Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

The Village

Recent posts have touched on how some of the paedophiles’ friends pride themselves on being Arty, in their capacities as collectors but also in terms of them occupying positions of responsibility in museums, galleries or in Gov’t roles relating to the Arts.

Dafydd’s mate Robert Bluglass excels in this field, he owns Compton Verney in Warwickshire, one of the finest galleries in Europe. In 1993, Compton Verney was purchased in a run-down state by the Peter Moores Foundation, a ‘charity supporting music and visual arts’, established by Littlewoods Chairman Peter Moores, who restored it to a gallery capable of housing international exhibitions. In 1993, my career had been destroyed, as had the media career of my friend who wanted to make a documentary about the mental health services in north Wales and the North Wales Police closed their investigation into the abuse of children in care, concluding that there was ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring. Thousands of statements had been taken, hundreds of complaints made and a file was sent to the CPS, yet there were no prosecutions.

In Oct 1993, John Smith, the leader of the Labour Party, appointed Ron Davies as Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron and his mates were cheerleaders for devolution and it was assumed by everyone that ‘when’ a Welsh Assembly was created, Ron would be First Secretary. It all fell apart when Ron had his moment of madness on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie, just before Blair was about to make Ron First Secretary in the newly established Welsh Assembly (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’).

Compton Verney Art Gallery is now run by Compton Verney House Trust, a registered charity no less. The charity in question is one Professor Robert Bluglass, who’s ‘Trust’ is ‘supported’ by the Peter Moores Foundation, after the Peter Moores Foundation transferred Compton Verney to the management of Bluglass’s blood-soaked, safe hands. In March 2004, the Compton Verney Art Gallery was opened by Prince Charles. That’s the Prince Charles who’s office told Alison Taylor that he ‘could not get involved’ when Alison Taylor wrote and told him that children in care in north Wales were being abused; the Prince Charles who was Chancellor of UCNW when Bluglass’s mate Dafydd and his colleagues were using their roles in the College to run a sex trafficking ring; the Prince Charles who’s friend Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster, was the President of the City of Chester Conservative Association whilst Peter Morrison, the constituency MP was abusing kids in care in north Wales; the Prince Charles who’s mater knighted Peter Morrison in Feb 1991, the month after I’d been forced out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School and was facing possible imprisonment after Dafydd’s colleagues Tony and Sadie Francis had perjured themselves.

Charles, what on earth are you doing mixed up in all this??? You’re the bloody heir to the throne, Bluglass has played a leading role in an international sex trafficking racket and the most probable explanation for Bluglass’s paws being on one of the finest art galleries in Europe is that it is the means by which he is laundering money. This is a very long way from the Duchy Organic range of expensive biscuits. It is, as you might say yourself, ‘sort of…um thingy…um appalling…’. Or if you are anything like the ‘Private Eye’ spoof of you in ‘Heir Of Sorrows’ you might. Heir of serious organised crime. It really is appalling. Pass me an oatcake, this is even more ridiculous than Jimmy Savile offering Charles and Di marriage guidance.

An online guide to ‘Greeting The Queen’ reassures readers that they mustn’t worry about what to say, they must just curtsy.

‘Have you come far?’ ‘Yes, I’ve fled north Wales because your son’s associates tried to kill me.’

It has recently been reported that Charles will be giving evidence to the IICSA relating to Bishop Peter Ball. Peter Ball was imprisoned for 32 months in 2015, for sex offences against children carried out between the 1970s and the 90s. The police received their first report in 1992. No charges were brought, but Ball resigned. It has been revealed that Charles had exchanged letters with Ball and that an independent inquiry found that Ball had ‘exploited his contact’ with members of the Royal Family, but there was ‘no evidence’ that Charles or any other Royals ‘sought to intervene at any point in order to protect or promote Ball’. Well that’s a relief, it’s simply that Charles is constantly rubbing noses with people who are involved with child abuse but can’t ‘get involved’ when he receives a letter telling him that someone has witnessed them abusing kids, it’s really nothing more sinister than that.

When Ball was reported for child abuse in 1992, the CPS received over 2000 letters of support for him, including letters from Cabinet Ministers and members of the Royal Family. It has not been made public who those Cabinet Ministers or Royals were. I was unaware that the CPS ever accepted ‘letters of support’. When I was prosecuted for ‘looking at a social worker in Safeways’ and for ‘calling Alun Davies a fat idiot’, no-one ever told me that I could get my mates to write to the CPS in support of me. I don’t know anyone else who was given that opportunity either.

Well it just goes to show that it’s one rule for molesting Bishops and another rule for the victims of sex trafficking gangs…

It has been admitted that Ball ‘tried to use his contact with with Charles to influence George Carey’, who was Archbishop of Canterbury at the time. I’m not sure that Ball will have needed to do that, George Carey used to be the Bishop of Bath and Wells and Somerset had one ‘dirty vicar’ known to me who molested the Brownies and Guides and another vicar who married a girl of about nineteen when he was nearly 50, who violently assaulted the kids in the local primary school and then nicked the money from the Church. Neither of them faced charges and ‘Bishop George’ – as Brown’s mum used to respectfully call him – did bugger all. All we ever heard about Bishop George were his fund-raising schemes such as the offer for the bereaved to sponsor a pipe of the organ in Wells Cathedral in memory of their loved one. Those pipes came at a very high price and it always sounded like a bit of a con to me.

Now that the paedophiles’ friends have bumped Brown’s dad off, I’ll reveal a state secret. When Col Brown organised HM Lilibet’s Silver Jubilee Celebrations in Bristol – for which Lilibet gave him an OBE – Col Brown wrote to the Palace to ask what to do about providing a bog for Lilibet, only not using that expression obviously. He received a letter back telling him that Lilibet ‘will not need to retire’. How Lilibet knew that she wouldn’t need to go for a piddle I do not know. Perhaps she’s had her pelvic floor tightened by Professor Stuart Stanton at St George’s Hospital Medical School, although she might not have risked going under his knife – his junior doctors all used to observe ‘God, I wouldn’t let him operate on me’.

 

I recommend that readers visit the Compton Verney website in order to see photos of the landscaped gardens (they were designed by Capability Brown no less) and the treasures that pack Bluglass’s house of ill-gotten gains. Meanwhile, here’s the spiel encouraging interested parties to join in the crime spree:

Corporate Sponsorship and Membership

Let’s all join in a chorus of ‘Delilah’ – ‘She stood there laughing’…

What a bunch of dickwits, even if they are serious criminals of dickwits.

 

Robert Bluglass is not the only paedophiles’ friend – indeed even Dafydd’s friend – who has an interest in art. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon, who’s son Thomas died of HIV/AIDS but before that was known to be abusing at least one boy in care in north Wales, was, among all his many other public positions (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’), Chairman of Gwasg Gregynog Press, 1978-91; President of the National Museum of Wales, 1952-57; a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery, 1955-88 and a member of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, 1966-93. It was Lord Kenyon who was credited with transforming the National Portrait Gallery from a small specialist museum into ‘one of the great national galleries’.

 

Previous posts have noted how many paedophiles’ friends have been involved with the Arts Council of Great Britain. Harold Wilson’s friend and crooked solicitor Lord Arnold Goodman was Chair of the Arts Council, 1965-72 and had a symbiotic relationship with Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow, who was Minister of Arts, 1964-70, under Harold Wilson (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Goodman was succeeded by Lord Patrick Gibson who was Chair of the Arts Council, 1972-77. Gibson was the paedophiles’ friend who knew that the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were being contained in low paid seasonal jobs at Penrhyn Castle (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). Sir Kenneth Robinson was Chairman, 1977-82. Robinson did Dafydd and the paedophiles a great many favours when Robinson was Health Minister, 1964-68 under Wilson and then again in his capacity as the President of the National Institute for Mental Health (MIND) (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Sir William Rees-Mogg was Chairman of the Arts Council, 1982-89. Mystic Mogg was a political appointment of Thatcher’s – he was a Tory, the former Editor of ‘The Times’, 1967-81 and a BBC Governor. He was also Chairman of the publishers Pickering and Chatto and a columnist for The Indie and the ‘Daily Mail’. Mystic Mogg stated in his memoirs in 2011 that Murdoch had been excellent for ‘The Times’ and for Fleet Street.

In April 1986, ‘The Times’ reported the case of Ceryl Wyn Davies, the Gwynedd Headmaster who was imprisoned for abusing his pupils, after being allowed to return to teaching in spite of a previous prison sentence for abusing his pupils (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). ‘The Times’ had reported on a scandal involving the serious neglect of Dafydd’s patients at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh some 20 yrs previously, but remained silent about north Wales abuse horrors from 1986 onward. Rupert Murdoch bought ‘The Times’ in 1981 and Sir Simon Jenkins, who has a home in Gwynedd, was Editor of ‘The Times’, 1990-92 (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). Simon must have missed that police investigation and all those deaths…

 

Rees-Mogg had a house in Somerset but spent most of his time in London, although he waved his Somerset credentials about a lot. He was High Sheriff of Somerset, 1975-78, so he would have known Brown’s father, who was Deputy Lieutenant at about the same time.

Mystic Mogg was of course the father of Jacob. When I was at school, Jacob featured in the ‘Western Daily Press’ and when he was about 10 yrs old he was promoted as a child prodigy with regard to his investments on the stock market. The ‘Western Daily Press’ was a sort of west country version of ‘The Sun’, a right wing newspaper which contained a lot of sex stories, although not pics of topless teenagers. The ‘Western Daily Press’ caught a whiff of sex everywhere, even when reporting serious harm or death. One memorable headline was ‘It’s Sex On Top Of The Cliff, Then Over We Go’, which was a report about quite a dangerous accident.

The ‘Western Daily Press’ also really maxed out on Diana Dors because she was from Swindon, but they had to keep remembering not to mention that her friends were gangsters and armed robbers. I think that Dors and her mates hung out at the Webbington Country Club near Bristol, which was viewed as a sort of Sodom and Gomorrah, the scene of gun fights and a venue for prostitution. The ‘Western Daily Press’ did manage to report it when Dors’ husband the actor Alan Lake was found shot dead. Lake’s death was always attributed to suicide but now I have a greater understanding of the circles in which he and Dors moved, I am wondering if questions were deliberately not asked about that death. As a young man, Lake went to prison after a particularly vicious pub brawl, which resulted in his mate Leapy Lee receiving an even longer sentence than Lake because he stabbed the pub’s relief manager. Leapy Lee was a rather lame pop singer who’s only hit was with the song ‘Little Arrows’. It would be a bit like Peter Noone of Herman’s Hermits being banged up for stabbing someone.

One of the Hergest Unit patients who derived such entertainment from Dafydd used to chunder on in a Dafydd-voice about Dafydd listening to Herman’s Hermits records. The joke arose from an incident in which Dafydd had tried to get down with the kids – the man in question had been sectioned and was telling Dafydd that he had gone up into the mountains and ‘I ate some grass’. To which Dafydd responded ‘do ewe mean mari-jew-ana?’ and the Hergest patient said ‘no, grass’. So Dafydd asked ‘why were ewe eating grass?’ The Hergest patient replied ‘because I was thirsty’. Dafydd diagnosed paranoid schizophrenia. I had no idea at the time that Dafydd’s gang were selling disadvantaged kids and young people to rock stars for sex, I just used to roll around laughing at Dafydd’s idea of the counter-culture. Who knows, perhaps Herman and his Hermits were buying underaged boys off Dafydd, along with everyone else.

‘There’s a Kind of Hush All Over the World’
Hushallover.jpg
 One track by Herman’s Hermits was ‘You Won’t Be Leaving’.
PROJ3CTM4YH3M Urban Exploration | Urbex: Denbigh Lunatic ...

After coming out of prison, Alan Lake had a serious riding accident which nearly paralysed him and then he became an alcoholic and experienced psychotic episodes. He was treated by a Top Doctor, but I don’t know who. Lake became seriously depressed after Dors’ died and in Oct 1984 he was found dead having been shot in the head after taking his son to the railway station. His body was found in his son’s bedroom.

Lake played parts in the TV programmes ‘The Underworld’, ‘Locate And Destroy’, ‘Dixon Of Dock Green’, ‘Crown Court’, ‘Angels’, ‘No Hiding Place’, ‘Paint Me A Murder’ and ‘Hart To Hart’. His films included ‘Catch Us If You Can’.

 

Mystic Mogg’s daughter Annunziata stood unsuccessfully for a Somerset constituency for the Tories in the 2010 General Election and caused much mirth by calling herself ‘Nancy Mogg’ for electioneering purposes. Not that it fooled anyone.

 

In 1989 Lord Peter Palumbo succeeded Mystic Mogg as Chairman of the Arts Council and remained in post until 1993. Tory peer Palumbo is the son of Randolph Palumbo, himself a major property developer. Peter Palumbo was educated at Eton and then studied at Worcester College, Oxford. In 1972 Palumbo bought Farnsworth House in the US, expanded and improved the house by adding furniture of the man who designed the house and by purchasing adjacent properties and placing in them the work of eminent sculptors. Palumbo sold the property at auction to the National Trust for historic preservation in 2003. Palumbo also owns other swish properties in the US and for a time owned a Le Corbusier in Paris. In 1994 Palumbo demolished the Mappin & Webb building in the City of London and replaced it with a building designed by Sir James Stirling, which was opened by the Governor of the Bank of England, Eddie George.

Palumbo was a Trustee of the Tate, 1978-85 and Chairman of its foundation, 1986-87. He served as a Trustee for the Whitechapel Art Gallery and of the Natural History Museum. He was Chairman of the Serpentine Gallery’s Board of Trustees. He was also the Chancellor of the University of Portsmouth and the Chairman of the Friends of Highgate Cemetery. He has been on the Board of Trustees of The Architecture Foundation. Palumbo is or was Chairman of the jury of the Pritzker Prize for Architecture.

Palumbo led the fundraising effort to resurrect and refurbish the Church of St Stephen Walbrook in London, a building by Sir Christopher Wren. Henry Moore was commissioned by Palumbo to build a stone altar for the church. The former rector of St Stephen Walbrook and founder of the Samaritans, Dr Chad Varah, was the family chaplain. 

There were considerable problems in Bangor after the Samaritans refused to help suicidal people if they were mental health patients because the Samaritans ‘weren’t trained’ and ‘people like that often kill themselves anyway’. What made it worse was that the Hergest Unit were refusing to treat many mental health patients and would simply give them the phone number of the Samaritans and then call the police to throw them out of the hospital.

Palumbo was a polo team mate of Prince Charles and the two were close until 1984 when Charles publicly criticised some of Palumbo’s architecture. Palumbo nevertheless still became godfather to Princess Beatrice.  

Palumbo was created a life peer by Thatch in Feb 1991 – the same month as Peter Morrison was knighted! 

 

Palumbo’s eldest son is Jamie Palumbo who in 2017 had an estimated fortune of £350 million. He was educated at Eton and Worcester College, Oxford. From 1984-92, Palumbo worked for Merrill Lynch and Morgan Grenfell. 

In Sept 1991 Jamie Palumbo, together with his school friend Humphrey Waterhouse and DJ Justin Berkmann, founded the Ministry of Sound nightclub in South London. Initially Palumbo lost control of the club to drug dealers and a fight to regain control ensued. One wonders to what extent Jamie Palumbo ‘regained control’. Ministry of Sound has expanded into a number of areas including recorded music, live events, digital media and merchandise. Ministry of Sound Recordings is the largest independent music company in the world. In 2016 Palumbo sold Ministry of Sound Recordings to the Sony Music Group for $104 million.

It was the Sony subsidiary Epic which gave the Super Furry Animals such a generous recording deal (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’). The leading light in the Super Furries was Gruff Rhys, the son of Ioan Bowen Rees who was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst the paedophile ring made merry within the Council’s children’s homes.

In 1994 Palumbo launched legal proceedings against his father with his sister, claiming that his father had mismanaged the family trust and subsequently his father resigned as a trustee. In 2010 new proceedings were launched relating to another family trust, his father also resigned from this trust and paid legal fees. I hate to think what Jamie will do when his dad dies, the notion of ‘where’s a will there’s a relative’ will be taken to a whole new level.

Jamie Palumbo is a major donor to the Lib Dems and in Oct 2013 received a peerage.

 

In 1993 Alexander Ruthven, Earl Gowrie aka Grey Gowrie, became Chairman of the Arts Council of Great Britain. Grey Gowrie’s grandfather was Governor General of Australia and Gowrie was educated at Eton, Balliol College and Harvard.

Grey Gowrie succeeded to the earldom of Gowrie on the death of his grandfather on 2 May 1955; at the same time he succeeded as 2nd Viscount Ruthven of Canberra and 2nd Baron Gowrie of Canberra and of Dirleton (East Lothian). In 1956, he further succeeded his great-uncle the 10th Lord Ruthven of Freeland as 3rd Baron Ruthven of Gowrie.

Lord Gowrie inherited his estate in County Kildare from his great-aunt Sheelagh Blacker in 1967 and later sold it to Tony O’Reilly, to whom he also sold his Dublin home on Fitzwilliam Square. Sir Anthony O’Reilly is the billionaire Irish former businessman and international rugby union player. O Reilly led the Independent News & Media Group, 1973-09 and is the former CEO and Chairman of the H.J. Heinz Company. He was the leading shareholder of Waterford Wedgwood.

Gowrie lived partly in Ireland until 1983 and then moved to the marches region of Wales, while also maintaining a London residence for much of the period.

Grey Gowrie joined the Tory frontbench under Ted Heath in 1972 as a Whip and remained in position until 1974. He served under Thatcher as Minister of State for Employment, 1979-81 and as Minister of State for N Ireland, 1981-83. So Gowrie served in Thatcher’s Gov’t with Peter Morrison and would have been party to what had gone on at the Kincora Boys’ Home. Thatch then appointed Gowrie as Minister for the Arts, 1983-85. He was also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster between 1984-85. Despite being offered the post of Secretary of State for Education and Science, Gowrie resigned from the Cabinet in 1985, stating that it was impossible for him to live in London on the salary provided for the post. Grey Gowrie is very rich and very posh, so ‘Private Eye’ made much of Gowrie’s low wages as a Cabinet Minister and there was comment about the need to stop the priceless work of art that was The Gowrie from leaving Britain.

Grey Gowrie was also Chairman of Sotheby’s, 1985–1994.

The Arts Council of Great Britain was divided in 1994 to form the Arts Council of England, Scottish Arts Council and Arts Council of Wales. At the same time the National Lottery was established and the Arts Council of England became one of the distribution bodies, thus The Gowrie was responsible for dishing out the dosh. The National Lottery was of course Thatcher’s big idea – Thatch maintained that it would provide an opportunity for the creation of more millionaires. If the old cow was still alive I’d remind her that it is quite difficult to make a living by gambling – even George Carman had to use his income as a corrupt barrister to subsidise his huge gaming debts – and contrary to the advert assuring us that it ‘could be you’, it was most unlikely to be. It’s called statistical probability, Thatch would have done well to have acquainted herself with the notion. However there have been a number of scandals when it has been revealed that Lottery money has been used for certain minority interests including gay and lesbian groups, some of which have not been what they pretended to be. The National Lottery looks kindly upon ‘mental health support groups’ and the like as well.

Now why would a filthy rich, multiply titled connoisseur of fine art and paedophiles’ friend like The Gowrie have been interested in causes like that? The Chairman of Sotheby’s was not going to be found sitting in the MIND ‘drop in’ in Bangor, being told that there was ‘nothing they could do’ when distressed Empowered Service Users recounted tales of serious crime on the part of the mental health services and others. There was someone who was banned from the Bangor MIND drop in – it was the Hergest patient who was a fine art graduate and who used to bang on about the World of Art and the filthy lucre and sexploitation involved. But Helen Milne, the inadequate, lame servant of Dafydd’s who ran the drop in, only banned him AFTER he’d given the lecture on art and the free lessons for the Empowered Service Users.

Helen’s colleague Alison Greenaway was the Bangor MIND co-ordinator for donkey’s years – then Alison trained as a psychiatric social worker and made her loyalties quite clear, as patients were found dead and went to prison – she didn’t say a word (see post ‘A Bit More About Those Very Muddy Waters’). Alison felt the call of social work at about the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Meanwhile Helen Milne also led Bangor Rape Crisis.

It was an absolutely joke, there was not one ‘helping agency’ in north Wales that Dafydd and the paedophiles did not control. It seems that they even had The Gowrie in their pocket.

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones:

News Photo : British poet and Arts Minister Alexander ...

 

Alexander Patrick Greysteil Hore-Ruthven, 2nd Earl of Gowrie:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

Now if Wingett’s the auctioneers near Wrexham had been involved in channelling dosh to the paedophiles’ friends, it would not surprise me. This is the Chairman of Sotheby’s that we are talking about.

 

Lucille Hughes

 

The Gowrie lectured at Harvard and UCL and was Provost of the Royal College of Art. He is a Patron of the Elton John AIDS Foundation. Together with Rowan Williams and Sir Daniel Day-Lewis, he is a Patron of the ‘Wilfred Owen Association’. In terms of the subject matter of my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’, The Gowrie is a substantial part. The Gowrie was a founding Director of the British Friends of the National Gallery of Ireland.

In the summer of 1999, having been diagnosed with a serious heart condition, The Gowrie checked into Harefield Hospital and, after a heart transplant and a long recovery, left hospital in 2000. He became friends with his principal surgeon, Sir Magdi Yacoub and now Chairs the institute named for him. 

Magdi Yacoub worked with Dame Julia Polak, the person who was alleged to have been the most unscrupulous liar and fraudster at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School when I was there in 1986-87. Some years later Polak and Yacoub claimed to have performed a life-saving medical miracle on Polak herself and then founded a research institute on the basis of that miracle. My post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ explains why I suspect that this was the most audacious of all Polak’s alleged research frauds.

In 2003 The Gowrie was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature. In Jan 2009, The Gowrie accepted Farad Azima’s invitation to Chair the Advisory Board of the Iran Heritage Foundation.

The Gowrie’s first wife was Alexandra Bingley, daughter of Colonel Robert Bingley. I’ve done a bit of digging to try and find out if Robert Bingley is any relation of the Bingley clan who colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles for so many years but surprise, surprise, the info doesn’t seem to be available.

 

 

The Arts Council dates back to the 1940s. In 1940, the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA), was appointed to help promote and maintain British culture. The Council was Gov’t funded and after WWII was renamed the Arts Council of Great Britain.

A  Royal Charter was granted on 9 Aug 1946, followed by another in 1967. The latter provided for functions in Scotland and Wales to be conducted by two almost autonomous committees known as the Scottish and Welsh Arts Councils – the basis for today’s Scottish Arts Council and Arts Council of Wales.

The Council’s first Chairman was John Maynard Keynes who used his influence in Gov’t to secure a high level of funding, despite Britain’s severe economic problems following WWII. The majority of this funding was directed to organisations with which Keynes had close ties such as the Royal Opera House and was restricted to Central London. Keynes used his political influence to ensure that the Arts Council reported directly to the Treasury, establishing the principle of an ‘arms length’ relationship between UK Arts policy and the Gov’t of the day.

After Keynes’ death, Gov’t funding was reduced, but the Arts Council received wide recognition for its contribution to the Festival of Britain thanks to the new Chairman Kenneth Clark. Kenneth Clark was the father of the odious sexual predator, the Tory MP Alan Clark. Alan Clark was constantly constructed as a bit of a character – he was actually someone who had sex with anything that moved, including non-consenting people who were below 16 yrs old. Clark regularly exposed himself to school girls and would follow young women around London whom he’d seen on public transport and had taken a shine to. Clark was a junior Minister in Thatcher’s Gov’t in the Depts of Employment, Trade and Defence. He worked at the Dept of Employment with Ken Clarke and Ken Clarke’s autobiography alleges that Alan Clark rarely made it into work and spent most of his time drunk. Alan Clark wrote about the quality of the ‘globes’ of the young women whom he saw on trains and remarked upon Thatch’s ‘very pretty ankles’. Which caused Ian Hislop to remark that Thatcher’s globes obviously weren’t worth a comment.

  • pilot

 

It really is quite unbelievable that someone allowed this lot to run a country.

Art works commissioned by the Council for the Festival of Britain were retained to form the basis of the Arts Council Collection. 

Under Wilson’s Gov’t of 1964-70, it is said that the Arts Council enjoyed a ‘golden age’, thanks to the close relationship between paedophiles’ friends Chairman Arnold Goodman and the Arts Minister Jennie Lee. This period saw the Arts Council establish a network of arts organisations across the country and a programme of touring exhibitions and performances.

During the 1970s and 1980s the Arts Council came under attack for being elitist and politically biased, in particular from Tebbit. It is clear from the Arts Council Chairs appointed by Thatcher that under the Tories it did not become less elitist or less politically biased in any way – instead of being run by paedophiles’ friends of a left wing bent, it was run by very rich paedophiles’ friends who were Tories. The Gov’t grant to the Council was capped, the idea being that the shortfall would be made up by increased sponsorship from the private sector.

The Secretary-General of the Arts Council from 1975–83 was Roy Shaw, the last Secretary-General to be knighted. Presumably after 1983, Lilibet had her hands full dishing the knighthoods out to Peter Morrison, Jimmy Savile and their ilk. Shaw faced the ‘difficult task’ of reconciling ‘the needs’ of arts organisations with the restricted funding. Mystic Mogg proposed slimming down the Council’s responsibilities. This led to a series of clashes with leading luvvies such as Peter Hall, who resigned from the Arts Council in protest. In 1987 the restructure inspired by Mystic Mogg cut by half the number of organisations receiving Arts Council funding. During the same period, the Arts Council began ‘encouraging a greater level of corporate sponsorship for the arts’, which I think means that Charles Saatchi was allowed to call the shots. Hence the elevation of Tracey Emin’s NHS-style disgusting bed and her ‘everyone whom I have ever shagged’ tent to the status of works of art.

Charles Saatchi became famous all over again in 2013, after he was photographed with his hands around the neck of his wife, Nigella Lawson, the daughter of former Chancellor Nigel Lawson. Charles maintained that it was a ‘playful tiff’. An acrimonious divorce followed with allegations and counter-allegations of unpleasant behaviour on the part of Saatchi and coke snorting on the part of Nigella. When Nigella Lawson was at Oxford, she was involved with the Dangerous Sports Club, a bunch of Top Tossers who routinely did some very dangerous and frequently unlawful things but who never faced many consequences.

A leading light in the Dangerous Sports Club was Tommy Leigh-Pemberton, the son of the Robin Leigh-Pemberton, the Governor of the Bank of England, 1983-93 . Tommy Leigh-Pemberton died in what is always described as a ‘tragic accident’, the details of which were not made public. I know the details. Tommy Leigh-Pemberton was shot dead, deliberately, by someone whom he had really pissed off. Leigh-Pemberton was a twat of the highest order and there was nothing that he liked more than driving dangerously, at speed, through built-up areas. He was living in Kenya and it was known that the staff of one of the embassies in Nairobi were trigger happy and that if someone drove past at speed, potshots would be taken at them. So the wanker Tommy and his mates dared each other to drive past and elicit the bullets. Which they did, repeatedly. Until one of the bullets hit Leigh-Pemberton and killed him. The truth behind Leigh-Pemberton’s death did not appear in any media report.

Leigh-Pemberton and his mates revelled in doing anything, anything at all, knowing that their Top Tory parents would get them off the hook, no matter how dangerous or illegal it had been.

The founder of the Dangerous Sports Club was David Kirke – although that was not  his real name – who lied and swindled his way around the world’s best hotels, spinning a yarn about being an Oxford Professor. After many years of fraud and deception, the world finally caught up with David Kirke in the early 1990s and he was imprisoned. His defence team stated that he was a ‘Walter Mitty’ character and was manic to boot. He wasn’t, he was a conman who targeted people whom he knew would be impressed with fuckwittery and a plummy accent. Graham Chapman of Monty Python was associated with the Dangerous Sports Club, as a consequence of Kirke wanting to ingratiate himself to someone affluent and famous to gain, as Kirke himself said, ‘some crumbs from the rich man’s table’.

Nigella’s association with the crook Kirke and his friends was never publicised. But then no-one mentioned that her father’s constituency was in Leicestershire, in the area of the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal with the associated serious criminality.

Now Nigella! Who ordered Kirke to contact people who knew me from years previously and pay them all that money to ensure that if – or indeed when – I was found dead, or was imprisoned, that a pack of lies would be told about me, by people ‘who really knew what she was like’? Because someone gave them a great deal of money, whilst I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School. Thousands and thousands of pounds, two Range Rovers were purchased, a country house, it was incredible. Furthermore Nigella, how did your daddy and his mates ensure that no-one went to prison when the man whom you paid to collaborate with you regarding my allegations re Dafydd and the paedophiles KILLED that young Bulgarian student? The whole of Somerset wanted to know why it was only a manslaughter charge, not murder and why the judge ordered them to be acquitted. Bristol Crown Court, 2004. What was going on exactly?

I think that the Angels of north Wales are going to have to give many more interviews about being attacked by Dangerous Patients to get out of this one. We’ll need a few more cures for cancer as well. And a ‘Save The NHS March’ through central London.

Robin Leigh-Pemberton was given a peerage – in 1992. Once those five other witnesses had been safely killed by that firebomb and once my career had been wrecked and the career of my friend who had been planning to make a documentary about north Wales.

Leigh-Pemberton is dead, as is Thatch who appointed him as Governor of the Bank of England. But the man who gave him a peerage is alive and kicking and has questions to answer.

Sir John Major
Major PM full.jpg

 

Here’s a close pal of some murdering bastards, at a photo shoot at Selfridge’s no less. Probably after a visit to the hairdresser and a quick snort. She needs to look her best! Not that Nigel Lawson would ever have allowed his own kids within a mile of Dafydd – it was other people’s children whom he preyed on. Particularly when there was an election to be won.

 

 

As for all that modern art that Charles Saatchi purchased, I cannot help but wonder if someone was having a laugh at his expense. Perhaps someone who knew that the World of Art was crawling with rich abusive people and fancied making it a laughing stock? Hence Viz magazine’s awards for the best modern art spotted on Newcastle-Upon-Tyne bus shelters – the prize winner was 14 yr old Jason with his piece of graffiti ‘My Penis Smells of Apples’. Had Jason been blonde and pretty, no doubt ‘My Penis Smells Of Apples’ would have found its way into Saatchi’s Chelsea gallery.

 

My post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ mentioned the art student turned Hergest Unit patient who told me that if he wanted, he could take the art world by storm with his construction ‘Turd Eclipsing The Sun’ in return for selling his bottom to the Big Beasts. I doubt that he could have at that point because he was in his 40s and had suffered from the ravages of Dafydd’s ‘help’, but when he was young I think it highly likely that his plan would have worked. This man supplied me with the names of many of the Great n Good, whom he assured me survived on a diet of cocaine, champagne and underaged kids. The names that I was given included Francis Bacon, Lucian Freud and David Hockney. The Hergest staff were far too bigoted to listen to a word that this man said, but I did and the reason why he was illegally imprisoned by Dafydd many years previously was that he objected to a North Wales Police Sergeant appearing at his side when he was in the loo and naked, after he had been fitted up for drugs offences. His objection to the police officer was met with a punch in the face, imprisonment in Risley Remand Centre and a lifetime in the ‘care’ of the paedophiles’ friends.

Ella Fisk, an Angel who worked at the Hergest Unit, once told me that I was ‘so much more intelligent’ than this man. No I was not, he did have a brain but it had been completely scrambled, initially by psychedelic drugs, but then it had then been finished off by the ‘medication’ that he was assured was absolutely necessary. I knew what he was being given – he didn’t because he knew bugger all about pharmacology – and I knew exactly what it was doing to him…Despite the best efforts of the paedophiles’ friends, some of his memories were crystal clear – of Denbigh, of Risley Remand Centre, of the rock scene in the 60s and 70s and of the art world. Dafydd knew what that man had witnessed and a decision was taken to ensure that – like everyone else who could name people in High Society who had done things that they shouldn’t have – this man disappeared in the criminal justice and mental health system of north Wales.

 

Mr Murdoch – there is more than one ageing Empowered Service User in north Wales who has named your wife’s ex as being part of a very sordid scene when he was younger. Before he was Sirred and sent his kids to Eton.

 

The Arts Council England’s website tells us that ‘We invest public money to make great art that has an impact on everyone’s lives’. It’s certainly had an impact on mine, they bankrolled the friends of a gang of sex traffickers who tried to kill me.

One of the websites ‘telling the story’ of the Arts Council features a splendid picture of Judi Dench and Ian McKellen doing their Shakespearean bit. Dame Judi is of course Robert Bluglass’s old mucker and Sir Ian is the man who campaigned long and hard to have gay people accepted into public life and polite society. I don’t have a problem with that, but an archive clip of an interview with Sir Ian on this subject shows him naming Michael Barrymore as a high profile Funnyman who to Sir Ian’s delighht had by then been taken into the nation’s hearts. Sir Ian gave that interview before a sexually injured corpse was found in Barrymore’s swimming pool, a sexually injured corpse who’s presence in that pool has never been explained.

Awight!

I know nuzzing…

Sir Ian only came out as gay in 1988, but his orientation was well-known in the acting world long before then. Sir Ian Bravely Spoke Out against Section 28, the insanity dreamt up by Thatcher’s Gov’t to prevent local authorities from ‘promoting homosexuality’ whilst kids in care in north Wales were imprisoned or killed lest anyone be in a position to testify that her mate Peter Morrison was abusing them. Section 28 was enacted in May 1988, which was after Alison Taylor and I had refused to keep quiet about Dafydd and the paedophiles and after Mary Wynch had done battle in court with them. So how about a grand gesture from a Gov’t of hypocrites who were knowingly colluding with the trafficking of kids in care for both heterosexual and homosexual tastes?

It was Jill Knight – now Baroness Knight – who introduced Section 28. Knight had some quaint ideas about gays – she was on record as stating that they were good with antiques – but she didn’t think that they should be promoted or indeed allowed to be parents. More importantly, Jill Knight was for years a member of the Monday Club, which was heaving with Tories who were concealing the abuse of children and contained a number who were actually abusing kids themselves. Jill was MP for Birmingham Edgbaston, 1966-97. Jill, having spent more than 30 years living cheek by jowl with the corrupt professionals who oiled the wheels of Dafydd’s trafficking gang and sent kids in care into his arms, I presume that you are well-acquainted with a man called Robert Bluglass, who virtually ran the NHS in Birmingham.

 

Sir Ian stated that he had to Do Something About Section 28, even if it ruined his career. Of course it did not ruin his career – everyone already knew that he was gay – in fact it did his career a great deal of good, he was hailed a Champ of the Oppressed. Which could have been very useful if there had been any service users knocking around who might have remembered Sir Ian or his mates utilising the services provided by Dafydd and Lucille.

In 2010 Sir Ian featured in TV adverts to support Age UK, which was formed from the merger of Age Concern and Help the Aged – Sir Ian gave his time free of charge. Paedophiles’ friend Margaret Hanson, the Vice-Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board, was formerly the Chief Exec of Age Concern in North East Wales. Before that, Margaret was a children’s and family social worker and a Councillor in Cheshire. Whilst Dafydd’s paedophile gang operated in that county. Margaret’s husband David Hanson is the Labour MP for Delyn and the former PPS To Tony Blair.

Sir Ian’s former partner is Sean Mathias, a theatre and film director. Sean Mathias is described as being ‘Welsh-born’ – whether he is any relation of William Mathias, the esteemed late Welsh composer who was Prof of Music at UCNW for many years as well as a paid-up paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’), I don’t know.

Sir Ian was knighted in the New Years Honours 1991 – just like Sir Peter Morrison!

 

  • Benny Hill - Wikiwand

 

Sir Ian at Manchester Pride 2010:

 

The Ass-headed Bottom:

 

Sir Roy Shaw – the Secretary General of the Arts Council, 1975-83 – also sat on Harold Wilson’s OU planning committee, along with a number of paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Shaw grew up in considerable hardship in Sheffield, but his schooling was terminated early as a result of Crohn’s disease. He left school young, worked first in a butcher’s shop and then at the ‘Sheffield Telegraph’ and for Sheffield Library. Shaw gained a place at the Quaker college at Woodbrooke, Birmingham, for a pre-university course in 1941. Previous posts have mentioned the involvement of a number of Quakers in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Shaw later went to Manchester University, graduating in 1946.

While at Manchester University Sir Roy was an editor of the journal, ‘Humanitas’, along with Herbert McCabe, who later became a Dominican priest. In 1946, Shaw married Gwenyth Baron. They had seven children, including the Sussex University sociologist Professor Martin Shaw and the journalist Phil Shaw. Martin Shaw is a member of the Labour Party, a former International Socialist and was active in E.N.D. and other leftist groups.

 

In 1946, Sir Roy Shaw was appointed a tutor for the WEA in the East Riding of Yorkshire. In 1947, Shaw became a Lecturer in the Department of Extra-Mural Studies at the University of Leeds and in 1958 he was appointed Director of the Leeds University Adult Education Centre in Bradford. Shaw organised art exhibitions, concerts, and visits by theatre and opera groups.

There was organised sex offending in the Leeds and Bradford areas as well as in the wider Yorkshire region as long  the late 1940s – the situation was considerably inflamed by Jimmy Savile just a few years later. People involved in adult education/sociology/community studies will have known about it.

In 1962 Shaw was appointed Head of Adult Education at the University of Keele, which had a long running problem with paedophiles and those who protected them working there. Keele gave Shaw a Chair in 1967. While at Keele Shaw became a BBC Governor and a Governor of the  British Film Institute and it was at that time that he became involved in the foundation of the OU.

Shaw was the theatre critic of ‘The Tablet’, 1990-2000. He remained concerned with political issues, for example visiting Israel in 1994 to press for the release of the nuclear whistle-blower Mordechai Vanunu. In 2006, at the age of 88, Shaw Chaired the Celebrating Age festival in Brighton and Hove.

Shaw converted to Catholicism in 1955, but left the RC Church in the late 1960s and returned in the 1970s.

Shaw’s Indie obituary states that ‘he built Keele University’s outreach work in the Potteries and the surrounding villages’, that ‘he also became a national figure in the movement for second-chance education’ and that ‘he championed theatre in the round at the Victoria Theatre in Stoke-on-Trent, and loved music hall and comedians (especially Ken Dodd) as much as the classics’.

A long standing network of abusers targeting children in care with the usual knock-on effect on the mental health services/NHS existed in the Staffordshire area and my post ‘My Arse – It’s Tatifilarious’ details Ken Dodd’s links with those involved in the abuse of vulnerable people, including in north Wales.

Shaw also had dealings with Ruskin College, which educated many future Labour MPs (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). In the mid-1960s, Matt Arnold taught at Ruskin and Peter Howarth was a student of his. Arnold later became the Headmaster of Bryn Estyn when it bloomed into a major centre of paedophile activity and Howarth was one of the few who did actually end up going to prison for abusing boys there. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked together at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where the boys had been abused…

 

Shaw had a ‘passionate conviction’ that funding the arts was the state’s job – not that of private benefactors or commercial sponsors. At Shaw’s retirement party in 1983 he asked the then Arts Minister The Gowrie whether he had read the paper Shaw prepared on developing wider access to the arts, which The Gowrie had not even acknowledged. The Gowrie replied ‘Oh, yes, but my main concern is to foster the growth of business sponsorship.’

So it was either state-funded sexual exploitation or sexual exploitation funded by corporate sponsorship. It was a win-win situation for Dafydd et al. What nobody would do was expose what was going on. Shaw’s obituary in the Torygraph illustrates the difficulties that anyone alleging the existence of organised Naughtiness In High Places will face:

 ‘[Shaw’s] showed his wide browsing on the matter — he was able to pose such questions as “Did Orson Welles read Bertrand Russell?” — and it also contained attacks on such Conservative enemies as Kingsley Amis, Alistair McAlpine and Norman St John-Stevas. Shaw had once been on first-name terms with St John-Stevas but, following the latter’s appointment as Arts Minister, was riled when he found himself required to address him as “Minister” and gratefully wait for meetings “like a papal audience”….Margaret Thatcher was keen that sponsorship should play as great a role as subsidy, and the Arts Council often struggled to justify its own existence. Yet the forces within it were frequently so politically opposed that there was little coherence in policy, and attempts to compensate for Conservative policies resulted sometimes in support for wildly self-indulgent work.

Shaw was sentimental about the arts and the status the Arts Council gave him. “Who can deny,” he wrote, “that to sit in a box at the Royal Opera is a delightful experience — diminished only by twinges of regret that so many of the people one had lived with in the North or the Midlands could not share the delight? Who could fail to be excited by those glamorous annual theatrical dinners and lunches where you saw most of the famous actors you could think of — and talked to several you knew personally?”

Literature, Shaw conceded, was “a problem area”. More specifically, he disliked the Director of Literature, Charles Osborne. “I felt it my duty to try and persuade him to resign and devote himself more fully to the writing and broadcasting from which I had the impression he earned almost as much as his Council salary.”

Reviewing ‘The Arts and the People’, Osborne hit back: “Of the four Secretaries General with whom I worked, he was the only one who tended to wave his politics about like an offensive weapon. If one stood up to his hectoring manner, he could be quite genial. If one did not have the temperament to defend oneself, he could behave like the worst kind of bully.”

Shaw angrily denied that he was Left-wing and obsessed with adult education. He pointed to the occasions when he had advocated the withdrawal of grants to various Left-wing theatre groups. None the less, as Secretary General, he gave his support to the cause of North-West Spanner, a Left-wing alternative theatre company that had its grant removed at the behest of a Right-wing local councillor in 1977.

The resulting furore brought together a coalition of actors, theatre groups and leading intellectuals, who complained of political censorship and succeeded in having the money restored. In a way, it was the political theatre’s only tangible victory of the decade; but it was also a caricature of militant aims.

They had won the right to be employed by their avowed enemies, thus arguing the case for a system they were wholly opposed to. Subsequently, some of Spanner’s actors researched a play set in a hospital and so enjoyed the experience of real work that they became hospital porters…

He also turned his mind to policies for the arts and became an unpaid adviser to Jenny Lee, who, under Wilson, was Britain’s first Arts Minister. When the Conservatives were returned to power, Jenny Lee was replaced by Lord Eccles, who retained Shaw and appointed him an unpaid member of the Arts Council in 1972. Three years later Shaw was appointed Secretary General. ‘Private Eye’ noted the appointment of a “provincial academic” to an “Establishment” position.’

It will not have been a coincidence that Shaw, the ‘provincial academic’ was appointed to an ‘establishment’ position. He was a provincial academic who had spent years working in a region that was the hub of organised sex abuse and had worked in the institutions and settings in which that abuse was a substantial problem. Every Gov’t was concealing the same criminality as it snowballed – Shaw will have proved useful to all of them.

Lord Eccles was the Arts Minister, 1970-73, under Ted Heath. Lord Jack Donaldson succeeded Eccles as Arts Minister and remained there throughout Wilson’s and then Callaghan’s administrations. Jack Donaldson is described as, among other things, a ‘prison reformer’ and an ‘Approved School manager’. Abuse of children in Approved Schools was endemic and I don’t think that Jack was very effective where reforming prisons was concerned. Donaldson was a junior Minister at the N Ireland Office, 1974-76, so he’ll also have been in on the shagfest that was the Kincora Boys’ Home and the lengths that everyone went to in order to conceal that. Donaldson was Chairman of the National Consumer Council, 1968-71. He left the Labour Party to join Dr Death and the gang in 1981.

Donaldson was succeeded as Arts Minister by Norman St John Stevas, (1979-81), who was indulging in the very same activities with under-aged boys as Sir Peter Morrison. St John Stevas was succeeded by Paul Channon, 1981-83, (see post ‘Is The Party Over Yet?’), who was succeeded by Earl Gowrie, 1983-85, who was succeeded by Richard Luce, 1985-90, (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’), who was succeeded by David Mellor, 1989-90 – who had previously worked in the Home Office and the Dept of Health – and so it continued.

Every one of these Arts Ministers had previously held responsibilities in which they had concealed serious organised sexual abuse. Which set them up very nicely for presiding over a Ministerial Dept responsible for theatre, arts and music, areas in which the sexual exploitation of young people was rife.

 

So organised sexual exploitation was being concealed across the political spectrum, by people involved in the Arts from a range of backgrounds with different notions of what the Arts should be, who they should serve and who should fund them. Most ludicrously, on a broader societal scale, sex offending was being concealed by the nations’s moralists as well as by the sexual liberators. Mary Whitehouse or Sir Ian McKellen? Neither was going to help the victims of Dafydd et al.

 

I enjoy using the phrase ‘Naughtiness In High Places’ because when Thatcher was in Gov’t, Brown’s brother and I read an old Monty Python book which detailed their spoof general election campaign involving the Silly Party, who’s manifesto was ‘destroying industry, raising unemployment and encouraging naughtiness in high places’. We were reading it just after the Cecil Parkinson scandal broke and Brown’s brother observed that the Tories had managed to implement the Silly Party’s manifesto, which left us rolling around laughing for a very long time. ‘Vote Wisely – Vote Silly. You Know It Makes Nonsense’. At that time, Graham Chapman’s penchant for having sex with under-aged boys was known, but no-one in showbiz mentioned a word… Graham was just gay and a zany Python. It might have helped that John Cleese was very friendly with a number of analysts and Top Docs who were concealing child abuse, some of whom were personally known to Dafydd. The John Cleese who featured in a 1987 party political broadcast for the SDP-Liberal Alliance.

This man was mates with some of those who’s signatures are on documents in my possession, detailing serious criminal activity on their own part:

The Lord Owen
Official portrait of Lord Owen crop 2.jpg

 

Dr Death knew exactly what was happening and he knew that witnesses were locked up in Risley Remand Centre, the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and high security hospitals. You, Dr Death, need to cough and now. Dr Death’s former place of employment, St Thomas’s Hospital, served as the home of choice for those at the top of the pyramid of people who were ensuring that Dafydd et al never ever were held to account. Why Peter Hennessey gives Dr Death the time of day even when Hennessey trots around the Lords interviewing clapped out old farts who have caused so much damage I cannot imagine.

 

From 1977-83 Sir Roy Shaw was Visiting Professor at the Centre for Arts, City University London. Shaw died in Brighton, the location of John Allen’s brothels to which he trafficked kids in care from north Wales and the site of the firebombing which killed the five witnesses in April 1992.

The Guardian’s obituary of Shaw provides us with a bit more information regarding the reach of his tentacles and his self-interest:
As a member of the British delegation to the first world conference of culture ministers, in Venice in 1970, he greatly impressed Lord (David) Eccles… Preserving the integrity of bodies such as the Royal Shakespeare Company, capable of box-office successes but needing public support for their core work, was a continual concern. Opera brought out even more vividly what was important to Shaw. After he persuaded local government to match Arts Council funding, English National Opera North opened in Leeds with Saint-Saëns’s Samson et Dalila in 1978; since 1981 it has continued as Opera North. On the other hand, in 1990, after he had left the council, he criticised the Royal Opera House in London as “the least accessible arts institution in Britain”…

Again, he met opposition from the more artistically haughty among the staff and council members, and had at first to turn to the Gulbenkian Foundation for funding. However, the highly successful initiative was soon imitated by other arts organisations and the education department became a valued part of the council’s activities.

Shaw became an organising tutor for the North Yorkshire district of the Workers’ Educational Association. Within a year, Sidney Raybould, who was building a formidably committed extra-mural department at Leeds University, offered him a staff tutorship; he stayed for 13 years. The WEA district secretary, Fred Sedgwick, thought Shaw the best tutor in Yorkshire….[Whilst at Keele University] Shaw set up a fine, wide system, made some notable experiments in workers’ education, as with miners’ families in the village of Silverdale, and vigorously encouraged film and related studies.

‘The Guardian’ mentioned that Sir Roy, despite his Catholicism and his long service on ‘The Tablet’, ‘in the new century’, had ‘his faith’ was ‘shaken by events within the Catholic Church and after a brief period of attending Anglican services he finally ceased his lifelong quest and declared himself agnostic.’

I’m wondering if it might have been the tidal wave of allegations of child abuse that emerged from the Catholic Church ‘in the new century’ that shook Shaw’s faith so much, so he got the hell out of there before investigations began, nipped over to join the Anglicans, who then found themselves under fire in exactly the same way. At which point Sir Roy became an agnostic. I’m sure that there’ll be a group of agnostics somewhere abusing kids, Dafydd caters for a great many people, he’s all things to all men, no-one’s left out.

‘The Times’ also paid tribute to Sir Roy when he died: He arrived with a mission to open up the arts to working-class people, one that almost caused a deputation from the art form directors to the then chairman, Lord Gibson, though not for its socialist principles. Shaw had told them that they were too close to their clients, that they operated too much of an old boys’ network and that they needed to be more “clinically detached”. He avoided the threatened confrontation by talking his new colleagues through his intentions, but for some weeks they sported lapel badges reading, “I am clinically detached”.

I notice that Sir Roy borrowed a Top Docs notion. Top Docs are of course supposed to be ‘clinically detached’, it is supposed to protect them from becoming traumatised in the face of their patients’ suffering and it is also supposed to protect patients from things like sexual exploitation. Dafydd and his mates used the concept to dump patients after they had shagged them and then used it as an umbrella for ever after to refuse to answer questions or complaints etc.

Graham Ovenden was born in Hampshire, into a Fabian household and was taught music privately by Albert Ketelbey. He was a student at the Royal College of Music, before taking up painting around 1962. Ovenden was tutored by Lord David Cecil and John Betjeman. He attended the Southampton School of Art and graduated from the Royal College of Art in 1968.

Ovenden moved to Cornwall from Richmond-Upon-Thames in 1973 with painter Annie Ovenden and their family. He bought a cottage on Bodmin Moor with 22 acres of land and began constructing ‘Barley Splatt’, a neo-Gothic building.  

Ovenden was a founder of the Brotherhood of Ruralists in 1975, along with Graham Arnold, Ann Arnold, Sir Peter Blake, David Inshaw, Annie Ovenden and Jann Haworth. The Brotherhood is no longer extant, although in 2005 it had a major London exhibition at the Leicester Galleries. Ovenden’s daughter, Emily, is a writer and singer with the Mediaeval Baebes and Pythia.

Ovenden’s nude and semi-nude photographic portraits of young girls were published, as were his photographs of the children’s street culture in London taken in the late 1950s and early 1960s when Ovenden was a teenager. His book ‘Aspects of Lolita contains prints inspired by Vladimir Nabokov’s novel ‘Lolita’. A general monograph of his paintings, drawings, prints and photographs was published. Many other publications also contain his work . Ovenden’s work has also graced the covers of record albums and books. His work is in numerous collections, including the Victoria and Albert Museum, The Tate and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

In addition, Ovenden has curated numerous exhibitions, many featuring his extensive collection of antiquarian photographs. Ovenden and his work have been the subject of broadcasts and films, including ‘Lolita Unclothed’ for the series ‘World without Walls’ (ITV, Channel 4, 1993), ‘Stop The Week’ (BBC Radio 4, 1989), ‘Curious Houses with Lucinda Lambton’ (BBC-TV, 1987), ‘Bats in the Belfy – Home Sweet Home’ (ITV, 1987), ‘Robinson Country: The Painter’ (ITV, 1987), ‘Figures in a Landscape: The Brotherhood of Ruralists (BBC Radio 3, 1983) and ‘Summer With the Ruralists, a film produced and directed by John Read for the BBC (1978–79). In 2000, the British Library funded a formal interview with Ovenden as part of its ‘Oral History of British Photography’ series.

In 1980 Ovenden was prosecuted but found not guilty of fraud pertaining to his involvement in the production of hoax calotypes, purportedly images of Victorian street children by a photographer ‘Francis Hetling’. The images were actually taken by Ovenden’s friend, Howard Grey, and re-photographed and printed by Ovenden. Some of the images had been shown at the National Portrait Gallery.

Ovenden’s work has long been been controversial for its depiction of prepubescent girls. In 1991, as ‘States of Grace’ was being published, a set of proofs and a photograph for the book were seized by U.S. Customs and held for over seven months. In Feb 1992, the U.S. Department of Justice claimed that the work depicted ‘sexually explicit conduct’ and therefore was illegal to import, sell or own. During a court hearing one month later in the United States District Court, Eastern District of New York, a federal prosecutor identified page 54 as containing the sole offending image in the book, a substantial retreat from the initial position.

A hearing before Magistrate Zachary Carter was held on 28 May 1992. The hearing was attended by the subject depicted in the allegedly offending image, who was then 18 years of age, as well as the eminent photo-historian and critic, A.D. Coleman. Both witnesses were prepared to testify and gave written statements. The subject of the image on page 54 said:

I have known Graham Ovenden as a family friend for fourteen years – since I was four years old. I have modelled for Graham on numerous occasions – in fact, too numerous to count – for both his photographs and paintings. I have modeled for him both clothed and fully nude, both alone and with other children…. The portrait which the United States has charged as indecent is a portrait of me as I was eight years ago. I am not acting in a sexual way in the picture and Graham never asked me to sexual or treated me as a sexual object. The accusation that the image is ‘obscene’ is, to me, an accusation that I am ‘obscene,’ something to which I take offence.

A.D. Coleman’s prepared statement noted the many artistic qualities of the image which were inconsistent with their being labelled ‘lascivious’. Representatives of the American Civil Liberties Union were also in court to offer their brief and were joined by artists, art critics, administrators and various organizations, in opposition to the Gov’ts attempt to censor ‘States of Grace’.

Ovenden himself attested in writing as follows: ‘Symbolically speaking, we are dealing with feelings of the heart and the human yearning for Edenic simplicity – a state of grace, as it were, where there is neither sin nor corruption. The apple has yet to be eaten. The subject, of course, symbolizes this state in the photograph. At the same time, we see that the attainment of Eden is no easy task: the vulnerability of the child suggests, or rather confirms, the fragility of Eden, as well as its fleeting nature in the face of the concerns of the adult world and the demands of modernity’.

Ovenden may well have believed all this, but it reads curiously like Viz magazine’s art critic’s judgement when 14 yr old Jason hit the big time with ‘My Penis Smells Of Apples’.

 

In the face of the subject’s account of her experience of being photographed by Ovenden, the statements proffered by Ovenden and Coleman and the support of the ACLU and others, the government acknowledged defeat and returned the photograph and the proofs. Two months later the book was imported into the US.

On 21 May 1998, censors in New Zealand classified ‘States of Grace’ as UNRESTRICTED, ie. deemed suitable for all audiences. 

On 5 May 2000, the San Diego Public Library announced that it did not consider ‘States of Grace’ (as well as David Hamilton’s ‘Twenty Five Years of an Artist’) to contain child pornography and stated that both Ovenden and Hamilton are ‘contemporary and historically important photographers’ whose work is ‘culturally and artistically significant’. The determination was made in response to a ruling by a San Diego Superior Court judge that a man had photocopied images from those books ‘not for art’s sake but for sexual purposes’. In late Oct 2009, British customs permitted entry of Ovenden’s book, ‘States of Grace’, sent to a customer who purchased it at auction in the US on eBay. The auction price was $350.00.

A year later, in England, some of Ovenden’s photographs were confiscated by the Obscene Publications Squad from Scotland Yard but were returned after a campaign by Lord Jeremy Hutchison, Sir Hugh Casson and David Hockney.

Ovenden’s work ‘Five Girls’ and 29 other images in the permanent collection of the Tate were accessible online until Oct 2009, following the scandal that erupted over a photograph of Brooke Shields as part of the Tate Modern’s 2009 ‘Pop Life’ exhibit.

In 2009 Ovenden was charged with 16 counts of creating ‘indecent’ photographs or pseudo-photographs of children and two counts of possessing 121 ‘indecent’ photographs or pseudo-photographs of children. The 121 images are all versions or stages of the 16 works and had been deleted from Ovenden’s computer at the time his home was raided in 2006. The images were subsequently undeleted by police. The prosecution argued that these images were ‘indecent’. The defence argued that the works 121 images were temporary stages toward the creation of the 16 works, that those works constitute art and in no event were any of the works created with criminal intent. The Crown did not alleged that the images at issue depict any actual children.

On 22 Oct 2009, after less than two days of trial, the jury was discharged and a new trial date set. On 9 April 2010, after a five-minute hearing, the case was thrown out by the judge as two key prosecution witnesses – police officers who had searched his home three and a half years earlier – failed to appear in court. The police declined to comment and the CPS refused to disclose how much the investigation had cost the taxpayer. Graham Ovenden described the police as ‘totally and utterly transfixed by childhood sexuality’ and himself as ‘a controversial figure and, at the moment, a very angry old man’. The prosecution declined to launch an appeal.

On 19 April 2010, it was reported that the Child Abuse Investigation Team of the Metropolitan Police, the force which had carried out the three and a half-year investigation for the trial, was investigating Ovenden over allegations of child sex abuse. Ovenden said such allegations had been made at the start of the previous investigation and dropped, and that ‘the Metropolitan Police are being very vindictive about this’.

In March 2013, Ovenden went on trial at Truro Crown Court, accused with nine charges of indecency with a child and indecent assault on victims aged between six and 14. He denied the claims. On 2 April, Ovenden was found guilty of six charges of indecency with a child and one charge of indecent assault against a child. The charges came from adults who claimed they had been abused by Ovenden as children. Some of them involved claims that he abused children while they were posing for his pictures. The abuse charges related to incidents between 1972 and 1985. Ovenden was sentenced to 12 months imprisonment, suspended for two years. On 9 Oct 2013 the Appeal Court increased his sentence to an immediate prison term of 27 months.

Following Ovenden’s conviction, the Victoria and Albert Museum removed half of their 14 Ovenden images from its website and the Tate removed 34 of his images from its online collection. In 2015, District Judge Elizabeth Roscoe ordered that Ovenden’s personal collection of paintings and photographs, created by him and others, be destroyed, stating: ‘I have very little doubt that sexual gratification is, at the very least, part of Mr Ovenden’s reasons for making these images’. Ovenden responded to the press, saying: ‘I am a famous artist. I am an equally famous photographer and they are destroying material which has been in the public domain for over 40 years.’

 

The arguments over whether Ovenden’s images were obscene or not are fascinating, although no-one actually grappled with the fact that one cannot control the imaginations and fantasies of other people and that some people might actually have gained ‘sexual gratification’ from Ovenden’s work – as well as other people’s work – that definitely did not fall within any definition of ‘obscenity’. As a quip in Viz magazine said ‘If I sold nude photos of myself as a baby to paedophiles, would I be prosecuted?’ It is widely believed that Lewis Carroll had quite a thing about pre-pubescent girls, although his illustrations and photos were of children fully clothed. No-one has subjected his work to the purifying flames and I don’t think that they should. The real issue is that Graham Ovenden did abuse at least some children. He might not have abused all the kids who modelled for him and the former child model who gave evidence on his behalf may well have been quite correct that he never abused her and that she never felt abused. But he did abuse some children and there will have been people close to him who knew that his conduct was worrying. None of them spoke up and a lot of very big guns were prepared to do everything possible to ensure that Ovenden’s reputation remained unsullied.

Ovenden lived in Richmond-Upon-Thames until 1973. So he was there whilst the paedophile gang based in Richmond-Upon-Thames with links to Westminster and Whitehall which stretched right across London, to north Wales and to Europe was in operation, a paedophile ring which it is now admitted was protected by the very highest authorities (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). It is believed that some victims and witnesses were killed by that gang.

Graham Ovenden was almost certainly acting in the context of a wider group of child abusers.

Every time that a concern was raised about Ovenden, people’s defence of him was predicated entirely on stressing that he was a Very Important Person and Famous with it. He even said that himself. Then lots of other VIPs and Famous People would be wheeled out to testify to the quality of Ovenden’s work. What no-one did was to concern themselves with whether he was actually abusing children. He was.

Very Important People with Famous Friends seem to be very good at ensuring that the obvious is not asked about their conduct. Should those people be Top Doctors, the sound of other Top Docs screaming ‘but he is a very eminent man’ will drown out all other noise for the next few months. Won’t it Bluglass?

Cilla Black was a ‘star’. She was also a personal friend of a man who, along with his Top Doctor colleagues, was without doubt concealing a pan-European trafficking ring which killed some of the witnesses, the ring which included the Richmond-Upon-Thames contingent. Cilla Black may well not have known that, but we really should never be so naive as to believe that someone with famous friends or in possession of a medical degree cannot be a sex offender, because they can and I can name a few who are.

The state has now entrusted the IICSA – which is supposedly going to uncover the truth about organised child abuse – to the very people who caused the problem: social workers, Top Docs and lawyers. Of course not every member of these professions was actively abusing young people, but those professions have become institutionally corrupt and as a whole they concealed serious organised crime involving the mass sexploitation of vulnerable young people. The extent of the abuse that has been inflicted on people in the care of the state could never have happened if the state had not actively helped the abusers.

There is no point in the IICSA and there is no point in all the Me Tooing and the reassurances of the police that the paedos will be caught and ooh we’re building prisons for elderly sex offenders. You’re all bloody guilty, you knew what Dafydd and co were doing and you let them do it. You haven’t got the answers and all that you are doing is adding insult to injury. Excavate those bodies from the grounds of Denbigh, admit what went on so that people like me and Brown no longer have to be smeared and insulted by a gang of paedophiles and their friends and then bugger off and take Buck House and the House of Lords with you. Particularly Dr Death, the world has had quite enough of him.

 

Let us take a look at those who so robustly defended Graham Ovenden in 2001.

Jeremy Hutchinson QC was a barrister who stood as the unsuccessful Labour candidate in the 1945 General Election, when he received assistance in his campaign from Tony Benn.  Hutchison finally entered Parliament as a life peer in 1978 and eventually voted with the Lib Dems in the years after the SDP broke away from the Labour Party. Hutchison went to Stowe School and then Magdalen College Oxford. He was called to the bar at Middle Temple. So he will have known Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. Hutchison was in the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve during WWII and served on the destroyer commanded by Lord Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). Hutchison became a recorder of Bath and then a Crown Court judge, 1963-88. Jeremy Hutchison was Vice-Chair of the Arts Council of Great Britain; Trustee and then Chairman of the Tate; Chairman of the London Historic Museum Trust; and Professor of Law at the Royal Academy of Arts.

Hutchison was born into the heart of the Bloomsbury set, his parents were friends of Virginia Woolf et al. He was involved in some of the most memorable trials of the 20th century. He was a member of the defence team in the 1950 Lady Chatterley trial and he defended ‘Fanny Hill’. He led the defence at the 1965 trial of the art thief Kempton Bunton. Hutchison defended Christine Keeler and the spies George Blake and John Vassall; he defended Brian Roberts, the then Editor of the Torygraph and he defended Duncan Cambell in the ABC trial which was presented as a triumph over the vetting of juries by the security services. Hutchison also succeeded in getting Howard Marks acquitted after he was charged with drug trafficking and successfully led the defence for Michael Bogdanov in the 1982 ‘Romans In Britain’ trial.

The Guardian’s review of Thomas Grant’s 2015 book ‘Jeremy Hutchison’s Case Histories’ commented that Hutchison ‘cherished clients’ who were ‘amiable rogues’. Jeremy Hutchison was a highly entertaining performer in court and he had a following because of his challenges to what was perceived as establishment hypocrisy. However there was a high price paid by some for Jeremy having a laugh in court and some of his rogues were not that amiable. He succeeded in having Christine Keeler cleared on some charges – which in itself sounds great, Christine was a teenaged girl who was being eaten alive by friends of the Royal Family and those in Gov’t – but Hutchison did it by defaming Stephen Ward, who was the ultimate scapegoat in the Profumo Affair (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Hutchison described Ward as ‘a perverted Professor Higgins’ and demolished his character in court. Yet privately Hutchison admitted that he knew that Ward was not what Hutchison portrayed him to be. Ward died as a result of the fall-out from that court case, allegedly by suicide – there are indications that if Ward did kill himself, he was he was given a good push by someone. ‘The Guardian’ review observed that Hutchison ‘had a job to do and he was very well paid’.

In the early 1990s I remember challenging a CPS prosecutor in Bangor Magistrates Court who knew that she was prosecuting me on the basis of the lies of the Top Doctors. She became very angry and told me not to ‘start on’ her, that ‘she was just doing her job’. Had her job been making cakes and I didn’t like the flavour of her cakes, she’d have had good grounds to tell me where to get off. But she wasn’t – she knew that she was smearing someone who was at the centre of a fit-up attempt by some very serious criminals. There must be SOMETHING in a lawyers code of conduct that allows them in such circumstances to refuse to act, even if they are a jobbing solicitor for the CPS. That was the CPS who did not mount one prosecution even when, after the 1991-93 police investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, a file of hundreds of complaints was sent to the CPS.

I don’t know what the name of that lawyer was, but she was first language Welsh, had brownish hair and was pregnant at the time of the case. She sat in Bangor Magistrates Court, along with all the other lawyers in Gwynedd, as a gang of paedophiles fitted up witnesses. They all need to be asked to explain themselves.

As for ‘amiable rogues’ – Dafydd used to joke about being one. This led to Hergest patients taking the piss and making comments such as ‘of course Dr Dafydd Alun Jones didn’t murder Mary Wynch’s mother, he was just scrumping apples’. Dafydd could have been scrumping apples as well, but he was running a trafficking gang who were murdering victims. He wasn’t an amiable rogue, he was a dangerous offender.

Howard Marks, that other well-known scrumper whom Hutchison successfully defended, later admitted that he had been guilty of drug trafficking. George Blake admitted to being a spy, so Hutchison had to just go for mitigating circumstances, as he did in the case of John Vassall. Yet John Vassall undoubtedly had information about people in the Admiralty rather grander and more senior than himself who were doing things that they shouldn’t. Vassall was the fall-guy and Hutchison would have known that.

With regard to the ABC trial, that did go down in history as a triumph over the security services and state oppression and it sealed the reputation of the judge involved as being the voice of the common man against state corruption. Which was ludicrous, because the presiding judge was none other than Sir William Mars-Jones, a friend of Dafydd (and Ronnie Waterhouse) and someone who provided a very big umbrella for Dafydd and the paedophiles for decades.

Jeremy Hutchison’s obituary in ‘The Guardian’ was written by Geoffrey Robertson QC, the human rights lawyer who was Hutchison’s junior in the 1982 ‘Romans in Britain’ trial, which was brought by Mary Whitehouse. The trial famously collapsed amidst hilarity after Jeremy Hutchison ridiculed the claim of a witness to have seen a penis on stage during the play. The defence stated that it was an actor’s thumb that had been mistaken for a penis and in court Hutchison positioned his fingers around his groin such that his thumb was in an allegedly penis-like position. The court was entertained, Hutchison won the case and the witness became a national joke. Yet with regard to ‘Romans in Britain’, Robertson mentions that Hutchison disparaged an obviously ‘honest’ witness. It rather seems as though Robertson knew that the witness HAD seen a penis rather than, as Hutchison maintained, a thumb pretending to be a penis.

I was glad when Mary Whitehouse lost the ‘Romans in Britain’ trial because she was the most appalling old hypocrite. Neither would I be bothered if an actor did have his penis out on stage as alleged – it was during a scene in which a rape was being played. But I don’t think that Jeremy Hutchison should have undertaken a massive performance for the court, lied through his teeth and ridiculed a witness if Hutchison knew that the witness was telling the truth.

Geoffrey Robertson QC is the barrister who founded Doughty Street Chambers, which houses Theo Huckle QC, who, when he was Counsel General for Wales, maintained that there was no evidence of negligence in the way in which I had been treated by Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Theo Huckle QC’). Theo had copies of the 10,000 documents that I now have. There is documentary evidence of the most serious wrongdoing in the NHS, the social services, the probation service and the courts. In the words of a friend who saw those documents, evidence of ‘serious crime in every agency with whom you had ever had contact’.

Helena Kennedy QC also works at Doughty Street. St Helena is a former colleague of Michael Mansfield and also worked closely with Prof Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School. One of Helena’s books contains an acknowledgement and a thank you to Eastman (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’). Nigel Eastman was one of those concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

 

Jeremy Hutchison was a very well-connected man – his sister married a member of the Rothschild family and he married the actress Dame Peggy Ashcroft. He lived in London and in Sussex, ‘the heart of Bloomsbury country’. It was also where John Allen owned brothels to which he trafficked kids in care from north Wales and the area where five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Jeremy’s second wife June, Lady Hutchison, was as impressive as Dame Peggy. June’s biological father was the lover of Coco Chanel, but he was unaware of her conception and subsequently died in a road accient. After her father’s death June’s mother married the 14th Earl of Westmorland and June subsequently inherited a substantial amount of money. June’s first husband was the pianist Franz Osborn, who died in 1958. June’s was a friend of Lady Diana Cooper, the aristocratic socialite who was a friend of Trumpers (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Diana Cooper was married to Duff Cooper, who served as Britain’s Ambassador to France, 1944-48. During this period, Lady Diana’s popularity as a hostess remained undimmed, even after allegations that the embassy guest list included ‘pederasts and collaborators’. There’s nothing like guests with a bit of integrity is there.

Anyone for one of Dafydd’s parties? I did hear about them, they’re legendary…

Diana Cooper tried to get June and Cecil Beaton together – although it was well-known that Beaton was a ‘confirmed bachelor’ ie gay, Beaton did have heterosexual liaisons as well. He began to take June out, dining with people like Francis Bacon and Lucian Freud. Beaton subsequently proposed to June twice but she turned him down. Meanwhile Rhoda Birley, the widow of the portrait painter Sir Oswald, tried to encourage June to marry Ted Heath. At the same time, June tried to persuade Rhoda to marry Heath herself. Whilst all this unfathomable matchmaking involving Ted Heath was going on, June became genuinely keen on Jeremy Hutchinson – who was married to Dame Peggy – and Jeremy and June began an affair. All the action happened whilst June lived at St John’s Wood – which was where Sir Ronnie Waterhouse lived.

‘In her spare time’ – presumably whilst refusing to marry Cecil Beaton and Ted Heath, yet trying to persuade other people to marry Ted Heath and whilst shagging Jeremy Hutchinson – June ‘worked for the mentally handicapped’. She had previously worked as an Angel during WWII.

My post ‘The Old Devils’ details the paedophiles’ friends who ‘worked with the mentally handicapped’ in north Wales, helping them to ‘explore their sexual needs’. Dafydd’s mate Cledwyn Williams was Assistant Director of Social Services, 1983-96, whilst the whole of north Wales was being run for the benefit of Dafydd’s sex trafficking ring.  Cledwyn was responsible for mentally handicapped services and for the all-Wales strategy for people with learning disabilities. After this, he became Director of Social Services for Conwy.

Here he is, but I don’t think that I’d want to explore my sexual needs with a man in a cardigan like this, I’d be fumbling with those buttons:

Cledwyn Williams

 

June Hutchison’s friendship with Heath lasted for a decade. It became known to the general public and to some extent provided cover for her more secret relationship with Hutchinson and possibly for a few things that Heath might have been doing. June was quoted as saying that Heath was ‘a wonderful politician, and would make a great leader’. Er, I don’t remember him being that successful as PM actually June. ‘Who governs Britain?’ ‘Not you, we’ve just voted you out’.

The press noticed that June and Ted were ‘near’ each other on skiing holidays in Switzerland; when there were rumours of marriage she remarked: ‘It is much harder at 45 than at 25. One sees so many failures, don’t you think?’ Well one does in the circles that June moved in, but then targeting Ted Heath as a future husband is probably not going to lead to lifelong marital bliss.

Heath accompanied June to the film premiere of ‘The Yellow Rolls-Royce’ in 1965 and to the reception afterwards at Claridge’s. When pressed to comment, Heath replied: ‘We are just very friendly. I don’t think there’s any more to say. She is also a good friend of Mr Anthony Asquith, who directed the film.’ June was a good friend of quite a few other people as well, including Jeremy Hutchison and her mate Diana was a hostess of pederasts.

In July 1965, shortly before Peggy Ashcroft became aware of the affair with Hutchinson (she was soon to cite June in her divorce proceedings), June said of Heath: ‘He has a woman behind him. I am right behind him, urging him on. He’s a most attractive and wonderful man. No woman in her heart could feel otherwise.’

Edward Heath 4 Allan Warren.jpg

‘Don’t fancy yours much June’.

 

Years later however, June said that Heath had never so much as held her hand, let alone breathed a word of love.

In May 1966 Hutchinson and June were married. Cecil Beaton, to whom June had confided her decision to marry, wrote a letter of support; Heath was somewhat put out at first, though in 1971, after he became PM, he invited the Hutchinsons to Chequers and showed them his bedroom, telling them that it was not normally the PM’s bedroom, as nothing would induce him to sleep in a room previously occupied by Wilson.

At a summer party given by the American Mrs John Barry Ryan in the 1980s, Heath approached June to enquire, somewhat prematurely, about her plans for Christmas. After he had moved on, a fellow guest – who was aware of the earlier friendship – was eager to hear what June might say. ‘He’s become awfully fat,’ she volunteered, which sounds like the sort of thing that Oscar Wilde would have said if he was asked if he’d had sex with someone. Although being fat was probably the least offensive thing about Ted Heath.

 

I have discussed Jeremy Hutchison at length not just because I find the subject matter fascinating, but to illuminate the social circle of some of those who have been accused of involvement in organised sexual abuse and who in return have shrieked with indignation that of course they have done no such thing, how very dare you, they are famous and important and their accusers are no more than nutters, druggies or petty criminals. Hutchison and his associates really did not conduct themselves very well at all in their personal lives. It is true that as a barrister Hutchison exposed hypocrisy which is very welcome, but he also concealed the crimes of some powerful unpleasant people whom he knew damn well could use the lower orders in any way in which they wanted, then completely shaft them if they complained and if necessary drive them to suicide or indeed proffer that as an explanation when their victims were found dead. It really is not just all a bit of Bloomsbury fun – it resulted in people trying to murder Brown and me.

As for those shrieking ‘how very dare you’ about this blog, I can only respond with:

Look at my face – am I bovvered?

  • Catherine Tate bovvered by Christian ads - Telegraph
  • Catherine Tate Quotes. QuotesGram

 

And if you don’t all start fessing up and indeed shutting up on the ‘how very dare you’ front, I’ll carry on blogging until I’ve evolved into this:

  • pilot

 

Sir Hugh Casson pitched in with Jeremy Hutchison to defend Graham Ovenden. Sir Hugh Casson was discussed in my post ‘Heart Of Darkness’. He was Director of Architecture for the Festival of Britain, had his own TV series in the 1980s and was President of the Royal Academy. Sir Hugh was a close friend of the Royal Family and taught Prince Charles how to paint in watercolours. Casson also knew Sir Ronnie Waterhouse.

David Hockney also defended Ovenden. Hockney is probably the UK’s most well-known 20th century artist. He was born in and grew up in Bradford, but since the mid-60s has spent much time living in California. He owns property in London as well as properties in California. Hockney has been openly gay for years and his name was given to me a long time ago as one high profile artist whom it said was advancing the careers of boys who had been his sexual partners. Hockney established the Hockney Foundation in 2008. In 2012, Hockney was estimated to be worth £36 million.

On the morning of 18 March 2013, Hockney’s 23 year old assistant, Dominic Elliott, died as a result of drinking drain cleaner at Hockney’s Bridlington studio. He had also earlier drunk alcohol and taken cocaine, ecstasy and temazepam. It was reported that Hockney’s partner drove Elliott to Scarborough General Hospital where he later died. The inquest returned a verdict of death by misadventure and Hockney was never implicated. In November 2015 Hockney sold his house in Bridlington for £625,000, cutting all his remaining ties with the town.

Scarborough was a town which was effectively run by Jimmy Savile until Savile’s death in 2011. I have been told by two different sources that the medical services in the region have been completely colonised by those involved with child sexual exploitation and the distribution of class A drugs. Both my informants contacted me after they heard that I had uncovered the same situation in north Wales.

Dafydd has had links with Yorkshire for years and used to hold clinics at the Queen’s Hotel in Leeds, which was one of Savile’s hang-outs. Savile visited Bryn Estyn and one boy claimed that he was raped by a group of men whilst Savile watched.

 

My post ‘No-One Is Innocent’ discussed the ‘Welsh Bloomsbury set’ who use to rent cottages in Cwm Croesor in Merionydd from the landowner Sir Clough Williams-Ellis during the middle years of the 20th century. At least one of their victims was hauled off to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh as a young distressed woman with an inconvenient pregnancy and she did not emerge again until she was an old lady. Bertrand Russell was a friend of this group and Russell too was most enthusiastic about the use of Top Doctors to diagnose schizophrenia in and then deal with members of his family who pissed him off (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’). Whilst reading about Jeremy Hutchison and his circle, again and again I noticed the names of people who were, or were associated with, those who gathered at Croesor. Very little has been published about them, but the historian Eric Hobsbawm, who rented a second home off Clough for years, wrote a chapter about Croesor in his 2003 autobiography, ‘Interesting Times: A Twentieth Century Life’.

Eric Hobsbawm wrote about the souring of relationships between the English visitors and some of the residents of Cwm Croesor in the late 1970s. The Hobsbawms, like a number of other regulars, finally stopped visiting. Eric Hobsbawm attributed the hostility partly to the rise of Welsh nationalism – but then Hobsbawm and his family were European Jews who watched Hitler come to power, which left him with a loathing of nationalism of any kind. However Hobsbawm told me that he believed that a great deal of the strife at Croesor was related to the possible closure of Croesor School, which was for some reason held up as a beacon of all that was excellent about north Wales. A number of other people told me that the irony was that the school would have closed down many years previously had it not been for a group of enthusiastic English migrants to the area who drove their children a considerable distance to Croesor School, although it was a Welsh-medium school.

Other people told me that the bad feeling was partly because the second homers and visitors were well-off, rather privileged people and that was very noticeable in comparison to the local people, most of whom had very little. I was told by one local person who did like the visitors and was friendly with them that the visitors’ holiday homes were often better than the only residences of the locals and furthermore that Clough was prepared to spend time and money restoring the second homes for his friends in a way that he never did for local people who rented property from him.

The death knell for the summer crowd at Croesor occurred after Clough’s grandson Robin Llywelyn sent letters to the second homers telling them that he was terminating their tenancies – this happened in the late 1970s or thereabouts. There was a great deal of upset, with second homers who had been friends with Robin’s grandfather and tenants for decades feeling very sore. They did have to go, there was no choice, because Robin stated that he would only rent properties to local people. When I first heard about this, it all sounded a little odd. Not just that these were his grandfather’s mates, but that Robin was, I was told, a member of Plaid and greatly concerned about the problems caused by second homes. Which is understandable, but as the second homers pointed out, the cottages that they were living in had been abandoned. Croesor is a lovely village, but there is no employment there, no public transport and one can see abandoned properties in the area all over the place. Young people who grew up in the village told me that it was great there, but they wanted to leave and they did.

Furthermore Robin Llywelyn is from a family belonging to the landed gentry who many Welsh people would consider to be English, although the correct categorisation would be ‘Anglo-Welsh’. Clough himself didn’t really speak Welsh, he was sent to a English public school and he wasn’t expected to mix with the local people. He was posh and that was how posh people of his generation behaved.

Then I was told by several local people who had lived at Croesor that Robin was not quite as concerned for their housing needs as might be presumed. They complained that nothing was ever repaired, that the rents were still top whack and furthermore that Balfour Beatty were managing the estate. At the time, one could see Balfour Beatty notices everywhere in Croesor, that’s who you had to speak to if you wanted to rent somewhere.

Balfour Beatty is a global multinational company and it does not have an unsullied reputation. It has been at the centre of a number of controversies and scandals. In Oct 2005, Balfour Beatty were found guilty of breaching health and safety laws and were fined £10 million for their involvement in the Hatfield rail crash. The crash resulted in the death of four people and injured more than 70. Among the company’s many acquisitions was GMH Military Housing, a US-based military accommodation business, for £180m in Feb 2008.

In March 2009, Balfour Beatty was found to be a subscriber to the Consulting Association, a firm which then prosecuted by the UK Information Commissioner’s Office or breaching the Data Protection Act by holding a secret database of construction workers details, including union membership and political affiliations and six enforcement notices were issued against Balfour Beatty companies. As of Jan 2010, individual workers had started suing the company for being on the blacklist. The first of these cases however, was ruled in favour of the company.

Balfour Beatty was subsequently one of eight businesses involved in establishing the Construction Workers Compensation Scheme in July 2014, though the scheme was condemned as a ‘PR stunt’ by the GMB union and as ‘an act of bad faith’ by Parliament’s Scottish Affairs Select Committee. In Dec 2017, UNITE announced it had issued high court proceedings relating to blacklisting against 12 major contractors including Balfour Beatty.

Er – we’ve got some conflicting loyalties emerging here. UNITE, that proud defender of everything NHS, who wave their credentials in terms of their support for Angels at every opportunity possible, were shafted by the folk who managed Democratic Robin’s country estate.

From what I discovered – perhaps readers could enlighten me if I’ve got this wrong – Robin’s Democracy and Welshness really began to swell his heart in the late 1970s. One thing that I do know is that Dafydd and the paedophiles destroyed a few of the local people at Croesor and that some of the summer crowd knew about Dafydd and Gwynne. The Croesor summer crowd were an object of fun for some locals, other people watched them as curious and exotic specimens and they were also the subject of a certain amount of gossip, on account of the nudist swimming, extra-marital relationships and various other aspects of their lifestyle which were inconsistent with what one might imagine of Nonconformist north Wales. Bertrand Russell seems to have done some pretty dreadful things to people and he was indeed a sexual predator, but from what I could work out, many of the summer visitors were quite upfront about their Bloomsburyesque habits. They certainly weren’t carrying on like Dafydd and giving lecturers to the Welsh Baptist Union explaining how learning Bible verses in Welsh as a child can protect one against a ‘serious moral collapse’ in later life, whilst they flogged class A drugs and ran a sex trafficking gang (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’).

By the late 1970s, Dafydd and Gwynne were causing ructions. There was such serious mismanagement at UCNW that in 1979 Dafydd Wigley asked Shirley Williams to hold a public inquiry into the paedophiles’ friend Sir Charles Evans’s running of the college. It was in 1979 that Dafydd Alun Jones illegally imprisoned Mary Wynch and the spotlight was upon north Wales once more. Dafydd and the paedophiles really didn’t need that because business was booming, Dafydd’s associates had opened children’s homes right across north Wales and the homes were all part of the same trafficking organisation. Dafydd Wigley will have known all about it, despite his request to Shirl. Shirl knew about it as well. North Wales was having to deal with the massive problems caused by the Westminster Paedophile Ring but no-one dared admit that was what was at the root of so much of the rot.

Gwynedd County Council and elements in Plaid were making electioneering capital out of issues such as independence for Wales, second homes, the Welsh language and the closure of small schools. These are important issues, but whereas Plaid were happy to flag them up, the havoc caused by a paedophile gang operating across the whole region was ignored, or blamed on other factors. Down in south Wales, the Windbag was basing his future leadership bid on his opposition to devolution and attributing the problems in the schools in Gwynedd to the Welsh language policy of Gwynedd County Council. The Windbag forgot to mention that the real problem was a gang of child abusers – probably because his wife was a school teacher from Holyhead and her parents were friends with Lord Cledwyn, one of the people who had covered up for Dafydd and Gwynne for years. And of course everyone remained busy ignoring George Thomas’s molesting of children (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

After about 1977, no-one expected Labour to win another election, it was taken as read that Thatch would be PM. Peter Morrison was by then the Tory MP for Chester and had been one of Thatcher’s key supporters for the leadership after Heath had been shoved out. Morrison was also abusing kids in care in north Wales and this was quite widely known. Morrison was being protected by, among others, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster. His fortune was worth about £9 billion and there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth regarding the strategies that he was using not to pay income tax on it. I’m fairly sure that I read that Grosvenor left the Conservative Party after tax changes were either proposed or implemented that would result in Grosvenor having to stump up. People with a great deal of wealth do tend to like to hang onto it. Particularly if they own family estates – it’s not just about the dosh then, it’s also about their history and their children’s inheritance.

Just imagine what would have happened to Democratic Welsh Robin if Thatcher’s Gov’t had fallen as a result of a scandal involving one of her friends and Ministers sexually abusing children in care in north Wales. A Labour Gov’t would have taxed the arse off Democratic Welsh Robin. Some of those free-living bohemians whom Democratic Welsh Robin had booted off of his estate were privileged in comparison with local people, but they were a load of old lefties who were involved with anti-nuclear and other radical causes. Some of them were also famous – E.P. Thompson and Eric Hobsbawm were regulars in magazines like ‘The New Statesman’ and ‘Marxism Today’.

There was someone else who lived down in Croesor as well long ago who might well have found out what Dafydd and Gwynne were doing – he was a young American who was a draft-dodger and had come to the UK to avoid Vietnam. He ended up with the radicals down in Croesor and I was told that he stayed there for quite a long time. He later became a US Senator. Some of the draft-dodgers did pretty well for themselves didn’t they Bill?

‘I did not have sexual relations with that woman.’

Oh yes you did!

‘There was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales involving Westminster figures.’
Really? Just go and ask that Senator…  He could hardly have forgotten this:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

The first time that I saw D.G.E. Wood literally blanch was following the row when I complained about Gwynne and after Brown had his first article published in the ‘Journal Of Radical Philosophy’ – I told Wood that Brown was thinking of writing for ‘Marxism Today’… I attributed Wood looking like death to being dim and a ‘Daily Mail’ reader – which he was, I am not simply saying that to insult Wood, he did like his ‘Daily Mail’. That’s the ‘Daily Mail’ that was unbelievably offensive about Eric Hobsbawm after he died and of course who also put the boot into Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband when he died. Ralph Miliband was mates with Eric Hobsbawm, E.P. Thompson and the New Left contingent. Ralph had also worked at Leeds University and I bet that he knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring as well, particularly as Ed’s Uncle Harry – who’s passion for the NHS was enough to move Ed to tears every time that Ed remembered Uncle Harry – Ralph’s brother-in-law, was a Top Doctor at Tommy’s whilst his colleagues, some of whom were mates with Dafydd, concealed the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

After Ralph Miliband died, the ‘Daily Mail’ published their famously insulting article about him, entitled ‘The Man Who Hated Britain’. One of the men who hated Britain so much that he ensured that not a word was ever published about the rot at the heart of the British establishment that led to people being murdered to keep a lid on the barrel of shit that is the Westminster Paedophile Ring was Paul Dacre.

 

Paul Dacre has just announced his intention to resign as the Editor of the ‘Daily Mail’. On the ‘Today’ programme two days ago, those wonderful old Glendas Ann Leslie and Polly Toynbee were arguing the toss about how much good or otherwise Dacre had done the nation as a publisher of bigoted bile. Ann thought that Dacre was great ‘but his language is terrible’. ‘Private Eye’ refers to Dacre as ‘the double cunting Dacre’ on the grounds that Dacre often strings the c word together when he’s really riled. He hadn’t better do that in front of Dafydd, all I did was call Dafydd a wanker and Dafydd used this as evidence that I was not ‘mentally normal’ and dangerous to boot and then Bluglass agreed. On another occasion I said ‘bugger’, so Dafydd rang the police and reported me.

I don’t know whether Dafydd has ever scene the film ‘Wish You Were Here’, but the scene in which the batty old psychiatrist has the piss taken out of him by a swearing teenager pretty much described Dafydd’s interactions with his own patients.

Poll maintained that Dacre had left nought but a legacy of racism and sexism, but Ann Leslie laughed like a drain and told Poll that the Daily Mail’s campaigns had been rather more successful than the Guardian’s campaigns. Neither of the Glendas has ever published on the deaths of kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales. The Sindie, ‘The Observer’ and ‘Private Eye’ went there of course in 1992 and were successfully sued by one of the police officers who was abusing the kids in care.

Since the double cunting Dacre announced his intention to resign, it has been stated that the next editor of the ‘Daily Mail’ will be another man who might well hate Britain enough not to publish anything about Dafydd, but we’ll have to wait and see – the next Editor will be Geordie Greig. Geordie Greig is a member of White’s club. Other members of White’s include Prince Charles (he held his stag party there before marrying Diana), Prince William and Norman Lamont. Sir Peter Morrison was a member, as was Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor. David Cameron was a member of White’s until 2008 when he resigned because White’s refused to admit women. Cameron’s father Ian had been a member for donkey’s years and was the former Chairman. So who let Morrison in then?

Greig is the Editor of the ‘Mail On Sunday’. He previously worked on ‘The Sunday Times’ and has also been the Editorial Director of ‘The Independent On Sunday’ and ‘The Independent’. Greig might well have been Editorial Director of The Indie and the Sindie when they published the article naming Gordon Anglesea as a child abuser which caused Anglesea to sue them and win nearly £400k damages. In 2016 Anglesea was jailed for the historical abuse of kids in care in north Wales. My posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’   and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’ detail why I think that George Carman QC, who acted for the newspapers against Anglesea, threw the trial. It wasn’t long before that trial that the five witnesses were killed by the firebomb in Brighton. Weeks after the trial, Mark Humphreys, who gave evidence against Anglesea was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in Wrexham where he lived.

Geordie Greig’s sister was a Lady-in-Waiting to Diana.

CRASH!!!

If Mr Greig wants to stay alive, perhaps he’d better keep away from tunnels and be very careful what he publishes. He’s going to have to be another man who hates Britain.

Geordie Greig: hack who mastered media politics to rise to the top

 

The Croesor lefties could have caused havoc if they’d gone public about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Not only would Democratic Welsh Robin have received a great deal of very unwelcome publicity, but his bank balance would have suffered as well.

Democratic Welsh Robin runs the family business, which is of course Portmeirion Ltd. The most famous branch of the business is the Italianate village which Clough built and where the 1960s TV series ‘The Prisoner’ was filmed, but there’s also the shops, the hotel, the restaurant and the other restaurant. Everything related to Portmeirion is really very nice, but it is rather expensive. Very expensive. Well beyond the pockets of the local people…

Democratic Welsh Robin holds a rock festival every year, Festival No 6. Like everything Portmeirion, it is expensive and many of the visitors are affluent people from England. In 2012 Festival No 6 was particularly proud to headline a local boy made good – Gruff Rhys from Llanllechid, who made it big with the Super Furry Animals, just as the investigations into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal began. Gruff Rhys’s dad was Ioan Bowen Rees, who was the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst the paedophile gang caused havoc in Gwynedd children’s homes. It was Ioan who appointed Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes as Director of Social Services for Gwynedd. Read all about Ioan’s son’s rise from a schoolboy who practised his music with his friends in the village where I used to live – as people tried to set fire to my house – to international superstar, in my post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’.

I’ll just remind readers here that a Welsh speaking psychiatric social worker was appointed sometime in the late 60s/70s and he lived in the Croesor area. This was presented as a triumph for democracy, because the poor sods targeted for incarceration and lobotomy by Dafydd and Gwynne could now be ‘assessed’ in their first language. Which is important, but if the person speaking your first language is working for Dafydd and Gwynne – who were also first language Welsh – and he’s helping them run a sex trafficking ring, you are still going to be in very deep water.

Democratic Welsh Robin is Director of the family charity, the Susan Williams-Ellis Foundation. The Foundation states that it makes grants to organisations including those concerned with ‘community development/employment/children/young people…’

Python fans will remember the Tale of Brave Sir Robin, who ran away.

  • Brave Sir Robin ran away... | Monty Python | Pinterest

 

 

As well as all the witnesses who can provide first hand accounts of Dafydd’s atrocious conduct, many years ago Dafydd declared himself to be a psychopath and discussed his psychopathology live on the radio. I missed this, but a lot of other people heard it, including Jackie Ehlen, the north Wales forensic psychiatry nurse who knows the truth behind the death of Dorothy Griffiths, the patient who’s body was found in a bathroom at Ysbyty Gwynedd and at whose inquest NHS staff told a pack of lies (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’). Jackie Ehlen was used by the paedophile gang to deal with all those dangerous patients who had complained about Dafydd. Jackie was up late one night, listening to the James Whale Radio Show when Dafydd rung in and talked about himself being a psychopath. James Whale interviewed him live.

James Whale presented that show in the late 1980s. So whilst the world called Alison and me liars and our complaints remained either uninvestigated or were investigated by the likes of Robert Bluglass who then used the process as an excuse to make serious unfounded allegations against us, whilst the dead bodies of patients and kids in care were turning up everywhere and while everyone reassured everyone else that there were ‘no concerns’ in north Wales, Dafydd rang up James Whale and made a confession.

But then Jimmy Savile wrote about making an arrangement with the police to allow him to sexually use a teenaged runaway in his autobiography.

The James Whale Radio Show was produced by Yorkshire TV. In June 1989 Yorkshire TV approached Alison Taylor with a view to making a film about child abuse in north Wales and in Sept 1989 Alison was filmed extensively by Yorkshire TV. In Feb 1990, Yorkshire TV abandoned their programme about abuse in north Wales. Although Dafydd had rung them in the early hours and fessed up.

Dafydd was often up and about all night. He crashed into police stations and even into the North Wales Hospital at midnight to see me and a former social worker admitted that Dafydd would turn up to conduct ward rounds at 3 am. He would answer his phone at any time of the night – which certainly entertained Hergest patients when they wanted a bit of fun – lest it was a celebrity criminal ringing, in need of extraction from trouble.

Here are the key characters from ‘Open All Hours’:

 

One of those who ran the paedophile gang for Dafydd and Lucille was called Glanville rather than Granville.

No wonder Thatch relied upon the services of Dafydd to keep her in power, she had a thing about grocer’s shops.

‘There is no evidence that Dr Jones ever behaved anything other than professionally and in his patients’ best interests.’

So ‘no-one knew’ where Dafydd was when he didn’t turn up to his clinics in Ysbyty Gwynedd, despite him being Open All Hours? Well we service users knew where he was. Sometimes he was at the Queen’s Hotel in Leeds and sometimes he was in the south of France ‘with a GP friend’. Because we were ringing him up when he was there. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where kids in care were taken ‘for holidays’. One day Dafydd started mocking us when he was in France and telling us that as penniless service users we really couldn’t afford to go ringing him in the south of France on his mobile, Dafydd being one of the first in Wales to acquire a mobile. Well I’ve got news for Dafydd. Those calls to France cost us bugger all, because the phone box in Rachub was malfunctioning. All we had to do was put the first few 2 ps in and then it kept us connected for as long as we wanted.

 

 

Some more Bangor University staff who will know the details of the dirty tricks used by Prof Fergus Lowe to hold all the collaborators with Dafydd and the paedophiles over a barrel:

Dr Kevin Mundy aka the Fat Controller. Mundy was Fungus’s right hand man for years. Mundy was the henchman and was so often employed to do Fungus’s dirty work that a lot of people thought that Kevin Mundy was Fungus. Fungus was small and bald and used to sneak around incognito, whereas Kevin Mundy was big and aggressive and would be the one glowering in people’s faces up close and personal. Mundy was described to me as an ‘evil bastard’ and was Head of the euphemistically titled Planning Dept in Bangor University. The Planning Dept was colloquially called the House of Black Arts and it was known to be the place where wicked deeds were formulated by Fungus which would then be carried out by Mundy and his sidekick, the Poison Dwarf. I didn’t know the Poison Dwarf’s real name, he was Michael someone – he was even smaller than Fungus, but ginger. He was Musical, so often used to wear a bandana around his head, even with his suit when he was on Official Intimidating Business. I was told that the Poison Dwarf learnt all he knew at the knee of the Fat Controller and that the Fat Controller learnt all he knew ‘at the tit of Fungus’.

Dr Mundy will be delighted to know that Bangor University staff derived much entertainment from his role as a leading light and a preacher in a church in Bangor. I could hardly believe it when I was told, so someone showed me the video clips of the Fat Controller leading the singing and shaking the maracas at a ‘happy clappy’ church in Upper Bangor. It was fantastic, but we never knew how he had time to do it all as well as put Fungus’s wickedness into practice. The Fat Controller didn’t just sing and shake the maracas, he was writing prayers and holding group meetings, the lot.

So perhaps the Fat Controller and the Poison Dwarf would like to provide details of how Fungus was going to use his contacts with influential people who had colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles to fit the Vice-Chancellor up for a criminal offence – after ‘blackening his name’ – whilst the VC was away from the University caring for his terminally ill wife, who didn’t survive the ‘care’ of the paedophiles’ friends at the Walton Centre, although a member of the paedophile gang survived a very similar illness at the same time and she was treated by the same Top Doctors. I heard from some Fungus acolytes about how everyone could forget about the VC now, because Fungus was going to be the only one who mattered. Oh and would Fungus’s Cunning Plan have been related to the theft of my computer by the brother-in-law of John McTernan, Blair’s policy adviser?

In the light of just how serious matters were and the number of people in high places – like Gov’t – who were involved, if the Fat Controller and the Poison Dwarf know anything about the letters from my lawyer which were opened before they arrived in my pigeonhole and were then even opened by someone in the Royal Mail when I had them sent to my house instead, please do tell. What about the obstacles and wires that were put across the end of my drive by someone who knew that I usually left the house before dark and would have driven straight into them, had I not been delayed that morning?

Then there was the violent attack on a woman in the grounds of my old Dept – it seems that the meathead who did that thought that he was assaulting me, but he got the wrong person.

Another accomplice of Fungus’s could also explain the background to his orders from Fungus to intimidate my PhD supervisor’s wife out of her job at the University – the accomplice in question being one Prof Lew Hardy, a specialist in sports science and ‘coaching elite athletes’, a serial shagger of postgrads and all round dickwit. You big idiot Hardy, you were doing the work of someone who was concealing a paedophile gang. Explain that to your ‘elite athletes’ who are beating a path to your door to receive your pearls. I presume that it was another dodge between you and Fungus that led to that much-boasted about grant that you landed not so long ago on the basis of your ‘excellence’.

Lew Hardy was a colleague of Dave Brailsford’s dad – the Dave Brailsford of ‘Team Sky’, ‘what doping in sport, of course I know nuzzing’. You all knew about a bloody gang of sex traffickers, it’s how the collection of mediocrities that is you managed to get so far, it certainly wasn’t on ability.

 

There are now so many stories in the media about miracle cures for cancer and dementia and explanations of how the NHS needs so much more money that I am no longer bothering to read them. However I did manage to read ‘The Daily Telegraph’ letters page earlier this week. I always enjoy reading what the Sir Bufton Tuftons and Sir Herbert Gussetts have to say as they write in from Barking-in-the-Marshes. So imagine my surprise when I couldn’t find a letter from a Sir Bufton or a Sir Herbert, but I did find a whole load of letters from public-spirited Torygraph readers writing in with their Top Tips with regard to saving the NHS money in these times of austerity. There were the usual suggestions concerning the importance of returning crutches that one has been issued with, but there were a few more imaginative plans as well. It’s good of the Torygraph readers to try to help, but somehow I fear that their efforts will be lost in the face of the millions that are being siphoned off into the pockets of Dafydd and his friends; blown on IT systems which cost billions, which everyone knows will never work but the contract can’t be cancelled because it’s a friend of someone in New Labour who owns the company; the millions squandered on management consultancy fees because the highly paid managers can’t do their jobs, so the Trust has to pay the former managers who were just as hopeless but who took early retirement and have now set up their own consultancy to come in and ‘advise’; the fortune being paid on agency nurses because the Angels can then work on the same ward for double the money and the Trust managers and a few politicians own the agency, so it’s win-win all around; then there’s the ‘ground breaking research’ which will be delivering the cure for cancer/dementia or identifying the ‘gene for schizophrenia’ within the next few months.

Just make sure that those sodding patients don’t cause ‘a rise in demand’ which will ‘push the NHS into crisis’…

 

Come in Number Six…

 

 

 

 

 

 

‘They Planned To Put Acid In All The Reservoirs…’

I’ve just finished reading Stephen Bentley’s book ‘Undercover: Operation Julie – The Inside Story’. Stephen Bentley was one of the undercover police officers who worked on Operation Julie the celebrated undercover police investigation which ran between 1976-78. Operation Julie resulted in a huge drugs bust in 1977 and was followed in March 1978 by the sentencing of 15 people at Bristol Crown Court who were jailed in total for 124 years. The trial at Bristol was presided over by Mr Justice Park aka Sir Hugh Park, but there were numerous other associated trials in lower courts as well which dealt with more than 100 defendents, as well as a raid in the Dordogne in the south of France. Operation Julie was an investigation which spanned much of the UK and involved 11 police forces, but most of the action took place in rural mid-Wales.

Numerous myths surround Operation Julie – many of them have been denounced as being untrue even by the officers who worked on the case and others have been denounced as being untrue by friends of the people who were prosecuted. Some things that have been accepted as ‘fact’ by everyone are highly improbable if one just thinks a little bit about what was alleged to have happened. One thing that everybody agrees on – including Stephen Bentley – is that Operation Julie cost a huge amount of money, was hampered by police corruption and did nothing at all to impede the tide of hard drugs that had begun pouring into the UK as a result of organised crime.

The stars of Operation Julie were a group of hippies who were living in mid-Wales in the mid-1970s and who had allegedly set up an LSD factory with the intention of manufacturing enormous quantities of the drug in order to spike the reservoirs supplying water to Birmingham with the aim of enablling the Brummies to receive the beneficial effects of getting off their heads. The spiking of the reservoirs story is the one thing that many people think that they know about Operation Julie, but that is also something for which there doesn’t seem to be much evidence. Some of the people from mid-Wales who were convicted did subscribe to the idea that taking LSD was a good idea – they took LSD themselves and had no doubt made a bit of it, but that’s about where the truth ends. As the years have passed, there has been increasing disquiet expressed about what happened during Operation Julie, the lies that the police fed to the media – that the media then obediently and very successfully promulgated – and regarding the fact at least one of those imprisoned did no more than make sandwiches for her boyfriend who was alleged to be making the LSD. Bentley himself claims that during the course of Operation Julie the undercover officers uncovered far more serious crime which was ‘handed over’ to others to deal with.

Operation Julie was conducted whilst business was booming for John Allen and his associates’ empire of child prostitution, porn and hard drugs in north Wales. Allen’s children’s homes, the Bryn Alyn Community, were receiving children from local authorities across England and Wales and Allen also had a villa in the south of France where he was taking children for ‘holidays’. Operation Julie could not have failed to have stumbled across Allen’s criminal empire.

The principal ‘LSD factory’ which was placed under observation by Operation Julie was located in a house at Tregaron, the home of Richard Kemp and his girlfriend Christine Bott. Another house, Plas Llysyn, owned by American Paul Arnaboldi – Kemp’s friend – in another part of mid-Wales, Carno near Llanidloes, was also observed. Bentley and another undercover officer infiltrated a village called Llandewi Brefi whilst disguised as hippies. Llandewi Brefi was targeted because a man called Alston Hughes aka ‘Smiles’ lived there. Alston was English and had connections in London and Birmingham and was alleged to be the distributor of the vast quantities of LSD produced nearby – he received an eight year prison sentence. All this surveillance and infiltration was happening on the patch of the Dyfed-Powys police force.

At that time, there was abuse of children in care happening in Dyfed and Pembrokeshire (Dyfed-Powys Police cover Pembrokeshire). Ioan Bowen Rees, the County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, moved to Gwynedd County Council to take up the post of Chief Exec in 1980, where he remained until 1991. It was on Ioan Bowen Rees’s watch that organised child abuse in the children’s homes in Gwynedd reached dizzy heights, with children being trafficked to London and Brighton (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Are You Local?’). Alison Taylor, a social worker from Gwynedd, blew the whistle on the child abuse loudly and clearly to Bowen Rees and his Director of Social Services Lucille Hughes – Alison was sacked and the abuse continued. Bowen Rees’s idea of investigating Alison’s concerns was to invite his former colleagues from Dyfed County Council up to ‘review’ the children’s homes in Gwynedd. Under Bowen Rees the chaos, corruption and fuckwittery in Gwynedd Social Services reached new highs (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Gwynedd was a by-word for a Council that was a law unto itself, founded upon nepotism and cronyism. Operation Julie could not have missed the stories emanating out of Gwynedd – Gwynedd is only a few miles north of Aberystwyth Police Station, the venue for the meeting of the Operation Julie team for briefing and it borders Machynlleth, where it was claimed the crucial evidence was found that led to the establishment of the whole enormous police operation. At the time there was serious institutionalised corruption in the North Wales Constabulary/Police and in the legal system across Wales. The drug squad based in Gwynedd in particular were totally bent and I personally know people whom they framed and who ended up in prison (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’). One man who was fitted up by the drug squad in Gwynedd and then violently assaulted by a police officer in Bangor Police Station ended up in Risley Remand Centre and was then transferred to the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year after Dafydd diagnosed him with ‘cannabis psychosis’. There was never an investigation into what happened to him – or his wife who also had cocaine planted on her – at the hands of the police. The Chief Constable of North Wales throughout the paedophile and serious corruption years who presided over some truly extraordinary events was Sir Philip Myers (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

I suspect that as with the prosecutions of paedophiles in north Wales, Operation Julie made a great display of prosecuting and imprisoning the small fry – and very likely a number of people who were completely innocent – whilst ignoring some very serious criminals. In his book Bentley mentions uncovering links to the CIA.

Although the publicity in the wake of the Operation Julie painted a terrible picture of the hippies on trial who were running the ‘biggest LSD factory in the world, supplying 90% of the world’s LSD’, there is plenty of evidence that they weren’t quite the people portrayed in the media. In mid-Wales their neighbours actually liked them – yes they were hippies, but they were friendly and well-educated (two of those involved were medical doctors and one had a PhD in chemistry). When the undercover police first infiltrated mid-Wales, their cover was nearly blown because their behaviour was so much worse than the people whom they had placed under surveillance. Bentley’s own account of himself in his book isn’t too flattering – he stresses that he was never a corrupt officer, but he seems to have known many people who were. I can understand the difficulty that he and his colleagues encountered when they tried to pass themselves off as hippies…

After Operation Julie, Stephen Bentley left the police force and in 1997 he became a barrister – he mentions that the recreational drug of choice for barristers is cocaine…

Stephen Bentley is now living in the Philippines.

Dr Christine Bott – who ended up being sentenced to nine years in prison for daring to be the girlfriend of Richard Kemp (the ‘drug chemist’) and for making meals for the ‘gang’ – had read medicine at Liverpool University and then worked as a GP. What she really liked doing was keeping and breeding goats and she was well-known in mid-Wales for this. Richard Kemp had done his PhD at Liverpool University, which was where he had met Christine – Richard was sentenced to 13 yrs.

Christine and Richard were students at Liverpool in the 1960s. Liverpool University produced graduates who did very much worse things than Christine and Richard. Whilst Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was at Liverpool University in the early 60s he was visiting IRA activists in order to pick up a bit of advice to use in activist activities back home in Wales (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades’). The security services will have known about Dafydd – they had all the Welsh nationalist activists under observation, because of their links to the IRA and the Gov’ts fears that Welsh activism might become very violent. Stephen Bentley talks about the FWA (Free Wales Army) in his book – one of the leaders of the FWA was Julian Cayo-Evans, who was based in Lampeter and Bentley and his colleagues used to bump into supporters of the FWA. The Welsh political blog Jac O The North is written by Royston Jones who was a member of the FWA and a friend of Cayo – at one point (I think during the investiture) Jac went into hiding in Ireland because he was surrounded by the security services wherever he went in Wales. Of course the security services knew about Dafydd – but the security services helped conceal the Westminster Paedophile Ring, which was being supplied with child prostitutes by the paedophile gang who Dafydd was assisting.

Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for Wales who concealed Dafydd’s wrongdoing (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’), was Professor of Surgery at Liverpool Medical School. North Wales was/is packed with Top Doctors and other professionals who had been educated at Liverpool University who were among the paedophiles’ friends. None of them were ever arrested. Yet a well-liked GP who kept goats and lived quietly in deepest mid-Wales ended up being sentenced to nine years in prison on the basis of the alleged activities of her boyfriend.

Dr Christine Bott had also worked at Charing Cross Hospital. We know that the paedophiles’ friends enjoy the support of their colleagues in the London teaching hospitals. I wonder what Christine knew about who. We can’t ask her, because she is dead now, as is Richard and a number of the others who were sentenced. When Christine and Richard came out of prison they kept a low profile, so no-one ever heard their side of the story. They were welcomed back to mid-Wales, so people there couldn’t have had much of a problem with them. What we did hear much about were the over-blown fantasies of dodgy coppers in terms of the activities of hippies – the police revealed that a rat ‘which had died from an overdose of LSD’ had been found at one property. At Plas Llysyn at Carno, samples of water from the cellar were taken which incredibly enough contained LSD ‘which matched LSD samples’ in the possession of the police. A frog and a mole were also taken away for testing – it was revealed that they’d been on acid as well. But beyond ‘traces’ of LSD, nothing was discovered after the police had broken into the Plas in the belief that it was a constituent part of the biggest LSD factory in the world. The police knew why they didn’t find anything though – it was because the hippies had abandoned the Plas! So how did the hippies manage to make their getaway along with all the equipment and goodies whilst the police were watching the place?

As is often the case with raids by the drug squad, by the time that the Operation Julie cases came to trial, the police boasted of having discovered a wonderland of goodies worth an absolute fortune – when the police didn’t actually produce the mountains of LSD, allegations of a huge stash of LSD buried somewhere in woodland in mid-Wales were bandied about. Likewise, the value of the LSD that the police claimed to have recovered didn’t equate to what was actually recovered by the police (the situation conjures up the old favourite which made an outing on one of Mel Smith and Gruff Rhys Jones’s programmes years ago – ‘that means the police are paying three times as much for their drugs as the rest of us’). The event which actually precipitated the establishment of Operation Julie and which sounded even more like the fantasy of a dodgy copper was a lot more worrying than stories about rats, frogs and moles overdosing on hallucinogens, as we shall see.

In the mid-70s, a number of senior police officers – including some of those who led Operation Julie – were trying to persuade the Home Office to set up a national police force and a national drug squad. My post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’ describes the serious corruption at the top of the Home Office’s drugs branch at this time, which went hand in hand with the corruption on the part of some of the Top Doctors holding Home Office drugs licences and treating addicts, including Dafydd.

Prior to Operation Julie, Detective Chief Inspector Dick Lee of the Thames Valley Police Drug Squad maintained that he had noticed a huge increase in the amount of LSD ‘arriving into the UK’ whilst he policed pop festivals in the south of England. Dick Lee was someone who wanted a national drug squad created which operated independently of the rest of the force. The international suppliers of LSD in mid-Wales were only ever brought to the attention of Dick Lee after Gerry Thomas, an associate of David Solomon – a Californian who was associated with Timothy Leary and who had been introduced to Richard Kemp in 1968 by a university colleague – was caught trying to smuggle cannabis into Canada. Thomas had known Richard Kemp and Kemp’s friends and Thomas gave information to the authorities in Canada in return for a shorter sentence. The information that he supplied was that the ‘biggest acid lab in the world’ was being run in mid-Wales. Thomas named Richard Kemp, Christine Bott, David Solomon and ‘a man called Henry’. This ‘intelligence’ was passed across the Atlantic and reached the ears of Dick Lee. Richard Kemp ‘was known’ to be living in Wales and ‘driving a red Range Rover’ – well of course this was ‘known’, he and Christine weren’t trying to hide, they lived in Tregaron with their goats and Christine even appeared in the local press with her prize-winning goats. Dick Lee alerted the Dyfed-Powys Police and Detective Sergeant Richie Parry – who was in charge of the Dyfed-Powys Drug Squad pre-Operation Julie – contacted his old drug squad colleague Dai Rees who was now a traffic inspector in Dyfed-Powys Police and told him to get in touch in the event of any ‘incidents’ involving a red Range Rover.

As so often happened in matters involving the drug squad in those days, within weeks – in April 1975 – ‘by pure coincidence’ the control room heard about a serious car crash near Machynlleth involving a red Range Rover. It was of course Richard Kemp’s car and he and Christine were in it at the time. The accident was a serious one – Kemp’s Range Rover had hit another car head on which contained a Minister and his pregnant wife. The Minister’s wife was killed and the Minister was seriously injured, although Kemp and Christine ‘escaped with their lives’. Kemp’s Range Rover was impounded by the police and searched.

During the search, the police found six strips of paper in the car which when ‘reconstructed’ into one piece was found to have the words ‘hydrazine hydrate’ written on it,a key ingredient in the manufacture of LSD. The police therefore had the evidence that they needed against Richard Kemp – whom Dick Lee already ‘knew’ was part of an enormous drugs ring – the evidence needed to set up a huge national police operation involving those senior officers who had been so keen to do this but needed to persuade the Home Office and ACPO that there was justification for it. Why a man with a PhD in chemistry who was allegedly mass-producing LSD  – indeed 90% of the global LSD supply – would need to write the name of the main ingredient on a piece of paper and cut it into small pieces which were then strewn around his car was never explained. This ‘evidence’ is as implausible as the physiologically impossible ‘evidence’ on which the Rev Emyr Owen from Tywyn was convicted in 1985, after he was accused of chopping penises off corpses and eliciting erections in the severed penises – penises which were never actually found (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

So it must have been most convenient when Richard Kemp crashed his car in Machynlleth – just after the police had been told to look out for any incidents involving that car – killing a pregnant Minister’s wife in the process (the local people liked Richard and Christine remember which could have caused the police difficulties), whilst those scraps of paper with ‘hydrazine hydrate’ written on them were in the car belonging to Mr Big. The only thing that the police seemed to have forgotten to mention was that the writing on the paper was in lemon juice and that they read it by warming the paper up, a la Fatty in the ‘Five Find-Outers’ as conjured up by the imagination of Enid Blyton. Although I seem to remember that Fatty’s nemesis was actually a foul incompetent policeman called Mr Goon – one wonders how Fatty never found himself fitted up for dealing to the ‘Secret Seven’.

The bits of paper constituted the solid evidence needed for Dick Lee and his mates such as Detective Inspector Derek Godfrey from Scotland Yard to convince the Home Office and ACPO that a massive police operation across the UK was needed. Not that ACPO will have needed that much convincing – the President was Sir Philip Myers the Chief Constable of North Wales. In Feb 1976 a meeting was held at Brecon between a number of Chief Constables and senior drug squad officers and a multiforce operation was arranged which evolved into Operation Julie. In May 1976 officers from Operation Julie had moved into the house overlooking Richard Kemp’s cottage and had placed him and Christine under constant surveillance. After Operation Julie concluded, other police officers revealed their concerns that not only had Operation Julie been the preserve of some not very competent senior officers with massive egos who liked to think of themselves as supercops, but that the whole Operation had been conducted in secrecy without the knowledge of or scrutiny of anyone else. Dick Lee had created exactly what he and his mates had dreamed of – an ‘elite’ squad independent of the rest of the force, answerable to no-one.

In 1976 a man working with children was found guilty by Talgarth Magistrates Court (Talgarth is near Brecon) of two counts of indecent assault on boys from the Bryn Alyn Community.

Although in Dick Lee’s opinion Richard Kemp was Mr Big, even after the police put him and his friends at Plas Llysyn under intense surveillance they didn’t find the sort of evidence that one would have expected to find in world leading LSD factories, although Neville Dunnett, a Home Office scientist and forensics expert, believed that the Plas was an LSD factory. Obviously the police found the animals who had all been tripping and the water from the cellar which was obliging enough to match samples of LSD in the possession of the police, but they didn’t find much else – until on the day of the big swoop in March 1977 when they did dig up some LSD making equipment from a well at Plas Llysyn. The police didn’t actually manage to even find much LSD in their first raid on Kemp’s house in March 1977, the date on which Julie conducted simultaneous raids on 87 homes across England, Wales and the Dordogne. It was only when they raided Kemp and Christine’s house again in Dec 1977 that they found £1000 cash in a package and a plastic box containing the mind-blowing quantity of LSD  that confirmed that the biggest LSD factory in the world was down at Tregaron run by the boyfriend of a doctor who bred goats.

The biggest LSD factory in the world certainly took some detecting. The surveillance equipment used to maintain a 24 hour watch on Richard Kemp and Christine Bott was top of the range stuff and had been supplied by the security services at Whitehall.

The centre of the action may have been in mid-Wales dangerously near to all those corrupt professionals who had a thing about hippies – whilst the corrupt professionals within spitting distance were afforded protection by the security services and the Home Office as they facilitated a paedophile ring with links to organised crime dealing in child prostitution, porn, drugs and trafficking – but the identities and backgrounds of some of the senior officers involved in Operation Julie is more than enough to ring alarm bells.

Stephen Bentley was plucked from the Hampshire Drug Squad to work on Operation Julie. He had grown up on Merseyside and before joining the Hampshire Drug Squad he had worked as a police officer in the Merseyside/Lancashire area. Bentley’s book mentions the most extraordinary situation involving the South West Lancashire CID Task Force before he went south  – they had set up their temporary HQ in Knowsley Hall, a stately home near Liverpool, the family seat of the Earl of Derby. Bentley explains that allowing the police to use Knowsley Hall as their HQ assisted the 18th Earl of Derby with the financial strain of the upkeep of his house. Earl Derby aka Lord Edward Stanley soon found a longer term solution to his financial problems – in 1971 he created Knowsley Zoo and Wildlife Park in the grounds of the house. Bentley does not tell us whether anyone questioned whether it was right and proper for the police to be camping out in someone’s stately home whilst they conducted enquiries.

Lord Edward Stanley was Deputy Lieutenant of Lancashire, 1946-51 and Lord Lieutenant of Lancashire, 1951-68. He was Pro-Chancellor of Lancaster University, 1964-71. Lord Stanley was Director of Martin’s Bank – as well as a Director of Granada Television.

There was a TV documentary made about Operation Julie, ‘from the police perspective’. It was made by Bob Mahoney for Tyne Tees TV.

So Dick Lee from Scotland Yard persuaded the Home Office and the ACPO to set up Operation Julie after the discovery of those scraps of paper in Kemp’s car. Bentley admits that in the mid-70s ‘corruption was rife in certain departments and squads’ of the Metropolitan Police. After Operation Julie, Lee left the police force and became a freelance journalist. Well after all that glowing publicity surrounding the hefty sentences handed down to those who were about to poison the country’s drinking water and addle the brains of our youth, Dick Lee was far too famous to waste his time being a policeman. Other members of the police force were critical of his published work, suggesting that the content compromised police operations.

In 1977 one of the venues used to hold the briefings regarding the Operation Julie raids was the fifth floor of Tintagel House at Lambeth, a building which housed some departments of the Met. The Flying Squad and other CID departments were excluded from the Tintagel House briefings, although Stephen Bentley mentions that the SPG (Special Control Group) attended ‘in force’. The SPG were the contingent from the Met who took advantage of their position to violently assault ethnic minorities and lefties. In 1979 one of the officers from the SPG succeeding in killing Blair Peach, a teacher who was on an anti-NF march. The officer was did this was never publicly named let alone charged although other members of the SPG admitted that they knew his identity.

The ‘nerve centre’ of Operation Julie was established at Devizes, in the HQ of the Wiltshire Constabulary – the hub of the operation later moved to Swindon. It has now been admitted by his Tory colleagues that Sir Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester, 1974-92 and an aide to Margaret Thatcher, was abusing children. Morrison was known to have abused children in children’s homes in north Wales. Peter Morrison’s father was John Morrison, the 1st Baron Margadale, Conservative MP for Salisbury, 1942-65, whose family seat and estates were in Wiltshire. John Morrison was Lord Lieutenant of Wiltshire, 1969-81. Lord Lieutenants tend to spend time with Chief Constables among other people. Peter Morrison’s elder brother Charles managed the family estates and in 1964 was elected as Tory MP for Devizes. He remained MP for Devizes until 1992 and was a friend and supporter of Ted Heath. Charles had been influential in Wiltshire before he became their MP – in 1958 he became a member of Wiltshire County Council and he Chaired the Education Committee, 1963-64. Charles Morrison’s wife was related to Ian Fleming by marriage and an article that Ian Fleming wrote entitled ‘To Westminster With Love’ opened with the words ‘Charles Morrison – Licensed To Kill’. Well somebody certainly was and it wasn’t a bunch of hippies in mid-Wales. Charles and Peter’s sister, Mary Morrison, has been Woman of the Bedchamber to Queen Elizabeth II for over fifty years.

Detective Superintendent Dennis Greenslade was drafted into Operation Julie from the Regional Crime Squad based in Bristol – Bentley remembers that Greenslade too was very unpopular – and Greenslade’s colleague from Avon and Somerset Police, Detective Chief Inspector Herbert also worked on Operation Julie. Greenslade was another officer who supported the creation of a national drug squad. The drug squad in the West Country during the 70s and 80s conducted themselves pretty much as the drug squad in North Wales did – dope smoking hippies and teenagers were pursued by the police and treated as serious criminals whilst far more serious crime was ignored. I knew of corruption in the drug squad in both Bristol and Taunton at the time of Operation Julie. Two corrupt drug squad detectives in Taunton were demoted and ordered to go back into uniform as plods on the beat, but they still managed to have the family of a local school girl who had been wrongly accused as a result of a school teacher’s idiocy threatened at gunpoint – whilst the man with the gun did this, he made a reference to the unsolved murder of a housewife from Bath, Mrs Beryl Culverwell. I also knew of a police constable from Bristol who was thrown out of the force for dealing in heroin but was quite miffed about this because he maintained that the other officers who had been doing it with him had all remained in the force. I knew of someone else who was arrested for the possession of cannabis, taken to Bridgwater Police Station where he was assaulted and then had his own cannabis sold back to him by the police. The Chief Constable of Avon and Somerset Constabulary, 1974-79 was Kenneth Steele.

Whilst Kenneth Steele and his officers were pursuing school children and threatening to murder members of their families, they accused Norman Scott of shooting his own dog as a publicity stunt after John Newton – the hit man who told the Old Bailey in 1979 that he had been paid by Jeremy Thorpe to kill Norman – killed Norman’s dog and then tried to kill Norman but was prevented from doing so when his gun jammed (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

There is a further link with Jeremy Thorpe mentioned by Stephen Bentley. Bentley talks about a lady called Pam who owned a house in the locality under observation and rented it out to some of the Operation Julie officers. Pam also had a home in Bayswater in London at Orme Square – Jeremy Thorpe was Pam’s neighbour. Pam had celeb connections by marriage – she was the ex of John Mayall who had been in a band with Eric Clapton. My post ’95 Glorious Years!’ explains how a great many very unpleasant things happened to Francis Ormsby-Gore in a way that leads me to suspect that he may have been targeted by the paedophiles’ friends. Francis’s sister Alice died from a heroin overdose – she was the former partner of Eric Clapton. Clapton has admitted that he treated her appallingly, as well as introducing her to the joys of heroin addiction, only to give it up himself leaving her in a mess.

Bentley mentions connections to other celebrities that I have previously heard had used those abused and trafficked by the paedophile gang in north Wales and he also mentions meeting Michael Wilding junior, the son of Elizabeth Taylor, at a party near Devil’s Bridge a few miles away from Aberystwyth. The interesting thing about rural Wales is that although it was and is sneered at by those who imagine themselves to be metropolitan sophisticates a cut above the sheepshaggers, Wales is quite nice really and the people who make derogatory comments about its permanent inhabitants do nonetheless like to make visits to Wales or to even acquire a second home there. Among those people there was always a cohort who liked taking drugs and having sex with much younger people who were poor and not in the least bit famous.

Whilst dealing with Pam, Bentley discovered a few things familiar to anyone who has had been on the receiving end of the paedophiles’ friends: that the police in Wales are very strongly influenced by Freemasonry and that this exerts a corrupting force upon them; that police business is openly gossiped about and discussed with other people who are not police officers in a way that it shouldn’t be; and that often the wives of police officers know almost as much about police business as their husbands do. Bentley also discovered that Pam was very friendly with a police officer based at Lampeter Police Station whom Bentley felt could not be trusted and thus the Operation Julie team had no dealings with the police at Lampeter.

The biggest acid lab in the world in mid-Wales was alleged to be connected to another acid lab in Hampton Wick, Greater London, which was placed under surveillance by a police team from RAF Hendon in Oct 1976. The police maintained that these ‘two drug rings’ had begun as one organisation. They maintained that a Henry Todd – remember ‘a man called Henry’ whom Gerry Thomas had mentioned to the authorities in Canada? – had been the person handling the sales of the LSD produced in mid-Wales because the mid-Wales cohort were producing so much LSD that they couldn’t handle the sales by themselves. The police alleged that Todd and the ‘organisation’ had been based in Cambridge but had then set up one ‘ring’ in mid-Wales and had recruited an Andy Munro to work as a chemist in a house at Hampton Wick. Henry Todd was imprisoned for eight years.

David Solomon received a ten year prison sentence, despite there being very little evidence to link him with the LSD factory at all – he had actually been in New York throughout most of Operation Julie. It was Solomon’s conviction that enabled the police to tell the world that Kemp and Chrstine had connections with Timothy Leary – Dick Lee had actually spent a great deal of time trying to find evidence of this but couldn’t.

Stephen Bentley’s book mentions that Operation Julie also utilised the services of Detective Superintendent Gerry Squires from the City of London Police Fraud Squad in tracing the assets of those running the biggest acid factory in the history of the world. Assets did play a role in the trial at Bristol, but Bentley mentions links to profits in Vancouver from a heroin business and a group of doctors and lawyers who were providing the money to buy $3 million worth of heroin. I can’t find any mention of them being put on trial.

 

All branches of Operation Julie was either working directly in the locations where the paedophile gang based in north Wales and their friends were running their enormous well-oiled machine or very close by. Not only was Operation Julie involved in a surveillance operation in Wales, the heart of the paedophiles’ friends territory, but they were holding briefing meetings in Lambeth whilst Lambeth Borough Council’s social services dept had been infiltrated with paedophiles and whilst Lambeth were also sending children in their care into the clutches of John Allen ‘on placement’. Rob Evans, who was one of the managers of Gwynedd Social Services children’s homes under the regime of Ioan Bowen Rees in the 80s, had been recruited from the West Country where he had been a ‘team leader’.  Talgarth Magistrates Court, where a man had been found guilty of indecently assaulting boys from John Allen’s empire, was a short drive down the road from Brecon , the meeting point of the ‘supercops’ where they agreed to establish Operation Julie – the case at Talgarth happened in the same year as the discussions in Brecon.

I cannot understand how Operation Julie did not stumble across the paedophile gang that was operating in Wales – which dealt in drugs as well as in child sex – which only continued business unhindered throughout Operation Julie, but expanded their business. Perhaps Stephen Bentley and his colleagues did know about John Allen, Dafydd et al but Bentley just didn’t mention them in his book.

So who was Home Secretary whilst the police and the criminal justice system concerned themselves with wild animals who had taken LSD, whilst an absolute fortune was squandered on an investigation that imprisoned eccentric young people who at most were users of drugs themselves and small time dealers, whilst highly implausible evidence was found at convenient times and whilst clairvoyant police officers also seemed to know that there would soon be an incident involving Richard Kemp’s car in west or mid-Wales – an incident which when it happened involved the death of a young woman – yet ordered their officers on the ground not to go near a gang of very serious criminals who had colonised much of Wales?

The Home Secretary who agreed to set up Operation Julie on the basis of animals with a penchant for hallucinogens and Dick Lee’s psychic abilities was Roy Jenkins. Roy has starred on this blog recently and did a great many favours for the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I) – Jenkins had also been Home Secretary at an earlier time in the 60s under Harold Wilson when Bryn Estyn, one of the children’s homes in north Wales with some of the highest levels of child abuse, had been directly managed by the Home Office. The Home Secretary who was in office during most of the investigation whilst gangsters who killed some of their victims as well as some witnesses but were allowed to go about their business unhindered and while the flimsiest evidence – some of which was very obviously fabricated – was deemed sufficient to imprison people for years was Merlyn Rees. Merlyn was another man who was a loyal paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Roy Jenkins was appointed by Harold Wilson and Merlyn Rees was appointed by Jim Callaghan.

Who was the DPP who approved the prosecution of people on the basis of the fantasies of some bent coppers? The DPP who was in place during the earlier fit-ups of the suspects will have been Sir Norman Skelhorn. Skelhorn was DPP 1964-77 and before he retired there was huge concern expressed in many quarters regarding the practices of the police and the sheer number of miscarriages of justice that seemed to be occurring. In 1972 Skelhorn had granted the bank robber Bertie Smalls, Britain’s first supergrass, immunity from prosecution in a deal described by the Law Lords as ‘unholy’. The criticism constantly levelled at supergrasses is that they may be tempted to tell a pack of lies and name innocent people in return for lenient treatment. Skelhorn has also found his place in history as a result of admitting that whilst he was DPP terrorist suspects in N Ireland had been tortured and told a meeting of Harvard Law School Forum – after it had been agreed by Heath that torture should not happen under any circumstances – that when dealing with ‘Irish terrorists’, any methods were justified. In April 1976 after Young Liberal Peter Hain was cleared of robbery at a branch of Barclays Bank, six Liberal MPs led by David Steel demanded Skelhorn’s resignation. I don’t suppose Steel et al could dish too much dirt on Skelhorn though – because there was the matter of the doings of Cyril Smith and Jeremy Thorpe to consider.

Sir Norman Skelhorn was an active Freemason.

Upon Skelhorn’s retirement, Merlyn Rees appointed Sir Thomas ‘Tony’ Hetherington as DPP and it will have been Hetherington who was in office when the later Operation Julie prosecutions were prepared. Hetherington remained as DPP until 1987 and became the first head of the CPS when it was formed in 1986. The CPS that subsequently refused to prosecute in so many cases connected to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal or those child abuse cases involving Cyril Smith, Greville Janner and others. Hetherington did make the decision to prosecute Jeremy Thorpe however, although after that trial he might as well have not bothered (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Hetherington lied to two newspapers about never receiving police information concerning Cyril Smith. During his later years as DPP he oversaw a number of major changes introduced in the wake of concerns raised during Skelhorn’s incumbency eg. the introduction of PACE in 1984 and the creation of the CPS.

Hetherington was the son of a Top Doctor who was educated at Rugby and Christ Church, Oxford and was called to the Bar in 1952. He was the first DPP who was a career civil servant. He became part of the team supporting the Attorney-General and Solicitor General in 1962 and was head of the permanent legal staff supporting the Law Officers (A-G and SG), 1966-76. So Hetherington was the man behind Normal Skelhorn. He was appointed Deputy Treasury Solicitor in 1975. Which was when the Treasury Solicitor’s office was in the process of ruining Mary Wynch and illegally divesting her of her property (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). As part of his mission to shine a light on the organs of the DPP, Hetherington allowed BBC Panorama’s team to film the DPP’s office at work. It was considered a very daring move, but I suspect that the BBC were happy to do their Lord Haw-Haw bit.

Hetherington was knighted in 1979. Which was the year that Thorpe was acquitted of conspiracy and incitement to murder. It was Hetherington who failed to prosecute any SPG officers after the death of Blair Peach.

The Attorney General, 1974-79, was Samuel Silkin. Silkin was a barrister from a well-known Labour family (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’). His father Lewis Silkin was the Labour MP for Peckham and a Minister in Attlee’s Cabinet, 1945-50 and his brother John Silkin was also a Labour MP and Cabinet Minister. John Silkin was very influential and at one point looked as though he would become leader of the Labour Party. Samuel Silkin retired in 1983 and was given a peerage in 1985. He Chaired the Society of Labour Lawyers.

The Solicitor General, 1974-79, was Peter Archer, a Labour MP for the West Midlands. Between 1967-70 Archer had been PPS to that good friend of the paedophiles Sir Elwyn-Jones whilst Elwyn-Jones was Attorney-General. In 1969 Archer was Britain’s representative on the UN’s ‘third committee’ on Human Rights. He was a founder member of the Amnesty International  Committee in 1961 and Chairman of Amnesty International’s UK section, 1971-74, as well as being a member in the Anti-Slavery Society. Archer was an extremely active member of the Fabian Society – he sat on the executive committee, 1974-86, was Chairman, 1980-81 and from 1993 until his death in 2012 he was President. He was also a leading figure in the Society of Labour Lawyers.

In his capacity as Solicitor General Archer authorised prosecutions in N Ireland.

Archer was close to Samuel Silkin when Labour were in opposition. When Silkin retired after Labour’s defeat in 1979, Archer was passed over for the role of Shadow A-G by one of the best friends that the paedophiles have ever had, former Secretary of State for Wales Lord John Morris. Peter Archer was Chief Legal Spokesman in Michael Foot’s Shadow Cabinet in 1981. In 1982 Archer became a Crown Court Recorder – he concentrated on his career at the criminal Bar after Labour’s defeat in 1970.

Archer was Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland under Neil Kinnock, 1983-87. In 1986 he urged the reconsideration of the case of the Birmingham Six and in 1987 was not returned to the Shadow Cabinet.

Archer was a Christian Socialist and was always used as the living embodiment of ‘the Labour Party owes more to Methodism than to Marxism’ – Archer was very active in the Methodist Church in the Black Country and worked as a lay preacher.

In 1992, that excellent year for the paedophiles’ friends when so many good things happened for them including the murder of five witnesses by a petrol bomb just a few days after the General Election (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), Archer picked up a peerage.

In 1998 Blair appointed Archer to make recommendations concerning the claims from the families of Holocaust victims whose assets in Britain were seized – Archer Chaired the £25 million compensation fund. Archer also led the 2007 ‘Tainted Blood’ Inquiry.

 

There has been huge quantities written about Operation Julie, but because so much was written by journalists who had close connections with the police I haven’t spent time reading much of it. It is established that the police had a hotline to many media outlets and were able to ensure that the story that reached the general public was one of heroic cops sending down dangerous criminals who presented a threat to western civilisation. Stephen Bentley mentions going out boozing with Colin Willis, the showbiz editor no less of the Daily Mirror and the evening ending in a huge punch-up between Bentley and some other folk – imagine the headlines if the ‘hippies’ had done that and it had been witnessed by a journalist. The Earl of Derby who obviously had a very cosy relationship with the police in the north west of England was a Director of Granada TV. Lawrence Byford, the Chief Constable of Lincolnshire at the time of Operation Julie, had a son – Mark – who worked for the BBC and who eventually reached the very top of that organisation.

Most of the people who were convicted have since died without their stories being told, although Lief Fielding did write a book.

So I have no idea why the police and full forces of the Home Office descended upon Richard Kemp and Christine Bott in 1975. I remember that in the case of the Macguire Seven, the reason why someone named Annie Macguire as an IRA bomb-maker after being duffed up by the police was that it was such a ludicrous notion that they were sure that the police would never make anything stick and Annie would be safe. In the event the police convinced themselves and a Court that this respectable middle-aged woman who was a member of the Tory Party and had nothing to do with Republican activism or politics, was indeed running a bomb factory from her kitchen and employed members of her family, including a 15 year old boy, to assist her. Oh and Annie Macguire was sexually assaulted in custody as well. At the time the British press ran lurid headlines about Aunt Annie’s bomb kitchen. When Annie Macguire was released from prison – after years – the running theme of her story was that she had no idea that such things could actually happen in Britain. The Macguire Seven were convicted in 1976 – the Guildford Four and Birmingham Six were convicted in 1975. Perhaps Gerry Thomas named Richard and Christine in an attempt to give some information, any information, to the authorities in Canada, thinking that it was such a ludicrous notion that they were supplying the whole world with LSD that charges would never stick. Or perhaps Gerry Thomas was unscrupulous, knew how daft the authorities were, told them a load of poppycock in order to get himself a lighter sentence and didn’t care what the consequences were for anyone else.

At the trial in Bristol, Sir Henry Park lavished praise on the officers of Operation Julie and complimented them on their ‘intelligent handling’ of the material. Including presumably the evidence of the mole, the rat and the frog who had all been tripping. Between 1970-74 Henry Park was the Presiding Judge of the Western Circuit – he was very well known in the West Country and almost certainly knew the senior officers in the Avon and Somerset Constabulary.

My post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron’ describes how Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was actually given the remit to provide ‘substance abuse services’ in north Wales via his charity CAIS, upon whose Board sits some of the people named in the Waterhouse Report as failing to respond to the presence of a paedophile ring in north Wales, although they were senior managers in the social services.

Dafydd set up CAIS in 1977. In the 1972 the Chief Constable of North Wales Sir Philip Myers was the police’s representative on the Advisory Council for the Misuse of Drugs.