The Crucible

I have discussed in previous posts how people in Somerset who knew what was happening to me at the hands of the trafficking gang in north Wales were approached to smear Brown and I. I was told a few weeks ago that ‘evidence’ gathered as a result of these approaches was accumulated by Dafydd et al for the purposes of being used for a ‘forensic psychiatric assessment’ to demonstrate how mad and dangerous I was and to justify my transfer to a secure psychiatric hospital. People not au fait with the mental health system may believe that this cannot happen without the patient facing a trial in Court. Sadly this is untrue. Patients can be transferred to high security hospitals, for life, from low security units on the basis of ‘evidence’ of which the patient is unaware and that has not even been demonstrated to be factual. I have documentation that demonstrates that this is what Dafydd et al were planning for me and that they spent a great deal of time and effort preparing the ground.

I detailed in my post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ how in the autumn of 1994 Dafydd made an allegation on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all that I had thrown a rock through the glass door of his house at approx 3 am in the morning. I did not even know that I had been accused of this by the time that Dafydd had told the police that I had done it. Neither was Dafydd in his house when he claimed that the rock had been thrown. The people who were alleged to have been in the house were ‘asleep’ and found the rock the next morning. This allegation then turned up again, accompanied by no evidence at all, in an affidavit which Dafydd swore in at the High Court in Liverpool and was the basis on which he obtained an injunction against me on 3 Nov 1994. See posts ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ and ‘The Banality Of Evil’.

Since I blogged about the allegation that I threw a rock through Dafydd’s door, I have been told that no rock was thrown by anyone, that the rock was planted and that Dafydd et al knowingly told a pack of lies to the police and to the High Court.

I was well used to Dafydd, Tony Francis and others making the most extraordinary claims about me for which there was not a shred of evidence. I had, according to them, tried to stab people, tried to throttle people and had violently assaulted a whole range of other people. In 1991 Dafydd told Professor Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital that I had broken into his office and behaved in such a manner that Dafydd believed that he would be killed there and then. Goodness knows when this was supposed to have happened, I certainly have no recollection of any such incident, but Jacobson faithfully recorded this as fact and sent the details in a letter to Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School. Yet in the same letter Jacobson made it clear that he knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and that Jacobson suspected that Tony Francis was as well. See post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’.

Some two years ago I found that it had been recorded upon my medical notes that I had ‘sexually assaulted a psychiatrist’. Gobsmacked, I approached the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board about this. They admitted that there was no evidence that this had happened and told me that it would be removed from my records. There was no investigation into who had made this claim or how it had ever found its way onto my records and I wouldn’t be surprised if this allegation is still on my records. It was documented upon my medical records some years ago that I ‘had held a nurse hostage’ and that I ‘had been in prison for attacking someone with a knife’. No-one could tell me when and where I’d held this Angel hostage or when I went to prison, where I served my sentence or which judge sentenced me and in which court and how long my sentence was. No-one would agree to rectify my records.

I was told some months ago by an NHS whistleblower that they had witnessed psychiatric nurses gossiping and speculating about patients over cups of tea and fags and on the basis of no evidence at all had drawn the most extraordinary conclusions among a flurry of comments such ‘ooh I bet that’s what happened’, ‘he could have, couldn’t he’ and that this Angelic gossip had then been documented as fact upon patients’ records.

This is pretty much standard practice and as long ago as the mid-1980s when I first began to take an interest in such matters, I was reading case histories in journals involving patients who had been banged up in Broadmoor and other such places for decades on the basis of no more than this sort of speculation and accompanying scare stories. The first such case history that I came across involved a woman who was detained in Broadmoor for years on the grounds that a ‘packet of weedkiller’ had been found in her cabinet and that there were ‘grave suspicions’ that this lady had ‘plans to poison a nurse’. No evidence at all was presented to indicate that any such idea had crossed the patient’s mind, but that was the basis on which she was banged up for decades. I seem to remember that Dafydd’s friend Professor Robert Bluglass was involved in this case. Who knows, that weedkiller may have been planted by the Angel who was in imminent danger of being poisoned, just as that brick that I threw through Dafydd Alun Jones’s door found its way into Jones’s house.

 

I wasn’t intending to blog about the silly tales that were gathered by the paedophiles’ friends from people who knew me in Somerset as a teenager, because it is laughable and ridiculous and to be honest I’m really fed up of hearing about these ludicrous stories that were sent around about me and Brown and I want to get on with blogging about the political Mr Bigs behind the abuses on the part of the welfare services and the associated cover-ups. However, it has been pointed out to me that most people don’t read ethics journals and very few people have any idea that someone can find themselves in a high security hospital labelled ‘dangerous’ simply on the basis of allegations which have not been proved in any court and of which they may well have not even been told were made. I have also been reminded that many of the witnesses to organised child abuse were discredited by such means and I have been asked to highlight what happened in my own case.

I’m not sure of the details of all the crazy allegations that were made about Brown and I, but I have been told that some of the ‘evidence’ gathered by the paedophiles’ friends related to a saga that involved me just before I sat my A levels at Bridgwater College in June 1981.

Bridgwater College was opened in 1979 as a flagship ‘tertiary college’, one of the first in the UK. There was a technical college in Bridgwater for years and then, after the schools in Bridgwater became comprehensives without sixth forms, ‘the tech’ began offering A levels and many of the former grammar school teachers, refusing to work in comprehensive schools, decamped to ‘the tech’ to teach the sixth formers. There was much hostility between the teachers who taught plumbing, mechanics etc and those who taught A levels. The snobbery was rampant, with some of the A level teachers pretending that they were Oxbridge dons who had to tolerate manual workers in their vicinity. This division was still very obvious when Bridgwater College officially became a tertiary college in 1979. I was among the first intake of students to Bridgwater Tertiary College and we all noticed that the two cohorts of lecturers generally hated each other.

By 1979, the Bridgwater schools were in a very sorry state, although I am told that they are now much improved. The best of them was Haygrove School, but that wasn’t up to much either. Many middle class parents in the Bridgwater area sent their kids to schools in Taunton or other locations in their desperation to avoid the Bridgwater schools. I went to Chilton Trinity School and although I knew a variety of kids there well, I can’t remember anyone who actually enjoyed their time at that school. Some kids had a truly horrific time – there was a major bullying problem at Chilton – and a few kids were removed from the school by their parents for the sake of their children’s well-being and mental health. Any representation about the bullying was met by a response from Chilton that it was the child that was the problem, not the school and a small number of teachers joined in with the victimisation of certain kids.

In addition there was dreadful strife at Chilton because the staff universally loathed the Headmaster, a man called W.C. Francis, known to some of us as ‘Willie Franco’, after the Spanish dictator who was still much in the news in those days. There were demands from a whole variety of locals for Franco to resign and representations were made to Somerset Education Authority by a great many people, but Franco refused to go. Franco was Welsh and was alleged to be running a rather odd sort of mafia, involving the promotion of his fellow Welshmen working at the school. I did notice this. There were some staggeringly mediocre teachers who would suddenly be given promotion and yes, most of them were Welsh. However I suspect that what really endeared them to Franco was that they were incompetent. It was noticeable that the best teachers got nowhere and were openly treated with disrespect by some of their colleagues.

The bad feeling towards Franco was so great that most of the teachers at Chilton resigned from one of the unions – I think the NUT – because they refused to belong to the same union as Franco. He certainly was pretty awful. Chilton had a lot of kids from difficult backgrounds and a good many who were undoubtedly being abused in various ways. Although Franco professed to be a socialist – I think that he might have been a Labour Councillor as well, although he lived in the Highbridge area, not Bridgwater – he identified the kids with no home support and belittled and bullied them in public.

Willie Franco did not like me and neither did his acolytes. I never had enough money for new clothes and one day he carried out a vindictive attack on me in public, telling me that I looked appalling and I had to be one of the scruffiest people in the school. I responded that he was in no position to level such allegations at someone else, he was no snappy dresser himself. (One observation made by parents constantly was that Franco looked dreadful. He was enormously overweight, wore cheap and not in the least bit clean clothes which did not fit him and insisted on wearing an academic gown which had a massive rip in it.) Franco hit the roof and I was suspended from school and told that I could not return until I had written him an apology. I wrote the apology but ensured that I included a few lines about the hypocrisy of a man who believed that he was a socialist, ran a predominantly working class school but was suspending pupils who could not afford the uniform. I also mentioned that bullying, stealing and vandalism were rife at the school yet went unacknowledged.

Franco really went ballistic then. I was told by another teacher that I ‘had told the truth and truth hurts’ and that I should have known that. Er, in the same way that a middle aged man on a good income should have known that school girls do not control the household income and if they are not given the funds for new clothes, they won’t have new clothes.

I was then ordered to be taken to Franco’s office, in the company of a teacher to apologise IN PERSON. Franco refused to speak to me and walked out of the building when he saw me arriving. No-one could deny at that point that the chaos was the result of Franco rather than me, so I was then told that I could return to lessons.

Days later, Franco surpassed himself with regard to another pupil, one of my friends. He grabbed hold of her – she had been cheeky to him, because guess what, he had insulted her – and pushed her out of the door saying ‘you come from a disgusting family and I don’t want you in my school’. She was too frightened to go home to her parents and tell them what had happened and instead ended up in a house of sexually exploitative older men after running away and then tried to kill herself. It should have been enough for Franco to have been sacked but no, it was like a vicar or a Top Doctor caught red-handed, Franco was going nowhere.

I and my other pal had witnessed what Franco had done to our friend and we knew that the shit really had hit the fan behind the scenes after she tried to kill herself. By then, it was the summer of 1979, we had finished O levels and were waiting to begin our A levels at Bridgwater College.

When we arrived at Bridgwater College, we found that some of the lecturers were very prejudiced towards kids whom they perceived to be ‘Somerset’ (ie. working class) and that there were not many pupils from Chilton doing A levels. Most of the A level students were from Haygrove, the exam results from Chilton, Sydenham and Blake schools being so bad that their pupils were usually refused places to do A levels. I of course had also arrived at Bridgwater College with what Brown described ironically as ‘a silver tongued reference from W.C. Francis’.

Some of the teachers at Bridgwater College did fight the sack of prejudices that W.C. Francis had sent along with students like me, but others didn’t. The biggest nightmare was the A level biology teacher, Pam Sellars, who just hated us and made it clear that she didn’t want students from Chilton or indeed students with Somerset accents in her class. Sellars was such a notorious problem that some of the other lecturers actually did stand up for us as she repeatedly attacked me and certain other students. The Head of the Science Dept was a man called C.A. Street, who was left to deal with the problems caused by Sellars who, like Franco, was fully protected by Somerset Education Authority. She was as obnoxious to C.A. as she was to us, so I cannot imagine that he had an easy job. My perception was always that C.A. was very good to me. He was well aware that I was being singled out by Sellars and he did defend me.

I have been told that Dafydd et al got hold of information either from C.A. or involving C.A. and were planning to use it as ‘evidence’ to demonstrate my insanity and dangerousness. I don’t want to accuse C.A., because I don’t know if the ‘evidence’ actually came from him, or from someone else. The information that Dafydd et al seemed to have been given involved a massive row that I got into with the authorities at Bridgwater College just before I sat my A levels.

Just weeks before A levels, I was in the library at Bridgwater College with my friends and other students who were chatting and making a racket. For once, I wasn’t. I was actually revising. Unfortunately, a librarian called Molly was on duty, who was a good mate of Pam Sellars’s. Molly marched in and ordered me to leave, on the grounds that I was causing a rumpus and ‘she’d heard much about me’. I was outraged and refused to leave. The other students told Molly that I had not even been talking. Molly strutted off. Within 30 minutes, the Deputy Principal arrived in the library. He was a new appointment to the ‘flagship college’, a man called Graham Bishop. He simply walked up to me and told me to get out of the library. I asked him why and he repeated his order to get out without any explanation. I refused. He went purple, turned around and left. Within twenty minutes, a smug looking Molly arrived clutching a note, which she gave to me. It told me to go to the Principal’s office that afternoon at 4 pm.

The Principal of Bridgwater College was a man called J.C. Miles. The citizens of Bridgwater saw him as being a cut above most of them, because he wrote poetry. I don’t know much about J.C. Miles, other than that he was a philosophy graduate and must have had at least some standing in the world of FE.

When the message arrived for me to go to see JC Miles, the student who had actually been making the noise that Molly complained about went to Graham Bishop’s office and confessed. She told him exactly what she had been doing and confirmed that I had been revising and had not been involved. Bishop told her that he could see that ‘she was a sensible girl’, but ‘Sally has a background that you might not know about’. My friend did know about the ‘background’ – the background was Chilton school, W.C. Francis, my friend trying to commit suicide and prior to that my father getting so fed up with the shite academic standards at Chilton and their endless bellyaching over idiocies such as me not wearing the uniform that he had a row with them and told them that if this didn’t stop I would not be attending school, I’d study at home. Chilton told him that they would prosecute him, so he reminded them of a few laws that they were breaking. My parents were not prosecuted and I studied for my O levels at home for the final few weeks of ‘school’.

Bishop did not tell JC Miles that ‘the sensible girl’ had been to see him and had fessed up. So I arrived at JC Miles’s office later that afternoon and received a bollocking for ‘riding roughshod over Mr Bishop’, ‘abusing the library facilities’ and was told that I was now suspended from College. I started crying, because by then I was totally fed up with the constant aggro and baseless accusations from Pam Sellars and her mates and I yelled ‘but I haven’t done anything, it was Clare and she has told Mr Bishop that it was her’. JC Miles looked mortified and said ‘I wasn’t told that’. So I told him to speak to Clare and Bishop for confirmation. By now, I had missed the last bus back to my house, so JC Miles ended up giving me a lift home. He changed his approach completely, he was friendly, chatty, talked about university and poetry and we discussed Descartes. When he dropped me off, he told me to go and see him again the following week, because he would ‘take a personal interest’ in my progress.

When I next went into College, it was all over that I had been spotted by the caretaker – a friend of Pam Sellars’s – being escorted off the premises and herded into JC Miles’s car. So it was even a bigger shock when everyone found out that I hadn’t been put in prison, I had been given a lift home and had enjoyed a conversation about philosophy.

Graham Bishop never came near me again, although I did not receive an apology. I sat my A levels a few weeks later and ended up doing quite well in them. Indeed the biggest laugh of all was that I was one of the highest performers, my name appeared in the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and when JC Miles went to give a speech at Chilton school in September, he mentioned their former star pupil, me. I was, I understand, described by JC Miles as ‘a very nice girl’.

Now then Dafydd, WHERE did this account of my insanity at Bridgwater College come from? I had no more contact with the Bridgwater College lecturers after I was declared – ON STAGE IN FRONT OF AN AUDIENCE! – to be a ‘very nice girl’.

JC Miles is now dead, so we can’t ask him. Graham Bishop, while I was still at university I think, became the Principal of some sort of educational establishment outside of Somerset, but I can’t remember where. C.A. will have retired years ago and the last that I heard, he had moved away from Somerset.

 

Here’s a bit more context regarding why I have been asked to publicise this utter silliness.

There was at least one teacher at Chilton who was known to be abusing children. His misconduct was ignored. His wife had formerly been married to a leading light in the Tory Party in Somerset and when she was younger her difficulties were such that she had a child who was removed from her care. Her husband, would you believe, made a bet with another teacher when I was still at that school, that I would ‘end up as a prostitute, in prison or in a mental hospital’.

Can readers guess who those worms were in contact with? They knew where I had gone to university, because one of them, unbelievably, had posed as a friend to me, my father and my uncle and had kept in contact with us after I moved to north Wales. He split up from his wife after I left Somerset and remarried a truly vile PE teacher from Chilton. I was told that they were caught having sex together in the gym on one occasion. I received an e mail from this man’s daughter the other day, demanding to know why I had described her father as a ‘nasty wolf in sheep’s clothing’ on this blog. She has been given the full details behind my rationale, which I will not be publishing on this blog.

Now. Anyone want to make any more statements about me being dangerous? Or are you all going to shut up at last?

 

I have been told that there was an abuse ring operating in Somerset when I lived there. It wasn’t anything like as bad as the ring in north Wales, but I am told that there definitely was one, that it was linked with the gang in north Wales and rings in other parts of the country and the whole bloody lot of them got together when I refused to shut up about Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd because they feared that Brown and I would blow the whole thing open.

I mentioned on a previous post that when I was twelve, I used to visit a farm worker who lived down the lane and help him with his goats. I have been told that he was a paedophile. He never touched me or attempted to, but he did say some things that he probably should not have said to a 12 yr old. As an adult I take the view that he was probably a rather sad man and I’m not going to exaggerate any of his actions. He was however dealing in drugs and I’ve been told that some of those who visited his house were undercover officers and that I was filmed in his house. Because policing priorities were drugs, this man’s interest in me was ignored. He left Somerset when I was 14 and went to live in Wales. I have no idea where. I have been told that he had a connection to the paedophile rings in Wales and when I fell into the hands of Dafydd et al, my link to this man was known and noted.

I couldn’t imagine why this man, Stuart, would have been one of Dafydd’s gang. Stuart was a farm worker, there’d be no rich pickings for Dafydd with Stuart. However Brown has told me that gangs employ ‘spotters’ and Stuart might have been one of them. Furthermore, although Stuart never tried to molest me, the drug squad in Somerset was utterly corrupt and Brown suggested that Stuart may have been working for corrupt officers, or began working for them to save his own skin and that might be why he gave my name to the gang in Wales.

One thing that has occurred to me now that I’ve been told that info relating my time at Bridgwater College was gathered by Dafydd et al, was the horror of JC Miles and other Bridgwater big wigs at events in 1981 at the ‘Bridgwater College discos’ in the Town Hall. The discos did originate with Bridgwater College, but they also proved popular among other people, including a group of exploitative young men who began attending the discos to pick up younger girls. These young men used to hang out in a pub called the Mansion House in Bridgwater. They were in their mid-20s to early-30s and had been kicked out of polys and universities so returned to Bridgwater to impress the teenagers with their knowledge of the world. They weren’t what I would consider to be sex offenders, they were just a bit daft and pretentious, but on their heels came some really dodgy characters. Things began getting more and more out of hand at the discos, until at one, there was literally a gang bang in the bogs, held by a 15 yr old girl who was what would now be described as a victim of grooming. The gang bang turned into a violent punch-up when it was discovered that one of the men in the queue was the teenager’s ‘boyfriend’. The ensuing scene was quite something for Bridgwater, the police arrived and could hardly believe what had been going on and local people were horrified at what ‘Bridgwater College students’ had been doing. There were hardly any Bridgwater College students at the disco in question, the students had stopped attending because the events had been hijacked by roughnecks.

Poor old JC Miles couldn’t cope at all with the thought that the name of Bridgwater College had been associated with such an event and the discos were stopped. So then ‘Town Hall discos’ were held, which really were something…

 

Knowing Dafydd, I expect that he drafted a statement in which it was stated that I had organised the gang bang. Well I’m sorry to disappoint you Dafydd, but I wasn’t even there. One of my friends was, which was how I heard about it. I have been to about eight discos in my entire life. One was at Fiddington Village Hall, one was at Holford Youth Club, one was at Cannington Village Hall, one was the birthday party of a friend at Bridgwater College and the others were parties at Bangor University. So it is plain just what a life of disco-heavy excess that I have led.

 

The ‘sensible girl’ with whom I was friends at Bridgwater College went to study medicine at the Welsh National School of Medicine in Cardiff and is now a consultant surgeon. I lost touch with her after Dafydd et al came after me. There are suspicions that they nobbled her, but I have not been given evidence. She did know about, even as a medical student, serious wrongdoing at the University Hospital, Cardiff, as did the man who later became her brother-in-law, who was also a medical student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. Brown’s best friend from Haygrove/Bridgwater College became a Top Doctor as well, he went to Westminster Hospital Medical School and now works as a Top Doctor in Somerset. I really do hope that those two friends of ours did not become corrupted, they definitely were not when they entered medical school.

Another student from Bridgwater College who knew me but only vaguely – he was in the year below me – went to do medicine at Southampton and is now a consultant obstetrician/gynaecologist, Bruce Ramsay. He was friends with one of the Top Doctors who was working at St George’s when I worked there, that particular Top Doctor becoming notorious after he told one of my colleagues that ‘I don’t have sex with medical students because it isn’t a woman’s place to be a doctor, I just have sex with nurses’.

‘Ah, your life in their hands, the doctors and nurses they were wonderful.’

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I have been told that there are concerns that Bruce Ramsay may have been involved in smearing me, but I have been given no firm evidence that he did. Bruce Ramsay will certainly remember Pam Sellars, him pointing out her numerous mistakes in front of the rest of the class provided endless entertainment for her victims.

I have mentioned previously on this blog that a number of girls whom I knew at school and Bridgwater College went into nursing. I have been told that some of them knew what happened to me in north Wales and that possibly, one of them, Ruth Moore, used the information for her own benefit. Ruth’s family lived in the same village as Brown’s parents and knew Brown’s mum well. I wrote to Ruth for a few years after we left Somerset. The last letter that I wrote to Ruth was written just after I’d been forced out of my job at St George’s, when Dafydd et al were in full cry. Ruth had just got married and was living near Nottingham. Where of course I had encountered massive research fraud and wrongdoing just three years previously (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). Ruth was working as a nurse tutor by then, which was a bit weird because when we wrote to each other before I went to work for the Cancer Research Campaign Laboratories at  Nottingham University, Ruth told me that she’d had enough of nursing, that there was much wrong with the profession and that she was going to go into primary teaching. Ruth trained at one of the London hospitals which was crawling with corruption – I think it was either Hammersmith or Great Ormond Street Hospital.

Ruth is now ‘Network Manager/Lead Nurse at Staffordshire, Shropshire & Black Country Neonatal Operational Delivery Network’. That’s the Staffordshire/Shropshire/Black Country which hosted an paedophile gang with links to Dafydd and of course the Staffordshire which has the lethal, dangerous NHS. Ruth’s Linked In indicates that she’s come a long way since she received my last letter in 1991:

University of Derby, BSc Advanced Nursing Practice, 1999-01; Acting Senior Educator, Nottingham Neonatal Service, 2000-02; Mid-Trent Neonatal Network Practice Development Co-Ordinator, 2002-04.

In 2012, Ruth-less did a Masters course at Birmingham City University in the Social Care Assessment of Vulnerable Wimmin!

Would you like Brown and me to send you some of our publications on the ways in which the NHS and social care services assist and collude with the abuse of vulnerable wimmin Ruth-less?

 

Other observations re my days at Bridgwater College. At one point, one of the lecturers asked one of my friends if she’d like a babysitting job, because he had friends who wanted a babysitter. She said yes and began babysitting. After a few weeks she told me that she was really worried, because the man whom she was baby sitting for – who was married – had starting making moves towards her and had made it very clear that he expected sex as well as babysitting from her. She had decided that she was going to leave the job, but didn’t know whether she ought to tell the lecturer who had sought her out to babysit. She wasn’t under 16, but she did feel massively pressurised and she had no idea whether the Bridgwater College lecturer knew that his friend did this sort of thing. I don’t think that she did ever tell the lecturer what his friend expected in addition to the babysitting.

There was one married lecturer at Bridgwater College who had a relationship with a student, not a mature student either. JC Miles was horrified and told him to end it. The lecturer concerned didn’t like JC Miles, continued the relationship and from then on was as rude as possible in public to JC Miles. Bridgwater was a small place and the wife of the lecturer concerned was known to many staff and students and was incredibly upset about her husband’s conduct.

 

Not long after I left Bridgwater College, a new member of staff arrived who later became a big name in education. I never met her, but I heard a lot about her because Brown’s mum at one point was working as a lecturer for the summer schools at Bridgwater College and knew this person quite well. The person in question was a domestic science teacher called Maxine Room. Brown’s mum maintained that Maxine was a real problem. She was a work-place bully, she toadied to powerful people – by this time, Bridgwater College had expanded greatly, so it would be worth Maxine’s while ingratiating herself to people at the top of the organisation – and Maxine was not above lying to the senior managers for her own gain. There were also suspicions that Maxine was either having a relationship with one of her bosses or allowing him to think that she would be available for one. The thing that really pissed Brown’s mum off was that Maxine was such a princess that the whole summer school timetable had to be planned for Maxine’s convenience, Maxine refusing to work weekends or evenings. So Brown’s mum had to do those slots. Maxine also enjoyed making comments about a lady of Mrs Brown’s learning driving such an old wreck of a car.

I forgot all about Maxine Room until about ten years ago when a friend who was working at an incredibly troubled FE college in Keighley told me that the college had now been merged and was part of a super-college and the new Principal used to work at Bridgwater College. It was Maxine. I rolled around laughing and said ‘that’s the cookery teacher who was so awful to Brown’s mum’. Imagine my surprise when my friend said that Maxine was well-connected with New Labour in Westminster and was expected to end up as Lady Maxine. I got out the smelling salts at that point. The new super-college was highly dysfunctional and was mired in scandal within months but it didn’t stop Maxine. Maxine bagged another job, as the Principal of an even bigger super-college in Lewisham. It was after that when the wheels came off Maxine’s bandwagon. Maxine hit the headlines of the educational press as the first super-head of an FE college to lose her job after a truly terrible inspection report.

I googled Maxine a while ago. She was calling herself Dr Maxine Room – she shouldn’t have been, because she only had an honorary doctorate – and had of course set up her own ‘consultancy’. Upon receiving her honorary doctorate from Bristol University, Maxine gave an inspiring speech about being an inspirational Black Woman Leader who’s old mum and gran told her that education was the route to success so Little Black Maxine became a cookery teacher. Maxine’s narrative was a sort of less traumatised version of that of Constance Briscoe aka Miss Pissabed, an Inspirational Black Woman friend of Michael Mansfield’s, who was the First Inspirational Black Woman Judge in the UK who specialised in child protection and mental health and who subsequently went to prison for perverting the course of justice.

Maxine now features on the website of the Helena Kennedy Foundation, which tells us that:

Maxine is an experienced Chief Executive and strategic leader who was appointed Principal and Chief Executive of Lewisham College in September 2009. Lewisham College was awarded Learning and Skills Beacon status in 2004 and gained a Beacon Award for the strength of its links with employers in 2007.

Previously Maxine held the post of Principal and Chief Executive of Park Lane College, Leeds. Followings its merger with Keighley College in 2007, this college grew to over 38000 students.  Maxine was instrumental in instigating the merger of three colleges in Leeds to form the Leeds City College and became the Principal of Park Lane Campus, Leeds City College before moving to Lewisham. Prior to taking up the post in Leeds, Maxine was Principal of Swansea College.

Maxine has always worked in further education and is passionate about education, training and skills and equality and diversity.  She has a vast experience of the business of further education including curriculum and quality, employer engagement, community development, merger and capital build.   Maxine’s career started in teaching at Bridgwater College, Somerset and progressed to management roles there and at Filton College, Bristol before taking up the post at Swansea. As a Principal of a large inner-city college serving a diverse and multi-cultural population, Maxine represents the institution on a number of groups and Boards including the 157 Group, London Capital Colleges and is a Board member for the Northern Ballet Theatre.  Maxine is a mentor for the Black Leadership Initiative.

So it’s the usual story of Inspirational Leadership then:

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I keep forgetting one major factor whenever people tell me that what happened during my days in Somerset did matter when Dafydd et al came after me. It is that Gary Glitter lived in Somerset for a long time, he lived at Wedmore. Gary Glitter was known to be abusing children for years before the law caught up with him and it wasn’t that Gary Glitter was having sex with girls two days before their 16th birthdays either. Gary Glitter committed serious offences against girls as young as eight. I used to hear stories from Somerset about Gary Glitter having traumas and attempting suicide. I am wondering if, as in the case of George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy, Gary Glitter’s distress was linked to enquiries about his activities with children and his fears that he was about to be caught.

Dafydd’s mate and protector Professor Robert Owen (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) had a daughter who lived/lives in Somerset, not that far from Wedmore and Ian Dunbar, the tame Prison Service Regional Director who was used to conceal the fact that Risley Remand Centre was full of kids from the north Wales children’s homes and Dafydd’s patients when the Risley riot broke out in 1989, also lived on the Somerset levels, not a million miles away from Wedmore (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

 

I need to mention Bath as well. Bath was always much grander than the rest of Somerset and was inhabited by celebs, city gents and the seriously rich, long before the rest of Somerset became gentrified. Bath saw action in 1983, because it was the location of the family home of Sara Keays, Cecil Parkinson’s secretary and mistress. Parkinson resigned as Trade Secretary in Oct 1983, after it became public that Sara was expecting his baby.

Sara had been in a twelve year relationship with Parkinson and was a fully paid up Tory herself when she was unceremoniously dumped by Parkinson after she refused to have an abortion, as requested by Parkinson who had previously voted to restrict abortion rights. Sara had hoped to become a Tory MP and I think that her father, Colonel Hastings Keays, was an active Tory as well.

It was later revealed that Parkinson was going to leave his wife for Sara, but it was Thatch who persuaded him not to. Thatch banged on about Cecil’s ‘poor wife’ – well there was also a ‘poor mistress’, someone was going to get hurt unless Cecil took up polygamy which would have been rather more honourable than what he did end up doing – but it was widely suspected that Thatch was desperate not to lose old Cecil from her inner circle and wanted him back in the Cabinet again asap.

Cecil was indeed rehabilitated. On 13 June 1987 he was appointed Energy Secretary, a post he retained until 24 July 1989. One of Cecil’s Ministers at Energy was Sir Peter Morrison, who was at the time abusing kids in care in north Wales and in other locations (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). Cecil was then Secretary of State for Transport, 24 July 1989-28 Nov 1990. When William Hague became leader of the Tory Party in June 1997 – just over a year after Hague orchestrated the cover-up which was the Waterhouse Inquiry – he appointed Parkinson as Chairman of the Conservative Party, a post Parkinson held until June 1998. So Parkinson was Party Chairman while Ronnie Waterhouse took evidence from witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and called them liars and while Dafydd and the gang busted a gut to frame me for an offence and then have me transferred to Jimmy Savile’s place of employment! Cecil Parkinson had previously been Party Chairman, 14 Sept 1981-11 June 1983.

Cecil Parkinson was an active Freemason.

  • Strange but true

 

Thatch and Sara Keays believed that Parkinson was an ‘attractive, charming man’.

Cecil Parkinson

  • Strange but true

 

Parkinson might have been in need of a bit more Brylcreem, he hadn’t quite equalled Gwynne the lobotomist or Ronnie Waterhouse.

 

The Keays family went into a state of shock at their treatment at the hands of Parkinson and the wider Tory Party – they were subjected to an intense smear campaign by the Party and by the Tory-supporting press. Sara’s baby Flora was born quite severely disabled. Parkinson refused to ever see Flora and never communicated with her or sent her birthday cards etc.

At the time of the revelation of Parkinson’s relationship with Sara Keays in 1983, Parkinson made much of what he described as ‘the volume of letters in support’ that he received. As numerous members of the Conservative Party attacked Keays, Edwina Currie said ‘I feel very very sorry for Cecil and his family. Most of my thoughts on Sara Keays are unprintable. Perhaps the most polite thing to say is she’s a right cow’.

Well Edwina, I wouldn’t have gone public like Sara did, domestic scraps like that are best conducted in private, but as someone who spent a considerable time shagging John Major while you were both married to other people yet preaching monogamy to the rest of the world – ‘Back To Basics’ anyone? – and more importantly as someone who knew that Peter Morrison was molesting children and that because of this, the lives of a group of young people who were witness to Dafydd et al were destroyed to save a few reputations that were most definitely not worth saving, I’m not sure that you were in a position to denounce anyone as a cow.

Edwina was also at the scene of the crime when her colleague in the Dept of Health, Trumpers, appointed Jimmy Savile to a management position in Broadmoor, a position for which Edwina knew that Savile was unsuitable (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’). However Edwina is on record as saying that although Savile was a nasty piece of work, he did promise Thatcher’s Gov’t that he’d threaten and blackmail the Angels staffing Broadmoor into ceasing their massive fiddles and embezzling.

Why might those Angels at Broadmoor have been so uncontrollable? Er, how about the knowledge that they would have had that many of their ‘dangerous’ patients were nothing of the sort but were people who had been molested by social workers, Top Docs, celebrities and even politicians?

 

In 2002, Channel 4 made a documentary about Sara and Flora, in which Flora spoke about the father who refused to have anything to do with her. If I was Sara I wouldn’t have wasted my breath telling Flora about the old hypocrite, whatever use would a father like him have been. I’m not sure that Cecil was much more use to the children whom he fathered with his wife whom he did acknowledge. One of their daughters, Mary, developed serious drug problems and became involved in prostitution. She was found dead last year, at 57 yrs old.

 

The artist Graham Ovenden who was eventually jailed for a series of sexual assaults on children ( see post ‘The Village’) founded the movement The Brotherhood of Ruralists, some of whom were based in Somerset, including in the Bath area.

 

The MP for Bath, 1979-92, was Chris Patten aka Lord Patten of Barnes, who’s many conflicts of interest have previously been detailed on this blog. The good burghers of Bath must have seen through Patten eventually because in 1992, they voted in the Lib Dem Don Foster instead.

Don Foster’s biography is as incriminating as Chris Patten’s. Foster was born in Preston and attended the Lancaster Royal Grammar School before studying at that hotbed of paedophiles and their friends, Keele University, graduating in 1969. Foster received the Cert Ed in the same year and  received an MEd from Bath University in 1981.

Don Foster was a science teacher at Sevenoaks School in Kent in 1969, before his appointment as Avon Education Authority’s Science Project Director in 1975 and as a Lecturer in Education at  Bristol University in 1980, before being engaged as a management consultant with Pannell Kerr Forster, from 1989 until his election to the Commons.

Foster was a founder member of the Avon Liberal Democrats and was elected as a Councillor on Avon County Council in 1981. He was the SDP-Liberal Alliance Group Leader, 1981–86. Don also served as the county’s Education Committee Chairman and remained a Councillor until 1989.

Dr Death was personally known to some of the Top Docs in north Wales who were facilitating the abuse gang.

Foster was the Liberal Democrat Spokesman for Education under the leadership of Paddy Ashdown, 1992-99.

Paddy knew about Jeremy Thorpe, about Cyril Smith and almost certainly others. Paddy knew at least one person from Somerset who knew what happened to me in north Wales (see post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’).

In Jan 2014 Don Foster announced that he would stand down as an MP at the following General Election.

Foster’s is a member of Amnesty and the Child Poverty Action Group, both causes which attract paedophiles’ friends and he is also a supporter of WaterAid. 

Foster was nominated for a peerage in 2015, despite having previously favoured abolition of the Lords. When accused of hypocrisy, Foster stated: ‘I want to get rid of [the House of Lords] and the only way [to do that]…is having people there who will do just that.’

Well you’re all doing a fantastic job of getting the Lords a dreadful reputation Don, but there’s no sign of it actually disappearing off the face of the earth yet. Why not invite Dafydd to join you all in there, you might as well take it to extremes. 

 

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Previous posts have mentioned that Bristol was a hot-spot for paedophiles’ friends, what with Dr DGE Wood’s family of Top Doctors being based there and Wood himself being an alumnus of Bristol University, along with Lord David Hunt, who is a Bristol law graduate and who spent a few years post-graduation involved in Tory politics in the West Country.

We should not forget that other Top Doctor, Liam Fox, who has been the Tory MP for north Somerset since 1992. Liam’s more questionable activities, including those with Adam Werritty, which no-one ever quite got to the bottom of, have featured previously on this blog. I am more interested in Fox serving as PPS to Home Secretary Michael Howard, June 1993-94. It was during that time that Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch, after Mary had won her case against Dafydd et al  (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Michael Howard must have been really impressed with Liam’s abilities, because when Howard was leader, Liam Fox was Chairman of the Tory Party, 2003-05. When the paedophiles’ friends had yet another go at imprisoning me, this time for ‘threatening to kill’. No evidence once again, just at least eight NHS staff perjuring themselves. The case collapsed on the first day of the trial. Nonetheless, the corrupt judge Huw Daniel issued a restraining order against me that was unlawful and legally invalid. He also told lies to the press and those lies were faithfully repeated in the media. Days after the case collapsed, someone forged a certificate of indictment stating that I’d pleaded guilty to ‘violent disorder’. The PNC was also unlawfully amended to show a fabricated criminal record against my name. There was an attempt to strike me off the teaching register, but a junior Minister cleared my name. He was subsequently named in the media as ‘having let paedophiles remain on the teaching register’. There has been no investigation into any of this.

Liam Fox is a member of the Royal College of GPs. With whom Dr DGE Wood has held senior office for decades.

Michael Howard is a barrister from west Wales, where a trafficking gang linked to Dafydd’s gang operated. Howard is married to the former model Sandra Paul. Who, in her heyday, socialised with many of the celebs and VIPs who were known to be utilising the services of vulnerable young people working in the sex industry. Sandra’s first husband was Robin Douglas-Home, the nephew of the former PM Alec Douglas-Home. Robin’s affair with Princess Margaret took place at the time of his split from Sandra. Robin committed suicide three years after his fling with Princess Margaret (see post ‘An Appalling Vista’). Margaret’s husband Lord Snowdon was the bisexual, drug using son of a Welsh Top Doctor. Snowdon used to visit the Caernarfon area and it is alleged that when he was younger he used the services of rent boys. When he was elderly, Snowdon’s mistress was Marjorie Wallace, the Top Doc’s wife and ‘mental health campaigner’ who’s campaigning was directed at incarcerating dangerous mental patients and ensuring that Top Doctors involved in the abuse of vulnerable people were allowed to continue unhindered. I wrote to Marjorie giving her full details of the abuses at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in the late 1980s. I did not receive a reply. See post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’.

 

I have been told that it might be worth mentioning the names of two other people who were at Bridgwater College with me, although no-one has told me that they were used to smear me. The concern is that Neil Hamilton, Aberystwyth law graduate and the Tory MP for Tatton, 1983-97, who socialised with Sir Peter Morrison and who lost his seat after the Ian Greer Associates lobbying scandal – with which Morrison was also involved – may have encountered them. The two students were Sally Sparks and Christine Skeats, who both went to Hatfield Poly in the early 1980s, while Hamilton taught there. Christine went into teaching and I think that she is now a Headteacher in England somewhere. Christine’s mum knew Brown’s mum, they lived in the same village and it is likely that Christine might have known what was happening to me as Dafydd et al did everything possible to protect Peter Morrison…

 

I have mentioned before on this blog that I have been asked by people what the illness that I experienced which took me into the hands of the paedophiles’ friends actually was. I am of the opinion that when I was much younger, I had a fairly serious mood disorder of a stereotypical, near text-book type. It was never managed properly because the Top Doctors had no interest in treating patients, they were far too busy running a trafficking gang. It was Brown who looked after me during my bouts of severe depression, without him I would have died. I believe that I could have been up and functioning properly again years before I eventually was, but because I was caused so much distress by a bunch of gangsters, I just was never given the breathing space to recover. When I finally walked away from them – after I realised that it was only a matter of time before they either succeeded in having me imprisoned or killed me – within two years I had a PhD and I then acquired an impressive publication list as a result of six or so years working as a researcher at Bangor University. My life was destroyed all over again when I was subjected to an unprovoked violent assault which resulted in me being injured by someone whom I was told was the daughter of a Welsh barrister who was well-known for this sort of thing, ‘but her dad gets her out of trouble every time’.

My life wasn’t destroyed by the assault, it was destroyed because when I went to Aberystwyth Police Station to report the assault, the police called a paramedic to assess my injury. Unfortunately the police had seen on their computerised record that I ‘had a history of mental illness’, so the paramedic called a fucking Top Doctor and a mental health team ‘just in case’. Who refused to document my injuries and sectioned me, insisting that I be taken to the Heddfan Unit at Wrexham Maelor Hospital. Some hours after I arrived at the Heddfan Unit, the staff there sheepishly admitted that my detention was unlawful because no-one had signed the documentation and I was thus free to go. So I did. For some unfathomable reason, the Heddfan Unit then called the police, reported me missing and my mugshot appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ as an escaped patient. I was located ‘safe and well’ – I was actually on holiday – only to find that a few days later I was reported AGAIN by the Betsi as an ‘escaped patient’. I appeared once more in the ‘Daily Post’ and was picked up by the police. Because I was an escaped patient. It took me a year to get out of the clutches of the maniacs who broke the law repeatedly and maintained that I was ‘seriously mentally ill’ because I had a history of ‘violent assaults on people’ and I believed that there was a paedophile ring in operation in north Wales and that the mental health services were abusing patients. While I sat in a locked ward, a whole series of people who had been involved with the paedophile ring in north Wales were convicted as a result of Operation Pallial. The Betsi was also placed under investigation as a result of the abuse of mental health patients in Tawel Fan. When I finally got away from the clutches of the Top Doctors, I fled the area.

The barrister’s daughter who attacked and injured me in broad daylight in front of witnesses was never even interviewed.

Previous posts tell the story in detail…

The irony is that I had my first major depressive episode when I was 17 and at Bridgwater College. Everyone ignored it and it was Brown who helped me through it. Offers of ‘help’ for my ‘serious mental illness’ only began arriving thick and fast a few years later when I complained about the dreadful behaviour of Top Doctors who were running a trafficking ring. The ‘help’ being deemed to be necessary of course being a few years in Broadmoor. After all, everyone could testify that even as a teenager at Bridgwater College, I’d been quite mad…

Let’s just stop all the help shall we? It’ll be much easier all round. I was an academically able kid who went to a dysfunctional, failing school run by an utter incompetent and staffed by some at least who were abusers and I got to university against what were fairly high odds in those days. When my father heard that my name had been announced at Chilton Trinity School as a successful old pupil, he noted that I had got to university in spite of Chilton, not because of it. He was quite right. And I am still alive in spite of the dear old NHS, not because of it. A great many people received generous salaries in schools, in colleges and in their various roles in the welfare state to provide me with a ‘service’. Brown and a few other friends did virtually everything that those salaried people were paid to do.

Just after graduation, I sat in a sitting room on Anglesey with some other new graduates discussing politics. A dedicated Labour voter was in the room, a big fan of the Windbag, who stated that ‘money ought to be poured into the NHS and state schools’. The person who said that was Sarah Jenkins, who had just graduated from Bristol University. Sarah was back on her home territory of north Wales, while she waited for a place to do clinical psychology. She was renting accommodation on favourable terms from her mother’s friend, Dr D.G.E. Wood, the corrupt GP who was facilitating the trafficking ring. Sarah’s dad was Prof David Jenkins, who worked at Bangor University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends and Dafydd. Sarah’s mother was Sheila Jenkins, a psychiatric social worker, who was one of those abusing patients and a colleague of the paedophile gang. I was told a few years ago that Sarah ‘had gone into mental health like her mother and was helping people’.

The appalling Sheila Jenkins died a few years ago. She had a miserable last few years, after being left completely paralysed by a stroke. One day her friend went over and found Sheila Jenkins lying on the floor crying. It transpired that the ‘carers’ had been abusing her. Jenkins asked her friend ‘why can’t people just be kind to each other?’ Jenkins’s friend was also a mental health social worker, as was her husband. They had worked with Dafydd when he was illegally imprisoning victims of the paedophile ring in the dungeon at Denbigh. Those in the dungeon probably wondered why people just couldn’t be kind to each other.

As ye sow, so shall ye reap paedophiles’ friends. You’ve driven every decent person out of health and social care. These are the only ones left in the system:

 

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Get pouring, fill that trough, Sarah Jenkins needs a salary, she’s not going to be an Empowered Service User is she.

 

Investigating historical child abuse? Oh please, just give it a rest. As the Old Gits used to say on ‘The Fast Show’, ‘piss off, bugger off, sod off’.

 

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Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

The Turn Of The Screw

I have explained in previous posts how my documentation demonstrates that following my complaints about Dafydd and the paedophile gang, managers of Gwynedd Health Authority, Gwynedd Social Services and Clwyd Health Authority were tracking my addresses even when I was living in England. I have also detailed some of the unlawful methods that Alun Davies et al were using to gain this information when they were not passing the information directly on to each other as a result of the addresses that I had supplied in my letters of complaint. I have been told that the Top Docs in north Wales and their associates in other parts of the UK also used my CV – which accompanied my job applications – to trace people whom I went to school with or who taught me in order to nobble or bribe them or their families and friends. A lot of people who knew me at school or in the sixth form went into nursing and Brown and I knew a few others who went into medicine. It seems that nearly everyone was approached with a view to bribing or blackmailing them. Close friends of ours who would not be paid or threatened into doing dreadful things paid a high price for standing by us.

 

In 1986 I left Anglesey to begin my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital/RPMS. Getting affordable accommodation in London at that time was very difficult, so for my first few weeks in London I crashed out at my friends’ house in Bethnal Green. In my post ‘Oh, Lordy! It’s CR UK’ I described how I was targeted by a known sex offender who lived near Bethnal Green. Dafydd and the paedophile gang knew my address when I lived at Bethnal Green, because it was then that I was trying to pursue my complaint regarding my illegal detention in Ysbyty Gwynedd by Jackie Brandt and a Dr Perera of Gwynedd Health Authority, as well as the threats that had been made to me by Dafydd. My complaint was never investigated. After my second letter of complaint, Gwynedd County Council obtained a High Court injunction against me, on the basis of the perjury of social workers Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns, although Fearns had never met me and Brandt had met me only two or three times (see post ‘ Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). The injunction prevented me even writing to Gwynedd to pursue my complaints. Documents now in my possession show that Ron Evans, the crooked solicitor employed by Gwynedd County Council and Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services (and Dafydd’s mistress), had carefully planned and co-ordinated everything with the Top Doctors.

Not only was I targeted by the sex offender, but within days of moving in with my friends at Bethnal Green, one of my friends was followed home by some NF men every evening when he got off the tube who threatened to do him damage and insulted him for being gay. My friend isn’t gay, but he supposed that this was happening because he isn’t aggressively macho and there was NF activity/gay bashing in the area at the time. It could have been coincidental, this was before Bethnal Green had become gentrified, but now  that I know how many other of the unpleasant things happened because Dafydd and the gang sent thugs and nasties after us, I do wonder.

My friends in Bethnal Green were two of the friends who’s careers in the media were destroyed in 1991-92, along with my own career. I only stayed with them for a short while, because I was lucky enough to find a place in a shared house in Harringay fairly quickly. Interestingly enough, one of the other girls in the flat in Bethnal Green was incredibly hostile to me, although she knew that I had known one of her flatmates since I was 12 and another one since he was at university. I discovered the other day that Jules, the young woman who was so aggressive – and who constantly demanded of my friends that I should be pressurised into moving out, although she knew that I didn’t know anyone else in London with whom I could stay – was the girlfriend of John O’ Farrell, the writer and author who is a high profile Labour supporter. O’Farrell wrote for ‘Spitting Image’, ‘Alas Smith and Jones’, ‘Have I Got News For You’ and has written columns for the Indie and the Guardian as well as jokes for Blair and Gordon.

John O’Farrell is now married to someone else, but the lovely Jules knew some of what was happening in north Wales. Happy days John! Pursued by sex offenders and subjected to attempts to kill me and my friends!

 

Eventually my two friends moved out of Bethnal Green and into a house at Archway, near Highgate Cemetry. They were by then working for the Royal Television Society and the BBC. After I completed my MSc, I worked at the Cancer Research Campaign laboratories at Nottingham University and then worked for a team funded by the CRC at Surrey University, under Prof Vincent Marks, the brother of the then Chairman of the BMA Dr John Marks. Previous posts have detailed the research fraud and wrongdoing that I witnessed in these workplaces, the stealing of my data and its publication by someone else completely unknown to me and the links between people at my workplaces and Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales. By the time that I was working at Surrey, Ken Clarke was Health Secretary and was in full battle with the BMA. Clarke knew about the criminality in north Wales and concealed it, as did the BMA. Because both parties were concealing the same criminals, their battle ended in stalemate.

My friends paid three months rent upfront when they moved into the house in Archway. They paid by cheque, so it could be demonstrated that they had paid. They did not deal with the owner of the property, but with the landlord’s agent, an Irishman going under the obviously false name of Mr Murphy, who described himself as an ‘hotel manager’. Mr Murphy looked frankly menacing, sporting sunglasses, a camel hair coat and leather gloves at all times. Furthermore Mr Murphy was often standing outside of the house without letting my friends know that he was there when I was visiting or staying with them.

My friends had only been in the house about three weeks when Mr Murphy ordered them to move out. He claimed that he had no record of them paying their rent. So they underwent the process of tracing the passage of their rent cheque and it was clear that the cheque had indeed been paid and to Mr Murphy. Murphy then simply started intimidating them. The tactics included cutting off the electricity and then the water, after telling the utility companies involved that my friends were squatters. My friends stood up to him, so Murphy arrived with builders who removed their bathroom. They were determined not to be intimidated but realising that they were dealing with a crook and an increasingly threatening crook, they sought advice from the harassment officer of Islington Council, knowing that Islington boasted of such a service for tenants receiving aggro. Murphy then had a load of rubble dumped in their house.

When my mates were living in Archway, the gangster Nicholas van Hoogstraten’s methods of dealing with his tenants – Hoogstraten owned huge swathes of property in London and Brighton – received a lot of publicity and they were identical to Mr Murphy’s. Hoogstraten too never dealt with tenants himself, he used intermediates. There was much discussion as to whether my friends might be living in one of Hoogstraten’s properties. They were subsequently offered a flat in Peckham, which Islington Council had organised for them.

My mates were very relieved to get away from Mr Murphy, but they found themselves out of the frying pan into the fire. After moving into the flat at Peckham, a friendly neighbour – of which there were some – warned them that the estate was so dangerous that they should not go out alone after dark and furthermore, it had somehow become known on the estate that they worked in professional jobs and were at risk of being ‘yuppy taxed’ – beaten up and robbed – although they were young with not much money. Two weeks after they moved in, whilst they were at work, their flat was broken into and cleared out. The door had been smashed right in, in spite of the multiple locks. They replaced it with an iron grate thing which they called ‘the portcullis’.

After a few weeks in Peckham, one of my friends was out driving when an addict loaded up with heroin crashed into her. My friend was injured, but not seriously, yet the addict was not prosecuted. When my friend went to the GP in Peckham about her injury he accused her of malingering in an attempt to gain compensation. My friend had made no claim for personal injury. The same GP subsequently prescribed her medication which would have had serious consequences for her health had she taken it as he recommended. By this time, Brown, me and my friends had experienced such malpractice and hostility from so many Top Docs that we just concluded that there was a lot of it about.

It was when my friends lived at Peckham that they were unlawfully forced out of their jobs, at the same time as I was forced out of my job at St George’s. Hospital Medical School. We used to ring each other up every few days and compare the awful things that had happened to us at work. Another friend from my Bangor days who knew about my problems with those we know and love in north Wales was working for a drug company in Kent and in early 1991, he too was forced out of his job. He had also been subjected to attempts to blackmail him after he left Bangor, but I don’t know the full details. My friends left London, as did I.

During those years, 1986-92, those two friends, Brown, Brown’s brother and I just assumed that we were having a run of terribly bad luck. We were offered jobs which seemed to be wonderful opportunities and were then ferociously bullied out of those jobs, cars crashed into us, we were harassed and forced out of accommodation and someone tried to kill Brown’s brother and Brown. My housemate Anne from Anglesey was killed just before I moved to London.

My friends with whom I shared the flat at Bethnal Green had been to Stirling University and from their time at Bethnal Green onward, they found that friends from Stirling began behaving in a very hostile manner towards them. Stirling was quite political in the 1980s and a lot of people whom my friends knew were involved in politics, usually the SNP or the Labour Party. Including dear old Jack McConnell, who became Scotland’s FM, after years of concealing organised sexual abuse. Jack McConnell is good mates with Kirsty Wark, of ‘Newsnight’ fame.

 

Kirsty Wark – known for asking politicians ‘tough questions’
Kirsty wark podium.jpg

 

I have received info that virtually everything that happened to us during those very difficult years was the work of the paedophiles and their friends. They had set us up constantly, using information that they had about us – after all members of the security services were involved – to arrange splendid offers of jobs and accommodation, only to ensure that the opportunities would destroy us.

 

Bethnal Green was in the Borough of Tower Hamlets. Dafydd and the gang had excellent contacts there – Tower Hamlets sent kids in care to children’s homes in north Wales, despite repeated complaints of abuse and kids from north Wales were trafficked back to the area as sex workers (see posts ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’, ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’). The constituency MP for the area until 1983 was Labour MP Ian Mikardo, who was on the left of the party. Mikardo  and his wife Mary retired to Cheshire, where the north Wales gang operated and they died in the mid 1990s. Peter Shore succeeded Mikardo as MP, again for Labour. Peter Shore knew about the organised sexual abuse of kids in care (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

My friends’ house at Archway was in the Borough of Camden. One leading light in Camden Borough Council whilst they were being terrorised was Tessa Jowell. Tessa was a social worker who had worked as a child care officer for Lambeth Borough Council, whilst children in the care of Lambeth were abused both in Lambeth and sent to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused. Then Tessa worked as a psychiatric social worker at the Maudsley, the hospital where Dafydd ‘trained’ and whose staff concealed his crimes for years (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’ and ‘The Mentor’). Tessa was Deputy Director of MIND when MIND worked with paedophiles’ rights groups. Dafydd was involved with MIND in the 1960s and MIND subsequently concealed his crimes for many years (see previous posts). Tessa was married to David Mills, who was found guilty in an Italian court of receiving a bribe from Blair’s mate Silvio Berlusconi, but Mills avoided prison on a technicality. For further information on Tessa and David, see posts ‘News From Sicily’ and ‘Baroness Tessa Jowell – A Tribute’.

David Mills was the brother of John Mills, Camden resident, Camden Councillor and  massive donor to the Labour Party. John Mills was married to Dame Barbara Mills QC, who worked as a GMC assessor and was DPP, 1992-98, when no charges were brought against anyone in relation to the police investigation into child abuse in north Wales, despite hundreds of complaints and a file being sent to the DPP. However Dame Babs managed to go ahead with a prosecution against me for staring at Jackie Brandt in Safeways. I was found guilty and it cost me £60, even though Brandt started crying in the witness box and admitted that she’d lied in her evidence.

Dame Barbara’s remains are interred in Highgate Cemetery on Mr Murphy’s manor. Here’s Dame Babs having a good laugh:

 

Dame Barbara Mills, British barrister, Director of Public ...

 

For more info re Dame Babs and John Mills, see posts ‘News From Sicily’ and ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’.

Camden Borough Council was famously the training camp for many New Labour big wigs and was home to a lot of them as well. But they weren’t having rubble dumped in their houses by gangsters. One Camden Borough Councillor was Frank Dobson, who was later the MP for Holborn and St Pancras and Health Secretary, 1997-99. Dobbo ignored the organised abuse of children and mental health patients when he was a Councillor, an MP and Health Secretary (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

When my friends lived in Archway, the constituency MP was the Tory Geoffrey Finsberg. Finsberg was educated at the City of London School and was a ‘Bevin Boy’, 1945-47, as was Jimmy Savile. Savile dined out on his status as a Bevin Boy and shamelessly used the connections that he made in that role throughout his long and successful sex offending career.

Finsberg was active in the Conservative Party from a young age and was founder Chairman of Mansfield Young Conservatives, 1946-47. He served as National Chairman of the Young Conservatives, 1954–57 and took senior rules in the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations, 1953–79 and the Greater London Area of the National Union of Conservative and Unionist Associations. Finsberg was Vice-Chairman, Conservative Party Organisation, 1975–79 and 1983–87.

Finsberg was elected a Borough Councillor in Hampstead in 1949 at just 22 years old – where he remained until 1965 – and on the new London Borough of Camden, 1964-74, serving as Leader, 1968-70. He was Deputy Chairman, 1969–1971 and Vice-President of the Association of Municipal Corporations, 1971-74.

In 1970, Finsberg was elected MP for Hampstead, serving 1970-83, then for Hampstead and Highgate, 1983 -92. He acted as Opposition spokesman on Greater London, 1974–79; junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, 1979–81 and junior Minister in the DHSS, 1981-83. So Finsberg will have known much about the wrongdoing in the NHS and social services, including in north Wales. Many of the Top Docs, analysts and therapists colluding with Dafydd and the gangs with which he had connections were Finsberg’s constituents. Finsberg was President of the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe, 1991-92. 

Finsberg retired from the Commons at the 1992 General Election and in the same years was given a life peerage. Days after the 1992 General Election, five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb which was thrown into a building in Brighton, where they had been invited to a party. It is believed that the property was owned by Nicholas van Hoogstraten. See posts ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’ and ‘Sleeping With The Fishes’.

Finsberg was also active in business and charities: he was Controller of Personnel and Chief Industrial Relations Adviser at Great Universal Stores, 1968–79; Member, 1983–1986, and Deputy Chairman, South East Regional Board, TSB, 1986–89; Member, Post Office Users National Council, 1970–77; Member of the Council, CBI, 1968–79. He was Joint National Treasurer, 1993–1995, and Joint National Honorary Secretary, Council of Christians and Jews; Patron, Maccabi Association of Great Britain; Trustee, Marie Curie Cancer Foundation; a JP for Inner London from 1962.

 

In 1992 Finsberg was succeeded as MP by Glenda Jackson. My friends had gone from Archway by then, but Mr Murphy will have just moved onto his next victims. Glenda Jackson was born in Birkenhead and was educated at the West Kirby County Grammar School for Girls. Merseyside was part of Dafydd’s empire (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). In 1954 Jackson went to RADA.

Jackson was a member of the RSC, 1964-68, along with a number of other luvvies known to Dafydd and his associates. Jackson joined the RSC for director Peter Brooke’s ‘Theatre of Cruelty’ season, which included Peter Weiss’ Mara/Sade (1965) in which Jackson played an inmate of an asylum. I was the real article Glenda, it’s why the Hampstead crowd did nothing when gangsters went after my mates.

Glenda stood for election in 1992 and has stated that she felt Britain was being ‘destroyed’ by the policies of Thatcher and the Conservative Gov’t, so she was willing to do ‘anything that was legal’ to oppose Thatch. Except for blowing the whistle on a sex trafficking ring which involved Thatcher’s Ministers obviously – because unfortunately people from the Labour Party were involved as well.

Following the 1997 General Election, Jackson was appointed as a junior Minister in Blair’s Gov’t with responsibility for London Transport, a post from which she resigned in 1999, before an unsuccessful attempt to be nominated as the Labour candidate for the election of the first Mayor of London in 2000.

The Secretary of State responsible for Transport at the time was Prezza. Prezza comes from north Wales – he returned to his past territory to campaign in the 2001 General Election and smacked a constituent in the face, twice, because Prezza was traumatised by an egg being chucked at him. It was an egg Prezza, only an egg, it doesn’t call for two punches to the face you big thug. Prezza studied at Ruskin College at the same time as Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, taught there and when Peter Howarth, Arnold’s friend and colleague, studied at Ruskin (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Howarth was one of those who did go to prison for serial sexual assaults on the boys at Bryn Estyn.

I don’t know whether Matt Arnold taught Prezza at Ruskin, but whoever did needs to explain why their famous old boy came out with corkers such as ‘this Labour government will increase ‘omelessness’. Well they did among Empowered Service Users. At least if Prezza ever lost his house, he could sleep in one of the two jags that were famously needed to transport the Lady Pauline a few yards down the road lest the wind messed up her hairstyle. Lady Pauline had a trauma as big as that suffered by Prezza with regards to that egg. Lady Pauline was home alone – except for the presence of an armed police bodyguard – when some Greenpeace protesters climbed onto the roof of her place. Lady Pauline kicked up a dreadful stink, she wept and wailed and explained that she was by herself ‘with no man in the house’ and that she thought that the vegans from Greenpeace who were prancing about on the roof had come to kill her. Greenpeace activists being known for doing that sort of thing, that must have been why the Rainbow Warrior was blown to smithereens.

 

An Alpha Male:
John Prescott on his last day as Deputy Prime Minister, June 2007.jpg

 

The Lord Prescott and a Friend:

 

Male ‘silverback’ gorillas are usually the alpha animal and may receive preferential treatment such as being groomed by other group members.

 

Glenda Jackson became a regular critic of Blair and called for him to resign following the Hutton Inquiry in 2003 surrounding the reasons for going to war in Iraq and the death of Dr David Kelly. Dr Kelly was no means the only person who died as a result of Blair’s decisions and activities. Jackson is a Republican. Glenda: Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW when the institution was used to facilitate a paedophile gang and he ignored correspondence directly telling him about the activities of that ring; a Tory paedophile’s sister, Dame Mary Morrison, was Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet; and the Royals were mates with Jimmy Savile as well. You didn’t think to mention any of this as a means of suggesting that the Royals had probably outlived their usefulness then?

On 31 Oct 2006, Jackson was one of 12 Labour MPs to back Plaid and the SNP’s call for an inquiry into the Iraq War. Most Plaid MPs colluded with Dafydd and the gang and of course more than a few SNP MPs kept schtum about the same, or similar, matters.

In April 2013, Jackson gave a speech in Parliament following the death of Thatch. She accused Thatch of treating ‘vices as virtues’. Another speech of Jackson’s in June 2014 was a scathing assessment of Iain Duncan Smith’s tenure as Secretary of State for the DWP, telling him that he was responsible for the ‘destruction of the welfare state and the total and utter incompetence of his department.’ IDS certainly didn’t help, but the ‘professionals’ employed by the welfare state were highly effective at wrecking their lives of some of their clients before IDS ever arrived.

 

Glenda’s son Dan Hodges is a journo who, since March 2016, has written a weekly column for ‘The Mail On Sunday’. Prior to this, Dan was a columnist for the Torygraph and in 2013 was described by James Forsyth in ‘The Spectator’ as Cameron’s ‘new favourite columnist’. Originally a member of the  Labour Party, Hodges is known for his Blairite views.

Hodges worked as a parliamentary researcher for his mother, 1992-97, describing it as ‘straight-forward nepotism’, before working in public relations for the Road Haulage Association, GMB and the Freedom To Fly lobby group. Hodges worked briefly as Head of Communications at the London Development Agency and as Director of News for Transport for London in 2007.

Dan supported Jon Cruddas in the 2007 deputy leadership election as a member of Compass, but has since been critical of the organisation. See post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’ for my horrendous experience with Lisa Nandy and Compass. Dan supported David Miliband in David’s unsuccessful campaign for the 2010 Labour leadership contest and was very critical of the winner Ed. It doesn’t matter which of those two tossers Dan supported, their dad Ralph knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’) and I bet that Miliband minor and Miliband even more minor did as well. Their Uncle Harry’s colleagues were mates of Dafydd’s and colluded with him for years.

In August 2013, Hodges expressed strong approval for the border detention of David Miranda, the spouse of journalist Glenn Greenwald, under the Terrorism Act, who despite not being under suspicion of planning terrorist acts, was found to be carrying an external hard drive containing 58,000 highly classified UK intelligence documents. Miranda’s detention was subsequently ruled lawful by the UK High Court, which accepted that Miranda’s detention and the seizure of computer material was ‘an indirect interference with press freedom’ but said this was justified by legitimate and ‘very pressing’ interests of national security. Hodges expressed support for the government suppressing whistleblowers spreading ‘information highly detrimental to the UK national interest’. 

Thanks Dan, Brown and me were never warned of murder plots against us and the murder of others known to us was concealed in the interests of ‘national security’. It was this particular Miranda who’s career benefited as a result of the idiocy:

 

Tony Blair crop.jpg

 

 

 

Islington Borough Council, the organisation which found my friends an equally dangerous place to live after they fled Mr Murphy who’s crimes were being ignored by Miranda’s mates on Camden Borough Council, was of course led by Margaret Hodge from 1982. Hodge stood down from the Council to take up a job with Price Waterhouse in 1992, when the extent of the years of organised sexual abuse of children in care in Islington became clear. By 1992, my career in medical research had been killed and my friends who had sought sanctuary at the hands of the Islington harassment officer were finished as well.

Hodge was educated at Bromley High School, followed by Oxford High School. She went on to study at the LSE, graduating with a third-class degree in 1966. A number of those involved with the paedophile gang in north Wales studied at the LSE at about the same time that Hodge did.

From 1966-73, Hodge worked at Unilever in market research and in PR at Weber Shandwick. Prof Fergus Lowe, who established the corrupt empire of paedophiles’ friends at the School of Psychology at Bangor University from the late 1980s after overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in that School, did it substantially on the back of a very big grant from Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’).

From 1992-94, Hodge was a senior consultant at Price Waterhouse. 

Hodge was married to Henry Hodge, a solicitor and fellow Labour Borough Councillor. Henry Hodge became a High Court judge, but prior to that, he was Chairman of the NCCL (Liberty) when it had links to PIE.

Margaret Hodge was first elected as an Islington Councillor in 1973. She soon became Chairman of the Housing Committee. At one point, Hodge’s Deputy Chairman was Jack Straw. The Islington Labour Party was badly affected by the defection of members and elected representatives to Dr Death’s merry band, the SDP.

Dr Death had personal connections with some of the Top Doctors who facilitated the trafficking ring in north Wales and his other unpleasant activities are detailed in my post ‘Dr Death’. I discovered something further about Dr Death a few days ago. I purchased one of Dr Death’s books that he wrote years ago – when he still expected to end up as PM – after seeing it for £1 in a second hand bookshop. The book is dreadful actually, it is just Dr Death droning on in his pompous manner, but the £1 was well spelt nonetheless, because the blurb about Dr Death inside tells us that after his election in 1966, Dr Death was appointed PPS to the Minister of Defence Administration and then he was junior Minister for Defence (Royal Navy), 1968-70. So Dr Death knew about all those senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who were concealing the sexual abuse of minors, as well as the associated security risks (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). As did Dr Death’s boss at Defence, the Secretary of State Denis Healey. I’m just reading Healey’s autobiography at the moment, he was friends with people who later became Top Docs and paedophiles’ friends from his teenage years.

 

The Islington Child Abuse Scandal was as impressive as the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, with children being found dead and whistleblowers being ignored, intimidated or disappearing off the face of the earth. After Hodge was elected as the MP for Barking in 1994, she insulted one of the by then adult victims of the Islington paedophile gang and implied that he was mad. He successfully sued her. Since then, Hodge has apologised several times for the child abuse scandal which was directly linked her to her tenure, admitting that it was a ‘shameful disgrace’. So were the murders of the witnesses Margaret.

In 1994, Labour leader John Smith died – after a heart attack – at Bart’s Hospital, who found that they ‘could not revive him’. Bart’s was pretty much run by Dafydd’s mate Prof Linford Rees and the family of Lady Juliet Bingley, who in their various roles including in MIND and at the Mental Health Act Commission colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles. Barts was under threat of serious cuts or even complete closure at the time of Smith’s death. After Smith’s death, Hodge endorsed Tony Blair, her former neighbour in Islington, for Labour Leader.

Blair returned the favour. Hodge held various Gov’t positions, including junior Minister for Disabled People, 1998-01; Minister for Universities, 2001-03; Minister for Children, 2003-05. Between 2012-15 Hodge was Chair of the Public Accounts Committee and in this capacity she insulted various people who were summoned to appear before her. For some reason none of them said ‘I don’t have to take this from a ruthless lying cow like you who presided over the murders of witnesses’.

Much of the aggro that I received from the paedophiles’ friends during my time as a teacher and when I did my PhD and then subsequently worked at Bangor University occurred curiously near to the time when Hodge had responsibilities for those areas.

Further information about Dame Lady Margaret Hodge, Sir Henry and their associates can be read in my post ‘The London Connection’.

 

Jeremy Corbyn has been the MP for Islington North since 1983. Jeremy previously worked for NUPE, which was the union to which many of those who stood accused of child abuse or colluded with it belonged. NUPE were happy to represent them. However, NUPE refused to represent Alison Taylor in her fight with Gwynedd County Council after she blow the whistle on the abuse of children in north Wales, although Alison was a fully paid up member of NUPE. Alun Michael, whom Blair imposed upon Wales as First Minister after the National Assembly came into being, had a close relationship with NUPE – it was believed that he did whatever they told him to do (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). For information about the paedophile-friendly trade unions of which NUPE was one, see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’.

Jeremy’s election agent Derek Sawyer was a business partner of paedophile Derek Slade who was imprisoned for sex offences against boys (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends’). The Islington whistleblower Dr Liz Davies maintains that she told Jeremy of the abuse of children in care in the Borough, but Jeremy did not act on her concerns.

 

In Jan 1987, after I was released from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where I had been illegally imprisoned by Dafydd, Dafydd told me that he knew that I was living in Harringay and that he had told Haringey Social Services where I was living so that they could ‘keep an eye on me’. This was not a referral for any sort of ‘service’ or aftercare. Immediately after Dafydd told me that, I was driven to a railway station by two Angels and physically put on a train to London, after being told to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and ‘don’t ever come back to north Wales again’. Clwyd Health Authority even paid for the train ticket. I now have documents showing that records were forged regarding my date of leaving the hospital. It was documented that I had left in February and had been discharged by a Top Doc of whom I had never heard who had diagnosed me with ‘paranoid schizophrenia’.

It was after I left Denbigh that I was followed and threatened repeatedly by the sex offender in Bethnal Green when I went back to the flat to see my friends.

Jezza sat on the Board of an NHS authority covering Camden and Islington and Haringey.

 

A woman who wilfully ignored serious organised crime:

  • Margaret Hodge: ‘Companies have to pay their share. Tax is ...

 

Dave Spart:

 

BBC News - The Jeremy Corbyn Story: Profile of Labour's ...

 

A git:

 

Alun Michael, Author at Policing Insight

 

An expert on psychosis caused by mari-jew-ana:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

Peckham, the area in a state of terminal decay where it was too dangerous for residents to go out at night and where the neighbourhood street robbers had somehow been alerted to my friends’ arrival, the area employing a lethal offensive GP and the area where young women smacked out of their heads could drive into my friend causing injury with no consequences, was the domain of Harriet Harman. Well, it was in name, but Jack Dromey was the substantial driving force. At one point the residents of Peckham were so fed up of their shite, dangerous environment and the lack of facilities that there was a plan to oust Harriet. Harriet’s husband Jack Dromey saved the day by drumming up support from his mates in the unions. Those in Peckham who did favours for Harriet were richly rewarded, sometimes with peerages.

Harriet based much of her election campaigning on her support for the NHS. Harriet’s dad John Harman was a Harley Street Top Doc. I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School when my mates were living in Peckham. When one of the medical secretaries head that my friends lived there, she stated that ‘Peckham is a vile area’.

Ah! Your life in their hands! The NHS treats everybody equally and it particularly looks after the poor!

 

Harriet Harman:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Dr Jeremy Alun Spart:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

 

I have been told that it was Sir Paul Fox, one of Thatcher’s favourite media executives, who was responsible for my friend being forced out of the Royal Television Society, although it was the fuckwit Claire Price who did the dirty work (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). My friend was forced out of the RTS when she wanted to make a film about what had happened to me in north Wales. One RTS employee had an unfortunate taste for sex with children and on one occasion molested a 10 year old boy. Price’s colleague Tony Pilgrim commented that it was ‘sad that he had been caught’.

The Chairman of the BBC when my friend’s husband was forced out of his job with them was Thatcher’s mate Marmaduke Hussey, who’s wife Lady Susan Hussey was Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet. So she’ll have known the other Woman of the Bedchamber to Lilibet, Dame Mary Morrison. I wonder how many women Lilibet needs in her bedchamber. Lady Susan is godmother to Prince William.

Duke Hussey had numerous roles in public life (see post ‘Oh No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’), among them Chairman of the Royal Marsden Hospital, until 1998. So Hussey will have been in post at the time that the Royal Marsden was involved in a research fraud in which Tony Francis’s former colleague Dr Peter Mcguire participated, which resulted in the Nov 1990 death – stated to be by suicide – of Prof Tim McElwain, an oncologist from the Royal Marsden (see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’). In June 1996 Hussey was given a life peerage – the month after William Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Sir Michael Checkland was DG of the BBC, 1987-92 and was Vice-President of the RTS, 1985-94. So Sir Paul Fox obviously received a helping hand. Checkland, like Hussey, was Thatcher’s choice.

Following his retirement from the BBC, Checkland became closely associated with the National Children’s Home. A number of people involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and other child abuse scandals were involved with NCH, including Glanville Owen, Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), when the paedophile gang operated within its children’s homes and when Gwynedd County Council staff were perjuring themselves in attempts to have me imprisoned.

Checkland has since become involved in a range of other charities and public bodies: Director of the National Youth Music Theatre, 1992–02, Chairman of the City of Birmingham Symphony Orchestra, 1995–2001, Governor of Westminster College, Oxford, 1993–97 and Governor of Birkbeck College, London, 1993-97.

For many years Professor Eric Hobsbawm had a holiday home in Croesor in north Wales, a village in the region in which Dafydd et al wrecked lives (see post ‘The Village’). Hobsbawm was an academic at Birkbeck and was involved with the institution for many years, eventually becoming President in 2002. Eric Hobsbawm undoubtedly knew about the activities of Dafydd and the gang. An entertaining article on the net entitled ‘What would George think?’ claims that Eric Hobsbawm – a communist – was under surveillance by MI5 for decades and the site provides a link to what it is claimed is intelligence gathered by MI5 on Hobsbawm. Call me naive, but I don’t think it likely that MI5 are going to be posting up their info online. Unless it’s a case of Python’s ‘joining the secret services’ vision: ‘Can you keep a secret?’ ‘Yes.’ ‘Well you’re in then.’

Hobsbawm was a member of the Cambridge Apostles. A number of whom were double agents working for the British security services.

Whether Hobsbawm was spy, spied upon, or both, he knew that people were being killed at the hands of a gang which supplied children for Thatcher’s mates, Ministers and associates of the Royal Family to have sex with. As for what would George think, consider this: Dafydd was supplying young people to politicians of all parties, celebs and others; he was using his status as a local born Welshman and Top Doctor to convince people that he could be relied upon to act in the interests of the region’s unfortunates; he’d do anything for money, was incredibly dangerous and enjoyed protection from the highest echelons. I imagine that George was in despair. George would also have been on his own in the face of the myriad assorted tossers and dipsticks colluding with Dafydd. Furthermore if George is thinking what I am thinking, he’ll be wondering why, in the face of the considerable resources available to the security services, that they could not have dealt effectively with an insane old man like Dafydd.

 

Michael Checkland was Visiting Professor at the International Academy of Broadcasting, Montreux, 1995–97; the Peabody Awards Board of Jurors, 1994-2000 and Chairman of HEFCE, 1997–2001.

In 1997-8 Checkland was elected Vice-President of the British Methodist Conference, the highest lay position in the Methodist Church. George Thomas, the Labour MP, Speaker of the House and friend of Thatcher, who molested children for decades, was a leading figure in the Methodist Church (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). George Thomas was also involved with the NCH.

Checkland is a Trustee of Reuters, Chairman of Horsham YMCA, Chairman of Horsham Arts Festival, Chairman of the University of Brighton and a Board member of the Wales Millennium Centre. He was a member of the  ITC, 1997-03, and Chairman of Brighton Festival, 1993-02.

John Allen owned brothels in Brighton to which he trafficked kids from north Wales. The firebomb attack in 1992 which killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal happened in Brighton.

 

When my friend worked at the BBC, he said that not only were the senior managers endorsing the corruption within that organisation but it was rumoured that a few of them were molesting under-aged boys. I was also told that Esther was truly hated and a ruthless, insincere bully.

Previous posts have described how I wrote to Esther about Dafydd and Denbigh when she launched her mental health campaign in the late 1980s. I did not receive a reply.

Regular readers will know that Dafydd’s targets compensated by taking the piss out of him. One of the things that we did was to enter Dafydd for awards and quiz shows. I, in collaboration with others, entered Dafydd for Esther’s ‘Hearts Of Gold’ show in 1988 and we also entered Dafydd for ‘Bob’s Full House’, to appear with Bob Monkhouse. So imagine my surprise when, upon receipt of my medical records, I found copies of the letters to the BBC that we had written to enter Dafydd for Esther’s and Bob’s shows. So someone at the BBC had a hotline to Dafydd.

 

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I do not know whether my friend was forced out of the BBC because he refused to accept bribes, because his wife wanted to make a film about north Wales, because they were both friends with me or because I wrote to Esther and then took the piss out of Dafydd.

The BBC will never recover from Savile, Stuart Hall and Rolf Harris, but before those three were exposed, some people in north Wales were quite vexed by the BBC, although they were dismissed as nutters. There was a journalist who lived at Brynsiencyn on Anglesey during the 1980s, Ian Skidmore, who broadcast Radio Brynsiencyn from his own cottage. Ian Skidmore constantly alleged that the BBC were trying to ruin him – although he had previously worked with them –  but I’m not aware of the details of his allegations.

 

Ian Skidmore worked for Radio 4, making his mark in 1987 by presenting the ‘Archive’ programme and going on to present the nostalgic ‘Times Remembered’. Radio Brynsiencyn parodied the commercial broadcasters of the time. Recorded in the kitchen of his cottage and given a final polish by BBC Radio Wales, the programme created the illusion of coming from an independent outfit and gained an international following during the 1980s.

The former BBC foreign correspondent Angus McDermid was Skidmore’s ‘foreign editor’: they had first met while working on the ‘North Wales Chronicle’ in Bangor, Gwynedd. The Skidmores’ cleaner, Rose Roberts, appeared on Radio Brynsiencyn and Aled Jones was used as an interviewer when his voice broke.

The ‘North Wales Chronicle’ was an organ of the paedophiles’ friends. Angus McDermid began his career on the ‘North Wales Chronicle’ in 1939, based in his home town, Bangor.

 

In 1963, McDermid became the BBC’s central African correspondent and in 1964, he was appointed the BBC’s west African correspondent. By the end of the 1960s, McDermid was working as the BBC’s South Africa correspondent, based in Johannesburg. During his time in Africa, he reported on the death of Congolese PM Patrice Lumumba.

McDermid was a regular contributor to Radio 4’s ‘From Our Own Correspondent’. One of his pieces, according to fellow BBC journalist John Simpson, focused on a censor in Zanzibar who kept a revolver and a hand grenade under his desk. Yet McDermid never managed to utter a word about Dafydd.

McDermid’s career included a stint as the BBC’s Washington correspondent in the 1970s.

McDermid’s daughter Kate Dickens is a former journalist. His grandson Andrew Dickens is senior press officer at the Ministry of Housing, Communities and Local Government and was previously chief reporter at international television publication C21 Media.

 

In 2009 the ‘Daily Post’ reported that a series of plaques were going to be erected in Bangor to commemorate famous people associated with the town, one of those being McDermid. The famous people honoured had all concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. Cllr Douglas Madge was most enthusiastic about the plaques. Douglas Madge is a retired technician from Bangor University, who, if one cuts his head open and counts the rings, can be dated back to the time when Dafydd and the paedophiles completely ran the institution. In retirement and in his capacity as a Councillor, Madge was one of those who declared war on the one VC of Bangor University who was not a paedophiles’ friend. Madge could be seen out and about in Bangor seething and fuming, co-ordinating coups and plots against that Very Naughty Boy who just would not do what a gang of paedophiles told him to. The paedophiles’ friends even generated a phrase which was the call to arms: ‘he’s destroying my culture, my language and my university’. That’s Welsh for ‘the whole damn lot of us could be behind bars if anyone re-opens the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal’.

 

I can highly recommend the famous Welshman Iolo Morganwg to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. From an early date Edward Williams aka Iolo Morganwg was concerned with preserving and maintaining the literary and cultural traditions of Wales. To this end he forged a large number of manuscripts as evidence for his claims that ancient druidic tradition had survived the Roman conquest, the conversion of the populace to Christianity, the persecution of the bards under King Edward I and other adversities. Morganwg’s forgeries develop an elaborate mystical philosophy, which he claimed represented a direct continuation of ancient druidic practice. Williams’s reported heavy use of laudanum may have been a contributing factor.

Williams first came to public notice in 1789 when he produced Barddoniaeth Dafydd ab Gwilym, a collection of the poetry of the 14th-century Dafydd ap Gwilym. Included in this edition was a large number of previously unknown poems by Dafydd that Williams claimed to have discovered; these poems are regarded as Williams’s first forgeries. His success led him to London in 1791. There he founded the Gorsedd, a community of Welsh bards, at a ceremony on 21 June 1792 at Primrose Hill. Iolo organised the proceedings, which he claimed were based on ancient druidic rites. In 1794 he published some of his own poetry, which was later collected in the two-volume Poems, Lyric and Pastoral. Essentially his only genuine work, it proved quite popular.

 

 

Here’s a Welsh woman in traditional dress:

 

 

This traditional dress was invented by Lady Llanover aka Augusta Waddington (21 March 1802 – 17 January 1896). She made her servants wear it. The Traditional Welsh Hats – or at least plastic versions of them – are still sold in Rhyl today to the delight of small girls who are there on holiday from Birkenhead.

Yma O Hyd!

 

Ian Skidmore’s books included several on the history of north Wales. His 1983 autobiography was read on Radio 4 and the World Service. A new version, more than twice the original length, was published in 2008.

Born and brought up in Manchester, Ian was the son of a policeman. Skidmore left Didsbury Central School at the age of 12 when his mother took him to Derbyshire. His father responded to his journalistic aspirations by getting him a job as an apprentice printer on the ‘Evening Chronicle’ (later merged into the ‘Manchester Evening News’). At the age of 18 Skidmore was called up for national service, undertaken in the Black Watch, his stint including 56 days in a military prison. Upon his release, he joined the British Army PR unit. Mere mention of the ‘Chronicle’ had the staff there assuming that he was a reporter, and so he was posted to Berlin as a sergeant with the 7th Armoured Division. He was assigned to covering the Berlin Airlift of 1948-49 and within a year had made his first British Forces Radio broadcast.

After leaving the Army, Skidmore joined the ‘Manchester City News’ – which evolved into the ‘Yorkshire Evening Post’ – the ‘Daily Dispatch’ in Liverpool and the ‘Daily Mirror’ in Manchester. He became one of the youngest night news editors on a national paper, with spells at the ‘News of the World’, ‘Daily Mirror’, ‘Sunday Pictorial’, ‘Sunday Mirror’ and ‘Sunday People’. Then Skidmore worked as a freelance based in Chester, where in 1966 he covered the Moors murders trial of Ian Brady and Myra Hindley. Nearly all the lawyers involved in that trial were paedophiles’ friends.

Skidmore married a fellow journalist, Celia Lucas, his second wife, in 1971, and they moved to Anglesey. The MP for Anglesey, 1951-79, was paedophiles’ friend, Lord Cledwyn, aka Cledwyn Hughes. My post ‘Little Shop Of Horrors’ discussed how many people involved in agriculture in north Wales/Cheshire – both in the Agri Dept of UCNW, but also in their capacity as landowners/farmers – were colluding with and concealing the criminality of Dafydd and the gang. Cledwyn was a key mover and shaker among them.

In 1968 PM Harold Wilson moved Cledwyn Hughes from his position as Welsh Secretary to become Minister of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. Hughes was disappointed to leave the Welsh Office, not least because he had done much preparatory work for the investiture of the Prince of Wales scheduled for 1969. This included sending a monthly letter on Welsh affairs to Carlo, then at Cambridge University.

At Agriculture, Hughes replaced Fred Peart, who was strongly opposed to the Common Market. Hughes was a supporter and a great admirer of paedophiles’ friend and later mentor to Blair, Roy Jenkins. During his time as Secretary of State for Wales, Hughes had favoured extending the nascent Dept’s powers over agriculture and health; as Minister of Agriculture, he transferred powers over agriculture in Wales to the Welsh Office. Which meant that the corrupt civil servants in the Welsh Office doing Dafydd et al so many favours then had responsibility for yet another domain colonised by the paedophiles’ friends, lest anyone was in danger of constraining them.

Cledwyn was succeeded as Secretary of State for Wales by George Thomas, who was mates with Harold Wilson.

Lord Cledwyn was close to paedophiles’ friends Roy Jenkins and Callaghan and was a long standing friend of Glenys Kinnock’s parents. In March 1977, Cledwyn Hughes was actively involved in the negotiations which led to the Lib-Lab pact. In the autumn of the following year, when the Callaghan Gov’t did not have a majority in the Commons, Hughes persuaded the three Plaid members to support the Gov’t in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to workers suffering from silicosis as a result of working in the slate quarrying industry. When I lived near Bethesda in the 1990s, the old boys who could hardly breathe as a result of silicosis were still waiting for their compensation. Many of them died before they received it. Dafydd Wigley was very angry about the matter, but was in no position to put a boot into various carregs to ensure that the quarrymen received compensation before they died, because the politicians were all concealing the same bunch of criminals. Hard luck quarrymen, but here’s another media story about the wonderful NHS.

In late 1978 Lord Cledwyn was dispatched as an envoy to Rhodesia, seeking to accelerate the handover of power to the majority population, but as in 1965 when Cledwyn had previously attempted negotiations, he made little headway in persuading Ian Smith to co-operate. Hughes also failed to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle. If I was Ian Smith or Joshua Nkomo I don’t think that I’d listen to a paedophiles’ friend from Anglesey either.

Keith Best, one of the greatest friends that Dafydd and the paedophiles had, was MP for Anglesey, 1979-87. Until he went to prison.

For further details on Lord Cledwyn and Keith Best, see my post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

 

It was a chance meeting with Lord Langford – aka Geoffrey Rowley-Conwy – which led to the first of Ian Skidmore’s more than 30 books. ‘Escape from the Rising Sun: The Incredible Voyage of the Sederhana Djohanis’ tells the story of the then Geoffrey Alexander Rowley-Conwy’s escape from the Japanese invasion of Singapore and his eventful journey to Ceylon.

The Rowley-Conwys are a land-owning family from Denbighshire. They are associated with many of those who concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al.

Col Geoffrey Alexander Rowley-Conwy, 9th Baron Langford, (8 March 1912 – 12 November 2017), was a British-Irish peer and British Army officer. His second wife was Grete von Freiesleben, the daughter of Colonel Erik Theodor Christian von Freiesleben, of Hjortekaer, Copenhagen, Ch Kings’s Adj’s Staff to His Majesty The King of Denmark. One of their three children is the Hon. Peter Alexander Rowley-Conwy. One of his two daughters is Gabrielle Catrin Rowley-Conwy. Gabby Rowley-Conwy’s biography can be found on Swansea University’s website. It reads:

‘I am a Clinical Skills Tutor in the Department of Nursing. My background is in Emergency and Critical Care, especially Burns Intensive Care. I have worked in Saudi Arabia and France as well as around the UK, and am passionately interested in international and cultural aspects of nursing. My other interests are clinical skills and resuscitation, particularly simulation based training. I have published several articles on burns care and am passionate about evidence based practice.’

I expect that Gabby is one of the Angels who is using foodbanks that we hear about.

Gabby’s grandfather’s third wife was Susan Winifred Denham, daughter of Cyril Henry Charles Denham, of Wrexham, Denbighshire. Lady Langford is a patron of St Kentigern Hospice, St Asaph, an institution founded and run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

 

In 1978 Skidmore joined the newly launched BBC Radio Wales, where for 15 years he hosted the interview series ‘In Conversation’, as well as making entertaining contributions to the quiz Chaired by Vincent Kane. Skidmore’s 15 television series were made for BBC Wales, HTV and Granada and he was a popular guest on chat shows.

In 1998, after more than 1,000 programmes, Skidmore was awarded a Golden Microphone for services to broadcasting, but a fortnight later was controversially dropped by BBC Radio Wales. This he put down to growing anti-English prejudice by the station’s management.

In 2003, Skidmore retired to Cambridgeshire, where he continued to write and blog.

Skidmore died in 2013 and is survived by Celia and by the two daughters, Gay and Lynn, and son, Nicholas, from his first marriage, to Leah, which ended in divorce.

Ian Skidmore worked with so many paedophiles’ friends in so many capacities that he will have known plenty about what they were doing. Dafydd was a regular on Vincent Kane in the 1990s as the police investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales began and as there was pressure on Dafydd to retire. Dafydd lived on Anglesey, not that far away from Ian Skidmore. Dafydd didn’t have to go on the bus like the Empowered Service Users, he had a gold coloured Range Rover, he could have soon nipped across to Brynsiencyn.

A Celia Lucas wrote a book called ‘Living Hell’ but I don’t know whether that was the Celia Lucas who was married to Skidmore.

What Skidmore’s ranting re the BBC was all about I don’t know – it could have been a publicity stunt in the way that people like the Pythons and Spike Milligan insulted the BBC while making a very good living from it.
The other person whom I knew who maintained that the BBC had done dreadful things to him was a quarryman from Llanberis with whom I made friends in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Peter Webb. Peter was just denounced as a nutter by the Angels and declared to have paranoid schizophrenia, but that was said about everyone in Denbigh. I got to know Peter quite well, because he taught me a bit of Welsh and history of the slate industry. He was not a stupid man and like everyone in Denbigh, he was held there illegally. He had been detained – again illegally – some months previously, which had led to him losing the tenancy of his council house. When Peter finally got out, he returned to Llanberis and, being destitute, he slept in a derelict building. He was picked up by the North Wales Police immediately, charged with ‘breaking into’ the derelict building and taken straight back to the North Wales Hospital. This was a typical Everyday Story Of Denbigh Folk – unlawfully detained long enough until they had lost their jobs and homes, released without a penny and with no aftercare and then immediately arrested and sectioned after arrest for a trivial – or non-existent – offence, relating to either their destitution or attempts to pursue a complaint about the unlawful detention. The diagnoses of people detained in Denbigh were meaningless. Everyone was held there unlawfully after pissing off the paedophile gang or their associates.
Peter repeatedly told me that the BBC ‘came into my house’ and that they had colluded with Dafydd to cause him problems. Like me, his response to the Angels and Top Docs was ‘you have grossly and unlawfully interfered in my life, I have no interest in you and I don’t want to know’.
Some months ago I read a couple of books about the history of BBC Wales, but I didn’t have time to blog about them. Again and again I noticed people who knew Dafydd et al and who had begun their careers in Wales who later hit the big time in the ‘main’ BBC. I have blogged about the paedophiles’ friend Huw Wheldon who went to Friars School in Bangor, retained close links with UCNW (Bangor University), sat on the University Council and ended up as an incredibly influential person in the BBC (see previous posts), alleged to exert as much influence as some of the Director Generals. Then there was Elwyn Parry Jones from Llangollen, who became a significant figure in BBC current affairs in the 1970s and 80s. Parry Jones became Deputy Editor of ‘Panorama’, 1977-85 and also produced ‘Rough Justice’. So that’s why we never saw a programme about any of the many whom Dafydd et al fitted up then.
During his career, Parry Jones travelled the world and palled up with Rupert Murdoch. After his divorce in 1978, one of his girlfriends was newsreader Anna Ford and another girlfriend introduced him to Silvio Berlusconi. Parry Jones left the BBC in 1986, after a dispute with the Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane. Who was the man who so effectively assisted well-connected paedophiles. Parry Jones returned to north Wales and set up an independent production company, making films for S4C. He lived with his Czech girlfriend on their small holding in Trevor. Which is just down the road from where so many kids in a number of different children’s homes were being raped, battered and sold for sex. Parry Jones never mentioned any of it in any broadcast. He died in 2013, after Operation Pallial was launched.
 Then there were all the colleagues of Wheldon and Parry Jones, legions of them. And of course their children who followed their parents into the media. No wonder the only programmes about the horrors of north Wales that we ever saw on TV were free plugs for Dafydd in his capacity as an ‘expert’ on the Kane Debates or Kilroy or such like.
The biggest mate in the BBC that Dafydd et al had was of course Sir Robin Day.
My post ‘Dates For Your Diary’ detailed the rise to stardom of Top Doc’s wife Vanessa Feltz just as the Top Docs and paedophiles’ friends of north Wales needed assistance. I have previously mentioned other people linked with the paedophiles’ friends who achieved stardom in the wake of people going public about Dafydd’s activities.
‘Ooh there’s a lovely little cherub who sings in Bangor Cathedral and he has the voice of an Angel. His name is Aled Jones and he looks sweet and sings in Welsh and has been given a recording contract by Dafydd Iwan’s company SAIN. It is time that the BBC made him a star’. Translate as: ‘Oh SHIT, a young woman from Llandegfan has caught Gwynne the lobotomist forging documents after she complained about him, she won’t keep quiet and now her friends are backing her up. PAEDOPHILES IN DISTRESS, ASSISTANCE, ASSISTANCE. Call for that choirboy who goes to school with D.G.E. Wood’s children and lives just down the road from him. Dafydd Wigley – tell your wife to get that harp out, all hands to the pump. Get in a supply of Welsh cakes and Bara Brith and tell the kids to hide their mari-jew-ana, we’ve got the cameras coming round.’

Then there was, in April 1986, in the wake of Brown and me – as well as a few others – complaining about Gwynne the lobotomist and other Top Docs, the appearance on Welsh news of the paedophiles’ friend Prof J.B. Owen from the Agri Dept at UCNW, sharing his wisdom about Chernobyl, a subject on which he very obviously knew nothing. The appearance of this sheep farmer from Anglesey spouting bullshit caused massive embarrassment to the University, but of course, no-one mentioned anything to J.B. Owen. Meri Huws caused a similar degree of excruciating embarrassment years later by a TV appearance, but as ever it was a case of ‘I’m a paedophiles’ friend and you can’t get me’.

Hush Hush, Whisper Who Dares, Bangor University Are Saying Their Prayers. Because another paedophiles’ friend has appeared on TV again and has made the institution a laughing stock.

 

I have previously mentioned that people known to me in Somerset were paid a great deal of money for several years from approximately 1991 to lie about me and not ask any questions if I was found dead or imprisoned (see post ‘The Village’). Not only that, but one of them began appearing on reality shows and even starred with celebs on some occasions. I’d love to know how – he had no education, no expertise and no TV experience. But he was mates with some of the idle rich offspring of some leading Tories of the time, including Robert Leigh-Pemberton, the Governor of the Bank of England. Leigh-Pemberton was a member of the John Major’s ‘team’ who had caused the financial crash on Black Wednesday, 16 Sept 1992 (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’). Leigh-Pemberton was also a member of Major’s ‘team’ who were charged with dealing with the aftermath and containing the disaster. They couldn’t, the whole bloody lot of them were clueless.

 

One of the Somerset contingent knew their constituency MP Tom King very well. King was elected as the Tory MP for Bridgwater in 1970. Among his positions, he was Secretary of State for Employment, Oct 1983-Sept 1985. For the entire time that King was in that role, Sir Peter Morrison was Minister for Employment.

Here’s a coincidence. Morrison was appointed Minister for Employment on 13 June 1983, when Norman Tebbit was Employment Secretary. That role was then transferred to King on 16 Oct 1983. It was during the summer of 1983 that I became so ill that Brown had to look after me and do very little else. He approached D.GE. Wood, the GP in the UCNW Student Health Centre, for advice repeatedly but Wood would not give any advice. Instead Wood told Brown to leave me and ‘get on with your own life’. Neither was Wood willing to give me any appropriate or effective treatment. By this time, Brown had received murder threats – D.G.E. Wood knew about this as did tutors in UCNW, because I told them. It was ignored and the man who made the threats later tracked Brown down and tried to kill him. So after all these events, Tom King, a man personally known to Tories in Somerset who knew Brown and me, was moved from his job as Secretary of State for Transport, to the Secretary of the Dept in which a Minister was a member of the paedophile gang which D.G.E. Wood was facilitating.

On 3 Sept 1985 – by which time Brown and I had begun to get very concerned about the mental health services in north Wales and had already been repeatedly threatened after we made formal complaints about Gwynne the lobotomist – Tom King was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland. In which capacity he concealed the paedophile ring at Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, which had links to Dafydd and the gang. Meanwhile, Morrison was Minister of State for the DTI, 2 Sept 1985-10 Sept 1986, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan. Brittan has constantly been at the centre of allegations that he abused children and he definitely concealed the organised abuse of children, as well as the criminality in north Wales when he was Home Secretary, 11 June 1983-2 Sept 1985.

From 10 Sept 1986-11 June 1987, Morrison was Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party. Tebbit was Chairman, 2 Sept 1985-13 June 1987. By which time havoc was breaking out in north Wales and my friends had started to come under attack, Anne being killed in the spring of 1986.

 

Here’s a man who considered gay relationships between consenting adults wholly unacceptable:

 

Official portrait of Lord Tebbit crop 2.jpg

 

Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Energy, 11 June 1987-23 July 1990, under Secretaries of State Cecil Parkinson and John Wakeham (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). Between 23 July -28 Nov 1990, Morrison was Thatcher’s PPS and he organised her failed leadership campaign before the Tories gave her the boot. Weeks later, St George’s, the BBC and the RTS gave me and my friends the boot, all unlawfully.

On 24 July 1989, Tom King was appointed Secretary of State for Defence, a post he retained until 11 April 1992. Days later, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by the firebomb in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). By this time, those known to me in Somerset had found themselves in receipt of a great deal of money.

Between 1994-01 King served as Chairman of the Intelligence and Security Select Committee. King was in the post throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry and at the time of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. When the fuss had died down in 2001, King was a given a peerage.

I met Tom King. When I was 10! He shook my hand whilst wearing his blue Vote for Tom King rosette. I met many other Somerset Tories but not old Tom again, because Tom didn’t have much time for Bridgwater, so he didn’t condescend to go there very often. You didn’t tell me that associates of your Gov’t were going to try to kill or imprison me when I grew up Tom and then pay your supporters to keep quiet when the dirty deed had been completed!

 

David Cameron made use of Tom’s talents by appointing King as Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party’s Policy Group on National and International Security, which Cameron set up in 2006.

 

 

In June 1983, an unknown female journalist was propelled to stardom in a Venessa Feltz-like way, was soon the centre of numerous tabloid stories and became the Queen of daytime TV – Anne Diamond. The ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ went into overdrive, because Anne Diamond had worked for them back in the mid-1970s. No-one could explain why the talent that was Diamond had been plucked from the many hundreds of other bland, banal young female journos to sit on a sofa smiling vacuously.

Diamond began her television career with BBC West in Bristol, before moving over to ATV Today as a reporter and newsreader in 1979. When ATV became Central Television in 1982, she was paired up with Nick Owen, to present the new East Midlands edition of Central News. 

The launch of the Nottingham-based service was initially delayed for a month, but then extended indefinitely. With no end in sight to the dispute, Diamond left ITN before rejoining the BBC, becoming a reporter on the nightly programme ‘Nationwide’, along with being a presenter on BBC News After Noon.

On Monday 6 June 1983, Diamond joined TV-am, owned and run by Tories Jonathan and Tim Aitken. Greg Dyke, the newly appointed programme director, spoke with Nick Owen about replacements for sacked presenters Anna Ford and Angela Rippon. Owen suggested Diamond and later that evening they met in a pub. Six weeks later Diamond joined the station.

Nick Owen went to Leeds University and graduated in 1970. His first job was as a graduate trainee on the Doncaster Evening PostAfter two years Owen moved to a job at the ‘Birmingham Evening Post’, where he reported local news. He started working for the BBC’s local radio station Radio Birmingham in 1973, as a news producer and later as Sports Editor. So Nick Owen has known about the paedophile gangs in Yorkshire and the West Midlands for a long time. Nick will have known about the corruption in the West Midlands Serious Crime Squad, that kids in care from the West Midlands were being sent to the children’s homes in north Wales and were being abused in Birmingham as well. He’ll have known about Dafydd’s mate Professor Robert Bluglass and the wrongdoing in the NHS In Birmingham. It was known that the ‘Birmingham Evening Mail’, the sister paper of the ‘Birmingham Evening Post’, would not report bad news NHS stories because it was dependent upon maintaining a good relationship with the Top Docs for its survival. The ‘Birmingham Evening Mail’ found itself compromised in lots of other ways as well.

The man who tried to kill Brown grew up in Birmingham and lived in Birmingham. By the time that he tried to kill Brown, he had beaten up and nearly killed an old man who lived in the flat above him. He was charged, but acquitted. His defence claimed that the old man had dementia and that his injuries were self-inflicted. The West Midlands Police were of the opinion that the elderly man’s assailant presented a considerable danger to the public.

 

Diamond left TV-am in 1990, to work full-time on TV Weekly, first produced by TVS and later by Topical Television, which she had presented since 1989. The programme looked behind the scenes of various television programmes and interviewed various personalities from in front and behind the camera. Diamond was rejoined with Nick Owen to present the BBC daytime show ‘Good Morning With Anne And Nick’, which ran four years, 1992-96.

In the late 1990s Diamond presented the breakfast show on the London radio station LBC. LBC also gave David Mellor a home.

Diamond married Mike Hollingsworth, a TV exec, in 1989. There was much fuss before the wedding, because Hollingsworth was married to someone else when he began his relationship with Diamond. The other Glendas really didn’t like Anne Diamond, she was constantly the centre of tabloid stories and they really went to town re Hollingsworth.

Anne and Mike had five sons, one of whom died of SIDS – cot death – in July 1991. The couple subsequently divorced in 1999.

Diamond became involved in raising awareness of SIDS after her son, Sebastian, died from the syndrome. She fronted ‘Back to Sleep’, a campaign telling parents to ensure that babies slept on their backs. I always wondered how Diamond got away with running that campaign and why she wasn’t crucified by the Top Docs. There was evidence that babies were more likely to die if placed on their bellies – but hospitals, NHS and private, until Diamond’s campaign, TOLD new mothers to place babies on their bellies to sleep, because they believed that it was safer. At the time, if you walked into a post-natal ward, all the babies would be lying there, very carefully placed on their bellies. The Top Docs’ advice had contributed to SIDS deaths. I was gobsmacked that they didn’t go after Diamond, because IF she was correct, she had exposed massive clinical failure. The Top Docs didn’t fight back and they didn’t fight her. Most unusually for Top Docs they shut their mouths and Anne lapped up the praise. Yet there was no class action on behalf of parents who had lost their babies after following the Top Docs’ deadly orders.

But then people involved with MIND at senior levels all did very well for themselves; they also knew that Dafydd et al were running a paedophile gang with connections to the highest in the land.

Diamond was awarded the Gold Medal of the Royal College of Paediatrics and Child Heath, the only time it has ever been awarded to a non-medic. You bet that they gave her a medal, they’d have given her anything to keep her mouth shut.

I wonder why they tried to kill me  and my friends instead of giving us medals?

Perhaps agents of the Top Docs did sting Diamond, because her career went very flat for a while and she was mightily mocked by the amassed Glendas for being washed up. Anne subsequently enjoyed a bit of a comeback. At about the time of oooh, Operation Pallial wasn’t it Anne?

On 28 November 2011 Diamond gave evidence at the Leveson Inquiry into the culture, practice and ethics of the press. She gave detailed accounts of intrusion by journalists into her life and her dealings with tabloid newspapers. I’m sure that it wasn’t pleasant Anne, but try being the target of the sex trafficking gang about whose activities you remained silent and made a mint out of.

 

  • Nick Owen slams Good Morning Britain and ITV’s breakfast ...

 

Being a West Country journo in the 1970s, Anne would have known the truth behind the Jeremy Thorpe scandal. She and Nick Owen would also have known about Greville Janner and his associates from their stint as journos in the east midlands.

 

In 2007 the Torygraph ran a story in which Hollingsworth’s partner – a woman much younger than him – alleged that he had been seriously violent towards her. At the time, Hollingsworth was working for Cancer Research UK.

 

Lord Max Beloff was one of the founders of the University of Buckingham, which was strongly associated with Thatcher (see previous posts). Max Beloff was also a friend of Ioan Bowen Rees, who was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, 1980-91. Bowen Rees was an adviser to Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon, 1974-2001. Lord Max’s son Michael Beloff QC was Cherie’s friend and colleague and was the legal adviser to Clwyd County Council’s insurers. It was on Beloff’s advice that Clwyd County Council kept the contents of the 1996 Jillings Report into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council completely secret (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Michael Beloff and Cherie know Michael Mansfield QC, whom I wrote to about Gwynedd Social Services in 1993. Mansfield lived in Wandsworth, just down the road from St George’s Hospital Medical School, along with many of the staff of that institution. The Top Docs at St George’s were colluding with organised child abuse in collaboration with Wandsworth Social Services, who were directly in contact with Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Donald Naismith, the Director of Education for Wandsworth, was known to be a paedophile who was abusing boys in care in the Elm Guest House at Barnes, Richmond-upon-Thames. Louis Minster was Director of Social Services for Richmond-upon-Thames and was also known to be abusing boys in care. The police were concerned that the Elm Guest House was being used as a brothel with boys in care being sold for sex there, so a raid was organised. One boy in care was found in the Elm Guest House at the time of the raid but no charges were brought. It was discovered that Louis Minster has been told in advance about the raid, on the grounds that he was Director of Social Services, rather than that he was a suspect. See post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’.

Dr Alice Levinson, a Top Doctor employed at St George’s/Springfield who was one of those who colluded with Dafydd and the gang in 1990-91, runs a private psychotherapy practice at Richmond-Upon-Thames (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’).

In 1986 the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s, Oliver Brooke, was jailed for the possession of child porn and procuring an indecent image of a 14 yr old girl. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring, but was nevertheless let out of prison on appeal by Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane in 1987. It was Geoffrey Lane who would have been responsible for changing the presiding judge and the court when Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned in July 1990 on the basis of the perjury of Jackie Brandt, Keith Fearns, Bob Ingham and Maggie Fookes, employees of Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd Health Authority. My barrister was not told of the change of court and judge, although documents in my possession show that Gwynedd County Council knew days in advance. The perjurers of Gwynedd received handwritten instructions explaining this to them, giving them directions to the correct court and were told to introduce themselves to the clerk of the court at least 20 mins before the trial, where they would be given instructions. They were told to ‘familiarise themselves with the affidavits’. Which suggests that they hadn’t seen them before, although they were alleged to have written and sworn them previously. See post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

My documents show that one of those lawyers who helped prepare the evidence against me at that time was a Frances Jones. Frances Jones still practices in north Wales. I was told that she is very, very good and is the lawyer of choice for the crooks of north Wales. Before I left Bangor University, I was attending the memorial service for a member of staff who had died and I heard a bunch of paedophiles’ friends who were sitting behind me throwing around allegations about the Vice Chancellor. Frances Jones was one of them. I recognised Frances because she had attended the police station to help me after I had been wrongfully arrested by the paedophiles’ friends just months before. Frances got me out of the police station for which I was very grateful. But I heard no more after I was released. I’m fairly sure that if one of Frances’s other clients had been wrongfully arrested after a conspiracy between the Top Docs, NHS managers and the North Wales Police, there would have been questions asked.

 

In November 1985, a group of men led by paedophile Sidney Cooke each paid £5 to gang-rape 14-year-old Jason Swift in what the media described as a homosexual orgy. After Jason’s body was found in a shallow grave by a dog walker, an investigation by the Met led to the arrest of Cooke, along with three accomplices – Leslie Bailey, Robert Oliver and Steven Barrell. Cooke was sentenced at the Old Bailey to 19 years in Wandsworth Prison in May 1989 for the manslaughter of Swift. The Top Docs of St George’s who colluded with Dafydd et al in 1990-91 (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’) had doings with Wandsworth Prison in their capacity as ‘expert witnesses’.

Bailey had informed authorities that Cooke was among those who murdered 7-year-old Mark Tildesley in Wokingham, who disappeared while visiting a funfair in Wokingham on the evening of 1 June 1984. Bailey alleged that Tildesley was lured away from the fair by Cooke for the promise of a 50p bag of sweets. His bicycle was found chained to railings nearby. Cooke’s role in the murder was not investigated until 1999; by this time, Bailey was dead, having been murdered in prison in October 1993. In 1991, the CPS declined to prosecute Cooke for Tildesley’s murder as he was already in prison for the manslaughter of Swift. Cooke has indicated he knows where Tildesley’s body is buried, but refuses to tell the police, or the boy’s family, the exact location.

Cooke’s sentence for the murder of Swift was reduced to 16 years on appeal in 1989 and he was paroled nine years later in April 1998. He told an appeals court that Bailey was the ringleader of the gang, who are believed to have killed at least nine victims. Cooke’s parole caused huge public outrage. This was exacerbated by a plan to move him to a hostel near two schools and Cooke himself admitted that he might re-offend; while in prison, he refused to take part in rehabilitation sessions. Police refused to disclose the location where he was to be moved, smuggling him out of jail to avoid a vigil for his victims.

At one point it was revealed that Cooke had been housed near Yeovil in Somerset. The constituency MP for Yeovil, 1983-01, was Lib Dem Paddy Ashdown. Paddy knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles and other organised child sexual abuse, including the offences committed by Cyril Smith. Paddy knew about Jeremy Thorpe and probably Clement Freud as well. Paddy held negotiations with the paedophiles’ friends from other parties on a number of occasions regarding matters such as possible coalitions to form a Gov’t, Europe and the passing of budgets.

Following an investigation by the Channel 4 documentary programme ‘Dispatches’, Thames Valley Police began the reinvestigation of a series of rape and other serious sexual offences against young boys. On 26 January 1999, Cooke was again arrested by Thames Valley Police and charged at Reading Police Station with committing 18 sex offences which occurred between 1972 and 1981. Many of the offences had come to public attention after they were disclosed in the Channel 4 documentary.

At his trial on 5 October 1999, Cooke pleaded guilty to sexually abusing two brothers on ten occasions in 1972 and 1973. He admitted to having carried out five counts of indecent assault and five counts of buggery but denied the remaining eight charges, which were four counts of rape, three further counts of indecent assault, and one of buggery, that occurred in 1981. These were abandoned by the judge, who ordered them to lie on file. Following Cooke’s sentencing, NSPCC director Jim Harding said:

I would take Jim Harding’s outrage and concern a little more seriously if I did not know that the NSPCC colluded with child abuse for years, as did the police and judiciary. Furthermore, the security services recorded that abuse and placed targets under surveillance as long ago as the late 1970s. None of the targets were warned. Some of them were subsequently murdered.

On 17 December 1999, Cooke received two life sentences and the judge told Cooke that he would only be considered for release after he had served a five-year prison sentence.

 

Nicholas van Hoogstraten was jailed as a young man in 1968 for paying a gang to attack a business rival. In 2002 Hoogstraten was jailed for 10 years for the manslaughter of a business associate. The verdict was overturned on appeal, but in 2005 he was ordered to pay the dead man’s family £6 million in a civil case. Hoogstraten is estimated to be worth about £500 million.

Some years ago Hoogstraten was investigated for tax evasion. His trial was abandoned when it was discovered that there was a plan to assassinate the presiding judge. The risk to the judge was considered too high to be taken. Hoogstraten subsequently went to live in Zimbabwe – he was a mate of Robert Mugabe.

In 1988 Hoogstraten was a guest on Channel 4’s ‘After Dark’ chat show. SO fascinating – do you know, he’s a real live gangster??? Of course he only kills the little people. And I was told by an Angel that they were known to be dangerous. They’d been Assessed. Are we all going to the 70th anniversary of the NHS then? Ah, they’re wonderful really aren’t they, you can’t complain!

 

‘Be ye ever so high, the law is above you’. Although there are exceptions of course.

 

  • Nick Owen slams Good Morning Britain and ITV’s breakfast ...