisting that I be taken to the Heddfan Unit at Wrexham Maelor Hospital. Some hours after I arrived at the Heddfan Unit, the staff there sheepishly admitted that my detention was unlawful because no-one had signed the documentation and I was thus free to go. So I did. For some unfathomable reason, the Heddfan Unit then called the police, reported me missing and my mugshot appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ as an escaped patient. I was located ‘safe and well’ – I was actually on holiday – only to find that a few days later I was reported AGAIN by the Betsi as an ‘escaped patient’. I appeared once more in the ‘Daily Post’ and was picked up by the police. Because I was an escaped patient. It took me a year to get out of the clutches of the maniacs who broke the law repeatedly and maintained that I was ‘seriously mentally ill’ because I had a history of ‘violent assaults on people’ and I believed that there was a paedophile ring in operation in north Wales and that the mental health services were abusing patients. While I sat in a locked ward, a whole series of people who had been involved with the paedophile ring in north Wales were convicted as a result of Operation Pallial. The Betsi was also placed under investigation as a result of the abuse of mental health patients in Tawel Fan. When I finally got away from the clutches of the Top Doctors, I fled the area.

The barrister’s daughter who attacked and injured me in broad daylight in front of witnesses was never even interviewed.

Previous posts tell the story in detail…

The irony is that I had my first major depressive episode when I was 17 and at Bridgwater College. Everyone ignored it and it was Brown who helped me through it. Offers of ‘help’ for my ‘serious mental illness’ only began arriving thick and fast a few years later when I complained about the dreadful behaviour of Top Doctors who were running a trafficking ring. The ‘help’ being deemed to be necessary of course being a few years in Broadmoor. After all, everyone could testify that even as a teenager at Bridgwater College, I’d been quite mad…

Let’s just stop all the help shall we? It’ll be much easier all round. I was an academically able kid who went to a dysfunctional, failing school run by an utter incompetent and staffed by some at least who were abusers and I got to university against what were fairly high odds in those days. When my father heard that my name had been announced at Chilton Trinity School as a successful old pupil, he noted that I had got to university in spite of Chilton, not because of it. He was quite right. And I am still alive in spite of the dear old NHS, not because of it. A great many people received generous salaries in schools, in colleges and in their various roles in the welfare state to provide me with a ‘service’. Brown and a few other friends did virtually everything that those salaried people were paid to do.

Just after graduation, I sat in a sitting room on Anglesey with some other new graduates discussing politics. A dedicated Labour voter was in the room, a big fan of the Windbag, who stated that ‘money ought to be poured into the NHS and state schools’. The person who said that was Sarah Jenkins, who had just graduated from Bristol University. Sarah was back on her home territory of north Wales, while she waited for a place to do clinical psychology. She was renting accommodation on favourable terms from her mother’s friend, Dr D.G.E. Wood, the corrupt GP who was facilitating the trafficking ring. Sarah’s dad was Prof David Jenkins, who worked at Bangor University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends and Dafydd. Sarah’s mother was Sheila Jenkins, a psychiatric social worker, who was one of those abusing patients and a colleague of the paedophile gang. I was told a few years ago that Sarah ‘had gone into mental health like her mother and was helping people’.

The appalling Sheila Jenkins died a few years ago. She had a miserable last few years, after being left completely paralysed by a stroke. One day her friend went over and found Sheila Jenkins lying on the floor crying. It transpired that the ‘carers’ had been abusing her. Jenkins asked her friend ‘why can’t people just be kind to each other?’ Jenkins’s friend was also a mental health social worker, as was her husband. They had worked with Dafydd when he was illegally imprisoning victims of the paedophile ring in the dungeon at Denbigh. Those in the dungeon probably wondered why people just couldn’t be kind to each other.

As ye sow, so shall ye reap paedophiles’ friends. You’ve driven every decent person out of health and social care. These are the only ones left in the system:

 

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Get pouring, fill that trough, Sarah Jenkins needs a salary, she’s not going to be an Empowered Service User is she.

 

Investigating historical child abuse? Oh please, just give it a rest. As the Old Gits used to say on ‘The Fast Show’, ‘piss off, bugger off, sod off’.

 

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Hearing Voices

In my post ‘Conference At Cold Comfort Farm’ I discussed the dishonesty of the former Tory MP for Taunton, Edward du Cann, who despite being pursued by so many for bad debts and holding senior positions in companies which went bankrupt owing millions of pounds, always seemed to manage to come out smiling himself. In 1993 it looked as though Sir Edward might have had his comeuppance when he was declared bankrupt, but bugger me if dear old Sir Edward didn’t bounce back again and end up living the life of Riley in Cyprus within a short few years, after having invested in vineyards. Sir Edward did have an incredible ability to find himself a rich man no matter what was happening to those around him, but I have always presumed that was because Sir Edward was, as my grandpa always told me, ‘a crook’.

Sir Edward did not like my grandpa one bit and they knew each other well. Du Cann outlived grandpa by many years, he was younger than grandpa anyway, but my grandpa pegged out when he was in his mid-70s whereas dear old du Cann lasted until he was in his 90s and only shuffled off this mortal coil very recently. As I explained in ‘Conference At Cold Comfort Farm’, Sir Edward’s final bounce back from disaster occurred at the same time as some people in Somerset received huge quantities of money in return for their silence regarding what was happening to me at the hands of the trafficking gang. Du Cann was by then just a politician from the past, but he caused a bit of a stir when on 18 July 1995 the ‘Sunday Herald’ published an interview with him in which he explained that he was so pissed off with the Tory Party that he was going to speak out, that he ‘had a lot to tell’ and was ‘going to tell it’.

At the time that Sir Edward was making these threatening noises, John Major’s Gov’t was pushing out all the boats to conceal the crap in north Wales, dirty deals had just been done to give Dafydd an offer that he could not refuse so he had agreed to ‘retire’ (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’), William Hague had not yet announced any public inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal although Sir Ronnie Waterhouse seemed to know that he would be Chairing it and the paedophiles’ friends were doing everything possible to have me banged up in a secure mental health unit without trial. If that wasn’t sufficient for a du Cann feeding frenzy, Blair was knocking at the door of No 10, Cherie was mates with numerous ‘radical lawyers’ who were concealing the crimes of those linked to the Westminster Paedophile Ring and Ron Davies was busy having moments of madness and was lined up for the job as Secretary of State for Wales when Blair became PM (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’).

Sir Peter Morrison, the then former Tory MP for Chester who had spent years abusing children in care in north Wales and elsewhere was found dead on 13 July 1995. Morrison had been a personal friend of Thatch and was one of the MPs who robustly supported her leadership bid against Ted Heath. Du Cann had been the leading light in the rout against Heath (see post ‘Conference At Cold Comfort Farm’). Four days before Morrison was found dead, Bing Spear died. Spear was the corrupt mandarin who had been at the top of the Home Office Drugs Branch for years and facilitated Dafydd’s generous prescribing of class A drugs (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University in July 1995.

No wonder that du Cann subsequently decided that he didn’t have anything to tell after all and found himself living it up in Cyprus.

There must have been a cross-party whip-round in Parliament after an observation along the lines of ‘Oh God it’s that old crook from Somerset, he doesn’t just know the key witness’s family but he’s been around for decades and he is au fait with the details of every political scandal since the Jurassic. Dig deep into your pockets everyone.’

Craven unprincipled politicians: Have you by any chance all had your brains collectively removed? Do you not understand that the wrongdoing was so great and involved so many people that you were never ever going to be free of it? Even if you had have succeeded in silencing me and my friends for ever, you would still always have been bothered by the du Canns of the world returning for more dosh. It won’t have died with du Cann, there is the next generation, you know as well as I do that you’re having to do favours for the grandchildren of the Westminster Paedophile Ring now. Then there’s the Top Docs who just tell you what their next pay rise is going to be. Now would you like to write me a thank you letter for having exposed what went on, thus freeing you all of future blackmailers?

Du Cann’s Lazarus-like revival was contingent upon the very helpful Registrar Mr Pimm. It was reported in the Indie that a bankruptcy order against du Cann was made in the London Bankruptcy Court on 12 March 1993 on a petition over unpaid bills by the solicitors Denton Hall Burgin & Warrens, who used to act for du Cann. Because of that order, an Inland Revenue petition for unpaid taxes became a formality on 25 March 1993 and was automatically dismissed at a brief private hearing before Mr Registrar Pimm in London on 25 March 1993. Both the Inland Revenue and the law firm had filed their petitions in Jan 1993. Du Cann told the Indie on 25 March 1993 that his solicitors would be applying to have the bankruptcy order lifted in the next few days.

I thought that I’d find out a bit more about Mr Pimm. Geoffrey Pimm died not so long ago and the website of the Chancery Bar Association website published his obituary.

Geoffrey Leonard Pimm was appointed as a Registrar in Bankruptcy of the High Court in 1981. Born in 1926, Pimm became a Bevin boy after leaving school, working in the mines in Nottinghamshire, but was later commissioned into the RNVR during WWII. When he left the RNVR he took the Bar examinations. Pimm was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in Feb 1952. Pimm became a tenant in the same Chambers as Michael Havers before joining the Colonial Service as a magistrate and being posted to Southern Rhodesia in June 1958.

Just from the information provided in the previous paragraph alone, we can presume that Mr Pimm had many valuable connections. Jimmy Savile was a Bevin boy and being Savile he utilised this network every bit as ruthlessly as he used all of his other networks. Geoffrey Pimm’s time in the RNVR will have meant that he knew of the people and the misconduct described in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’. Du Cann was also in the RNVR at that time.

The connection with Michael Havers will really have given Pimm influence though. Havers was from a high profile legal family. His father was the High Court judge Sir Cecil Havers, his sister became Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss and Havers himself was Attorney-General, 1979-87, during which time he blocked the prosecutions of a number of celebrity paedophiles, as well as overseeing numerous serious miscarriages of justice. Havers was the Tory MP for Wimbledon, 1970-87 and his constituents numbered many of the Top Docs from St George’s Hospital Medical School, including Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain who was concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales as well as a linked paedophile ring in south London (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Havers was Solicitor General, 1972-74, under Ted Heath and was Lord Chancellor for a few months in 1987, before stepping down for health reasons. Havers was also in the RNVR.

Michael Havers was Attorney General when Geoffrey Pimm was appointed Registrar in Bankruptcy in the High Court in London.

Geoffrey Pimm and Michael Havers’ Chambers was also the Chambers of Edward Clarke QC. Clarke was number two to Frederick Geoffrey Lawrence in the defence team for the suspected serial killing Top Doctor John Bodkin Adams. Between 1946 and 1956, more than 160 of Bodkin Adams’s patients died in suspicious circumstances and of these, 132 left him money or items in their wills. He was tried and acquitted for the murder of one patient in 1957. Another count of murder was withdrawn by the prosecution in what was later described as ‘an abuse of process’ by the Presiding judge Sir Patrick Devlin, causing questions to be asked in Parliament about the prosecution’s handling of events.

Adams was found guilty in a subsequent trial of 13 offences of prescription fraud, lying on cremation forms, obstructing a police search and failing to keep a dangerous drugs register. He was removed from the Medical Register in 1957 and reinstated in 1961.

Bodkins Adams’s case demonstrates that the BMA, MDU and GMC had a history of protecting dangerous criminal Top Doctors by the time that Dafydd was learning the ropes.

After the investigation into Bodkin Adams was launched, the BMA sent a letter to all doctors in Eastbourne – where Bodkin Adams practised – reminding them of ‘Professional Secrecy’ (ie. patient confidentiality) if interviewed by the police. Yet the patients in question were dead. The Attorney General Sir Reginald Manningham-Buller wrote to the BMA secretary, Dr Macrae, “to try to get him to remove the ban”. The impasse continued until on 8 November Manningham-Buller met with Macrae to convince him of the importance of the case. During this meeting he passed a police officer’s confidential 187-page report on Adams to Macrae. Macrae took the report to the President of the BMA and returned it the next day. In all likelihood, he also copied it and passed it on to the defence. Convinced of the seriousness of the accusations, Macrae dropped his opposition to doctors talking to the police. In the end two Eastbourne doctors gave evidence to the police.

Opposition Labour MPs subsequently gave notice of two questions to be asked in the House regarding the affair, one asking what “reports [the Attorney-General] has sent” to the GMC in the “past six months”. Manningham-Buller replied that he had “had no communications” with the GMC, but only with an officer of it. He did not mention the police officer’s report. Instead, he instigated an investigation into a leak, later concluding that the police officer himself had passed information regarding the meeting with Macrae to a journalist.

The police acquired a memo belonging to a Daily Mail journalist, concerning rumours of homosexuality between “a police officer, a magistrate and a doctor”. The last directly implied Adams. This information had come, according to the reporter, directly from the police officer who had compiled the report which had been given to the BMA. The ‘magistrate’ was Sir Roland Gwynne, Mayor of Eastbourne (1929–31) and brother of Rupert Gwynne, MP for Eastbourne (1910–24).  Gwynne was Adams’s patient and known to visit every day at 9am. They went on frequent holidays together and had recently spent three weeks in Scotland. The ‘police officer’ was the Deputy Chief Constable of Eastbourne, Alexander Seekings. The officer who compiled the report ignored this line of inquiry (despite homosexual acts being a criminal offence in 1956), and the police instead gave the journalist a dressing-down.

The leading Defence counsel at the trial, Sir Frederick Geoffrey Lawrence QC, was briefed by the MDU. Lawrence was ‘a specialist in real estate and divorce cases [and] a relative stranger in criminal court’ who was defending his first murder trial and convinced the jury that there was no evidence that a murder had been committed, much less that a murder had been committed by Adams. He emphasised that the indictment was based mainly on testimonies from the nurses and that none of the witnesses’ evidence matched the others’.

One of the defence witnesses at Adams’s trial was the Harley Street practitioner Dr John Harman, Harriet Harman’s dad. Harman proffered opinions in areas in which he had no personal clinical experience.

During the committal hearing prior to the trial, Lord Chief Justice Goddard had been seen dining with Sir Roland Gwynne  at The White Hart Hotel in Lewes: there is no indication of what they discussed. Goddard, as Lord Chief Justice, appointed Devlin to try the Adams case shortly after the end of the committal hearing and, in a meeting of 19 Feb 1957, Goddard, as Lord Chief Justice, had a responsibility for the conduct of all courts in England and Wales, from magistrates’ courts to the Court of Appeal and was entitled to give Devlin his views on the case.

The jury took 44 minutes to find Adams not guilty.

There are numerous aspects to the Bodkin Adams case which are strangely familiar to anyone acquainted with Dafydd and his ways. Lies were told constantly, overwhelming evidence of crime was dismissed by throw away comments about a doctor’s duty, there was much pompousing about how doctors could never be accused of murder, nurses giving evidence were belittled and documentary evidence compiled by nurses went missing. The whole case just shrieks ‘Dafydd’.

Geoffrey Pimm served as a district magistrate in Zambia
until independence in 1964. Pimm then went into private practice in Zambia, working as a solicitor, 1964-69, when he divorced and re-married, leaving Africa and losing touch with his family for a while. Leaving your wife and ‘losing touch with your family’ was in those days something done by the very posh or the plebs, but it was considered somewhat scandalous among Pimm’s layer of society. I wonder what the circumstances were.

Pimm’s obituary on the Chancery Bar Association website tells us that ‘Between 1970 and 1972 he served as Attorney General in the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, which remained colonies of the Crown until 1972. He advised the Gov’t of these islands on various matters, but considered one of his great achievements to be the settlement of a claim by the Gilbert islanders for several millions of pounds in compensation for phosphate mining and environmental damage to the islands. He accomplished this in part through his personal connections: he considered politics to be as important as the legal side of his work.’

The Chancery Bar Association seems to have told a number of porkies regarding Pimm’s service in the Gilbert and Ellice Islands, I suspect because Pimm did something really disgusting when he ‘served’ in that capacity. The Gilbert and Ellice Islands remained colonies of the crown until 1976, not 1972. A referendum was held in Dec 1974 to determine whether the Gilbert and Ellice Islands should each have their own administration. As a consequence of the referendum, the Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony ceased to exist on 1 Jan 1976 and the separate countries of Kiribati and Tuvalu came into existence.

The Islands had become a Crown colony in 1916, along with a number of other islands, some of which were transferred to New Zealand in 1926. The Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony continued to be administered by a Resident Commissioner. Banaba Island (Ocean Island) remained the headquarters of the colony until the British evacuation in 1942 during the Pacific War when Banaba Island and the Gilbert Islands were occupied by the Japanese. After World War II, the colony headquarters was re-established on Tarawa, in the Gilbert Islands. The Tuvaluans were concerned about their minority status in the Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony. In 1974, ethnic differences within the colony caused the Polynesians of the Ellice Islands to vote for separation from the Micronesians of the Gilbert Islands (later Kiribati). In 1975, the Ellice Islands became the separate British colony of Tuvalu.

In 1947 Tarawa was made the administrative capital. In 1963, an Advisory Council was created, consisting of officials and representatives who were appointed by the Resident Commissioner. In 1964 an Executive Council was established. A Constitution was introduced in 1967, which created a House of Representatives for the Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony that comprised seven appointed officials and 23 members elected by the islanders. Tuvalu elected four members of the House of Representatives. The 1967 Constitution also established the Governing Council. The House of Representatives only had the authority to recommend laws; the Governing Council had the authority to enact laws following a recommendation from the House of Representatives.

As it became apparent that the Tuvaluans were concerned about their minority status on the Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony, a new constitution was introduced in 1971. However that did not end the Tuvaluan movement for independence.

In 1974 Ministerial government was introduced in the Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony through a change to the Constitution.

After the Dec 1974 referendum to determine whether the Gilbert Islands and Ellice Islands should each have their own administration, separation occurred in two stages. The Tuvaluan Order 1975 made by the Privy Council which took effect on 1 Oct 1975, recognised Tuvalu as a separate British dependency with its own Gov’t. The second stage occurred on 1 Jan 1976 when two separate administrations were created out of the civil service of the Gilbert and Ellice Islands colony. The British conducted a formal inquiry into Tuvaluan attitudes towards secession and announced that a referendum was to be held, in which Tuvaluans could choose to remain with the Gilberts or secede. They were told that if they separated they would not receive royalties from the Banaba Island phosphate or other assets of the colony. Despite this, 3799 Tuvaluans (92%) voted to secede, while 293 voted against secession. On 1 Oct 1975, legal separation from the Gilbert Islands – now Kiribati – took place. On 1 Jan 1976, full administration of the new colony was transferred to Funafuti from Tarawa. Tuvalu became an independent constitutional monarchy and the 38th member of the Commonwealth on the 1 Oct 1978. The Gilbert Islands attained independence on 12 July 1979 under the name Kiribati by the Kiribati Independence Order 1979, as a republic with Commonwealth membership.

Banaba Island, which was formerly rich in phosphates before becoming fully depleted in the latter colonial years, also sued for independence in 1979 and boycotted the Kiribati ceremonies. The Banabans wanted greater autonomy and reparations of around $250 million for revenue they had not received and for environmental destruction caused by phosphate mining practices similar to those on Nauru. The British authorities had relocated most of the population to Fiji after 1945, but by the 1970s many were returning to Banaba. The British rejected the Banaban independence proposal and the island remained under the jurisdiction of Kiribati.

So the Banabans and Tuvaluans were really shafted in terms of not receiving compensation for the phosphate mining. Declare independence from Lilibet? Then you’re not getting your dosh. I haven’t had time to research which mining company benefited from the mineral deposits on Banaba and Tuvalu, but now I am becoming familiar with the ways of the world, I suspect that it was probably Chaired by Edward du Cann or one of his mates. Geoffrey Pimm obviously had a great deal to do with the screwing over of the Banabans and Tuvaluans and he could well have continued ‘advising’ on the fleecing of certain islanders until after he left his post. Of course Pimm might have laid all the plans while he was AG, 1970-72, but for some reason the Chancery Bar Association has lied about the date that the Gilbert and Ellice Islands achieved independence. Whatever the truth behind this, Pimm was a key mover and shaker in making things very difficult for certain islands to achieve independence from Lilibet, which suggests that Pimm had friends in very high places and was doing favours for those friends. Friends of a Royal nature.

According to the Chancery Bar Association, in 1972 Pimm was off to Bermuda – after having provided such a good service in his previous post – where he then served in the Attorney General’s Chambers until 1974.

In the 16th century Bermuda was known to Spanish and Portuguese explorers as the Isle of the Devils, as a result of the storms and dangerous reefs. During the 2oth century, Bermuda became a popular tourist destination.

Here’s Lilibet and Phil travelling in style on Bermuda in 1953:

 

Tourism reached a peak on Bermuda in the 1960s-70s, but by the end of the 1970s, ‘international business’ aka tax evasion had supplanted tourism as the dominant sector of Bermuda’s economy. Universal adult suffrage only occurred in the 1960s; prior to that, voting was dependent upon a certain level of property ownership. On 10 March 1973, the Governor of Bermuda Richard Sharples was assassinated by local Black Power militants during a period of civil unrest. So Geoffrey Pimm found himself where the action was once again.

Bermuda is a British Overseas Territory and executive authority in Bermuda is vested in Lilibet and is exercised on her behalf by the Governor, who is appointed by the Queen on the advice of the British Gov’t.

It will have been Ted Heath’s Gov’t who sent Geoffrey Pimm to Bermuda to do whatever it was that he got up to out there. Whatever that was, Pimm put it to good use. His obituary states that he returned to London after his posting in Bermuda and worked ‘for Kleinwort Benson as a specialist legal adviser, a post in which he was able to put to good use his knowledge of the Bermuda offshore insurance business’.

After leaving Kleinwort Benson, Pimm joined the High Court as a bankruptcy registrar, eventually serving as Chief Registrar until his retirement in 1997. Pimm resided in a flat in Gray’s Inn.

Ronnie Waterhouse’s mate Sir William Mars-Jones lived at Gray’s Inn. Mars-Jones provided a huge umbrella for Dafydd and the paedophiles for years from Paedophilia Central in London and Mars-Jones’s brother and sister-in-law also provided valuable back-up to Dafydd et al on a local basis in Denbighshire. Mars-Jones, Waterhouse and Havers all spent many enjoyable hours in the Garrick.

Pimm enjoyed flying; he held a private pilot’s licence in Zambia and for a time part-owned a Cessna aeroplane. He also enjoyed dinghy sailing and was a regular at the opera.

The Chancery Bar Association claimed that Pimm was ‘a private man who revealed little to his colleagues’, although it’s not rocket science to work out that Pimm was shafting Little People. Pimm ‘declined the offer of a valediction when he retired, an occasion that was marked only by an informal presentation by his colleagues and court staff’. He ‘went off quietly to spend his retirement in Port Elizabeth in South Africa where his
second wife, Alvina, wished to live’. Alvina died shortly before him, after which he moved to a retirement complex run by the Catholic Church in Port Elizabeth. Pimm died in Nov 2015 in Port Elizabeth and is survived by his children, Sarah, Jonathan, James and Mary and his first wife Beryl.

This is pure speculation, but by 1997 – the year in which Ronnie Waterhouse began hearing evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry – was Pimm’s past finally perhaps looking dangerously like catching up with him? Low key retirements are usually a sign that someone is fed up with their employers and glad to be escaping or that they have become a major embarrassment and only a few trusted employees who can be replied upon to behave themselves are invited to wave goodbye. It was under such circumstances that Meri Huws departed from Bangor University. Now I and one of my friends actively tried to find out where Meri’s leaving party was being held but we did not manage it.

Someone else who had a carefully managed retirement party was Dafydd. There was a buffet held for him in the Hergest Unit and colluding Angels and Top Docs were invited. I and another victim had plans to gatecrash Dafydd’s party and give the old bastard a send off that he’d never forget but we missed it by merely hours. I later found out that the whole Hergest Unit had been briefed as to how the party had to be planned and held without patients – in particular me – having any idea about it, lest some unwanted reminders of Dafydd’s glorious career blighted the occasion. I observed to Jeff Crowther, the nursing manager, that holding a party for Dafydd was a slap in the face for all of his victims. Jeff responded by saying ‘it was a slap in the face for him, no-one went’. Someone else confirmed that this was indeed true, there was only a very small turnout and the uneaten grub was sent around the hospital afterwards.

If Dafydd operated on the same level as the rest of us, the snub might have been felt. This is Dafydd, he wouldn’t have given a stuff, he ‘retired’ clutching the NHS contract to provide ‘substance misuse services’ for the whole of north Wales and an agreement that none of the very serious outstanding complaints against him would be followed up (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drug’s Baron?’). That was over 20 years ago. Dafydd is still Chairing the biggest ‘substance abuse’ charity in Wales. Since his ‘retirement’ in 1995, his charity CAIS has branched out into therapy, counselling, Army veterans, employment projects, supported housing and ‘service user involvement’. Such a slap in the face for him Jeff…

 

The appointment of the Chief Registrar is a matter for the Lord Chancellor. Who when Geoffrey Pimm was appointed was Quintin Hogg aka Lord Hailsham, a paedophiles’ friend and homophobe (ironically the two characteristics often are found together) of many decades standing (see previous posts). The Lord Chancellor when Pimm did such a big favour for Edward du Cann was that other sex offenders’ friend Lord Mackay (see previous posts).

 

Previous posts (eg. ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) discussed how in 1993 I was prosecuted for ‘staring at a social worker’ in Safeways in Bangor. I was found guilty, although the social worker in question, paedophiles’ colleague Jackie Brandt, began crying in the witness box under a polite cross-examination by my solicitor and admitted that she had lied in her statement about me. Brandt had claimed that I had screamed and yelled at her in Safeways and followed her around the store with intent to launch a murderous attack upon her outside. Under cross-examination Brandt admitted that none of that had happened, but I had stared at her. I had to part with £60 on the orders of Bangor Magistrates.

Years later I discovered that it had been faithfully documented by Top Doctor Sadie Francis that I had ‘stormed out of the court swearing’ after the case. Which is certainly interesting, because what actually happened was that when Brandt started crying in the witness box and fessed up to lying, I began laughing. I was laughing so much at this trembling wreck who, just before stressing to the magistrates how she had ‘many years of experience in dealing with disturbed people’ but I was the worst that she’d ever encountered, had forgotten her own name – she regressed to childhood and stated that she was ‘Jackie Muriel Billings’ and then had to correct herself and shrieked ‘No, no, I’m sorry, it’s Jackie Muriel Brandt’ – that the magistrates threatened to put me in the cells if I ‘didn’t remain silent’. I wasn’t saying anything, swearing or otherwise, my co-accused and I were simply too busy laughing at the farce. Furthermore, Sadie Francis knew this, because I saw her husband days later and he said ‘that case was just a laugh to you wasn’t it’, so I explained that considering the prosecution witness was a lying jelly who got her own name wrong, yes it was quite entertaining. Sadie and Tony should have known that I and my co-accused were not the only ones who had a good laugh, Brandt became known among the patients afterwards as Jackie Muriel Billings in honour of that performance.

Jackie Muriel Billings had previously unlawfully detained me and at least one other person but our complaints against her were never investigated. Jackie Muriel Billings was on one occasion faced by a patient who loathed her so much that she refused to answer the door to Jackie Muriel Billings. Jackie Muriel Billings called the police, told them that there was a mad psychiatric patient inside the house, the police broke the door down, the young woman was sectioned by Jackie Muriel Billings and was subsequently evicted from her house as a result of the damage to the door. She then became a ‘homeless schizophrenic’. Prior to that she was a young business studies graduate who was doing her best to recover from a period of illness which was made considerably worse by Jackie Muriel Billings et al . Yes, we Hergest patients had suffered distress and illness, but we were not completely mad and violent with it, which was the only way that Billings et al ever constructed any of us. Furthermore, by the time that Jackie Muriel Billings and co had finished, as Brown observed, most of what were once simply vulnerable young people were irretrievable.

Another curious thing that Jackie Muriel Billings wrote about me in one of her affidavits – she took me to court several times – was that she ‘had even given [her] little dog away lest [I] hurt it to upset her’. I didn’t even know that Jackie Muriel Billings had a dog and even if I had have known, Jackie Muriel Billings had no indication at all that I would have hurt her dog or indeed anyone else’s dog. No-one questioned why such a ludicrous comment had been included in an affidavit for the High Court, it was yet another bit of the craziness of the paedophiles’ friends that became part of the case against me, ooh she was going to murder Jackie’s dog.

Jackie didn’t actually give the performance of a lifetime in front of Bangor Magistrates until later in the year in 1993, but when Jackie made up that nonsense about her encounter in Safeways with me it was I think in February 1993. Despite the imminent danger to Jackie’s life that I presented, I and my co-accused were not told that Jackie had made a police statement about us for at least two weeks. It was sometime in March that we were told that the complaint had been made and that we would be prosecuted. Which was when Pimm and du Cann were busy working their scam…

One of those who worked at the Cancer Research Campaign laboratories at Nottingham University who was part of Prof Robert Baldwin’s massive research fraud was a Dr Malcolm Pimm. Pimm was lazy, dishonest and vindictive towards both me and a medical student who was on placement at the labs at the time. I don’t know what Pimm’s problem with the medical student was, she was lovely, but Pimm and his side-kick Sandra Gribben held conversations in front of me regarding how they were going to get this student out. This student was never anything but polite to them, but like me she had noticed exactly what was going on in those labs (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’) and in her capacity as a medical student had also witnessed abuse, bullying and neglect in the flagship Queen’s Medical Centre, Nottingham. The medical student had a father who was a very senior civil servant. I have now found out who he is! I’ll be blogging all about him and the Nottingham connection – I’ve found yet more corruption – very soon.

Note to Ken Clarke: Ken, this is looking really, really bad for you. I have now pieced together some of the parts of the puzzle regarding why my father, from Somerset, found his former employer suddenly dead and his former employer’s business taken over by a man from Nottingham who, for some reason that I could never understand, arrived in Bridgwater to buy the company out. Do you know a businessman from Nottingham called Richard Tennant by any chance Clarke? Because he has a famous nephew – Neil, a pop star! I’ll be blogging more about this soon. Frankly Ken, I’d leave for another planet now if I were you. You’ll need more than a curry, a cigar, a pint, a pair of Hush Puppies and an utterly complacent attitude to get you out of this.

Next time that you want to deal with the BMA Ken, ask the person who has the evidence to put some of them in prison, rather than shaft her and her friends you daft old sod. You didn’t manage to deal with the BMA did you Ken? You tried to, to your credit you were about the only person in Westminster who did try, but like Edwina Hart in Wales you thought that you could outwit the world, screw over everybody and then bag the ‘top job’. You plonker.

 

Queen Elizabeth II and Prince Philip Duke of Edinburgh meet former Chancellor Kenneth Clarke at a Buckingham Palace reception for backbench MPs on...

 ‘And what do you do?’ ‘I cover up the crimes of paedophiles with Royal connections Ma’am, it’s why I couldn’t win the war with the BMA.’
One of Geoffrey Pimm’s children was Jonathan. There is a Jonathan Pimm who is a Top Doctor, who works as a consultant psychiatrist and honorary senior lecturer at the East London NHS Foundation Trust. I have not been able to confirm whether Jonathan is Geoffrey Pimm’s son, but Jonathan Pimm did co-author the 2013 Guardian obituary of a Top Doctor who, along with his mentor, is worth discussing here.
The subject of the obituary was ‘the pioneering psychiatrist Professor Hugh Gurling’. Pimm and his co-author explained that Gurling ‘was determined to find the genes that cause severe mental illness. His resolve to investigate the biological processes underlying devastating diseases such as schizophrenia, manic depression and alcoholism was very much at odds with the prevailing approach in the late 1970s, when the focus in psychiatry was on psychological and social factors. Despite scepticism and at times frank opposition, Gurling single-handedly obtained funding and developed and led a research unit at University College London (UCL) now recognised as being at the forefront of psychiatric genetics. This field, these days involving hundreds of researchers around the world, is widely seen as potentially the greatest source of biological insights and advances in treatment.
Gurling began his research career in 1976, studying alcoholism under the supervision of Professor Robin Murray at the Institute of Psychiatry, London. As part of this project, he sought to uncover genetic influences on alcoholism. This often involved him driving around London collecting blood samples and sometimes visiting patients’ houses late at night. With the emergence of the “new genetics”, he realised the potential to gain radical insights into the understanding of schizophrenia and manic depression. To this end, he collaborated with researchers in Iceland, where large family sizes and good genealogical records provided ideal material for his purpose. He began studying them with novel technologies to identify DNA markers for disease.

A course at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine in 1977 and a year as a visiting scholar and Wellcome training fellow at Stanford University’s department of genetics in 1981 added to his skills. After gaining a Wellcome senior fellowship, in 1987 he moved on to UCL, where he set up a molecular psychiatry laboratory. The following year he published a landmark paper in ‘Nature’, which appeared to demonstrate that chromosome 5 harboured a gene for schizophrenia. Although the exact implications of this paper are still disputed, it served as a stimulus for the development of innovative techniques.

His laboratory found genes that provide the code for neurotransmitter receptor proteins, variants of which are thought to be centrally involved in causing psychosis. He published a paper showing that highly informative markers called microsatellites could be used in gene-mapping studies, and subsequently it became standard practice to use panels of these markers to localise the genes responsible for hundreds of genetic diseases. As the research continued to progress and new technologies emerged, he seized on them enthusiastically. He was involved in work showing that small deletions or duplications of parts of chromosomes could cause schizophrenia. He published papers showing that changes to single DNA bases appeared to affect dramatically the risk of schizophrenia and manic depression.

Most recently, he sequenced all 3 bn DNA bases of 100 subjects with manic depression and identified a number of changes that might be causing disease. In order to confirm these findings, he arranged for these variants to be detected in samples of thousands of people with and without manic depression. The results had the potential to identify definitively which variants in which genes could cause the disorder. He died before receiving them.’

Journalists love Top Docs like Hugh Gurling. Journos don’t usually understand their work, but if you have no education in science the sort of thing that Gurling talked about really does sound impressive and if your article can be accompanied by a female researcher who fits society’s stereotypes of Attractive Girl With Brains doing something with lots of test-tubes while wearing a lab coat and protective eye gear, your editor will be really pleased. Particularly if your editor doesn’t understand anything about Gurling’s work either.

I am in no way hostile to biomedical research or biomedical research in genetics. I love the science behind it, I always have and my problem when I worked in biomedical research was not the science, it was the utter lack of integrity that so many of those involved displayed. There are those who do not think that anything about severe mental illness can ever be explained by biomedical research. I am not one of them, but I am deeply concerned about the degree of research fraud in biomedical sciences, about the poor quality of much research and the lack of intelligent interpretation of results, as well as the way in which billions is being poured into such research when the basic needs of people suffering now from serious illness are not being met. People are dying destitute or languishing in prison while UCL is given another few million and not really held accountable for the spending of the dosh.

However, even if the factors which worry me were to be addressed, the biggest problem in research into severe mental illness is that the diagnoses are simply so often not credible. Yes, there are patients who’s ‘symptoms’ do approximate to those described in DSM. But there are many more who’s ‘symptoms’ do not. Then there are all the patients who find, as I so often did, that the Top Doc to whom they were talking had only the minimal understanding of what they were trying to say. Then there are the numerous basic very serious errors that nearly everyone who reads their own records finds. In north Wales of course, this phenomenon was so marked that people’s ‘medical histories’ were simply a fairy tale. Then there is the pure speculation that ends up recorded as fact on records which are then used to make a ‘diagnosis’. Even if the speculation isn’t downright malicious lies – ‘she planned to kill the dog of a social worker’ or ‘Dr Jones feared that she was going to murder him there and then’ – much of it is utterly naive stereotyping.

My own socio-economic background is complex. My paternal grandpa to whom I was very close was the son of a wealthy Scotsman who abandoned his wife and children when my grandpa was four. Grandpa was brought up in poverty in east London by his sister, who was 12 when their father (and mother) abandoned them. He grew into a self-made businessman, moved to Somerset and in the 1950s and 60s was a big name in the small pool of Bridgwater and a leading light in the Tory Party. He was by then, considered to be a middle class businessman. My maternal grandfather was a farm labourer who came from a Somerset village and lived there his entire life. He was lucky enough to get a council house in the 1930s, where he, my grandmother, two of my aunties and a cousin also lived, after the many other children of my grandparents had grown up and moved out, nearly all of them living in neighbouring villages. They all considered themselves working class. I would sit in my father’s parents’ house and have them telling me what was in the Torygraph or how important it was to get rid of Ted Heath and then go two miles down the road and visit my other grandparents. My gran would have come back from the bingo in Bridgwater, my grandpa would be smoking No 6 and watching the ‘Golden Shot’ and if I wanted to read something there was the ‘News of the World’.

This account always wows sociologists, but they can easily cope with it. Top Doctors couldn’t. I would watch their brains going into overdrive as they desperately tried to pigeon hole me after asking – quite unnecessary – questions about some aspects of my background. It was fascinating to watch as some of them tried to categorise me as the offspring of a scumbag who was on the cider 24 hrs a day – even more confusion resulted when I explained that my father rarely drank and neither did I under most circumstances – while others told each other that I was a spoilt stuck up cow who didn’t know anyone who worked for a living.

I then realised that despite all the talk of assessing patients’ social and cultural circumstances, all these enquiries about my background were for one reason only. To discover whether I was someone who had people close to me who were going to complain about what was happening to me at the hands of the negligent maniacs running and staffing the mental health services or indeed raise the alarm with influential people. More of which later.

As Top Docs clearly have no idea as to how to ‘assess’ the social and cultural background of the person sitting in front of them yet alone start assessing their family members by failing to grasp any of the info that they have been given, I suggest that they stop trying to do so.

It is among this half-understood – if even that – mess and confusion that records are made referring to ‘genetically inherited mental illness’ within the patient’s family. There are some families where mental distress emerges in several members, but with the Top Docs on the job, that doesn’t really tell us much.

Then there are the patients who acquire several different diagnoses, sometimes within the course of just two or three years. Look at the records of people in north Wales. People admitted to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in the 1970s and 80s were nearly all diagnosed with ‘paranoid schizophrenia’. A small number had manic depression. Attractive young people whom Dafydd wanted to traffic had ‘personality disorders’, so that Dafydd could send them to his ‘young persons personality disorders unit’, where they were encouraged to have sex with each other while Angels watched and were then groomed for sex work (see post ‘Include Me Out’). DSM tells us that the diagnosis of personality disorder should never be made in young people but that didn’t stop old Dafydd and Gwynne. No-one questioned them.

In the 1990s, in north Wales scores of the ‘mental patients with paranoid schizophrenia or manic depression’ became ‘service users with borderline personality disorders’. This was because Top Doctors could refuse to treat people who were deemed to have borderline personality disorders on the grounds that they didn’t have a mental ‘illness’, but they could send them to prison or a secure hospital on the grounds that they had a mental ‘disorder’ and were ‘potentially dangerous’. Christmas had clearly come for the people traffickers of the UK.

I gathered much evidence of these phenomena in north Wales, but they were happening across the UK. David Healy is one person who has written some fascinating material regarding psychiatric diagnoses falling in and out of fashion. Sadly David didn’t scream from the rooftops when his criminal fuckwitted colleagues pulled out diagnoses from a hat to justify whatever abuses they wanted to inflict upon the patient concerned. Patients who had been diagnosed with paranoid schizophrenia if a Top Doc wanted to lock them up and drug them against their wishes would days later find that they suddenly had a borderline personality disorder as they were marched off hospital premises by the police and refused all further care and treatment now that they were suicidal.

It was a big twisted farce.

No-one can possibly carry out work into the genetics of mental illness when practices like this are prevalent.

I would also ask readers to note that Hugh Gurling and the global leaders at UCL have not made a jot of difference to the lives and clinical outcomes of the Empowered Service Users in the wake of their decades of dedication to clarifying ‘the genetics of severe mental illness’.

Readers might have noticed that Hugh Gurling worked at the Institute of Psychiatry (which was then located at the Maudsley) in 1976. Which was about the time that Dr Tony Francis was ‘training’ there. In 1976, many of those who ‘trained’ Dafydd were still working at the Institute of Psychiatry and were concealing his crimes. Dafydd based his ‘treatment’ of alcoholics in north Wales – he cranked up his interest in this field in the mid-1970s, when Hugh was working with the ‘experts’ in alcoholism at the Maudsley – on the knowledge that Dafydd had acquired at the knee of the Great Men of the Maudsley. See post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’. The practices and ‘research’ at the Maudsley were simply not what they were cracked up to be. David Davies was the basis of the Institute of Psychiatry/Maudsley’s ‘expertise’ in alcohol addiction. Davies was the Dean of the Institute of Psychiatry, 1950-66, which covered the time that Dafydd was ‘training’ there. Davies’s ‘international reputation’ was based on a short study that he conducted of alcoholics. The study was based on seven patients and it was later discovered that they weren’t all alcoholics. It was on the basis of the accolades that Davies received after that study that he established the Alcohol Education Centre at the Institute of Psychiatry. See post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy…’.

 

Hugh Gurling was born in London. His father, Kenneth Gurling, was a physician and inaugural Dean of Medicine at the University of Nottingham. His mother, Nonie Sempill, was an Angel. After attending Sutton Valence School in Maidstone, Kent, Hugh qualified in medicine at King’s College London in 1973. He specialised in psychiatry at Guy’s Hospital and then at the Maudsley and continued with clinical work throughout his academic career, notably with a psychiatric intensive care unit, ‘treating patients too severely psychotic to be safely managed on ordinary wards’.

We now know that when Hugh Gurling was doing that, many patients ‘too severely psychotic to be safely managed on ordinary wards’ were patients who had complained of being sexually abused in care settings, including children’s homes or hospitals, or by professional people who’s careers and reputation would have bitten the dust if anyone had not dismissed the allegations of those dangerous nutters out of hand.

  • ‘You do realise that you are suffering from manic depressive insanity?’  Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, 1987.
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The Comedians was a British television show of the 1970s (later reprised in the mid-1980s and early 1990s) produced by Johnnie Hemp of Granada Television. The show gave a stage to nightclub and working men’s club comedians of the era, including Russ Abbot, who later became known for his own TV series ‘Russ Abbot’s Madhouse’. I never watched ‘The Comedians’, I did not need to with the likes of Dafydd and Jackie Muriel Billings in my life.

Professor Hugh Gurling was brought up in Derbyshire. Where a long-standing paedophile ring was in operation, with links to Dafydd and the gang in north Wales.

In 1987, Hugh Gurling married Meryl Dahlitz, an academic neuropsychiatrist. His children are Holly, Alisdair and Laurel.

 

High Gurling’s obituary on the UCL website tells us that: Hugh’s uncompromising style and his, at times challenging, opinions did not always sit easily with colleagues and collaborators. However, his enthusiasm and energy gave him the ability to innovate and motivate young researchers and this underpinned his well-deserved reputation in the field. Hugh was also a most valued and supportive clinical colleague, who was committed to the welfare of his patients. As on any subject, he had strong views on the origins of mental health problems, but was always open to discussion and debate with those who had quite different opinions. He had strong interests in politics and the impact of health reforms on his patients.

Articles about Hugh Gurling constantly stressed his love of and commitment to the NHS. That usually translates as being a commitment to denying any healthcare failures or wrongdoing in the NHS, if necessary by launching personal attacks on anyone who dares come forward with evidence of serious wrongdoing.

Hugh Gurling’s sister Catherine Gurling is, or was, a senior lecturer at Kingston University. Which merged with St George’s Hospital Medical School during the 1990s, after repeated scandals at St George’s. Catherine is a clearly some sort of polymath. References to Catherine on the internet refer to her working with cardiologists and neuroscientists. Although Catherine works at Kingston University, she is listed as having been a company director for the British Pregnancy Advisory Service and the Neuroscience Research Charitable Trust and her address is given as Worcester. Is Catherine a Top Doctor of impressive experience? I doubt it, because Catherine is listed as being of the Business School in Kingston University. Furthermore the one piece of Catherine’s handiwork that I have found is an utterly lame power point (‘power point, the teaching aid for those who can’t teach’) discussing pedagogic research. Pedagogic research is a concept like being an expert on gender equality, its name has been taken in vain by a great many people who know nothing about it at all. From what I can see of Catherine’s power point she doesn’t either. But it’s called ‘Experts and Novices’ and there’s photos of people taking to school children.

Even more interesting than Hugh Gurling and his sister is Hugh’s mentor, Robin Murray. Robin Murray knows Dafydd!

Sir Robin Murray
Robin Murray at the Mental Health conference in Hanover, April 2013 - IMAG5320-cropped.png

Professor Sir Robin MacGregor Murray is a Scottish psychiatrist, Professor of Psychiatric Research at the Institute of Psychiatry, which is now located at King’s College London. He has treated patients with schizophrenia and bipolar illness – shouldn’t that be manic depressive insanity Robin? – at the National Psychosis Unit, South London and Maudsley NHS Trust who are referred because ‘they fail to respond to treatment’ – gosh, why ever might that be? – or ‘cannot get appropriate treatment locally’. Sir Robin sees patients privately if they are unable to obtain an NHS referral. Sir Robin will be quids in then, as mental health services collapse across the UK and no-one is able to get a referral for anything. It must be because Hugh Gurling died just before he could put the final touches to his genetics of mental illness project which was going to lead us to a place where the wolf also shall dwell with the lamb and the leopard shall lie down with the kid and the calf and the young lion and the fatling together and a little child shall lead them and the Top Doctors shall wipe away all tears from their eyes and there shall be no more death, neither sorrow, nor crying, neither shall there be any more pain: for the former things are passed away.

Robin Murray qualified at the University of Glasgow. He started training in psychiatry at the Maudsley Hospital and has remained there ever since, apart from one year at the National Institute of Mental Health in the USA. He has been Dean of the Institute of Psychiatry, King’s College London and Professor of Psychiatry there, but now focuses on research into, and care of people with psychotic illness. In 1987 he and Shon Lewis were among the first to suggest that schizophrenia might in part be a neurodevelopmental disorder.

Professor Murray is part of the Psychosis Research Group at the Institute of Psychiatry, perhaps the largest (by number of papers produced per annum) in the world. Yeh, OK, I can imagine the sort of thing that is being published. Murray is ranked as one of the most influential researchers in psychiatry by Thomson Reuters’ Science Watch and 3rd in schizophrenia research. So that’s why the prisons are full of psychotic people, why those who have been in receipt of Sir Robin and his colleagues’ expertise are dying in doorways and embankments and why the few long term mentally ill who have money to spare are beating a path to Sir Robin’s door for private care.

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In 1994, Robin Murray was the President of the European Association of Psychiatrists; now the European Psychiatric Association. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society (elected 2010) and also a Fellow of the Royal College of Psychiatrists. Murray is co-editor-in-chief of ‘Psychological Medicine’. He was Chairman of the Schizophrenia Commission which, over 2011 and 2012, reviewed in detail the care of people with psychosis in England and concluded people with this illness were neglected, often poorly treated and subject to discrimination.

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The Commission made numerous recommendations for improvement.

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Robin Murray and colleagues were among ‘the first to demonstrate that prolonged heavy abuse of cannabis can contribute to the onset of psychosis, and that starting early before 15 years and using high potency cannabis (e.g. skunk) particularly increase the risk’. Currently, they are researching why some people are especially vulnerable to this drug while most develop no problems. In 2009 Murray had a public disagreement with Professor David Nutt in the pages of ‘The Guardian’ about the dangers of cannabis in triggering psychosis. 

Murray previously wrote that while the risk increase is “about five-fold […] for the heaviest users”, the issue has become a political football. Murray has commented repeatedly on these issues in BBC articles and programmes, including in a ‘Panorama’  documentary on BBC One.  

 

I’m not sure when Sir Robin noticed the reefer madness which surrounded him, but Dafydd was a pioneer in this field. My post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’ describes a public meeting regarding drug abuse organised by the Bishop of Bangor, Cledan Mears, in 1984 at which Dafydd was the keynote speaker, where Dafydd told the audience had he had a patient who ‘had a problem with cannabis resin’. Brown whispered to me ‘the only problem that I’ve got with cannabis resin is that I can’t afford it’.

Brown knew what he was talking about, because until summer 1984 I used to enjoy a joint in the evening, but after I graduated I wanted to clear my debts and save some money so I gave up ‘cannabis resin’. However, Dr D.G.E. Wood had already noticed that I was suffering from reefer madness and this had been documented upon my medical records without my knowledge and given to Gwynne the lobotomist before I ever got near Gwynne. Once again, the level of the ignorance and confusion on the part of the Top Docs was impressive. Wood had concluded that I was suffering from reefer madness because I ‘habitually smelt of oil of petunia’. Now what I ACTUALLY smelt of was patchouli oil, because my mates were hippyish and that’s what hippies like to use, as any fule kno. One day I spilt a whole bottle of patchouli oil on my favourite jumper, so of course it really reeked. I did wash the jumper a few times, but it still reeked so I just thought oh sod it, I’ll smell of patchouli oil. I went to see Wood, not knowing in those days that he was running a sex trafficking ring and he asked me what perfume I was wearing. So I said patchouli oil, but I’ve spilt the whole bottle on my jumper.

Wood is thick and arrogant and obviously didn’t know what patchouli oil is, neither did he ask, so he thought that I had said pentunia oil. Whatever that is. Somehow, among all this confusion, someone else had told Wood – I think it was either Adrian Bell, the lecturer in Plant Biology who was mates with Wood or Liz Stables, the nurse in the Student Health Centre, both of whom knew about the trafficking ring and who were colluding – that people who smoke joints and hang around with hippies also have a penchant for patchouli oil.

Thus, along with the many other diagnoses, I was deemed to be suffering from reefer madness. Of course, because I gave up smoking my ONE evening spliff in 1984, by the time that I encountered Dafydd, I could not possibly have been suffering from reefer madness, because I had parted company with the reefers ages ago. But I still had reefer madness.

It was as a result of these sorts of experiences that Brown and I concluded that the Top Docs were stupid, bigoted, prejudiced, dishonest and quite mad.

Dafydd is extreme, but he is not alone. There will be other diagnoses made of reefer madness on bases as confused as the one on which Wood made his comments about me. Dafydd continued to lead the posse re cannabis psychosis throughout the 1990s, he popped up everywhere, including on the BBC, most memorably on the Kane Debates and was touted as an expert. He isn’t, he is an idiot. Furthermore, while Dafydd banged on about the Serious Problem Of Cannabis Psychosis, he was flogging Class A drugs and at least one of his patients whom Dafydd had used in a TV programme as an example of a patient suffering from cannabis psychosis could be seen selling heroin and amphetamines to school kids in Bangor on a regular basis. This young man told his foster mum that he had been paid to appear in the TV documentary with Dafydd.

By the way, Cledan Mears’s predecessor, Gwilym Williams, served as Bishop of Bangor for many years, as well as the Archbishop of Wales. Gwilym Williams was someone who concealed the paedophile gang.

Why do some people develop psychosis from smoking skunk and not other people Sir Robin? Probably because there is no correlation between the two events at all, but some people met a mad old Top Doc who didn’t know his arse from his elbow and he diagnosed reefer madness. Particularly if the Top Doc in question was running a trafficking ring and he wanted to snare the young person. Who might have just spilt a bottle of patchouli oil on her jumper.

It might well be worth investigating any possible link between skunk and psychosis but please don’t let these people do it. Furthermore, if anyone wants to know why young people are still smoking ganja like there’s no tomorrow in spite of the dire warnings from Robin Murray et al, talk to those young people and you will find that their experiences with the Top Docs are as surreal as mine were 30 years ago and as a result they do not believe what these charlies are saying. One real danger from smoking cannabis is from the tobacco which is also in the joints and Murray et al would do far more good if they educated people about that. Inhaling the smoke of anything is not a good idea which is why I’m glad that I have never been a tobacco smoker and was ever only a light cannabis smoker. The excesses of Wood et al achieved nothing but upset.

Murray was knighted in the 2011 New Year Honours for his services to medicine.

I knew Robin Murray’s name, but I never noticed his presence in the lay press until about ten years ago. Suddenly Robin and his grave warnings re reefer madness were everywhere. It happened very shortly after Brown and I published our first academic article about my experiences in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. It was only a short article and had nothing of the horrors that I have subsequently detailed on this blog, but it was noticed. I was contacted by a mature student who had been a Denbigh patient – one of the very few survivors – who asked me if I knew what a stir I had caused when people realised that I could remember what I’d witnessed in Denbigh. It was then that I noticed the collective crapping themselves of the many welfare professionals still cluttering up the place in north Wales who had worked in Denbigh and denied the abuses which were rampant there and the ‘historians of medicine’ who had written the history of Denbigh but seemed to have forgotten a few crucial facts…

Well suckers, I never used to talk about Denbigh much, not because of ‘the stigma’ but rather because I was busy with other research interests and I knew that most people from Denbigh were dead anyway, that you lot would never tell the truth and that the police were refusing to investigate because the whole damn lot of you were involved. It was your disgusting vendetta against me and anyone who supported me which reached boiling point after I published that article that prompted me to decide that one day I’d expose the lot of you.

In Dec 2017 an interview with Sir Robin Murray was published on the ‘Mad In America’ website. ‘Mad In America’ is a collective of Top Docs who are rightly concerned with practices in psychiatry and the patient harm resulting. Phil Thomas is a leading light in ‘Mad In America’. Phil Thomas worked at the Hergest Unit in the mid-1990s. Phil was there among Dafydd, among the paedophiles’ friends and among Professor Mark Williams’s research fraud which was Mindfulness (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Phil wasn’t abusive like his colleagues, but he knew what they were doing and he subsequently left the region. I can’t blame him but Phil didn’t blow any whistles, he just left us all with the people traffickers.

Phil drummed up much good PR for his work with ‘hearing voices groups’. This was an approach which did not involve drugging people who experienced auditory hallucinations, but rather encouraged them to embrace their voices and tolerate them. It did work for some people and was far better than dosing them up, but for other people it was hopeless and they remained acutely distressed by voices for example hurling abuse at them. When Phil Thomas worked at the Hergest Unit, the TV cameras arrived – if they weren’t already in situ filming Mark Williams’s Mindfulness miracle or David Healy causing a rumpus by exposing the dodgy use of ‘clinical trials’ by drug companies – on a regular basis and Phil was constructed as yet another global leader based at the Hergest Unit. Phil struck up a partnership with the Dutch psychiatrist Professor Marius Romme, who pioneered Hearing Voices Groups. Marius arrived in Bangor and was filmed being greeted by Phil Thomas on Bangor station at the beginning of a TV programme which explained the miracles that Marius and Phil would be performing.

At the time patients were being found dead regularly and others were being imprisoned after staff had perjured themselves. There were concerns raised in the media that a VIP paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t. The people running that ring were staffing the mental health services which were being featured as ‘the best in Europe’ by the same media outlets discussing the VIP paedophile ring. But ooh it was so hard to find evidence of that paedophile ring, ooh paedos are clever you know, there were no signs at all..

Just the corpses turning up all over north Wales, the patients hanging themselves, jumping off the Menai Bridge, dying of overdoses, the police charging into the Hergest Unit tasering patients, patients up in the magistrates courts charged with ridiculous offences but going to prison nonetheless…

Here’s Mark (below), living in the moment. It was quite nice for Mark to live in the moment, Mark’s moments consisted of eating buffets provided by drug companies at the ‘seminars’ held in the Hergest Unit or being filmed meditating. The rest of us had moments of being wrongfully arrested, sitting in cells and being threatened by the police when we tried to report assaults on us.

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I have no idea whether Marius Romme knew exactly how patients had been abused in north Wales and were often still abused. Neither do I know who else was behind the well-publicised partnership of radicals which received so much PR from the media. Marius Romme was from 1974 to 1999 Professor of Social Psychiatry at the Medical Faculty of the University of Maastricht, as well as consultant psychiatrist at the Community Mental Health Centre in Maastricht. Romme is now visiting Professor at the Mental Health Policy Centre, Birmingham City University in Birmingham. He is also credited with developing Experience Focussed Counselling together with Dr Sandra Escher and Joachim Schnackenberg.

I have discussed previously how when Phil Thomas worked at the Hergest Unit there was masses of hype regarding how the mental health services in north west Wales were the best in Europe and how every Friday a drug company would turn up with food and wine to ‘sponsor’ the ‘research seminars’ being attended by the colleagues of the paedophile gang. Because that was what was happening. Phil Thomas and David Healy were not involved with that trafficking gang themselves, but they would dutifully stand in front of the paedophiles’ colleagues and give presentations about their research to them. This was such a farce that I used to protest at those seminars, it was laughable, Dafydd would be sitting there with a plate of nibbles balanced on his knee and these utter abusive fuckwits would pretend to be learning all about ground-breaking research. No-one but me would point to the King’s New Clothes. Then the police would be called and the colleagues of the paedophile gang would demand that the police throw me out or if possible arrest me.

While those dangerous failing traffickers were presiding over a genocide at the same time as being promoted in the media as global leaders in cutting edge patient-friendly research and treatment, Virginia Bottomley was Health Secretary (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). She knew exactly what was happening in north Wales. Not only that, but somebody was co-ordinating this frantic reconstruction of the image of health and social care in north Wales, while knowing damn well that those who had run the trafficking ring were still employed. It was at this time that Richard Tranter arrived disguised as a Nice Young Doctor from Oxford. Tranter turned out to be as lethal and dishonest as his colleagues, but very much more socially skilled. As the net closed in a few years ago and talk began of re-opening the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, Tranter emigrated to New Zealand.

In 1995, Bangor University acquired a new VC, Professor Roy Evans, who had previously worked in a senior position at Cardiff University, after the well-disguised paedophiles’ friend Prof Eric Sunderland decided to retire, despite being not very old, in excellent health and continuing his relationship with the University for another 20 years. Roy Evans managed the University in such a way that those who facilitated the sex abuse gang benefited. The School of Nursing began offering degrees and pompousing as never before, yet the ‘lecturers’ in that School were nothing more than Angels who had previously abused patients in the local hospitals. Local Angels told me that it was the worst Angels who headed for jobs in the School of Nursing – now known as the School of Healthcare Sciences – which was probably why there was such a problem with bullying in that School. Meri Huws, a former social worker who was a colleague of the paedophile gang, was appointed Head of the Dept of Lifelong Learning and that Dept fell apart within a few years, amidst complaints and litigation from staff. Roy Evans retired just before I began my PhD and senior staff were all heaving sighs of relief that he had gone. It was many years before a retired member of staff explained to me that Roy was a disaster because he colluded with all the old masters of the trafficking gang. See post ‘Heart Of Darkness’ for further details of the shenanigans involving Eric Sunderland and Roy Evans.

Carlo was Chancellor of Bangor University when Roy Evans was appointed and while Evans did his best to destroy the University.

Meanwhile down in Somerset, some people were becoming very wealthy indeed.

 

Just after I had finished my PhD, I contacted Phil Thomas regarding something that he’d published. He was ever so nice and friendly and we exchanged e mails, drafts of publications and then had a phone conversation. I didn’t realise that although I’d told Phil that I remembered him from the Hergest Unit, Phil had presumed that I was a former member of staff. Well Empowered Service Users don’t write PhDs on Bourdieu do they, not even with ‘Mad In America’ liberating us all. When I finally spoke to Phil on the phone, he cheerily asked me if I was the clin psych from Swansea who frequented the Hergest Unit. I said no, I’m me – and explained who I was, the patient who remembered him. There was a deathly silence and Phil asked ‘were you one of Tony Francis’s patients?’ And I said ‘yes, it’s me, I was the one who held the protests against Dafydd Alun Jones being allowed into that unit.’ Phil paused and said ‘Well I think that was the sanest thing that anyone ever did in that Unit’. He then rang off. I never spoke to Phil again, but I did receive an e mail saying that he thought that it was probably best that we didn’t work on anything together, but gosh I had done well for myself getting that PhD.

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They must have had their heads in their hands in despair. ‘Oh God, oh please no, she’s got a PhD, Brown’s now a Professor, they’re writing letters to the broadsheets, she’s been in ‘The Guardian’, She Knows Cos She Was There…KILL THEM, IT’S THE ONLY SOLUTION…’

 

Geoffrey Pimm wasn’t the only person who helped Edward du Cann make that miraculous comeback from bankruptcy and public disgrace in 1993 so quickly.

Du Cann didn’t have to pay all the tax that he owed the Inland Revenue because someone had agreed to du Cann’s bankruptcy petition and 13 days later Geoffrey Pimm had thus helpfully automatically dismissed the matter of income tax owing, just days before du Cann’s solicitors applied to have the bankruptcy order lifted.

One thing that people owed money by businesses in trouble don’t really want to happen is to see the folk who owe them money go bankrupt, because they probably won’t get the money that is owed to them if they do. Yet readers might remember from my post ‘Conference At Cold Comfort Farm’ that it was the solicitors who had ‘previously acted’ for du Cann who petitioned for his bankruptcy, claiming that du Cann hadn’t paid their bill. Those solicitors were Denton, Hall, Burgin & Warrens.

Denton, Hall, Burgin & Warrens are listed as having been Incorporated in Jan 1992 and were established as a ‘non-trading company’. The company is now listed as having been dissolved. The Directors were named as ‘Gray’s Inn Secretaries Ltd’ – they were the ‘Company Secretary appointed 9 Jan 1993’;  DWS Directors Ltd – they were the ‘Director appointed 9 Jan 1993’; and Dentons Managers UKMEA Ltd – they were the ‘Director appointed 9 Jan 1993’.

Although the company is listed as being dissolved, a very successful company which is clearly a descendant of Denton, Hall, Burgin & Warrens still exists. The website Dentons.com provides a timeline displaying the numerous different partnerships, variations, additions etc that the company has undergone from its origins as Warrens in 1742. A perusal of the timeline confirms that Dentons.com has at various times, involved Dentons, Hall, Burgin and Warrens.

Dentons is described on Linked In thus: ‘Dentons is a global law firm driven to provide you with the competitive edge in an increasingly complex and interconnected marketplace. We were formed by the March 2013 combination of international law firm Salans LLP, Canadian law firm Fraser Milner Casgrain LLP (FMC) and international law firm SNR Denton’.

According to the company’s wiki entry, ‘Denton Wilde Sapte LLP’ (informally Dentons) was an international law firm headquartered in London, UK. It merged with the United States-based law firm Sonnenschein Nath & Rosenthal in September 2010, forming SNR Denton. At the time of the merger, Denton Wilde Sapte had 16 offices and employed around 610 lawyers.

I don’t know enough about company law to know exactly what this firm of solicitors did when they briefly invented themselves as Denton, Hall, Burgin & Warrens, but whatever it was, it seemed to have been done for no other reason than to ensure that Edward du Cann did not have to pay the massive amount that he owed to the Inland Revenue.

 

Earlier this week the National Archives released a batch of Gov’t papers under the 30 year rule. Among the revelations were that Thatcher’s Gov’t drew up a secret blacklist of its own civil servants thought to be ‘subversives’ in order to keep them under observation and block their promotion. Whitehall departments worked with MI5 to identify 1,420 civil servants to be closely watched and, where possible, kept away from computers and revenue collection roles. The majority, 733 people, were identified as Trotskyists and a further 607 as communists. Forty-five were said to be fascists and 35 Welsh or Scottish nationalists, ‘black or Asian racial extremists’ or anarchists. MI5 also compiled lists of suspect local councillors and active trade unionists deemed to be of similar concern.

Because central Gov’t did not directly employ health workers, it was unable to compile a list of ‘subversives’ in the NHS ‘without alerting those concerned, with a high risk of public exposure of our investigation’. The Gov’t overcame similar problems in the surveillance of teachers by arranging for school inspectors to report directly to MI5.

The school inspectors in north Wales were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles.

The Cabinet Office told ‘The Guardian’ that it regarded all this as an historical matter. After initially refusing to confirm or deny whether such blacklist operations still existed, a spokesperson later said: ‘The inter-departmental group on Subversion in Public Life (SPL) is no longer in operation and there is no other unit conducting similar work.’

Somehow I find it hard to believe that Thatch was sufficiently concerned by the plight of benefit claimants to have been fired up into action in terms of asking MI5 to start vetting everybody in public life.

Sir Kenneth Stowe, the Permanent Secretary at the Department of Health, alerted the Cabinet Secretary, Sir Robert Armstrong, that three key organisers of the strike appeared to be members of the Trotskyist Militant Tendancy movement. Armstrong and other senior civil servants then decided to revive the SPL, a 1970s Whitehall body.

Kenneth Stowe’s background and rise to power was detailed in my post ‘Additional Security Measures’. Stowe spent virtually his entire civil service career in Health/DHSS until in 1973 he joined the Cabinet Office under Heath. In 1975 Cabinet Secretary and paedophiles’ friend John – later Lord – Hunt proposed that Stowe should replace Harold Wilson’s Principal Private Secretary, who was leaving. It was considered an unusual appointment due to Stowe’s lack of Treasury experience. Stowe was Principal Private Secretary to Wilson, Callaghan and for a very short while Thatch. Stowe then served as Permanent Secretary in the N Ireland Office until 1981, when he was appointed Permanent Secretary at the DHSS, helping Norman Fowler conceal the mountain of abuse and crime in the NHS/social services.

Stowe had all the shit on the paedophiles and their friends going back decades.

Previous posts have mentioned the key role that the Athenaeum played in the lives of the paedophiles’ friends. The Athenaeum is the club favoured by Top Doctors and there was outrage after Savile’s death when it was revealed that he had been appointed to the management team of Broadmoor Hospital as a result of some cosy chats over a few meals at the Athenaeum, attended by mandarins and Health Ministers (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’).

The Athenaeum was obviously the place to be seen.  When Stowe was Callaghan’s PPS, Callaghan was invited to join the Athenauem. He then took Stowe for a nosh there. Jimmy Savile became a member of the Athenaeum after being introduced by Cardinal Basil Hume. The other members were horrified, but by club rules, Basil Hume would have been obliged to resign if Savile had been rejected, so the idiots went ahead and accepted him. Interestingly enough Basil introduced Savile to the Athenaeum in 1984, as the voices of Mary Wynch, Alison Taylor and I would not be silenced regarding the paedophiles of north Wales.

Cardinal Basil Hume’s sister Madeleine was married to John Hunt, the Cabinet Secretary. Hume’s father was Top Doctor, Professor of Medicine at Durham University and physician at the Royal Victoria Hospital, Newcastle-upon-Tyne, Sir William Errington Hume. Sir William died in 1960, but the paedophile ring in the north east directly linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales was established by then. Newcastle University, along with Durham University, hosted scores of Top Docs and others who concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al, some of whom subsequently relocated to work in north Wales (see posts ‘The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Connection’ and ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Lord John Walton was Mr Big of Medicine and Mr Big of Newcastle and spent years protecting Dafydd (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Professor Eric Sunderland who was appointed Principal of UCNW just when the paedophiles’ friends desperately needed assistance had spent his career at Durham University.

Basil Hume has been accused of concealing child abuse at Ampleforth and of ignoring it in the wider Catholic Church. Helpful readers are sending me information about Cherie and Tony’s Catholic connections, but I haven’t had time to read it all yet…

Blair’s political stronghold was/is in the north east. His own constituency was located there, as were the constituencies of many of his loyalists, including dear old Mo Mowlam, N Ireland’s sweetheart. Who knew about that paedophile ring in the north east for years.

Stowe will have been someone who not only knew of the practices of Dafydd and the paedophiles, but ensured that Dafydd et al remained completely protected. Stowe was of such value to Lord John Hunt and successive PMs precisely because of this knowledge.

Stowe was Chair of the Institute of Cancer Research at the Royal Marsden, 1987-97. Stowe was Chair when the Royal Marsden was involved in the 1990 Bristol Cancer Help Centre scandal, which resulted from a research fraud with which one of Tony Francis’s former colleagues was involved. The scandal resulted in the (presumed) suicide of Prof Tim McElwain. See posts ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’.

 

Sir – later Lord – Robert Armstrong has been a loyal paedophiles’ friend throughout his long career. Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Cabinet Secretary under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a cross-bencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial.

Armstrong admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored. It July 2015, the Mail Online reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’. It is believed that the MP referred to by Sir Antony was Sir Peter Morrison.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund. For more information on Armstrong, see post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’.

 

The miners’ strike had been continuing for nine months by the time that Thatch demanded that the civil service was trawled for subversives and Ministers and officials were increasingly anxious that industrial unrest could threaten the stability of the Gov’t. I will be blogging about the miners’ strike and the movements of those behind the scenes soon, I’ve just got a stack of relevant material that I want to read first.

At a meeting with the Head of MI5, Sir John Jones and two senior MI5 officers, Royd Barker and Stella Rimington – who went on to lead the organisation – Armstrong was told that the agency was ‘very ready’ to assist.

The SPL was quickly established, with representatives from MI5, Scotland Yard’s Special Branch and each of the major Gov’t departments. It had four staff members – including Barker and Rimington – and produced annual reports. A group of civil service Permanent Secretaries, known as the subversion (home) committee, was also established to oversee the SPL. It defined subversion as ‘activities which threaten the wellbeing of the state and are intended to undermine or overthrow Parliamentary democracy by political, industrial or violent means’. By matching staff records against MI5 files, the SPL came to the conclusion that there were 1,420 ‘subversives’ in the civil service, including 52 in Customs and Excise, 169 at the Inland Revenue and 111 at the Ministry of Defence, many of them at the Royal Naval dockyards at Rosyth. The largest number, however, 360, were said to be at the Department of Health.

The SPL was clearly most concerned with members of Militant Tendency, reporting that it was ‘the largest and most threatening Trotskyist group in Britain’ and that its membership had quadrupled over six years to 6,300. The SPL also reported in 1985 that 284 members of Militant were civil servants. Three years later, the figure had grown to around 450.

Senior civil servants were informed that they should consult MI5 before moving ‘subversives’ to any new post. ‘It would need to be a covert process, because any systematic barring of known subversives from certain work would be contentious,’ they were told.

Armstrong recorded that he was most concerned about computer operators, revenue collectors and people who had contact with the public.

The need for the utmost secrecy is stressed repeatedly throughout the files that have been made available. One SPL Chair, John Chilcot, wrote in June 1988: ‘It is right on balance to continue with this exercise, despite its acute sensitivity and the high risk of embarrassment in the event of any leak.’

The papers also show that MI5 mounted an operation to identify ‘subversives’ teaching at eight schools in inner London. The Office for Standards in Education said school inspectors had not reported directly to MI5 since it took over the work of HM Inspectors in 1992.

Some pages within the files passed to the National Archives have been withheld by the Cabinet Office under the section of the Public Records Acts that covers national security concerns.

The files show that Thatcher was not shown the annual SPL reports. She and her Home Secretaries, Leon Brittan and Douglas Hurd, were shown SPL’s recommendations and the appendices that detailed the number of ‘subversives’ within each department.

Thatcher informed Armstrong in Dec 1985 that she believed managers should be ‘very ready to sack subversive troublemakers if they showed any cause under the civil service rules’. She was also ‘somewhat disquieted’ to learn that there were a handful of ‘subversives’ above the rank of higher executive officer.

Rimington went on to become MI5’s Director General. In her 2001 memoir, ‘Open Secret’, Rimington describes how she was appointed as Assistant Director of one of the agency’s counter-subversion sections in 1983. ‘We worked to the principle that the activities of organisations or individuals with subversive intent was of concern to us; the right to set up and join pressure groups and to protest was not. We gave a great deal of careful thought to this distinction, and to establishing what we should and should not investigate and report on. I believe we got it right, though it would be foolish to claim that no mistake was ever made,’ she writes.

Stella, while you and Thatch obsessed over ‘subversives’ who might be supporters of Militant, a vicious gang of sex traffickers targeted me. Because I and then Brown dared complain about them, you came after us – because we were ‘subversives’. We were so subversive that Brown’s dad was a senior Army Officer who spent his time supping with Chief Constables and attending garden parties at Buck House and my whole family were paid up Tories, a number of whom had actively campaigned for the Tory Party. My grandfather was offered a knighthood for ‘services to politics’ because he worked so hard for the Tory Party, but being grandpa he turned it down and stated that he did what he did because he believed in it, rather than because he wanted an honour. Oh is that why you tried to murder his granddaughter? Pissed off that he wasn’t one of the new trashy Tories who said anything that was convenient and who’s party bosses paid good money to Saatchi and Saatchi to tell lies to voters?

TOM KING: grandpa – and my father actually – were firmly of the opinion that you were in this category. Looks like he was right.

This lot just lost it, they went completely mad. Nearly all of us who were targeted because of my encounters with Dafydd and the gang were from Tory families who had grown up among the Sir Bufton Tuftons and Sir Herbert Gussetts of the shires. None of us were even members of Militant. One of us knew someone involved with Class War and everyone considered the man from Class War a tosser. Some of us did become involved with leftist groups eventually, but don’t worry Stella, we parted company with them when we found out that they too were ignoring the serious abuse of vulnerable people because of the left’s determination to show ‘support’ for the NHS.

Many of the events that I have described on this blog happened when Stella was busy employing the services of SPL group. Some of the mad or simply unpleasant people whom we encountered who caused us so much grief, who stole from us, who told people that I was ‘dangerous’ and told Brown’s students and colleagues that he was a ‘paedophile’ were employed by MI5 or Special Branch. I am aware of counter-espionage and that there was a battle going on between different factions of the security services, but I remember what happened to me Stella. I was left to die after a serious illness, my friend was killed and then I and every other witness was hounded out of job after job after job. If you did have anyone trying to help us, they were spectacularly ineffective. They were however highly effective in helping Dafydd and the paedophiles.

In the wake of the revelations regarding the depths of madness to which Thatch and her Home Secretaries sunk, it was gobsmacking to read that the think tank Policy Exchange is suggesting that ‘life imprisonment’ should be introduced for ‘enemies of the state’ who commit ‘treason’; the last person convicted of treason was of course William Joyce aka Law Haw-Haw. Now if ‘treason’ was to be interpreted as a gang of NHS and social care professionals running a sex trafficking ring and politicians colluding, perhaps there might be a reason for waxing lyrical about treason. But treason won’t be interpreted as that will it. Treason will be ‘gaining substantial evidence that Dafydd is running a paedophile gang, one of the members being linked to the Royal Family’ or ‘wearing one of those Spartist little black caps that Jeremy Corbyn used to wear’. I’m tempted to suggest that treason could just be defined as voting Labour, but voting for the Windbag, or Blair or the drip Ed would still be a vote for the paedophiles. As is a vote for Plaid, for the Lib Dems or indeed anyone else. Because we mustn’t upset the Top Docs. Brown and I spilt their pints when we were 20 and look what is still happening now that we’re 55.

There is a long and glorious history of prioritising sex offenders over Brown and I. I have explained how the paedophiles’ friends were paying people in Somerset to keep quiet about what was happening to us and also to smear us. I also mentioned that when we were in the sixth form, the man who drove the sixth formers to Bridgwater College had served a prison sentence for abusing children and denounced Brown and I as ‘really strange’. The bus driver is dead now, so I’m happy to name him as Mick Parkin. Years after Mick Parkin came out of prison, his long suffering wife finally left him, because, she told people, of Mick’s ‘carrying ons with children’. Who, at that very time was scuttling around Somerset telling people how Mick thought that Brown and I were really strange? Only the one girl in the village who a few years later became a police officer. She was a neighbour of Mick’s and he was fine by her. This particular girl also covered herself in glory when we were 14 and an older girl at school became pregnant. WPC Young or whatever her fucking title later was gloried in telling the other kids that the girl who’d become pregnant ‘hadn’t been brought up properly’. There was a happy ending though, the baby was born with spina bifida and died. The bereaved teenager was told by everyone that it was one problem out of the way.
Then there was the other sex offender in a neighbouring village, a young man who did gardening and window cleaning. Concern was expressed by some regarding his habit of exposing himself but nothing really was said about it. One night he broke into a disabled woman’s home and sexually assaulted her. There was no action taken against him.
In your constituency Lord King! While you were an MP and the Cabinet of which you were part were in hot pursuit of Brown and me.
More recently I heard that one of the girls with whom I had been at school was now working as a prison officer and was guarding a celebrity prisoner – Gary Glitter, who did of course have a house at Wedmore in Somerset. Everybody maxed out on their disgust of Gary Glitter. Including the prison officer, whom I remember when she was in her late teens was a close friend of a very predatory bunch of young men who were sexually exploiting underaged girls…
There is a great deal of hypocrisy and confusion saturating the whole field of sexually exploitative behaviour and those frothing at the mouth about paedophiles and perverts or bellyaching on about ‘safeguarding’ seem to be so often rather close to abusers themselves…
A bit more regarding the benefits that were enjoyed by one of the Somerset contingent when he was receiving a great deal of money from paedophiles’ friends in high places, holidays to Japan, guest appearances on TV etc as described in my post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’. He also found himself taken to a Pro Celebrity Golf Tournament! Among the stars with whom he mingled were that twattish actor off East Enders who played the car dealer, Frank Butcher and a young Tiger Woods!
The actor who played Frank Butcher was a real-life friend of Barbara Windsor.
Who starred in ‘Carry On Doctor’.
"I'm alright"

 

 

 

‘Young chickens may be soft and tender but the older birds have more on them”

“Yes.  And take a lot more stuffing”

Ooh matron…

I have been sent two interesting news stories from the past which I somehow missed.

In Oct 2016 the Rev Mark Carey, the son of George Carey, the former Archbishop of Canterbury, was arrested over an allegation that in the 1980s he sexually abused a child. The Rev Carey was suspended by the Diocese of Leeds after a complaint was filed with Durham Constabulary. In April 2017 the Rev Mark Carey was cleared.

The Rev Mark Carey may have indeed been completely innocent, he may have been subjected to a thorough and fair investigation and might have been subsequently rightly cleared. However his dad George hasn’t really done Mark’s reputation any favours now that it had been revealed that George undoubtedly concealed the sex offences of Bishop Peter Ball for years.

 

In June 2005 Wales Online reported on a huge row at Swansea NHS Trust involving a paediatric neurosurgeon, Tim Buxton. It was stated that Tim Buxton, who had been suspended on full pay for two years, had now been dismissed by the Trust after ‘an irretrievable breakdown in relationships’ with his colleagues. Tim Buxton’s defenders claimed that he was ‘an internationally renowned consultant who was dismissed as a consequence of a bitter campaign to retain paediatric neurosurgery at Morriston Hospital’, after it had been decided that the Morriston should only offer an emergency service and that inpatient paediatric neurosurgery in south Wales should be carried out at Cardiff.

Dr Dai Lloyd, a GP and the Plaid AM for South Wales West, was defending Tim Buxton and was quoted as saying that the only reason why Tim had been sacked was that ‘he’d stood up for the future of his own unit and this is pay back time’.

It was admitted in the news report that although Tim Buxton himself had been suspended after complaints made in 2003 – the nature of the complaints and who made them was not given – his unit at Swansea was in serious difficulty. The NHS had issued a statement referring to communication problems, problems in relationships between staff and stating that ‘new leadership’ was probably needed. I am very familiar with NHS-speak and the comments provided regarding that unit could only have meant that it was in a dreadful state with consultants at each others throats and trying to blow each other out of the water while patients were caught in the cross-fire. Patients will have been in danger as well, but no-one ever dares mention that as they bollock on about ‘communication’ and ‘leadership’.

Buxton himself was clearly livid that he was being questioned and he talked about the need to bring in mediators to ‘mend relationships in difficulty’.

Things at Swansea were obviously as bad as they could be. People in the NHS only begin to talk about bringing in mediators when the staff are behaving so badly that the situation has become frankly so embarrassing that it cannot be concealed or excused. Neither does the mediation work, because by then things are unresolveable. Mediators are also called in when something so serious has happened that there is potential for litigation regarding matters that it would attract headlines. Any other organisation would have sacked those involved years before, but no, the NHS will bring in mediators after years of ignoring an ever-worsening mess which has usually resulted in at least a few patient deaths.

In 2003 my lawyers had the NW Wales NHS Trust bang to rights. We demonstrated that I had been assaulted by staff and injured, refused access to the police to report the assault, subsequently refused treatment unlawfully, harassed in public by NHS staff and that members of the public who had witnessed some of these events had been insulted and threatened by NHS staff. It was known by then that the Hergest Unit was in meltdown, the suicide rate was one of the highest in the UK and some GPs were refusing to refer patients there because they were of the opinion that it was dangerous.

So the NW Wales Trust told my solicitor that they’d organise ‘mediation’. I felt like rolling my eyes at this after all that I had been through, but my solicitor said no, you’ve got to give them a chance. The Trust called in mediators and footed the bill. The staff who had assaulted and injured me refused to attend the mediation. Every member of staff but one who had been involved in the failure to investigate my complaint or ensure that I had access to treatment refused to sit in the same room as me. So I sat in a room with my lawyer and the mediators, while people who had lied about me to the police and unlawfully refused me treatment sat in another room and sent messages through. One member of staff did agree to sit in the room with me, Dr Tony Roberts, the ‘clinical director’ of the Hergest Unit, who had been responsible for ordering every other Top Doctor in north Wales not to treat me. I asked Tony Roberts ONE question – not rudely, no swearing, just one question regarding his orchestrating of the complete withdrawal of NHS treatment for me. He snapped ‘I’m not going to listen to this’ and walked out of the room. He had been in the room for approximately three minutes. The hospital solicitor Patricia Gaskell ran out of the room after Roberts and begged him to return. Roberts walked away. The mediators subsequently wrote to the Trust and told them that the situation was unmediable.

Keith Thomson, Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust, subsequently wrote to my solicitor stating that the mediation had broken down because of ‘your client’s behaviour’. That was the end of the matter as far as Thomson was concerned and I continued to be refused treatment unlawfully.

Tony Roberts at the time had the highest suicide rate among his female patients across the whole of England and Wales except for Top Docs in Camden. Other Hergest patients as well as I had written to the Secretary of State for Wales such was our despair at the ‘service’. Keith Thomson declared us to be ‘attention seekers’.

Patients continued to die at the Hergest Unit. Some three years ago it was made public that a ‘secret report’ had been written about the Hergest Unit confirming that problems there were terrible and that patient safety was compromised. The Betsi had concealed the report. The author of the report was an ‘independent consultant’, Robin Holden. Robin Holden recommended ‘sensitive mediation’ between staff .

Robin Holden was previously an Angel at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Following that, Robin Holden was the manager of the Hergest Unit, where he refused to investigate serious complaints, lied to patients and colluded with the forging of documents (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). Holden had managed the Hergest Unit just before I was assaulted and injured by staff there.

Is there any other organisation on the planet which would recommend ‘mediation’ after violent criminals had spent years assaulting and injuring people, committing perjury and conspiring to pervert the course of justice when a lawyer had finally gathered enough evidence to put them on trial?

I have no idea whether Tim Buxton and his colleagues were guilty of anything like the sort of misconduct that I witnessed at the Hergest Unit. I did consider that Tim just might have been a whistleblower, that is usually the only circumstances in which a consultant is sacked. It was mentioned by Wales Online that the NHS had searched for other positions for Tim Buxton across Wales and England ‘without success’. So no-one wanted to employ Tim. If Tim was a whistleblower, that is precisely what would happen.

There is one factor however that causes me to suspect that Tim was not a whistleblower and had not been dismissed simply for defending his unit. That is that Tim was being supported by the BMA, who had stated that if Tim’s forthcoming appeal against dismissal – which was being conducted through the BMA – was unsuccessful, the BMA ‘would not hesitate to launch a legal challenge on Tim Buxton’s behalf’. The BMA had stated that there ‘is no doubt that he has suffered’.

Who from the BMA was making the statements and representing Tim Buxton? One Tony Chadwick, the Deputy Welsh Secretary of the BMA. Tony Chadwick is also known as AH Chadwick and he has been supporting suffering Top Doctors for many years. Tony Chadwick’s name is all over my documents. For years during the late 1980s and early 1990s, Tony Chadwick was advising Tony Francis and the other ‘BMA psychiatrists’ in north Wales regarding me. Chadwick was cc’d into letters discussing how I could be held responsible for offences for which there was no evidence that I had ever committed and how this could be used as a basis for transferring me without trial to a secure hospital. Chadwick knew that I had complained about being illegally imprisoned one two occasions and he knew that I had detailed the most serious abuses of patients and associated crime on the part of the ‘BMA psychiatrists’. He was fully aware that none of the complaints had been investigated. Chadwick offered his full support to Francis and the ‘BMA psychiatrists’ and was popping up to Bangor to meet them. Chadwick agreed that I was a problem who had to be dealt with and he was most concerned about the way in which Francis and others were suffering at my hands. See previous posts for details.

So Tony Chadwick’s robust defence of Tim Buxton does not mean that Tim has behaved perfectly. Tim could be running a paedophile gang and Tony Chadwick would still do all he could to help him and criminalise any patient who complained.

Tony Chadwick has disappeared from the internet since I began this blog.

Tony Chadwick and the BMA came up trumps for Mr Buxton though. In Feb 2009, Wales Online reported that Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University NHS Trust, the successor to Swansea NHS Trust, had been ordered to repay Buxton £500k after a High Court hearing. The case had not finished and it was estimated that the Trust would end up paying Buxton nearly £1 million. Buxton seemed to have won his case on a technicality, the Trust having used the ‘wrong procedures’ for dismissing him. Not that the wrong procedures which were used had involved people shoving custard pies in Tim’s face and de-bagging him, there had just been a very minor breach of protocol which the BMA lawyers had managed to find after four years of intensive scrutiny. And no doubt if necessary they’d have forged a few documents.

There’s another reason why the BMA would have been able to get Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University NHS Trust to fees up and cough up for dear old Tim. The BMA knew about Tony Francis and his wrongdoing, after all Tony Chadwick had helped them all out years previously. That would have been a powerful factor in 2009. Because by then, the NHS in north Wales was in meltdown, there had been a constant stream of deaths at the Hergest Unit and the mistreatment of one Sally Baker had become so high profile that it could not be ignored any longer.

The Health Secretary in Feb 2009 was Edwina Hart. She had tried to take on the paedophiles’ friends but had been reminded of how much shit they had on her from her previous activities as Chair of the Wales TUC. Edwina’s husband Bob was also Chair of Wales TUC. In that capacity they had both concealed the crimes of the paedophiles’ friends. It was the BMA who were leading the ‘Edwina out’ campaign. Edwina had received enough evidence from me to begin a police investigation into the conduct of the Chair and the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. She did not follow up my complaints after the CEO and Chair just ignored her requests to ‘investigate and resolve the situation’. Edwina knew that I had been refused all NHS treatment for any condition and had been repeatedly wrongfully arrested on the orders of the Chair and CEO of the Trust. Neither of them ever faced any action. Edwina hated them but they all had so much shit on each other that they were paralysed. Edwina was the AM for the Gower, near Swansea. At the time that Buxton hit the jackpot, Edwina was leading a Brave Campaign to retain NHS services, including neurosurgery, at Swansea.

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After I demonstrated that I was completely unable to access NHS treatment, I asked Edwina if private provision could be made for me. She flatly refused and it was explained to me that Edwina was ideologically against any sort of private care.

Tim Buxton can be seen on the internet listed as a Top Doctor offering private care through BUPA.

No wonder Edwina ended up giving business support grants to people with whom she’d had sex when she was Minister for Business and Enterprise, could one ever imagine anyone getting themselves in such a pickle in terms of being compromised?

Wales Online reported that in Feb 2009 Tim Buxton’s rep from the BMA was by then Andrew Cross. Tony Chadwick must have been busy elsewhere fighting on behalf of people traffickers. It was explained that Buxton had been supported by his family, by politicians and his patients. Dr Richard Lewis, the Welsh Secretary for the BMA, told Wales Online that ‘it was astonishing that while patients recognise the importance of retaining the expert skills of Buxton, the Trust was blind to it’.

It is highly likely that patients did support Tim Buxton, because even if he had have been harming them, it will have been concealed. They will have all have been reassured repeatedly by everyone that Mr Buxton was an internationally renowned neurosurgeon who was doing his best. If patients died as a result of his incompetence, no-one would have been told, it would simply have been explained that the patient was seriously ill, that the operation was a difficult one and that poor old Tim was mortified to have lost a patient.

When Tony Francis fell out with his own colleagues in the late 1990s, I and other patients robustly supported him. We could see that he was being treated appallingly by the other ‘BMA psychiatrists’ and we hated them anyway because they had been so dreadful to us. None of us had any idea that Francis was just as mad and dangerous as they were, because he had better social skills than his colleagues and our medical records had been witheld from us so none of us knew what he had written on there and was trying to do to us. We had all had run-ins with Tony Francis over the years and witnessed him losing control and doing and saying some odd things. Whenever we raised concerns we were simply reassured that Tony was very sorry, he didn’t mean to upset us, he was ill, he was in pain and he was suffering from depression, so please could we understand his situation. He was ill, we knew that, so being the axe wielding maniacs that we were, we were sympathetic to Francis and gave him the benefit of the doubt. Meanwhile he was conspiring to have us framed for serious offences and banged up.

The world caught up with Tony in the end and after Operation Pallial was launched, he killed himself. His wife told everyone that it was because of me. I hadn’t seen him for years and I was actually in Scotland when I received an e mail from a friend telling me that he’d killed himself. I was in Scotland because it had become far too dangerous for me to remain in north Wales and no-one would respond to my concerns about the policeman with a gun who was threatening me and my friends or the cars that had tried to run me off the road.

OK Sadie, it was all my fault. You lot ran a sex trafficking gang, everyone was either involved or terrified, the gang got bigger and bigger and more and more powerful with politicians in their pocket and Tony finally going over the edge and killing himself was all my fault. Because I had dared complain about the gang twenty years previously.

No-one seems to know how Tony Francis killed himself. One person told me that they thought that he’d hung himself. Brown observed that if he did, he must have been in a very bad way indeed. Top Doctors don’t usually hang themselves. It is a slow and unpleasant way of dying because one is strangled to death. During the process, most people change their minds and try to get the rope off but can’t. The bodies of the deceased usually have injuries to the fingers where they have desperately grappled with the rope. Top Docs are able to prescribe themselves powerful drugs which will kill them painlessly, so I wonder why Francis didn’t do that, particularly as he was on opiates for pain relief anyway.

A number of the ‘suicides’ of the victims of the paedophile gang in north Wales were almost certainly murders. Former kids in care and mental health patients were found hanging on a regular basis, sometimes in situations which they would not have been able to have arranged themselves. There were never any questions asked, just as there were no questions asked about all those inmates of Risley Remand Centre’s hospital wing who were found hanging.

Presumably no-one suspected that Tony Francis’s death was a murder disguised as a suicide, although Tony was someone who would have had a great deal of information regarding the Mr Bigs behind the Westminster Paedophile Ring. If murder had been suspected, Sadie would have had me arrested wouldn’t she.

Thanks for not pinning that one on me Sadie! It was simply just all my fault, it wasn’t actually me who had committed the murder…

As for Tim Buxton, obviously he was happy with his jackpot, but he did explain to Wales Online that the ‘strapping financial constraints’ had been difficult and that he had been living on just one seventh of his usual income. I take Tim’s comments to be more of a reflection on how huge his ‘normal income’ is, rather than any suggestion that the BMA opened a soup kitchen to keep him alive.

As for Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University NHS Trust who had been stung by this unholy alliance between the Top Docs, the BMA and utterly shameless politicians, the Chairman of the Trust Win Griffiths stated that he was ‘disappointed’ with the High Court judgement, but that the Trust would adhere to it.

Win Griffiths is a former teacher who was the Labour MP for Bridgend, 1987-05; the MEP for South Wales, 1979-89: and a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1997-98. Win was a mate of Rhodri Morgan’s, Win knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, Win knew about George Thomas in south Wales and Win knew about Ron Davies. Win knew that patients in north Wales were being grossly abused and fitted up by NHS and social services staff. Win never uttered a word about any of it. After leaving politics, Win became Chair of WCVA – in which capacity he ignored the collusion of the Third sector with the abuse of vulnerable people – and the Chair of Abertawe Bro Morgannwg NHS Trust. So after a career of colluding with criminal and abusive Top Docs, Win was stung for the best part of £1 million quid by the BMA.

As ye sow, so shall ye reap Win…

What of Tim Buxton’s Loyal Supporter, GP Dr Dai Lloyd, the Plaid AM for South Wales West?  Back in 2005 when Tim was fuming at being sacked, Dai wanted Dr Brian Gibbons to intervene. Gibbons was then the Health Minister and was the best mate of many a paedophiles’ friend and abusive Top Doc. When I wrote to Gibbons and told him that I had documentary evidence of serious crime on the part of NHS staff in north Wales, Gibbons wrote back and told me that this correspondence was over. Presumably poor old Gibbons didn’t rush to the aid of Tim Buxton either, perhaps Gibbons was just paralysed into inaction under all circumstances.

Dai Lloyd was born in Tywyn in Gwynedd in 1956 and studied at the Welsh National School of Medicine, qualifying in 1980. Dai knows all about Dafydd and the gang as well as the people such as Prof Kenneth Rawnsley in the Welsh National School of Medicine who protected them then. Dai will also have known about the huge problems in the Welsh National School of Medicine which were concealed for years. Perhaps as a result of the University Hospital of Cardiff’s deep and meaningful relationship with the child molester George Thomas.

So Tim Buxton picked up a million quid, the BMA lawyers were paid handsomely and the spineless politicians who didn’t dare do anything but support the internationally renowned neurosurgeon who was Tim, although they all knew how much blood there was on the carpet at the Morriston Hospital, remained in their well-paid jobs. Dai continued to enjoy an income as a GP as well as an AM. Even Win Griffiths remained in his well-remunerated public positions. The public still do not know if any disability or deaths sustained during neurosurgery at the Morriston were unavoidable or the consequence of a load of mad bastards who hated each other and refused to work together.

The usual contingent won the day.

Weekend Warriors | Busiestbodies's Blog

 

 

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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EverythingMustGo(1996album)Albumcover.jpg

 

From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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