The Banality Of Evil

I have previously detailed how bare-faced lies were documented about me and other patients by the mental health services in north Wales and a perusal of our records demonstrated quite clearly that on numerous occasions the staff were well aware that they were documenting fallacies, just as they cheerfully perjured themselves in attempts to secure convictions against patients who had made serious complaints. My recent posts ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ provided accounts of how serious complaints that I made were simply never investigated yet various managers then wrote to me telling me that their investigations had not upheld my complaints; how managers either ignored correspondence from the Mental Health Act Commission or lied to Commissioners; how patients were repeatedly lied to when they attempted to follow up complaints and were told that accounts provided by third parties who had witnessed wrongdoing had not been received whilst those accounts were lying in files with instructions not to reply to the witnesses; how the solution for dealing with patients who produced evidence of serious wrongdoing was to serve them with High Court injunctions preventing them from writing repeatedly to follow up complaints and then to prosecute them and declare that representation from those patients could be ignored because they were, after all, lying criminals.

In ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ I provided details of documentation in my medical records that was fairly obviously forged, amended at a later date or at the very least not compiled on the dates given.

The staff of the mental health services in north Wales were characterised not only by their callous, brutal treatment of patients but by their callous, brutal treatment of each other – I have given previous examples of staff being unfairly dismissed, having nervous breakdowns, committing suicide and the claims of one female member of staff who worked with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team leaving the area after she was sexually assaulted by one of her male colleagues following her complaint of workplace bullying. The culture within the health and welfare sector in north Wales was – and remains -toxic.

So here are a few more gems from the records that my lawyers managed to obtain after the mental health services unlawfully witheld them for the best part of 25 years and a few more names of people who knew just how serious the criminality was and who should now be speaking to the police.

 

On 7 Jan 1991 a Debra Lewis made a note regarding me phoning Gwynedd Health Authority and telling her that I had been told by my colleagues in London that a sleazy looking person had turned up saying that he had come to serve court papers on me. I remember this well – I was working in London but had gone away for a few days and my colleagues and my house mates in London contacted me to say that a rather dodgy man in possession of a stack of papers was looking for me. I presumed that it would be something to do with Gwynedd Health Authority – the bailiffs used by the courts often looked as though they were on their uppers – so I rang in order to find out what was happening. Gwynedd Health Authority told me that they had no idea what I was talking about so I rang Hempsons, the MDU solicitors. Hempsons refused to discuss anything at all with me. Debra Lewis’s note explained that the seedy looking man was indeed in pursuit of me after Gwynedd Health Authority had ordered him to serve papers on me, but she explained in her note how everybody was to lie to me and profess complete ignorance of what was happening. So what was the outcome of this stupidity? Well the sleazy man tracked me down to where I was staying – with relatives in the west country, so I presume that once more someone had unlawfully accessed a confidential database in order to find those details, because I hadn’t given them to anyone – and the sleazebag served the papers on a relative of mine. Unlawfully. When the seedy old bailiff realised that the person to whom he’d just handed the bundle wasn’t me, he panicked…

Why everybody felt obliged to lie to me about this I do not know. I wasn’t trying to escape the country, I was trying to find out what on earth was going on. But it was business as usual – a stream of lies, the telling of which was faithfully recorded in the records that these people unlawfully refused to hand over every time that I or my lawyers requested them.

In the early months of 1991 I finally got so fed up of the threats, the harassment and being bullied out of jobs when it was discovered that I had dared take on Dafydd and the paedophiles that I sought a barrister’s opinion. I was told that I had a case against the NHS for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. What happened over the next few months was exactly what happened on the two occasions since when I have tried to begin legal action against the mental health services – crucial papers disappeared and then even the lawyers did as well. One barrister in north Wales who provided his opinion but after which everything inexplicably fizzled out – Wyn Williams – was married to a psychiatric nurse in the Ablett Unit. The senior psychiatrist in the Ablett Unit at the time was Dr Neil Davies. Who was Dafydd’s colleague at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and was involved in falsely imprisoning me….

On 22 March 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones, a lawyer employed by AJ Beale – the legal firm in the Welsh Office who also employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park who documented that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Tony Francis (Dr X) were lying about my alleged assaults on people but was happy to begin proceedings against me nonetheless – re my proposed action against Gwynedd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. Davies explained to Tracey Jones that Gwynedd could not be held responsible because it was Clwyd Health Authority who managed the North Wales Hospital and held Dafydd’s contract. Davies had failed to explain that although Dafydd was employed by Clwyd, he held clinics in Gwynedd and had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd – and that I had been unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd and told by Tony Francis that Dafydd was now my doctor. It was indeed in Ysbyty Gwynedd where I first encountered Dafydd. Furthermore, I had been unlawfully arrested in Ysbyty Gwynedd no less – on the orders of Dafydd – and then been taken to the North Wales Hospital, where I had been held illegally. The North Wales Hospital was used for patients from Gwynedd and Clwyd. So Gwynedd were pretty bloody culpable but began wriggling desperately when I mentioned legal action.

On 23 April 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones to confirm that Dr Neil Davies was the RMO for Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, where I had been illegally imprisoned. Davies also admitted that Dafydd  ‘still provides a service to Gwynedd’.

On 20 May 1991 Alun Davies writes to Mrs T.L. Jones – who as far as I can work out is the Tracey Jones to whom Davies had written just days previously in AJ Beale’s firm, but who was now working for DG Lambert, Solicitor, Crown Buildings, Cathays Park. DG Lambert was obviously another legal firm working for the Welsh Office, but I don’t know why they were involved at that point, particularly as Andrew Park of AJ Beale’s company had not gone anywhere. Park continued to send me threatening letters and ‘advise’ the paedophiles’ friends as to how to secure convictions against me. Davies explained to Tracey Jones the latest problem that he had with me – that I had now written to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority. Tracey came up with the usual solution and wrote back to Davies telling him that she would write to me and threaten me with court action if I did not stop writing to Gwynedd Health Authority.

In spring 1991, under John Major’s NHS modelled on business principles, the idiot Davies was no longer styled as ‘Priority Services Administrator’, but was now ‘Business, Planning and Contracts Manager’. Such was the fuckwittery of every NHS reorganisation – the same old crooks and fools were left in place and given new job titles. Older readers will remember the Tories ‘internal market’ which they imposed upon the NHS. Ooh yes, GPs and managers would be able to buy services from the best provider, thereby increasing patient choice and enabling patients to ‘shop around’ for the best care. What happened in north Wales? Hilarious, Gwynedd Health Authority took out full page adverts in the local papers explaining that they would be buying mental health services from – Dafydd and the North Wales Hospital! How Brown and me laughed. Here’s your choice under the Tories’ internal market – Dafydd and the paedophiles. Again.

When I mentioned this to the fat fool Davies, he snapped at me that in north Wales there wasn’t any choice. Yes, I had noticed – I escaped to London and was still told that Dafydd was my doctor. Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School told me to go back to north Wales for ‘care’, even though Eastman had been told by his colleague Dr Robin Jacobson that Dafydd had described me as ‘attractive and seductive’, that Dafydd ‘had a soft spot for me’ and that Jacobson had noticed that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Escaping from Dafydd trying to get his leg over? We’ll say nothing about the perjury taking place in an attempt to imprison you and when the case collapses we’ll send you back to Dafydd whilst telling everyone that you’re the dangerous one…

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy in north Wales with people outside of the region in order to conceal sexual abuse.’

The criminal conspiracy of course had begun back in 1987, when Dr James Earp of the Towers Hospital Leicester had colluded with Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services after the first time that I had been unlawfully detained and exposed to Dafydd’s highly inappropriate conduct (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

What else happened in the early months of 1991? My friend who worked at the Royal Television Society who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a documentary about it was unlawfully dismissed and blacklisted – her husband who worked at the BBC was told by his boss that they would make sure that he ‘never worked in this town again’. He was transferred to Manchester and made redundant some months later. Another friend of mine from our Bangor days who was working for a pharmaceutical company in Kent found that he was driven  out of his job as well. Brown discovered that his colleagues had been told by someone that ‘he could not be trusted around children’. Then the workplace harassment of Brown at Aston University began in earnest.

The other thing that happened in early 1991 was that my solicitor – who was amazingly supportive – had done his best to secure what he thought would be an independent second opinion in the face of the constant charges brought against me by the north Wales mental health services. My solicitor found someone called David Mawson who was certainly pleasant and friendly and didn’t conduct himself in the manner of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Doctors Who Disappeared From The Medical Register’), but I have now found out that Dr Mawson knew all about Dafydd and the paedophiles and like absolutely everybody else he was not going to say a word about their criminal activities. Everyone took the same view – the solution here is to stress that it is the patients who are the problem not a bunch of professionally qualified gangsters who are into serious organised crime. Documents in my possession show that Alun Davies and Tony Francis (Dr X) made it their business to contact David Mawson without my or my solicitor’s knowledge or consent and ask him what he was going to say in his report….

 

Documents in my possession show that after they feared that I was going to sue, Gwynedd and Clwyd simply sent letters back and forth to the lawyers in the Welsh Office in which everybody claimed that it wasn’t them who had been responsible for my unlawful arrest and detention. The Welsh Office’s solution? Threaten me with legal action to stop me writing to anyone. Meanwhile, crucial evidence – such as the identity of Ann Williams, the one honest social worker who was a key witness (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and documentation – was witheld.

I suspect that it might have been at about this time that Alun Davies et al forged the documentation that I detailed in my post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’. Gwynedd Health Authority knew that if I began legal action against them at some point, documentation could be extracted by a High Court order – as indeed it was many years later – and all would be revealed. So a load of paperwork was compiled to make it look as though legal procedures had been followed in 1988-89 when Professor Robert Owen (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) at the Welsh Office conspired with Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to conceal the wrongdoing of Dr Tony Francis, Gwynedd Social Services and Dafydd (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).

 

By the spring of 1991 the authorities were having great trouble convincing everyone that something terrible was not happening in north Wales. Former residents of children’s homes were being found dead at an alarming frequency and some members of staff of the children’s homes had been convicted of violent and/or sexual assaults on children. There had been many more allegations of abuse which had been dismissed as untrue. From spring 1991 matters snowballed.

In May-June 1991, the by now sacked Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor took her allegations that children in care were being abused to Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry. On 10th June 1991 Wrexham Labour Councillors Dennis Parry and Malcolm King held a crisis meeting with John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd County Council. On 17th July 1991 a letter was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales stating that there were allegations circulating that a paedophile ring was in operation in the children’s homes of north Wales. On 30th July 1991 yet another member of staff of the children’s homes in north Wales was convicted of rape and indecent assault.

On 2nd August 1991 the North Wales Police launched an investigation into Clwyd children’s homes. In Sept Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry contacted ‘The Independent’ newspaper, alleging a North Wales Police ‘cover up’. On 19 Sept 1991 Dennis Parry met journalist Dean Nelson at a London hotel and on 26 Sept 1991 HTV screened a film outlining complaints about Nefyn Dodd, the manager of the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor. On 12 Oct Dean Nelson met Alison Taylor at her home in Bangor and on 7 Nov 1991 ‘The Independent’ newspaper formally commissioned Dean to report on the North Wales allegations.

On 14 Nov 1991 police warned Alison Taylor about ‘contacting witnesses’. On 30 Nov Frank Beck, the Leicester social worker and associate of Greville Janner, received three life sentences for the abuse of children in his care. There were links between the Leicester gang and the gang in north Wales… On 1 Dec 1991 the ‘The Independent on Sunday’ published an article about child abuse in North Wales. North Wales Police merged the Clwyd and Gwynedd child abuse inquiries on 2 Dec 1991 and on 6 Dec two former kids in care in north Wales launched a joint compensation claim against Clwyd County Council.

 

So who in high office presided over this carnage? The Secretary of State for Wales during this time was none other than this blog’s friend David Hunt who had already loyally served the paedophiles’ friends for years (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

The Secretary of State for Health was William Waldegrave and the Secretary of State for Social Security was Tony Newton. Alison Taylor had previously written to Newton on 28 Feb 1988 and described a brutal assault that she had witnessed on a child in care.

 

The havoc and concerns in north Wales continued throughout 1992. Two former residents of north Wales children’s homes Heath Kelvin Jones and Barry Williams were found dead in their bedsits/flats. In Jan and Feb Dean Nelson continued seeking evidence regarding the paedophile gang in north Wales.

On 15 March 1992 police arrested sixteen men and one woman in dawn raids in and around Wrexham. All but one of these had once worked at Bryn Estyn. ‘No child pornography’ was found and there was ‘no evidence’ of any paedophile ring. By the end of that day the police had no alternative but to release twelve of the sixteen without bringing any charges. Of the four that remained – Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth, Paul Wilson and David Birch – only Norris made any admissions.

On 9 April 1992 John Major won the General Election. Just days later, Adrian Johns died along with Mabel Roberts, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, Tim Sharpe and Andrew Manners when a firebomb was thrown into a building where a party was taking place in Brighton. Two people – AIDS counsellor Mabel Roberts and Andrew Manners – died from multiple injuries trying to jump to safety. Seven people managed to escape by clambering down a drainpipe at the back of the building. One, Tim Sharpe, fell to his death after losing his grip. Several people were impaled on the spiked railings as they jumped to safety from the upstairs windows. Adrian Johns, 32, and another man, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, 33, remained trapped in the flat and died of smoke inhalation. Their bodies were so badly charred that they had to be identified by dental records. A number of those caught in the fire had been in care in north Wales. Days later the man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead. One survivor claimed that witnesses to the abuse of children in north Wales were being murdered. This man was later found dead after giving evidence at one of the trials of John Allen. For full details of the fire and its aftermath, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

On 13 Sept 1992 a story about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales was published by ‘The Observer’. On 17 Sept Mark Humphreys and Steven Messham appeared on TV and accused Gordon Anglesea of abusing them whilst they had been in care in north Wales. Carl Holden watched them at home on television and then telephoned the BBC. During Oct-Nov 1992 Carl Holden was visited by BBC journos and on 30 Nov the BBC filmed Carl Holden accusing Gordon Anglesea of abuse.

Anglesea subsequently sued HTV, ‘Private Eye’, ‘The Observer’ and the Indie on Sunday for libel and in 1994 was awarded nearly £400k damages (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). Shortly after giving evidence at the trial, Mark Humphreys was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in which he lived in Wrexham. In 2016 Gordon Anglesea was jailed for the historical abuse of children in care in north Wales.

 

So I was interested to discover from my medical files that on 12 Nov 1992 Alun Davies wrote to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services, demanding that an approved social worker should be allocated for the specific purpose of being on hand to ‘assess’ me, because they never knew when I might require sectioning under the Mental Health Act. Who did Davies ask to perform this service? A Terence James, as recommended by Tony Francis.

Terence James was one of Dafydd’s mates. Whilst I was in the North Wales Hospital being unlawfully imprisoned and threatened, Dafydd called upon the services of Terence James to section me – after I had been unlawfully arrested and held for three weeks. So why did Dafydd need to do this? Because the next day I was due to appear at Bangor Magistrates Court on a charge of assaulting a junior doctor. I was pleading not guilty because I hadn’t assaulted him – unbeknown to me, the doctor himself had admitted this and the charges were going to be formally withdrawn but no-one told me that. Dafydd and the paedophiles’ knew though and thus sectioned me the day before I was due to appear in court. So I was taken in the clutches of Angels across to Bangor Magistrates Court, told when I arrived that the charges had been dropped – and was taken straight back to the North Wales Hospital because Terence James had sectioned me the night before. James had sectioned me on the grounds that I was suicidal – he agreed with the charge nurse Mike Williams that the atmosphere on Bryn Golau Ward was ‘difficult and oppressive’ and that was why I had become suicidal. So there was only one answer – I had to stay in the ‘oppressive’ atmosphere which had made me suicidal….Just to emphasise how important it was for me to stay banged up, Dafydd contributed his ha’porth – I was ‘excitable and potentially dangerous’. Which is hardly consistent with being depressed and suicidal, but when did coherent thought ever have a role to play with this lot? For details of the conflicting evidence, the lies and the fuckwittery, see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE ‘.

When I was in Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, because the paedophiles’ friends were indulging in their usual practice of refusing to identify themselves, every time that I found out who one of them actually was, I made a note of it. I had a list of the guilty parties on a sheet of paper on my pillow. One day it disappeared. Just like that. However, I’ve found it! It turned up in my medical files! So a helpful Angel must have swiped that when they realised that I was identifying the culprits. One of the names on my list was ‘Terence James, social worker’.

I had no idea in Nov 1992 that Davies and Francis were trying to persuade one of the paedophiles’ friends to be on stand by until they gave him the signal to bang me up again. However I note from my records that Terence James was ‘unwilling to make himself available’. I wonder if Terence was a bit shaken by the police investigations and newspaper exposes regarding matters in north Wales?

Terence would have good reason to be. I have discovered that Terence was a member of the Aberconwy social work team. The Aberconwy team were rather heavily implicated in the abuse of children. From 1987, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – whilst the paedophile gang carried out business unhindered – responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner were busy and were being concealed by a number of people in Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) in Gwynedd.

No wonder Terence didn’t introduce himself when he imprisoned me in Bryn Golau Ward – and no wonder my piece of paper with Terence’s name on disappeared.

‘We didn’t know.’

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy.’

Some witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry were not considered credible because they consistently misidentified staff whom they claimed had assaulted them.

It was all a pack of lies to claim compensation!!!!

 

In April 1992 Virginia Bottomley took over as Secretary of State for Health and Peter Lilley took over as Secretary of State for Social Security. Anyone remember Peter Lilley’s ‘little list’ of all the social security scroungers whom he wanted to eliminate? You bloody idiot Lilley, just look at what was happening to the ‘scroungers’ at the hands of a bunch of white collar serious criminals.

 

Now here’s the name of someone else who has info for the police – Bethan Jones, who was working as Dafydd’s secretary in March 1993. Dafydd’s secretaries didn’t hang around for long because he used to do things like ask them to dress up and come to work wearing ‘a brief mini skirt and smokey grey stockings because that’s my favourite’.

#ME TOO!!

Except in wasn’t a case of #Me Too, these snivelling invertebrates freely admitted to each other that they were leaving because they couldn’t bear Dafydd propositioning them – and worse – but on every occasion that a patient described similarly offensive conduct from Dafydd, the same invertebrates were happy to do as they were told and complain about these dangerous patients making ‘wild allegations’ about Dr DA Jones and oooh they were ever so frightened and they thought that the deranged patient in question was probably going to ‘attack’ them. If any patient ever attacked a member of staff it will have been in self-defence.

Another man who might have been up to no good with the patients at the North Wales Hospital was Frank Riley. He was some sort of occupational therapist. I didn’t have the pleasure of the Frank Riley Experience myself, but I did hear about him. From female patients. I was told by a male Angel that Frank Riley was ‘a sex symbol for the over 60s’ in Denbigh. Frank could have been innocent – Dr David Healy used to have a following when he was younger and I don’t think that he was indulging in Dafydd-like pursuits – but in my experience, much of the ‘harassment’ that staff in north Wales were alleged to be receiving from patients was actually sparked off by the conduct of the staff themselves.  If Frank Riley wasn’t sexually exploiting patients himself he knew people who were.

 

Previous posts have mentioned Bob Ingham, a thug of a CPN employed in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. In 1988 Slob Ingham dragged me along a corridor and injured me. Whilst telling me that he was Keith Fearns. I only found out that Slob had misidentified himself after I tried to make a complaint about him assaulting me. I told Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, that Keith Fearns had just assaulted me and Jeff told me that I was lying because ‘Keith Fearns isn’t in work today’. I later found out that my assailant had been Slob.

My medical records reveal exactly why Keith Fearns wasn’t in work that day – he was on strike. Along with the rest of the social workers in Gwynedd. Whilst it is tempting to observe that for once the patients would have been safe if the paedophiles and their friends were on strike, they weren’t because Slob assaulted them instead.

The notes that Slob made on that day refer to a Mrs Nancy Jones and a Mrs Crowley being the only other people in the building. Perhaps Mrs Nancy Jones and Mrs Crowley would like to make a statement re Slob assaulting me, they could hardly have missed it. I don’t know Mrs Crowley, but I do remember Nancy. Nancy was an utter incompetent who for a long while worked as Tony Francis’s receptionist in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Nancy was rude to patients and she kept screwing up the appointments – so people wouldn’t receive their appointment through the post until after the salient date had come and gone. Francis knew that Nancy was doing this because so many people complained about her. So he did what he seemed to have done a great deal of – he was charm itself to the patients and their relatives, told them that it would never happen again and then fumed and planned revenge. The first bit of ‘evidence’ that Francis sent to the MDU solicitors Hempsons regarding my irrationality and dangerousness was a complaint that I had made about Nancy – after the fouth time that I received a little yellow card through the post telling me that my appointment had been the day before the card arrived.

Being dragged along a corridor was not my only encounter with Slob Ingham. Following that incident, I was partaking of my usual habit ie. reading the newspapers in the supermarket – namely Safeways in Bangor – when I felt a drunken thuggish presence next to me. Then the presence elbowed me and I realised that it was Slob. I asked him what he thought that he was doing and Slob insulted me and walked off. So unsurprisingly I followed him. Slob then told me that he would be calling the police to report me for ‘harassment’. It got better. Slob then supplied a statement to the police explaining that he knew that I was in Safeways (how?? ESP???) and he also knew that his colleague Jackie Brandt was shopping in Safeways at the same time. So in order to stop me ‘attacking Mrs Brandt’, he ‘distracted me’. How I was supposed to have even known that Brandt was shopping in Safeways let alone be getting ready to attack her whilst I was reading ‘The Guardian’ I cannot fathom. Furthermore, if danger was really imminent the most sensible course would have been for Brandt to do her shopping somewhere else. This incident was faithfully logged as yet another occasion on which a paedophiles’ friend narrowly escaped with their lives after a chance encounter with me.

Brandt appeared in court on several occasions and perjured herself in an attempt to secure convictions against me, on one occasion with Slob, Keith Fearns and their partner in crime Maggie Fookes, on another with Keith Fearns and in 1993 by herself (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). On one occasion Brandt started crying after my solicitor demonstrated that I had not – as she alleged – screamed and yelled at her, indeed I hadn’t even spoken to her. I was fined £60 quid for looking at her. Yes, honestly – Gwynfor Evans, the Chairman of Bangor Magistrates Bench, claimed that by looking at Brandt I had caused her to feel fear and distress as defined under the Public Order Act. Gwynfor was a retired bank manager from Holyhead. God knows what sort of decisions Gwynfor was making when he managed the bank. He also deported an overseas student at Bangor University who nicked a credit card from another student. Gwynfor was quoted in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ as saying ‘this is what we call organised crime and we will not tolerate that in Bangor’. I showed the article to Brown’s brother and he pissed himself laughing and said ‘organised crime, that’s the Mafia isn’t it?’

Well Gwynfor, I’ve got news for you – there was organised crime in Bangor, Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes were running a paedophile ring with interests in drug dealing and child porn. But Gwynfor almost certainly knew that at the time, which was why he was fining the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles £60 for looking at them in Safeways. I don’t know whether Gwynfor simply just worked in Holyhead or whether he lived there as well, but the children in the children’s home in Holyhead were being abused.

In May 1993 John Redwood took over as Secretary of State for Wales.

In the summer of 1993 an exceptional cousin of mine who had a place to do a PhD with Stephen Hawking found that his career was unexpectedly derailed (see comments following my post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’).

In Oct 1993 Ron Davies – of moments of madness and looking for badgers fame (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) – was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Wales.

 

Just weeks after I was find £60 for looking at Jackie Brandt, I had yet another encounter with Slob Ingham. I was standing in a corridor at Ysbyty Gwynedd chatting to an Angel, when Slob advanced towards us and stood right next to me glowering at me. He didn’t move until I finished the conversation and I had walked away. I – and other patients – had by then had such a bellyful of the constant aggro from Slob and the gang that we agreed that if we could be fined for looking at them whilst they continued to conduct themselves like this, it left us in a very vulnerable position. So I made representation about Slob and two other patients backed me up, having witnessed his intimidation.

My medical records contain a fascinating account of what happened behind the scenes after we complained about Slob. On 30 Nov 1993 Alun Davies wrote a letter about it all. Davies’s letter explained that ‘a member of staff, Mrs Penny Phillips’ witnessed everything and that Penny barely noticed Slob’s presence let alone any silent intimidation.

Penny Phillips was married to another Hergest Unit nurse, Gareth. Gareth Phillips developed back problems a few years later and was unable to continue working as an Angel. I was told by a former member of staff that the North West Wales NHS Trust had ‘looked after Gareth’. This looking after of Gareth consisted of the Trust giving Gareth a job as the RCN rep and in this capacity Gareth obediently gave interviews to the local papers explaining how many psychiatric patients were carrying out violent attacks on Angels after every allegation that there was abuse of patients happening in the Hergest Unit. I never saw Gareth or Penny abuse patients themselves but they certainly knew that some of their colleagues were doing so.

But then Gareth and Penny had an idyllic existence on their smallholding on Ynys Mon with their horses and horses don’t come cheap. What would have happened if the Phillips’s had to live in poverty like the patients?

Alun Davies had certainly prepared for all eventualities after he received representation about Slob. Before he even asked the tame Angel Penny for her opinion, Davies had written to Tony Francis – for his opinion on my ‘mental state’ no less, immediately after Davies received my complaint about Slob. I could see the logic in such a course of action if, for example, an acutely ill patient had complained that there was a spaceship parked in the hospital grounds and he wanted someone to remove it. Even so, the opinion about someone’s ‘mental state’ should be sought with the complainant’s knowledge and consent and in tandem with – or following – an appropriate investigation.

Well if Davies was hoping that Francis was simply going to declare me insane and he could therefore ignore my complaint as the rantings of a lunatic, he was to be disappointed. Francis – for a man, who without my knowledge spent much time and energy sending letters to the BMA, Hempsons and the MDU demanding that I be prosecuted and locked up on the grounds of the enormous imminent danger that I presented to the world – had an interesting response.

On 25 Nov 1993 Francis replied to Davies, but Francis refused to comment on my ‘mental state’. Because it would have been thoroughly unethical? Er, no. Because Francis noted that a member of staff had witnessed the incident – so Francis knew that Penny was on hand to lie – and that it was important ‘therapeutically’ for people to view this situation sensitively and ‘through [my] eyes’.

I suspect that the reason why Francis had not done the usual – put on his jackboots and told Davies that I should be ignored because I was nuts – was because they had already been stung after using this approach. After I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist’s lechery at the Student Health Centre at UCNW (Bangor University), the corrupt GP Dr DGE Wood had tried the ‘you’re mad and we’re right’ approach and it backfired. Brown was livid and wrote to them as well, we gained evidence of complaints by other students against Gwynne the lobotomist, we contacted the Students Union so they all began crapping themselves up there (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and eventually we wrote to the Vice-Chancellor.

So obviously a different approach had to be adopted – particularly, as with the students at Bangor University a few years before, there was no shortage of people ready to testify as to Slob’s previous.

 

The police investigation into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales ended in 1993. The North Wales Police claimed to have found ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring, just a ‘few evil men’. Which is odd because I found absolutely scores of evil men and as many evil women as well, so obviously the North Wales Police weren’t looking in the right places. They obviously were just searching behind the cushions instead of in the NHS, the BMA, the GMC, the MDU, Hempsons, the social services, MIND, the Samaritans, the County Councils, the Houses of Parliament, the Magistrates Courts, the Crown Courts, the High Courts and their own police stations. Easy to miss I suppose.

 

My records show that on 20 Jan 1994, Alun Davies sent a memo to Rob Evans, Slob, Ella Fisk (the nurse who ran the very popular day centre), Jeff Crowther (a nurse manager), Keith Fearns (the thug who was leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team), Jackie Brandt and Bruce Napier (a clinical psychologist who had a much nicer manner with the patients than did most of his colleagues and who for a while had a management role at the Hergest Unit). The memo purports to have been sent by Alun Davies but it is signed D. Parsons. The memo states that there is a ‘need to discuss the issues’ raised in Jackie Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier of 23 Dec 1993 and Brandt’s solicitor’s letter to me.

There is no copy of any letter from Brandt to Bruce Napier in my files, but Brandt did send me a solicitor’s letter at about this time. I had been in Bangor on a Saturday morning and had walked past her and her husband in Bangor High Street, near the clock which is in the main thoroughfare through Bangor town centre. About 30 mins later I passed them again in the shopping centre. Brandt’s solicitor accused me of following her – although it was Brandt’s husband who breached the peace by shaking his fist at me and shouting. Bangor is a small town and if one is in town at the same time as someone else, it is highly likely that you’ll see that person – particularly near the clock where you have to pass to get from one end of the town to the other or in the shopping centre. There is only one shopping centre and it doesn’t have that many shops in it.  It would be possible to miss someone if one of you was visiting the cathedral because that’s at the other end of town, but go to Bangor on a Saturday morning in a car or on the bus to do some shopping and you’ll all end up in pretty much the same place. As my solicitor explained to Brandt when she threw a hissy fit and her husband shook his fist at me.

As for Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier, I never saw it, but I was told that Brandt hit the roof because I walked past her in a corridor in the Hergest Unit. Brandt explained to Bruce that she had been with ‘a reluctant paranoid client’ – yes, that was Jackie Brandt being nice about a client – and just the sight of me could have had a deleterious effect on this ‘reluctant paranoid client’. As opposed to her mate Slob dragging them down a corridor or Brandt illegally detaining them in Ysbyty Gwynedd where Dafydd then shuts himself in a room with them and talks about sex with no prompting. After seeing me in the corridor, Jackie Brandt declared that she would no longer be prepared to attend Ysbyty Gwynedd lest she see me there again.

Brandt clearly pushed the boat out on this occasion. Not only had she sent me a solicitor’s letter and banged on to Bruce Napier about a reluctant paranoid client, but Brandt had also made contact with Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept – the legal dept that employed the crooked lawyer Ron Evans, who’s assistance not only kept a lot of people out of prison after the Jillings Report caused everything to hit the fan and was then followed by the Waterhouse Inquiry, but who was also involved in the rigged court case in Chester in July 1990 when Lucille, Fearns, Brandt, Slob and Maggie Fookes tried to have me imprisoned by perjury par excellence (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

 

Brandt ‘advised’ Ron Evans and Gwynedd’s legal dept that Slob was ‘subject to a spurious complaint’ from me and referred to my ‘abusive behaviour’  which, according to Brandt, was interfering with Slob’s ‘clinical work’ no less.

The correspondence regarding the terrible threat that I presented to Jackie and Slob and the need to have a meeting to discuss it – on Jan 24 1994 – was CC’d to Mrs J. Hughes, legal dept and to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services.

I presume that Mrs J Hughes was Janet Hughes, of Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept. Although Gwynedd County Council was a separate body from the various incarnations that the NHS in north Wales passed through, they were always happy to put their heads together in their efforts to shaft patients. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer employed by the Welsh Office – who’s lawyers the NHS used – wrote to Gwynedd County Council and asked them to ‘share information’ with him because he thought that the injunction which Gwynedd County Council obtained against me was ‘more favourable in its terms’ than the injunction that Gwynedd Health Authority obtained.

It certainly was – the reason why I was a punchbag for Fearns and Brandt was that after my second letter of complaint to Gwynedd Social Services about Brandt unlawfully detaining me, Lucille Hughes asked Ron Evans to obtain an injunction against me preventing me from writing to anyone in Gwynedd Social Services or visiting any of their properties. Park wanted to know how they obtained such a wonderful and far reaching injunction. Easy. Brandt and Fearns lied their arses off on oath and Ron Evans took the request before a judge in Leeds, a paedophiles’ friend called Sir John Kay (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). So Brandt and Fearns did whatever they wanted and I could not even make written representation, unless I splashed out for a lawyer and paid them to write to Gwynedd Social Services on my behalf.

Ron Evans seems to have been on tap quite regularly. Ron had a trademark signature, a distinctive R which was underlined – it appears on a number of NHS documents concerning me to which Ron should had not have had access. Ron was also on hand to advise when Alun Davies and Tony Francis tried to entrap me over the phone – Ron was advising them on which recording equipment to invest in.

It was Ron’s wife who told me that Ron kept the paedophile gang out of prison – I worked with her at Bangor University. She had no idea that he had tried to have me imprisoned and it was a while before I realised that her husband was the Ron who had caused me such problems.  She told me that Ron was the best and they all used to go to him for advice. Well he was not as daft as the rest of them, I’ll give him that. I’ve got documents that were forged by Ron and they are far superior to Alun Davies’s efforts at forgery (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). Ron remembered to sign them, he was careful to get the date right when he pre or post dated them AND he forged the Gwynedd Health Authority stamp with the appropriate date on. So how do I know that Ron forged them? Because unlike Ron, the silly fuckers who were finally forced to hand my records over to my lawyer in 2005 or see Keith Thomson – the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust – go to prison for contempt of court, handed the whole lot over without sifting through them when my lawyer sent the bailiffs in to search all the Trust buildings and seize everything relating to me. So all the documents that Ron would have had the brains to remove were handed over as well – the original copies, the plans and the instructions to people to lie in court.

I’ve got the lot Ron!

 

Following Penny Phillips’ bearing false witness and Alun Davies writing to me telling me that Slob Ingham had not tried to hassle me in any way whatever, I and another patient decided to take this further in the light of the number of patients who had told us about the naked abuse and aggression that they had experienced from Slob. One family told us how on a ‘home visit’ Slob threatened to hit a member of the family, his ‘client’. The family were so frightened of Slob that they were locking themselves in their house. We had all had years of getting absolutely nowhere with the mental health services no matter what had happened to us, so I suggested that we should go outside of the mental health services, above their heads. I discovered that there was a Director of Nursing for the Gwynedd Community Health Trust, a Nerys Owen, who was probably not a psychiatric nurse and I wrote to her.

Nerys wrote back and met both I and another patient. She actually seemed to take the matter very seriously and we noticed that none of the Hergest Unit staff tried their usual fuckwittery in front of Nerys. They were incredibly polite to her, even Slob Ingham kept a civil tongue in his head which I had never seen before or saw since. We had a private meeting with Nerys and told her just how serious some of the allegations against Slob were. She gave us a supply of her business cards and virtually begged the other people who had been threatened and hassled by Slob to get in touch with her. (They wouldn’t – they simply pointed out to us that he knew where they lived, he knew confidential information about them and that he or Fearns and/or another member of the gang could turn up at any point and section them and that would be it. Which is a fair point – someone said to me two years ago ‘you complained about them and look what happened to you’.)

Although our meeting with Nerys left both I and the other patient with the firm impression that Nerys really was doing her best, the truce was short-lived, as I shall explain.

When I obtained my records, I found a copy of the letter that Nerys wrote to Slob after I and the other patient contacted her. On 16 Feb 1994 Nerys wrote to Slob ordering him to a meeting with her on 21 Feb 1994, ‘to discuss in detail comments and complaints that [my name] has made in relation to your behaviour…the areas to discuss with you will be limited to your attitude and behaviour in a professional capacity…my intention is to address issues raised by [my name] and then to move forward endeavouring to create an atmosphere of understanding rather than confrontation which the current situation appears to be’. The letter was CC’d to Alun Davies.

My perception is that Nerys’s letter was excellent. Slob was rude, aggressive and threatening and this was well-known. His attitude towards patients was dreadful and he was also very unpleasant and confrontational with a lot of other staff. Slob, Fearns and the alcoholic alcohol counsellor Tom Harney –  who was another totally abusive member of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – could be seen every day in Safeways in Bangor between 9-30 am and 11-30 am enjoying a cooked breakfast in the cafe. They were supposed to be in their office on duty and incredulous patients who had been told that the Arfon Team were ‘too busy’ to fulfil various simple basic functions would watch this every morning. Then other people would see Slob enjoying a round of golf on the golf course in Bangor on many a weekday afternoon.

The Hergest patients gained the impression that Slob backed off after Nerys intervened. Then came the backlash. Slob did back off, but the other paedophiles’ friends advanced fully armed.

Meanwhile, on 12 May 1994 Labour leader John Smith died unexpectedly after the Top Doctors at Barts just could not revive him after a heart attack. When Smith had his first heart attack, he was absolutely reassured by Top Doctors that the problem was not his heart. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ for details of how the Top Doctors just didn’t seem to get it right with John Smith.

Tony Francis was most interested when he heard me telling everyone at Hergest that I’d just heard on the radio that John Smith had died.

 

Dafydd led the post-Slob charge. He was making constant representations about my very presence in the day centre – where I used to go to meet my friends and for appointments with my key worker, who was by then the Hergest whistleblower and was always very, very helpful. Dafydd made constant demands that I should be legally prevented from going to the Hergest Unit. He put in a complaint literally every time he saw me. Even on the occasion when Dafydd walked through the front door and was traumatised because he saw me sitting on a chair talking to an Angel. Not even Penny Phillips’ witness testimony managed to cause any problems on that occasion.

At about this time the Mental Health Act Commission paid a visit to the Hergest Unit. I and another patient made an appointment to see them. We told them of the suicides, the constant aggression from certain members of staff, the fact that complaints were never investigated – and we also told them about Dafydd’s conduct towards female patients. One of the Commissioners laughed. We asked him what he was laughing at and he told us that he was laughing in despair because he’d heard this so many times.  Jeff Crowther, the nursing manager, sat in on the meeting. He told us later that the second Commissioner, an older lady, had spoken to him after our meeting and had commented that she had been involved in inspections of North Wales Hospital in the 1960s ‘and it was exactly the same story then’.

To remind readers of just a bit of Dafydd’s previous in relation to patients: in 1987 a worker for MIND had collected statements from five female patients all independently stating that they had had a sexual relationship with Dafydd. He cohabited with a number of female patients, at one time with two at once. Dafydd’s conduct towards women, including patients, was the subject of jokes among the staff and many years later I was told by a former social worker who had given up with Gwynedd and walked away that it was an ‘open secret’ that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients. In 1991 Dr Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital documented that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ after Dafydd told Jacobson that I was ‘attractive and seductive’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Jacobson did not tell me that Dafydd had made these comments. In the mid 1990s Alun Davies received a series of anonymous letters about Dafydd and after what was said to me (Davies thought that I was behind the letters) I suspect that Dafydd’s sexual relationships with patients were the topic.

Any comment or a complaint from patients about such matters resulted in it being diligently recorded but not as a complaint. My post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ mentions how even documenting the numerous complaints about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct was said to be ‘publishing libellous material’. Instead comments from patients were recorded and used to demonstrate how mad the patients were.

One the first occasion on which I mentioned Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients Tony Francis was so livid that he documented that I was a ‘very disturbed individual’ and whoever had given me information about Dafydd’s ‘private life’ should be hunted down and sacked. After I raised the subject of Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients with two different members of admin staff at the North Wales Hospital, they passed on my comments ‘behind the scenes’ and Andrew Park made a written note that I was making a nuisance of myself again and that I had to be stopped. My files reveal that on 23 July 1990 Lilian Roberts, a temporary secretary to Dafydd, wrote to Alun Davies after I mentioned Dafydd’s conduct with female patients; that on 23 July 1990 an A. Howells, another secretary or administrator, took a phone call from me about the matter and that on 29 July 1990 a Dr Fear, ‘registrar, psychiatry’, made a note that I had mentioned it to him as well.

What did not happen at any time was any sort of investigation. Finally in about 1995 after I dared raise the subject of Dafydd again, Alun Davies bellowed at me that I should ‘put up and shut up’.

 

The situation was so widely known that it was the subject of piss-taking among patients. One person quipped that when the first female patient tried to report Dafydd they probably refused to document the complaint because she didn’t know the Welsh for ‘rape’. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if someone really had used that excuse.

English immigrants to north Wales who have learnt Welsh will be very familiar with the conversational Welsh course which is taught absolutely everywhere, WLPAN. WLPAN comes highly recommended and is good fun, but you don’t always get the vocabulary that you need to deal with Dafydd. So here’s a quick guide to learning Welsh the Dafydd way. Vocabulary which could be needed includes –

paedophile – pedoffilydd

rape – trais rhywiol

hooker – putain (plural = puteindra)

brothel – putaindy

testicles – carreg gwr (this is a nice one, it translates as ‘men’s stones’)

People who live in Caernarfon will be familiar with ‘Wenglish’, the slang Welsh which contains many English words which many younger people speak. Hence the reference to the need to ‘kick him in the carregs’ as explained to me by one of the bar staff in Wetherspoons one day.

Should pigs ever fly and Dafydd ends up under investigation but tries the Max Clifford excuse as to why he cannot possibly be a sexual predator, the Welsh for ‘small penis’ is ‘pidyn bach’. Just so that everyone understands Dafydd’s excuse of last resort.

Sadly there is a catch for anyone who even learns the appropriate vocab in an attempt to make a complaint about Dafydd. Welsh grammar is complex and difficult (but not as complex and difficult as English grammar) and no doubt if someone arrives at the office of Andrew Park/Alun Davies/Ian Rickard or indeed anyone else and makes their complaint in Welsh, they’ll be told that they haven’t mutated properly and dear oh dear we cannot possibly take down this complaint.

 

I did not hear any more from the Mental Health Act Commissioners, so I presumed that once more complaints about the most serious misconduct had been ignored.

 

On 9 June 1994 the head of Bryn Estyn, Matt Arnold, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June the trial of Peter Howarth – Arnold’s colleague and long time friend – and Paul Wilson on sexual abuse charges began. Howarth was found guilty at Chester Crown Court on 8 July 1994 and was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. Paul Wilson was acquitted of all charges, although on 28 Nov 1994 Wilson pleaded guilty to three counts of physical assault.

My files show that on 13 June 1994, Ian Rickard replied to a letter from Dafydd re Dafydd’s ‘extreme concern’ regarding the safety of him (Dafydd), his colleagues and patients ‘in relation to the above woman’ (ie. me). This letter was rather different in tone to the letter from Francis a few months earlier, regarding the need to see things through my eyes and show sensitivity to patients’ anxieties. Rickard finished the letter by offering to discuss me with Dafydd any time at Dafydd’s convenience…

On 4 July 1994 Ian Rickard wrote to Francis regarding me bothering Dafydd and the possibility of banning me from the hospital, although here were no examples given of whatever I was supposed to be doing that was causing such distress. Rickard also asks Francis if I should be assessed by a forensic psychiatrist. At this time Rickard’s job description was that of a ‘mental health advisor’ for Gwynedd Community Health Trust.

 

My files contain a copy of a letter from Mrs Joyce Kaye of the Mental Health Act Commission (Maid Marian House, Nottingham) written to Alun Davies on 7 July 1994, reminding Davies that on a visit to Ysbyty Gwynedd the Commissioners had spoken to him about me and asking Davies for an update re his investigation of my concerns.

On 4 Aug 1994, Joyce Kaye from the MHAC wrote to Alun Davies again. This letter was from Joyce on behalf of the Chief Exec of the MHAC and mentioned that it was further to her letters of 7 July 1994 and 12 July 1994 wanting an update on Davies’s investigation of my concerns.

 

In the wider world, on 21 July 1994 Tony Blair became leader of the Opposition. The Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who is married to a lawyer who was mates with and indeed mentor to so many of those ‘radical lawyers’ who ignored the plight of kids in care and psych patients who were being so seriously abused. Tony and Cherie know many lawyers who are personal injury specialists – who undoubtedly know folk who have worked for the MDU and/or Hempsons.

 

On 26 Aug 1994 Alun Davies wrote a memo which was circulated to Rob Evans, Tony Francis, Keith Fearns, Ella Fisk and Jackie Brandt confirming a meeting on the same day to discuss my ‘present needs’ and to formulate a response to the Mental Health Act Commission.

The one really helpful person – my keyworker, the Hergest whistleblower – was not invited to the meeting to discuss my ‘needs’. Yet Fearns and Brandt – who had made it crystal clear that they hated me and had even lied on oath a few times in their attempts to have me imprisoned – had been invited to discuss my ‘needs’.  Fearns and Brandt had no part in my ‘care’ – although they were invited to nearly every meeting and CC’d into confidential letters about me.

On 1 Sept 1994 Alun Davies wrote to Joyce Kaye, giving details of my ‘care’ – presumably on a separate sheet, because I do not have those details. Alun Davies also told Mrs Kaye that Rob Evans – the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – would meet with me.

Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner was concealed by a number of people at Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services (Mental Health).

I was told that my meeting with Rob Evans was to discuss the constant aggro between Brandt, Fearns and me. However Rob didn’t discuss that. Instead Rob gave me a tutorial on ‘changing social work practice’. He explained that what was once acceptable is not any more. As an example, Rob Evans explained that when he used to take children into care, he would take their shoes away because if he didn’t they would run off. (People who had been in care in north Wales explained when they were adults that they had tried to run away from the beatings and the buggery but social workers took their shoes away so they couldn’t escape.) Rob told me that he knew some people in north Wales hated him but he didn’t care because he knew that he had done the right thing by taking their kids into care because they didn’t know how to look after them. I spent a long while wondering whether Rob Evans was just stupid, but I have come to the conclusion that he is pure bloody evil.

I last saw Rob Evans just before I left Bangor, in Tesco no less. When he saw me he told me that if ‘arrassed him he’d call the police.

Rob Evans made a record of his meeting with me and what happened afterwards. After meeting me, Evans held a meeting with Keith Fearns and asked Fearns what he wanted him (Evans) to do with me. Fearns replied ‘lock her up’. Evans documented that he told Fearns that wasn’t possible. Fearns repeated ‘lock her up’. Evans recorded that there was no solution to this situation and because he was being transferred to a new role the following day the matter would no longer be his responsibility.

When Rob Evans gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry he explained that after running the children’s services in Gwynedd, he transferred to mental health. Rob told Waterhouse that the mental health services in north west Wales had been recognised as being among the best in Europe. But then Dafydd kept appearing in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ describing himself as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’.

For the details on Rob and his child molesting colleagues, see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’.

 

In the autumn of 1994 Dafydd was writing to the MDU making ludicrous allegations, such as that I had thrown a rock through the glass door of his house at 3 am one morning, for which he did not have a shred of evidence (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). When Dafydd described events that had actually taken place as opposed to those events he described which had simply never happened at all, it was the actions of people other than me that Dafydd detailed. But nonetheless, Dafydd knew that I was the wicked genius behind it all. It was certainly true that Dafydd was the subject of much piss-taking and the butt of many jokes, but I didn’t need to encourage anyone to do that, Dafydd himself was quite sufficient. One example of ‘criminal damage’ to Dafydd’s Range Rover with which the MDU was supplied occurred when a Hergest patient drew a cartoon and carefully tucked it under one of the windscreen wipers. The incident had arisen because a group of patients had watched Dafydd arrive at the hospital, park illegally, ignore the pleas of the parking attendant – who was actually one of the patients, a man called Emlyn (one of those who died shortly after the day centre was shut and scores of patients became destitute) – and had started exchanging Dafydd anecdotes. One woman said ‘well he says the most dreadful things to you, but I think he’s trying to shock you into getting better’. Whereupon someone else said ‘what do you think he is, a Zen master??’ and drew a cartoon of a Buddha with Dafydd’s face under the slogan ‘prepare for Nirvana’ and placed it under Dafydd’s wiper. Not only did Dafydd attribute the incident to me – no I wasn’t responsible, but I did think that it was quite entertaining – but Dafydd maintained that his windscreen wiper had been wrenched back, buckled and needed repairing at the garage.

The MDU did not ask Dafydd to produce any evidence for any of his allegations. They presented them all in court as uncontested matters of fact.

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to John Mullen, the CEO of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, telling Mullen that he’d ordered the MDU to raise an injunction against me. Dafydd CC’d this letter to Keith Thomson. I don’t know what Thomson’s job title was at the time, but Keith Thomson eventually became the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. Thomson refused to investigate serious complaints and also refused to co-operate with external NHS investigations. He declared me and a number of other people to be ‘vexatious complainants’ and on those grounds refused to answer our correspondence. On Keith Thomson’s watch, north west Wales had the second highest suicide rate among women of any area in England and Wales. It was Thomson who was summoned before the High Court in Cardiff in 2005 and ordered to hand over all documentation relating to me or face imprisonment for contempt of court. Hours later Thomson resigned. An article subsequently appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ entitled ‘Ten Years At The Top For Keith’ waxing lyrical about Thomson’s glorious career and how he was now retiring. Thomson was then awarded an OBE. He didn’t retire. Thomson went down to Pembrokeshire and became CEO of the NHS Trust there. Where there was havoc in the NHS and a paedophile ring in operation.

Rhodri Morgan was FM when Thomson was let loose on the NHS in west Wales. There was a paedophile gang in operation in west Wales which had links to the one in north Wales – Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council who was in post whilst the paedophile gang in were busy on his turf, had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, whilst a paedophile gang were busy there (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Rhodri’s wife Julie is a former social worker who was Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. Some Barnardo’s staff were involved with the abuse of children in north Wales.

 

More recently I heard that Barry Shingles had always expected to become CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, but Thomson knifed him and usurped. Shingles committed suicide.

 

On 3 Nov 1994 Dafydd obtained a High Court injunction against me on the basis of a truly extraordinary affidavit in which he discussed his anus of all things (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). The official who served the injunction on me had read it and was laughing, I was later told that the Bangor police heard about the contents and were having a good laugh and I took it into the Hergest Unit to show everyone. Tony Francis was attempting to section one patient on that day for unclear reasons and interestingly enough when this man recited the contents of the injunction and told the assessing ‘second opinions’ that it had been passed around the day centre to great amusement, all talk of sectioning him was quietly dropped. This man was yet another person who disappeared without trace after the day centre closed. He was a lecturer from Bangor University who had experienced a breakdown. Bright, well-read and someone who would have been in a position to witness just how outrageous and crazy Dafydd’s conduct was if there was ever any sort of inquiry into the abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales.

So is Dave Nunn now dead along with all the rest of the witnesses then Dafydd?

 

Someone who will be in a position to give the police information concerning the mistreatment of patients during this time is Sharon Thomas  who worked as Tony Francis’s secretary in 1994.

 

An injunction wasn’t enough for Dafydd. He also demanded that an alarm system be installed in the Hergest Unit – because of the danger that I represented to him. On 1 Nov 1994 Alun Davies wrote a letter to John Mullen regarding the alarm system as required by Dafydd. Alun Davies estimated the cost at 25k and told Mullen in his letter that he wanted to discuss the funding with Mullen.

Meanwhile, I had made representation about Dafydd’s injunction. Not about the fact that Dafydd had discussed his anus in the affidavit or the crazed allegations that another patient losing his temper with Dafydd and telling Dafydd that he was going to stick a hand-grenade up Dafydd’s bum was evidence that I was about to murder Dafydd using a rectal method. I had made representation because among the gossip, speculation and mad fantasy in Dafydd’s injunction, he had breached confidence. He had provided clinical details of a matter involving me many years previously which had no relevance to the injunction or to any of Dafydd’s claims re the danger that I presented to him. I remembered how many times people had told me that they wouldn’t complain about Dafydd ‘because he knows things about me and he’ll tell people’. I knew enough to know that Dafydd was not on sound ground including some of the comments that he had in his affidavit. So I wrote to the NHS authorities in north Wales making it clear that Dafydd had now done what he was constantly alleged to do in the face of challenge – he had breached confidence and this time in the High Court in Liverpool.

On 11 Nov 1994 John Mullen wrote to the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Jeremy Corson, asking him to investigate my complaint re Dafydd and the breach of confidence.

On 16 Jan 1995 Ian Rickard, now styled as the ‘Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager’, wrote to me concerning my complaint re Dafydd’s injunction. Rickard stated that ‘any personal information about you was likely only to have been read out in open court in Liverpool, I feel that this is sufficiently far enough away to offer you anonymity…I conclude therefore that in this case confidence has not been breached’.

However Ian Rickard didn’t actually send the letter to me.

On the same day –  16 Jan 1995 – Rickard also wrote to Tony Francis saying ‘perhaps you will be kind enough to show my letter to Dr DA Jones when you next see him. I am not sure of the appropriateness of sending him a copy.’ Rickard also stated that I ‘may become quite upset by the outcome of my deliberations’ and thus he had sent the letter to me to Ella – the nurse who ran the day centre – ‘to discuss with me’.

So Ian Rickard didn’t actually carry out an investigation – his response was a result of his ‘deliberations’. He had sought no advice at all, let alone legal advice and had just written back telling me that because Dafydd only breached confidence in OPEN COURT in Liverpool and I lived near Bethesda, that wasn’t really breaching confidence. Furthermore Ian Rickard knew that he shouldn’t have sent a copy of his letter to me to Jones – so he sent a copy of it to Tony Francis, so that Francis could give a copy to Jones. Rickard also knew that I was likely to be highly unsatisfied with his response – so he was sending the letter to Ella. Perhaps to stop me from picking up a phone and calling a lawyer?

Ian Rickard, soon after doing all this, was appointed Head of Mental Health for Gwynedd Community Health Trust. Is it surprising that the Hergest Unit was in crisis and the suicide rate in north west Wales was one of the highest in the UK?

 

Dafydd, Rickard and Francis had their arses fully covered. On 24 Jan 1995  Tony Francis wrote to Dr Chris Jones, consultant forensic psychiatrist for the North Wales Forensic Service, Unit 2, Clwydian House, Wrexham Technology Park, asking for a forensic opinion regarding the danger that I posed to Dafydd. Francis told Chris Jones that there are ‘extensive notes available about her…which I refer you to’. These were of course the notes that Francis, Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends had written about me. Detailing assaults on Top Doctors and Angels that I had not carried out, rocks that I had not thrown through Dafydd’s door, Top Doctors that I had not tried to stab or throttle and people whom I had not tried to kill. Except that Dafydd, Francis et al forgot to mention that although they had lovingly documented all of these crimes there was absolutely no evidence at all that the crimes had even been committed let alone that it was me who had committed them.  Francis CC’d his letter to Jeremy Corson and to Dr Madelin Osborn.

 

Madelin Osborn – her name is spelt thus on my documents, although it is probable that the correct spelling is different, this lot did not know how to spell the names of their own colleagues or their patients – is someone else who needs to make a police statement. Madelin Osborn was a Top Doctor at the Hergest Unit who joined the exodus as the publication of the Waterhouse Report drew near. Madelin Osborn was the doctor of the female patient who was unlawfully sectioned by Jackie Brandt and kept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for three days with no clothes or access to her relatives. When the young woman’s parents complained, they claimed to have been told ‘lie after lie after lie’. Then the young woman was evicted from her rented house after she locked the door to try to stop Brandt coming in – Brandt called the police who broke the door down and Brandt then sectioned the young woman. This young woman used to appear to make a good recovery on a number of occasions and would begin new jobs and undertake postgrad courses – whereupon Tony Francis would state that she was becoming ill, alter her medication and within a month she’d be sectioned again. Before this patient ended up in the Hergest Unit she’d been leading a rather yuppyish life in London working for Marco Pierre White when a number of things happened to her that she found very upsetting. She was ‘sent home’ (she came from Gwynedd) by a Top Doctor in London and ended up in Ysbyty Gwynedd after her encounter with Brandt. Her only wish was to recover and resume her life in London but she kept being told by mental health staff in north Wales that ‘people in London don’t want to see you again’. I wonder why that was? Then there was the occasion on which she was sectioned in Ysbyty Gwynedd and she swore blind that Tony Francis had tried to get into her room and had exposed himself to her. Well she was completely bonkers, how could anyone ever believe such a thing. Her complaint was not upheld.

Step forward Madelin Osborn, you are needed in north Wales – to tell the truth for once in your life.

 

I’m not sure what a forensic psychiatry service was doing on a technology park in Wrexham, such services are usually in hospitals. However the two children homes where very serious abuse of children was happening in north Wales – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn – were located close to Wrexham and forensic psychiatrists were constantly being called upon to assess the kids. Whilst Chris Jones was in business on the Wrexham Technology Park, a full police investigation into the possibility of a paedophile ring in north Wales had been undertaken, the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council was well underway and Nicola Davies QC was conducting a review of the documentation concerning child abuse in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was justified. Dead former kids in care and psych patients were turning up everywhere.

Not that the police had found any evidence at all of a paedophile ring, despite a number of ‘care’ staff and teachers going to prison for abusing the children in their care. The month before Francis wrote to Chris Jones asking for a ‘forensic opinion’ on me, Gordon Anglesea won his libel case…

 

On 9 Feb 1995 John Allen, the owner and manager of the Bryn Alyn Community, was convicted of indecent assault against six former residents and received six years imprisonment.

 

On 13 Feb 1995 Gwynedd Community Health Trust’s solicitor Tony Lane wrote to John Mullen re Dafydd’s breach of confidence in Court in Liverpool. Lane mentioned that Hempsons – the MDU solicitors – had acted for Dafydd.

On 27 Feb 1995 Hefin Davies, the Chairman of Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote to Tony Lane requesting his advice. Was Hefin’s letter seeking legal guidance re Dafydd and the breach of confidence? No. Hefin was asking Tony Lane if there was any more that they could do to have me prosecuted.

On 9 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to me maintaining that Dafydd’s affidavit was not read out in open court, it was presented to a judge ‘in High Court chambers in a private hearing’. Mullen knew that Rickard had previously written to me stating that there was no breach of confidence because the case had only been heard in open court in Liverpool because Mullin mentioned Rickard’s letter.

So either Ian Rickard was lying or John Mullen was.

On 16 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to Dafydd. Mullen refers to Dafydd sharing my complaint regarding the breach of confidence with Jeremy Corson and makes a reference to the MDU’s ‘latest letter’. Mullen asks Dafydd to ask the solicitors who dealt with the injunction – Hempsons – whether they considered a breach of confidence likely to occur.

I suppose that is an advance on Ian Rickard spouting lies as he thought of them, telling Ella to break the bad news to me and then giving Francis a copy of a letter to give to Dafydd when he knew damn well that Dafydd should not have been given access to the letter, but nonetheless I doubt that John Mullen made much headway asking Hempsons – who had breached confidence – whether they thought that they had breached confidence.

The issue of the breach of confidence on the part of Dafydd was never resolved. Neither did anyone ever explain why so many lies were told about the ‘investigation’ of the complaint.

The merry go round continued after this date – there were further attempts to have me declared dangerous and to prosecute me…

As for Chris Jones, the forensic psychiatrist most conveniently placed near to Wrexham. Well he came up trumps amazingly enough – Chris Jones effectively told Francis that he thought that he was making a fuss about nothing and that the chance of me launching a murderous attack on Dafydd was really rather low. So Francis just made another referral for me to see Chris Jones after a decent interval had passed, stressing to Chris Jones that I really was potentially very dangerous.

The one thing that I remember discussing with Dr Chris Jones was the abuse of vulnerable people in institutional care. Chris Jones agreed that it was a substantial problem – he commented that the abuse of elderly people in care homes was a major problem and he thought that it would soon break as a major scandal.

I heard years later that Chris Jones was one of the mental health professionals from north Wales who had a nervous breakdown and left the area. Chris Jones didn’t seem to be quite so mad and sadistic as many of his colleagues, which was probably why he didn’t survive working with that bunch of lunatics. Take it as a compliment Dr Jones, you weren’t barking mad and you wouldn’t lie about me. At least you’re not looking at a prison sentence for being an accessory.

Not being mad and abusive certainly took a high toll on mental health staff in north Wales. My post ‘The Blog Post Which Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’ detailed Dafydd’s missile that he fired at Don Campbell the Assistant Director of Nursing Services (Psych), in July 1988 after Campbell refused to break the law and lock me in a room. Dafydd went absolutely wild and wrote to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority, accusing Campbell of ‘gross impertinence’ and demanding his head on a plate.

Bruce Napier, the very pleasant clinical psychologist who didn’t hate the patients, left Hergest and took up a mental health research job at Bangor University. I was told that before long Bruce Napier announced his desire to ‘get out of the NHS’ and he went to England to live on a canal boat. I don’t know for sure but I suspect that Bruce Napier was hounded out. He crossed the path of Dafydd. When Gwynedd Health Authority were not doing a very good job of trying to persuade Dafydd to retire, it was left to Bruce Napier to tell Dafydd that Dafydd didn’t have an office in the Hergest Unit. Dafydd did of course have a room in which to work for the one day a week that he spent at the Hergest, but it didn’t have a brass name plate on the door and Dafydd was fuming. The others were too frightened to tell Dafydd, so they got Bruce Napier to do it. Then Bruce Napier had to go on Welsh news and defend the Gwynedd Community Health Trust when Dafydd was making guest appearances on Kilroy, the Kane Debates, Welsh news, S4C and telling everyone that in making him retire the Trust was ensuring a certain death for the many patients whom depended upon Dafydd. The matter would have been settled had anyone just gone on tele and said ‘look he’s sexually exploiting the patients, running a paedophile gang, flogging drugs and dishonest expert witness reports and what’s more he’s got a load of people shut in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital’. But no-one did, not even Bruce Napier, even later on from the safety of his barge. He probably feared being torpedoed.

I also wondered if Nerys Owen might have been ‘dealt with’ after challenging Slob Ingham. On our last meeting with Nerys, Nerys told me and the other patient who complained about Slob with me that if ever we needed her again we should not hesitate to get in touch because she would not tolerate the mistreatment of patients. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ described how in 1997 I and another person – the same person who made representation with me about Slob Ingham – were arrested and prosecuted after Bridget Lloyd, one of Slob’s colleagues, told a pack of lies about us threatening her. The case collapsed – but not until after we had both been banned from the hospital and yes, referred to Dr Chris Jones and the forensic team again as dangerous nutters – and there was a flat refusal to apologise to us. We contacted Nerys but only received a weak frosty letter saying that the law had taken its course. There is a document in my collection signed by Nerys during that period of time which demonstrates that she obediently went along with the general insanity of the paedophiles’ friends, signing off records of meetings as ‘fair and accurate’ when the meetings were held by people who never made fair and accurate records of anything.

I presume that Nerys Owen was probably a wolf in sheep’s clothing all along. She reached a senior position in a totally corrupt organisation and was in that position between 1994-1999 and possibly for much longer. It’s unlikely that she’ll have been able to do that without being complicit with some dreadful things. I don’t think that she was a psych nurse, so she’ll have been a general nurse or a midwife and someone knew about those psych patients at the North Wales Hospital being sterilised in order to stop them becoming pregnant because the staff were having sex with them, the theft of the babies of the female patients who had not been sterilised, the disappearance of the girls in the children’s homes who had become pregnant after being raped by the ‘care staff’ and the horrors of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’).

Nerys Owen must also have been complicit with the running down and then the closing of the day centre at the Hergest Unit during the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry, which ensured that a considerable number of psych patients became destitute and died.

Let’s have a chorus of that old favourite by The Jam, ‘A Town Called Malice’…

 

In May 1995 it was announced that the Welsh Office had appointed Nicola Davies QC to conduct a review of the documentary evidence related to the abuse of children in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was warranted. Nicola subsequently discovered that all the paperwork from 1989 onwards was missing!

On 26 June David Hunt returned as Secretary of State for Wales until 5 July 1995. Just for a few days – whilst the deal to pretend that Dafydd was being retired off was completed (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) and the public were told that the North Wales Hospital had been shut (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). It hadn’t. Gwynfryn Ward remained open and there are allegations that it remained open until 2000. But no-one can be sure, because no-one will come clean about when the hospital did eventually close, why so many lies were told about it and what happened to the patients whom were imprisoned out there illegally when it closed. Or failed to close.

So what was Gwynfryn Ward? It was a mother and baby unit. A mother and baby unit is usually a cause for ‘ah’, but it bloody well wasn’t at Denbigh. If anyone knows why an institution which was notorious for brutally warehousing women – often under-aged girls – whose pregnancies were inconvenient to other people, continued to provide that service after the rest of the building was literally falling down, please do let me know.

On 5 July 1995 Stephen Dorrell was appointed as Secretary of State for Health, succeeding Virginia Bottomley. William Hague became Secretary of State for Wales on the same day.

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his house. Brown was sacked from his job at Aston University in the same month.

Hansard records that in April 1995, Julia Lomas of the Lord Chancellor’s Department replied by letter to a question from Alex Carlile confirming that at some point in 1994 Mary Wynch had been paid a paltry sum of money in full and final settlement regarding her litigation against the Public Trustee (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Mary had been unlawfully arrested by Dafydd, had been illegally imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year. She had won her case against Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority et al but they then simply refused to pay Mary her compensation unless Mary returned to court to enforce payment. Mary continued with the case, as well as with the case against the crooked cartel of lawyers and the Public Trustee who had, in collaboration with Dafydd, fleeced her of her money and property in the first place. The Home Office under Michael Howard dealt the final blow in 1994 – without any public announcement – and ruined Mary. Mary was by then an old lady who had been screwed by a bunch of rural gangsters who had enjoyed the full backing of every Gov’t since she had been unlawfully arrested in 1979 by Dafydd. But the real problem went back to the early 1970s – when Mary’s mother died in the ‘care’ of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes. Mary told me that she was convinced that her mother had been killed. But Mary was nuts wasn’t she. Ooh – except that no, she wasn’t, as was admitted when she won her case against Dafydd.

The patients in the Hergest Unit used to openly talk about how Dafydd had killed Mary Wynch’s mother. It was just a standard topic of conversation, in much the same way that everybody else’s other extraordinary Dafydd-related anecdotes were. Mary always maintained that her mother had been killed by an overdose of barbiturates. One Hergest patient had the measure of Dafydd’s bare-faced lies and used to do a Dafydd voice and rant on about how he only told the nurses to give Mary Wynch’s mother half a Kalm before bedtime and of course that was nothing like an overdose of barbiturates. In fact the patients got so used to the staff just closing their ears to terrible Dafydd-horrors that dares would be undertaken to see if staff could be moved. One such dare involved one patient carrying a rubber plant and walking up to a senior nurse in Ysbyty Gwynedd and saying ‘I did not murder Mary Wynch’s mother and this plant was not the murder weapon. It was Dr DA Jones wot dun it and he used an overdose of barbiturates’. And the nurse said ‘yes dear’ and walked off, leaving a gang of Hergest patients rolling around laughing.

‘We didn’t know’.

The same patient was accused by Dafydd of lying on one occasion, so he responded by saying ‘I lied, you murdered’.

DAVID HUNT WAS SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WALES WHILST MUCH OF THIS WAS HAPPENING. THE MAN IS A FUCKING LAWYER.

In Dec 1995 Secretary of State for Wales William Hague announced that Nicola Davies QC’s review had concluded that a public inquiry into the abuse of children in north Wales was not justified. William changed his mind a few months later and orchestrated the Waterhouse cover-up.

Nicola is now Dame Nicola and has been the Presiding judge of the Wales Circuit.

In Feb 1996 the Jillings Report regarding the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed. I can’t say that it was published because it wasn’t. It was heavily redacted and the only people who saw the Report were the insurers and legal advisors of Clwyd County Council – even the Council officers and Councillors were forbidden from reading it. The legal advisor to the Council’s insurers Michael Beloff QC advised that if any Councillor did get their paws on a copy the Council’s insurance should be withdrawn and the Councillors should be held personally responsible for the damages claims that would inevitable follow from former children in care suing. Beloff admitted that this would be a consequence because the abuse of children had been so serious and so well organised over decades that the Council had no defence. Beloff also advised that if Malcolm King, the one Councillor who would not stop asking questions about the abuse of children in the care of the Council, ever found out what was in the Report and publicised it he should be sacked (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Michael Beloff is a colleague and a friend of Cherie Booth. Michael’s dad Max had some years previously helpfully plugged a book on local gov’t and democracy written by Ioan Bowen Rees. Bowen Rees was the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and the paedophile gang flourished on their watch (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Alison Taylor was sacked by Lucille after raising concerns about the abuse of children in care.

Just to be on the safe side, on 1 April 1996 Clwyd County Council was dissolved as a result of a local authority reorganisation days after the Jillings Report was completed. So even if someone did get hold of a copy of the Report there was no-one to sue. I haven’t been able to find out who makes decisions regarding local authority reorganisations but the disappearance of Clwyd days after that Report was finished really was far too convenient to have been an accident.

The Report was pulped, although in 2013 somebody actually found a copy that had escaped the pulping machine and at last the world was allowed to see what was within. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. All that was known was that something dreadful had gone on in Clwyd for decades and that a great many people had colluded with it.

After Clwyd County Council was dissolved, John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd who had worked so successfully with the paedophiles and their friends for so many years (see posts ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’), found himself in need of a job. Director of the Social Services which played host to the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK? No problem. Cardiff City Council snapped him up and Jevons took up the post as Director of Social Services for them almost immediately.

Two of those with a sense of humour who were sitting on Cardiff City Council at the time that Jevons was given a warm welcome were Julie Morgan and Sue Essex. Julie, the social worker and Assistant Director of Barnardo’s – the Barnardo’s who’s staff abused kids in north Wales. Sue Essex – who later became Minister for Finance, Local Gov’t and Public Services in Julie’s husband Rhodri’s Gov’t – was Deputy Leader and then Leader of the Labour Group of Cardiff City Council, 1995-99. Sue had previously graced Leicester University with her presence. I presume that it was Julie and Sue who head-hunted Jevons then. For more Julie n Sue fun, see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’.

In Sept 1996 – virtually as soon as Jevons touched down in Cardiff City Council – the South Wales Police announced a major investigation into the physical and sexual abuse of children at the Taff Vale children’s home in Whitchurch, Cardiff, which had been run by Cardiff City Council. It was feared that hundreds of children had possibly been abused before the home had closed. The police were particularly interested in investigating what had gone in between 1985-91 – there was a belief that a paedophile ring had infiltrated Taff Vale.

Before Alun Michael became an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. Alun Michael was imposed as FM of Wales by Blair and resigned as soon as the Waterhouse Report was submitted, whilst his mates caused a distraction (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’).

Of course Rhodri himself and the paedophiles’ friends went back a long way. In 1966 Rhodri began work in the endemically corrupt Welsh Office with George Thomas et al and in 1974 Rhodri found himself working in City Hall Cardiff.

On 17 June 1996 Welsh Secretary William Hague announced the North Wales Child Abuse Inquiry  aka the Waterhouse Inquiry. On 25th Oct eighteen families were left homeless after a fire at a warehouse engulfed their houses. Eight people were taken to hospital and more than 100 residents of Lightfoot Road, Chester, were evacuated as the blaze destroyed a Pickfords storage depot on the neighbouring Hoole Bridge industrial estate. ‘The houses spontaneously combusted because of the intense heat’, said a Cheshire Fire Service spokeswoman. The warehouse held the care records of children from the Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn homes.

On 21 Jan 1997 the Waterhouse Inquiry began at Ewloe, Flintshire.

On 2 May 1997 Tony Blair became Prime Minister.

Peter Howarth died of a heart attack at HMP Wakefield on 24 April 1997, so if anyone was worried about him naming a few people involved in abusing kids in care who were rather grander than bottom feeding social care workers they didn’t have to worry any longer. Particularly as Ioan Bowen Rees had died suddenly in 1999, just before the publication of the Waterhouse Report, so as the man who ran Gwynedd County Council for years whilst the paedophile ring’s business boomed under his steady hands, Ioan wouldn’t be dropping any clangers either. Ioan was considered an expert on local gov’t and had advised Dafydd Wigley as well as the working party who set up the infrastructure of the National Assembly for Wales under Ron Davies whilst Ron was Secretary of State for Wales.

The Waterhouse Inquiry held its last hearing on 7 May 1998 and on 30 Sept 2000 the Waterhouse Report was handed to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. Murphy stated that he was delighted that a full and transparent investigation had taken place, that there had been no cover-up and that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring outside of north Wales, let alone the involvement of Westminster or Whitehall figures.

For details of the well-planned co-ordinated attempt during 1997-98 on the part of the north Wales mental health services to have me banged up, please see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’.

 

 

A website that is well worth a visit is the site of the North Wales Hospital Historical Society. It is not an historical society, it is a forum for the former staff of the North Wales Hospital and what a source of entertainment it is. Staff leave messages reminiscing about the old days and breaching patients’ confidence, just as they did when they were employed as Angels there. There are messages which are alleged to be from former patients who remember the kindness and the wonderful treatment and who have now become Angels themselves, which I do find a little unbelievable. I suspect that like the positive feedback left on the patient feedback websites about the awful Dr Giles Harborne, a former Denbigh psychiatrist, the messages from grateful former patients have actually been written by former staff.

The North Wales Historical Society website has an observation that no patients from Avallon, the adolescent unit, have left any messages. Avallon was the unit in which Mary Wynch told me that Dafydd encouraged the teenagers to have sex with each other and then the staff would gather around and watch the action. The same correspondent to the website asks if Dafydd is still alive. Yes he’s Chairing his drugs charity CAIS. It is not a surprise that no former patients of Avallon have left messages, they were introduced to a life of street prostitution and hard drugs whilst they were teenagers and most of them died before they were 30.

 

On 31 July 2013 John Allen was charged with 22 indecent assaults and one offence of gross indecency, alleged to have taken place between 1968 and 1989 at Bryn Alyn. The second trial of John Allen on charges of historic sexual and physical abuse took place at Mold Crown Court and on 1 Dec 2014 Allen was sentenced to life imprisonment, with the recommendation that he serves at least 11 years.

 

There has been a great deal written about the collusion of the North Wales Police with Dafydd and the paedophiles. I and other people certainly noticed that when allegations of sexual misconduct/exploitation – or indeed more serious offences – were made against certain people, there was a flat refusal to investigate on the part of absolutely everybody. It didn’t matter how many first hand accounts there were, how many corroborating witnesses, how much supporting documentation, the allegations were simply ignored and if the complainants did not go away they found themselves being charged by the police.

However I do know that this immunity was only enjoyed by certain people. The North Wales Police were certainly not afraid to investigate complaints about other people even if the evidence was extremely shaky. I knew of a case in 1983 involving a teenaged girl from Anglesey who made a complaint of rape against a young man whom she met in a pub in Bangor. The girl was fairly notorious – she felt the need to tell tall stories, really ridiculous ones which even the most trusting person would in the end conclude could not be true. She was also capable of lying through her teeth under all circumstances if she thought that she would benefit from that. She went out boozing in Bangor one night, met a young man and they went up onto Bangor mountain with the intention of consummating the relationship which they had established about 60 mins previously. The young man was too drunk to do very much and he wandered off. Another young man found the girl crying and asked what was wrong. She replied ‘I’ve been raped’. This sort of comment from her wasn’t that unusual – she had told me some really worrying things and it was only when I and my friends had pitched in to help that we discovered that the various dramas hadn’t happened. The young man immediately rang the police and the police did conduct a full scale investigation.

I was involved in the investigation and I remember the detectives visiting me and a female police officer saying ‘I cannot help but be on the side of the girl in rape cases, but she’s told us so many lies that I can’t take that view here’. I hadn’t encountered Dafydd and the paedophiles at the time and I actually gained a very positive view of the detectives working on the case. They were stereotypical coppers – calling women ‘birds’ and wearing macs with the collars turned up – but unlike the drug squad whom I had heard about by then, they didn’t seem to be endemically corrupt. The investigation into the alleged rape took months. It transpired that no rape had occurred or indeed even an attempt at a rape. I wondered if the girl involved would be charged with wasting police time but she wasn’t. I presume that the police did get it right – the girl was alleged to have admitted to a number of people that she hadn’t been raped, she’d told a dramatic story and it had got out of control.

Like many other mental health patients in north Wales, with the exception of a few police officers whom I knew were corrupt, I generally found the police very much more helpful than the mental health services and they undoubtedly protected me and other people from the excesses of the mental health services on a number of occasions.

The problem will have been Westminster, the Attorney Generals – such as Sir Patrick Mayhew – and Whitehall, who were protecting Dafydd and the paedophile gang. A great many police officers would have dearly loved to have dealt with Dafydd et al but they couldn’t. They were being told what to do by organised criminals in high office.

 

What is very clear to me with regard to the documents that I have drawn on to write this post and some others such as ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, is the key role that the MDU played in protecting a number of Top Doctors whom they knew were abusing patients and perjuring themselves to silence and indeed destroy patients who complained. The MDU and Hempsons were probably more responsible than anyone else for the serious criminality which pervaded north Wales for decades.

There will be a post coming soon naming the movers and shakers in the MDU during those years whilst the MDU ensured that Dafydd and the paedophiles remained in business.

 

Then I’ll be naming a few more of Rhodri Morgan’s circle who knew about it all…

 

One other person who disappeared along with others whom I have previously named on this blog. Nellie. An old lady who was in Bryn Golau Ward the night that I arrived. She was there the next morning and then like the girl who had been abducted, kept in an attic and sexually assaulted (see post ‘The Distressed Young Woman Who Vanished’) and the young man from Wrexham who vanished when another patient who had been in care recognised him, Nellie disappeared. No-one let her out of the front door which was a double door and locked – I last saw her in the kitchen with Angel Iola Edwards. Just near to the back door which was always heavily guarded and was only ever used ‘to bring the catering supplies in and out’. And patients who needed to be disposed of discreetly.

 

There is someone else who is worthy of a mention here. A man who was lurking in the Welsh Office throughout everything detailed in this post – Sir Jon Shortridge. Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984 and  was Private Secretary to both Nicholas Edwards (see post ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’) and Peter Walker (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). In 1995 Shortridge conducted the Senior Management Review of the Welsh Office and in 1997 he was Director of Economic Affairs, responsible for establishing the National Assembly for Wales. Shortridge became Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office in March 1999, then for the newly established National Assembly in May 1999 and then for the Welsh Gov’t, 2007-08. In 2009 Shortridge was appointed interim Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Innovation, Universities and Skills – the Dept led by Mandelson. One of Mandelson’s most senior aides was the daughter of Ron Evans, the crooked lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who did Dafydd and the paedophiles’ as many favours as the MDU. Sir John topped off his long record of public service with a stint as Chancellor of Glyndwr University, an institution run entirely by paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

 

 

The news over the past few days has been very topical with regard to recent posts on this blog. The Welsh Language Commissioner Meri Huws – who has featured on a number of recent posts as a paedophiles’ friend and a bedfellow of other paedophiles’ friends who doubled up as Ministers in the Welsh Gov’t – has crawled out of hiding and tried to convince everyone that she has some sort of plan. Meri has been talking about everyone going on a journey. Meri isn’t very bright, so when she opens her mouth she tends to trot out whatever cliche she has recently heard bandied around in the media. When Meri worked at Bangor University at one point she was banging on about capturing ‘hearts and minds’. One academic with a great deal of knowledge with regard to Meri and her bedfellows observed that with Meri, ‘shock and awe’ was far more likely to be the order of the day. If Meri had known how much entertainment she had provided for the oppressed of Bangor University I think that she’d have probably resigned on the spot.

Cancer is absolutely everywhere in the media, with George Alighaia and Andrew Lansley both announcing that they have advanced bowel cancer and if only they’d ‘got screened’. It’s not that I’m unsympathetic to these two men, I can imagine they must be feeling quite dreadful, but the chances are that a screening programme would not have made much difference. Huge quantities of the research upon which the screening is based is fraudulent and many of the much publicised screening programmes are in chaos. At the same time other headlines screamed that there is now a new joined up cancer programme to be launched that will make care ‘excellent’. Which is weird, because we’ve been told for years that care is already excellent, indeed that the whole NHS is the envy of the world and that UK hospitals are bursting at the seams with Nigerian women who are pregnant with quins who just Come Over Here To Use Our NHS. More sober reflections on the rather poor clinical outcomes of the UK NHS when compared to other European healthcare systems are strangely absent.

Meanwhile amidst the constant PR, people in north Wales who have dared cross the paths of the paedophiles’ friends are refused care, refused pain relief for conditions such as kidney stones which send the Angels and Top Doctors straight for the opiates when they are afflicted and told to go ahead and do it then if they become suicidal. On the occasions when the paedophiles’ friends have been faced with relatives or the odd patient confronting them with their dreadful conduct the response is usually ‘we didn’t know you felt like that’. Well they bloody well know exactly how I feel about them now that this blog has gathered a readership.

BBC News Wales is trumpeting the new proton beam centre in Newport and how this is going to revolutionise cancer care and Save Lives. Only if you’ve got a lot of money – that centre is a private concern but that doesn’t seem to have received much media coverage.

Winnie Mandela has died and amongst all the tributes people are doing their best to play down the unfortunate business of the necklace killings and the murder of Stompie McKenzie. It is stressed that Winnie suffered at the hands of the South African police under apartheid. I’m sure that she did, the South African police were deeply unpleasant, but it wasn’t the South African police who were targeted in the necklace killings and I don’t think that Stompie McKenzie was a white South African policeman under apartheid either. I seem to remember that he was a 14 year old black boy…

The Mail Online had a Rolf Harris exclusive in which they revealed that Rolf has held a birthday party attended by friends at which he played the didgeridoo. It was a bit of a non-story but I did notice that according to the Mail, one of Rolf’s guests was his ‘old friend’ Timmy Mallett. Most people know Timmy Mallett as a rather over the top children’s entertainer from the 1980s, but I was gobsmacked a few years ago to discover that there is a Timmy Mallett suite at the Gladstone Library in Hawarden. The Gladstone Library – it was called St Deiniol’s Library until quite recently – is a residential library in north Wales. It’s got fantastic collections and you can just go and stay there for a few days and bury yourself in interesting reading matter. It has a strong theological side and is a favourite place for clergy and theologians to hang out. I was completely confused by Timmy Mallett’s association with the Gladstone Library until someone told me that Timmy Mallett’s dad was a clergyman with links there and Timmy Mallett, having made a great deal of money, is a benefactor of the institution. I have found out that the Rev Michael Mallett studied for ordination at St Deiniol’s – as it was then – in the mid 1960s. I’m sorry to go on about it all the time, but Flintshire – the location of the Gladstone Library – was at the heart of the powerbase of the paedophiles’ friends in the 1960s. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and co came from Flintshire and many of them had connections with the Church. Timmy Mallett was born in Cheshire. Just down the road from Chester – where the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring which later numbered Sir Peter Morrison operated. A former Bishop of Chester has been recently named as having been involved.

 

The Mail Online also published a furious article by Daniel Janner, the late Greville’s son. Daniel was hurling venom in the direction of Alison Saunders, who has just announced that she will be standing down as DPP. Daniel maintains that it was Alison Saunders who cruelly put Greville through hell after demanding that there be a trial of the facts with regard to the allegations against Greville. Most people believe that Alison Saunders did Greville a very big favour – she did all she could not to prosecute Greville despite considerable evidence against him and she only announced a trial of the facts after public fury. The announcement came so late that Greville died before a trial of the facts could take place.

Daniel is furious that he was interviewed by the police himself and asked if Greville had ever abused him. I can understand that Daniel may not have been very impressed with that line of questioning, but presumably, Daniel was able to say no – Daniel is a barrister, he is not going to feel intimidated by the police. Daniel fumed about his father being degraded in public, as a doubly incontinent elderly man being accused. Well I didn’t know that Greville was doubly incontinent and I don’t expect that many other people did either, so Daniel seems to have been responsible for inflicting that particular bit of lack of dignity upon his father himself.

Daniel maintains that the CPS was great until Alison Saunders became DPP. Not only was the CPS deeply flawed and notably failed to prosecute certain people for serious offences – including some politicians – despite files of evidence being submitted, but the CPS prosecuted people like me for ludicrous trivial offences. In 1993 Daniel I was prosecuted for ‘staring at a social worker’. In 2002 I was prosecuted because I had told an NHS secretary over the phone that her boss was a fat idiot. The social worker whom I looked at and the fat idiot were both involved in facilitating a paedophile gang. Furthermore Alison Saunders was the first DPP to be appointed from within the CPS. She had worked for them for years.

 

 

 

 

The Battle Of The Cowshed

A few days ago a news item on the Radio 4 Today programme discussed how children’s services in Rotherham have been ‘turned around’ since the scandal concerning the en masse sexual abuse of children in care blew up. It was admitted that ‘we’re still not quite there yet’ and that there are still areas needing improvement, but it was stressed that things were very much better. Although things could hardly have got worse.

I have no idea whether anything has really got better in Rotherham’s Children’s Services – people did eventually resign over the scandal (although they all clung on for as long as they possibly could, they certainly weren’t willing to admit that they had wilfully ignored criminal gangs raping kids in care for years) and it might well be true that a clean up has happened and that people who actually know what they are doing are now running the services.

I am not however entirely convinced by the reassurances that all is now well in Rotherham. Rotherham’s Children’s Services were not taken over by organised criminal gangs  because of the fuckwittery of just those few people who resigned. A problem as big as Rotherham will have evolved over many years and virtually everyone involved in the ‘service’ will have been complicit. It was also admitted that in Rotherham, the police had completely ignored what was going on and in some cases had actively colluded – teenagers who had been raped and threatened with immolation by their rapists were told to piss off by the police when they tried to report the serious offences that had been committed against them. The region’s NHS services will also have been fully aware of what was happening to those teenagers, but as usual no-one has mentioned that. The education authorities will have known as well and the Third sector organisations.

As with the activities of the paedophiles and their friends in north Wales, most of Rotherham will have known.

I am also not reassured just because external inspections of Rotherham Children’s Services are now resulting in glowing reports. Inspections of health and social services can provide a fair and accurate reflection, but inspections are equally capable of maintaining that all is well in very troubled, even dangerous, services. When Sharon Shoesmith appeared on the Radio 4 PM programme immediately after the Baby P disaster, one of the first things that she did in her interview with Eddie Mair was to tell him that the shambles over which she presided was a three star service (or it may even have been a four star service). People working in the mental health services in north Wales in the 1990s were telling people that Dafydd and his cellar and the thugs in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team were among ‘the best in Europe’.

These people are not only mad and dishonest but they often personally know the people ‘independently’ inspecting their services.

The Lazarus-like recovery of the Rotherham Children’s Services has been attributed to Ian Thomas, who took up the post of Strategic Director, Children’s and Young Person’s Service in Rotherham Borough Council in Jan 2015. It was Ian Thomas who was interviewed on the Today programme and he was faced with the inevitable questions about the gangs who abused the children being South Asian, the children being white British and why hasn’t he been more vocal about this. Thomas emphasised that the common characteristic of the people who abused the children in Rotherham was that they were abusers. Whilst I was glad to hear him stress this, there is of course another common theme throughout ALL the big UK child care scandals – that the abuse happened to kids in care and social workers knew about it but ignored it. No-one dares mention this. There weren’t any South Asian gangs in north Wales – but there was  a gang of social workers working in collaboration with other professional people…

Who Chaired the Inquiry into the Rotherham Child Abuse Scandal and wrote the subsequent damning Report? Alexis Jay – the social worker who is now Chairing the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse, which is falling apart after lawyers and survivors have walked out. The survivors’ rationale for exiting was that Jay is a social worker, it was social workers who abused them and rather than trying to achieve anything worthwhile Jay has turned the Inquiry into a ‘social workers talking shop’. She’s probably holding regular breaks for Mindfulness sessions. Alexis Jay might gave good reason to preside over a social workers talking shop rather than an Inquiry exposing the criminality and fuckwittery of those employed within the UK Social Services Depts – Jay was the social work senior manager who was responsible for the Orkney Satanic Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’).

Thomas had spent the previous years as Deputy Chief Executive and Strategic Director of Children’s Services with Derbyshire County Council. Derbyshire Social Services had a problem with child abuse in its child care service in the 1970s and 80s at least and there were connections between some of those who abused children in north Wales and paedophiles in Derbyshire. John Jillings, who carried out in the investigation into child abuse in Clwyd, was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services. Jillings’s 1996 Report was so damning that Michael Beloff QC, the legal advisor to Clwyd County Council’s insurers, recommended that the Jillings Report should never be released to anyone and that if it was the Council’s insurance should be withdrawn. Councillors were told that if the insurance was withdrawn they would be personally liable for damages if any former kids in care sued, would be bankrupted and lose their homes. Beloff advised that Malcolm King – a Labour Councillor from Wrexham who had asked some very difficult questions about the paedophile gang in north Wales – should be sacked if he ever discovered the contents of the Report and disclosed them. Just for good measure, Clwyd County Council was abolished at the same time as the Jillings Report was submitted. The Jillings Report was pulped but just a few years ago someone actually turned up with a copy and it was made available. It was very, very heavily redacted but the conclusion was that horrific abuse had taken place in north Wales since 1974, had almost certainly dated back well before then as well and that what had happened to children in care was indefensible. However Jillings refused to say whether there was evidence of a paedophile ring at work. For details of the horrors that led to the Jillings Report, the idiots who ran the ‘services’ and the aftermath, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’.

Jillings began his inquiry in 1994. In 1992 five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in a firebombing. The man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed days later. One man who survived the fire and claimed that witnesses to the abuse in north Wales were being murdered was subsequently found dead shortly after giving evidence at the 1995 trial of John Allen – the owner and manager of the Bryn Alyn Community and a key figure in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Scheme. For details of the firebombing attack, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

So perhaps we can understand why no-one could bring themselves to admit that a paedophile ring with links to serious organised crime was in operation in north Wales.

In Nov 2014, whilst Ian Thomas was still working for Derbyshire County Council, he was described as described as having ‘almost 30 years experience in private, voluntary and public sectors including 25 years in local government’ and had ‘worked for Derbyshire County Council since 2006 in a number of senior roles’. The world was told that Ian had presided over a great improvement in Derbyshire Children’s Services, which was reflected in Oftsed reports.

If Ian’s career is as described, he will definitely have come across the sort of criminality in children’s services and local authorities described on this blog. He may well not have participated in it, but he will have known that it was happening. Perhaps Ian is  a real star who is going into corrupt abusive children’s services and cleaning up – but we only have those ‘independent inspections’ to tell us that.

Before working for Derbyshire, Ian was a member of the senior leadership team at Trafford Council – he joined Trafford in 1999. You’ve guessed it – some of those involved in the abuse in north Wales had links with Trafford. It’s OK though – whilst at Trafford, Ian ‘helped transform the performance of social care and housing’ and the ‘social care performance went from weak to excellent’.

Ian is described as a ‘national leader’ within the Association of Directors of Children’s Services – he Chairs their National Resources and Sustainability Committee. My alarm bells are ringing – I know the sort of people who make up the Association of Directors of Children’s Services. They are members of the Mafia of Drips who have spent their careers watching children in their care being abused. If they had identified Ian as being any different from themselves they would not be telling people that he’s a national leader and letting him Chair committees.

Ian has a Masters from Lancaster University in Professional Practice (Children’s Services).  He is a ‘level 7 qualified executive coach and mentor’, which sounds seriously worrying.

Ian’s appointment to Rotherham was ‘welcomed’ by Paul Larkin, leader of Rotherham Borough Council. I very much doubt that was true – between 1997-03, Rotherham Councillors had allowed at least 1,400 teenagers in their care to be plied with alcohol and drugs and then battered and gang raped by serious criminals. The Council will not have been welcoming anyone who looked as though they might get to the bottom of that. Jo Clegg, Chair of the College of Social Work, stated that the ‘College work look forward to supporting Ian and his team in Rotherham’. The College of Social Work is endemically hopeless, if it were anything but endemically hopeless social work would not be in its current sorry state. They will not have looked forward to supporting Ian if he was going to ‘turn around’ the services, they’ll have looked forward to undermining him, blaming him for their own incompetence and negligence and getting him out of there.

In an interview with the Guardian in Dec 2014, Ian Thomas stated that the root of the problems in Rotherham were ‘weak leadership’. I rather gained the impression that it was serious organised crime and corruption in the Council, the police force and just about every other body in Rotherham. Ian goes on to say that  he knew ‘the last person and she’s a lovely woman’ so ‘I have to be careful what I say here’.

That is the crux of the problem. Everyone knows each other and they’ve all got to be careful what they say. I am not suggesting that colleagues should not be friends and I am certainly not suggesting that one should gratuitously kick one’s colleagues in the groin and then insult them in the national press, but if they are allowing a sex trafficking gang to take over the children’s services, one really does have to prioritise the welfare of the children over being careful what one says.

I spent 30 years watching drip after drip respond in an Ian-like way when I told people what was going on in north Wales. Some years ago I met two retired Gwynedd social workers socially through a chapel without realising at first that they had literally worked with the paedophile gang. They did of course know all about Dafydd and made no attempt to defend him at all – they remembered him as a monster whom everybody would have very much liked to have seen the back of. Yet when I named one of those who had attempted to have me arrested by lying to the police, I was met with ‘oh I worked  with her, I liked her’. The woman whom we were discussing was known to be a highly abusive person – her colleague to whom I was talking must have known about the mountain of serious complaints. I was then told that Keith Fearns was ‘decisive’. Keith Fearns was the leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team who threatened and abused the clients and perjured themselves in attempts to have people imprisoned. One female social worker who blew the whistle on them alleged that she’d been sexually assaulted by a male colleague in that team. A male nurse alleged that Fearns had physically assaulted him. Another social worker who gave up and left in despair described Fearns as ‘the most abusive professional that I have ever met’.  The decisive Fearns was a very nasty piece of work who was assisting a vicious paedophile gang.

Problems like this cannot be remedied by a mutual cup of Fairtrade coffee and a bit more continuing professional development in mindfulness-based practice. Furthermore, because the professions of health and social care have been allowed to become this dysfunctional, nearly everybody within is part of the Mafia of Drips. A number of people were honest enough to admit to me ‘I know he/she is dreadful, but I’ve got to work with him/her.’ They know that there will be absolutely no support from colleagues if they blow the whistle. Which is why all anybody dares do is describe a criminal sociopath as being ‘decisive’.

The nurse who blew the whistle on the biggest mental healthcare scandal in the UK in recent years has just been sacked and struck off the nursing register for having sex with her own husband. Not one colleague has stuck their head up above the parapet to declare that this is bonkers and dangerous. They’re far too frightened that they’ll be sacked for having sex with their own partners as well.

Let us look at the rest of Ian Thomas’s CV:

Accounts assistant, NSPCC, 1986-87. Finance Officer, London Borough of Newham, 1988-89. Senior Finance Officer(Social Services), London Borough of Tower Hamlets, 1989-92. Finance and Project Officer, Base 51 (health info for Nottingham teenagers), 1992-94. Senior Finance Officer, Derby City Council, 1997-99.

So Ian witnessed the financial transactions of the NSPCC, as well as the London Borough Councils of Newham and Tower Hamlets when they were doing business with John Allen and the Bryn Alyn Community and continued to send children in care into the arms of Allen and his paedophile gang even after complaints and deaths. Ian dispensed health information to teenagers in Nottinghamshire shortly after the Satanic Panic in that city and then he ran the finances of the paedophiles of Derbyshire.

Ian is either Of Them or he is a Master of Disguise.

When Ian was appointed to the post at Rotherham, two of his senior colleagues from Derbyshire County Council went with him. One of those was Mel Meggs, who was appointed Deputy Strategic Director for Children’s and Young Person’s Services for Rotherham Borough Council. Mel joined Rotherham in May 2016.

Mel had been Service Director, Early Help and Safeguarding at Derbyshire County Council (Children’s Services). Mel has ’30 years experience’ in ‘early help and social work’. So she’s been ignoring organised child abuse for a very long while then. At some point Mel was Head of Prevention at Leicester City Council. The Leicester City Council which ignored the paedophile gang numbering Frank Beck and Greville Janner among its members (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). The Leicester City Council which funded a law centre in which a lawyer called Keith Vaz worked – after he had worked as a lawyer for Richmond-Upon-Thames Council and Islington Council, whilst both of those Councils had huge problems with organised paedophile rings operating within their social services (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’).

Keith’s mum was a Councillor on Leicester City Council.

Mel is a member of the Association of Directors of Children’s Services Families, Communities and Young Persons Policy Committee.

Ian Thomas was head hunted for the Rotherham post by Malcolm Newsam, the Children’s Social Care Commissioner who oversees children’s services for Rotherham. Newsam was appointed by Education Secretary Nicky Morgan in 2014 in the wake of the Jay Report.

Yet in 2011 Malcolm Newsam was at the centre of a spat himself. Mail Online reported that Newsam was one of a number of temporary Directors who had been brought in by Kent County Council’s Conservative leader Katherine Kerswell as the Council cut services and oversaw the loss of 1500 jobs. Newsam was being paid 1250k per day.

That is a great deal of money. But – there was a ding dong in north Wales some years ago when it was revealed that a ‘troubleshooter’ sent in to Anglesey County Council by the Welsh Gov’t was being paid a great deal of money. Anglesey County Council was a nightmare, one Councillor had gone to prison, come out again and gone straight back onto the Council, corruption was endemic and had been for decades, local democracy did not exist and neither did any functioning ‘services’. The Welsh Gov’t probably thought that it was worth paying to try to get it sorted out and no sane person would ever work with Anglesey County Council unless they were paid danger money. The troubleshooter deserved the danger money as well, they gave him hell.

Kent is yet another place that has a history of child abuse stretching  years.

Newsam was also sent into the children’s services of Essex and Peterborough to ‘turn them around’.

In the face of all this turning around of services by troubleshooters, one wonders why there are currently police investigations into most local authority children’s services re the abuse of children in care and why so many of the UK’s children’s services are in special measures.

But then again, even the best troubleshooter has an enormous task on their hands if the whole region has colluded with organised crime for years and some of the officials who did so are now sitting in Parliament.

Whether Ian Thomas is a member of the Mafia of Drips or not, there was someone who did do something worthwhile in Rotherham and that was the lawyer who successfully prosecuted many members of the Rotherham gang who terrorised and abused so many underaged girls. This lawyer has recently been retained by the Welsh Gov’t and has stated that he wants Wales to be the safest country in Europe for women. He has a mountain to climb. Should anyone wish to draw his attention to this blog, he’ll find the names of the culprits, the accessories and details of some of the crimes here.

I continue to uncover more members of the Mafia of Drips. Let me introduce Nia Griffith, Labour MP for Llanelli since 2005.

Nia has featured on this blog before, when she was a member of the Welsh Affairs Committee who in 2012 ‘took oral evidence’ from Dafydd’s right hand man Clive Wolfendale, Chief Exec of CAIS, regarding Dafydd and Lucille’s need for many more millions of pounds of pubic money (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). Before hearing the ‘evidence’ from Clive and others, Nia mentioned that she had just enjoyed ‘hospitality’, ie a lovely free lunch – or it may have been a dinner – from one of the Third sector organisations who were asking her for money, whom Nia noted provided a ‘superb’ quality of care. And superb nosh-ups for politicians as well presumably.

Nia went to Somerville College, Oxford and then did her PGCE at Bangor University (then called UCNW). Nia finished her PGCE in 1980, the year before I began my degree at Bangor.

So Nia will have known about everything that I found out about. She will have known that children in north Wales from poor and disadvantaged backgrounds were being abandoned by both Gwynedd Social Services and the schools and that there were a small number of near destitute quite young children who would actually visit the students halls of residences to go begging. She will have known that Friars School favoured some children from the more middle class families in Bangor and that those kids went on to occupy influential positions in the region, became paedophiles’ friends and formed an influential old boys network which they used to assist each other. Members included Elfed Roberts, former Assistant Chief Constable of North Wales Police and corrupt Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust and Keith Thomson, former corrupt CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust (see post ‘Former NHS Managers Of Notoriety Now Keeping A Low(er) Profile’). A member of the Friars network from a previous generation who ably assisted the paedophiles’ friends was Huw Wheldon, Mr Big of the BBC for many years during the 60s and 70s (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’).

Yet Friars School also served the Maesgeirchan estate on the outskirts of Bangor, where many of those being shafted by the paedophiles’ friends lived. The Ty’r Felin children’s home was located on Maesgeirchan, where serious abuse occurred and where children were trafficked for sex, including down to Dolphin Square in London (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Friars School did not like the kids from families in difficulty, did not want them in the school and did nothing even when the staff knew that the kids were being ill treated or had even been abandoned by their parents. When the kids stopped coming to school no questions were asked.

Whilst I lived in north Wales I spoke to many people from different generations who went to Friars and this two tier system seemed to have operated for decades. Some men over the age of about 50 also described incredibly brutal practices, even in comparison to the education of boys in an era when it was routine to hit them. People have told me of how they were so mercilessly beaten at Friars that they couldn’t learn because they were emotional wrecks. One Jewish man from Anglesey who came to north Wales as a refugee from the Nazis told of how at Friars one particular teacher constantly assaulted him, told him in front of the class that he ought to be sent back to Germany because Mr Hitler knew how to deal with Jews and on one occasion threw him down a fire escape, causing injury. I heard about all this in a public lecture in Bangor and there were a number of other elderly former Friars pupils who all remembered this teacher and testified to his brutality. They told me that his nickname had simply been ‘Mochyn’ (Welsh for ‘pig’).

Nia Griffith trained as a teacher many years after the Jewish refugee was treated so badly, but I knew people who did teacher training in Bangor shortly after Nia – they told me the horror stories of the children who were being mistreated by social workers and of certain schools and teachers who were not conducting themselves as they should. It was like the stories about the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – if you lived in Bangor in the 1980s you heard about it. Of course there were many people who weren’t actually that bothered about what was happening to the plebs, including some trainee teachers.

Nia did not grow up on Maesgeirchan herself. Her father was Professor T. Gwynfor Griffith, a linguist who taught Italian Studies at Manchester University and her mother was Dr Rhiannon Howell. So Nia is from the Welsh speaking middle classes herself and went into teaching, a popular career choice for girls from that section of Welsh society in the 1970s. Some of those people made a substantial contribution to society as well.

Did Nia?

Well she was a language teacher who taught at Queen Elizabeth Cambria School, Carmarthen, as well as at Gowerton Comprehensive in Swansea and was then Head of Languages at Morriston Comprehensive School. She has been an education advisor and worked as an Estyn advisor from 1992. (Estyn is Wales’s equivalent of Ofsted and like Ofsted is deeply unpopular with many teachers, who perceive Estyn inspections to be box ticking exercises with unfairness built in and no reflection of how well a school is really performing.)

Nia was Chair of the Carmarthenshire Youth Project in the 1990s and is a founding member of a local Women’s Aid organisation.

Nia definitely knows about the neglect and abuse of disadvantaged people by the statutory services.

Nia publicly declared herself to be lesbian in a media interview in 2016. However, back at the dawn of time, Nia was married. Her then husband was a social worker. Presumably he lived and worked in west Wales like she did. The west Wales where a paedophile ring operated in the social services. The west Wales where Mark Drakeford also worked as a social worker. The west Wales which is just by Pembrokeshire, where the Gibbons twins grew up who were banged up for years in Broadmoor as teenagers on the grounds that they wouldn’t speak to anyone but each other and then claimed to be prostitutes (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’). The twin whom the Top Doctors hated most died ‘from the effects of her medication’ days before she was due to be finally released.

Nia, would you like to tell us the real reason why those girls were incarcerated and give your ex-husband a nudge to encourage him to speak up as well? Perhaps old Drakeford would like to tell all too.

Nia joined the Labour Party in 1981 and is a member of the NUT and USDAW (Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers). She has been the Secretary of the Carmarthenshire County Labour Party, was elected as a Councillor for Carmarthen Town Council in 1987, became Sheriff in 1997 and then Mayor in 1998.

Corruption in Carmarthenshire County Council has spawned a great deal of citizen blogging in west Wales.

So Nia has been in a position for years to raise concerns about those kids in west Wales. She hasn’t said a thing and didn’t even back in the mid-80s when the story of the Gibbons’ twins became known internationally and the paedophiles’ friend Marjorie Wallace built herself a whole new career at their expense.

When Nia became an MP, she found yet another friend with whom she could have raised the matter of June and Jennifer Gibbons or indeed the other kids who suffered at the hands of Nia’s husband’s and Drakeford’s colleagues – Harriet Harman! Nia was Harman’s PPS when Harman was Minister for Women and Equalities. But some Wimmin are of course more equal than others.

And I looked from pig to man and from man to pig and from pig to man again and from Nia to Harriet and from Harriet to Drakeford and from Drakeford to Lesley Griffiths and from Lesley Griffiths to Jane Hutt and then to Brian Gibbons and to Julie Morgan and even to dear departed old Rhodri himself and it was impossible to tell the difference in so far as the whole bloody lot of them had concealed and/or ignored a paedophile gang who murdered witnesses.

Nia was part of the mass shadow front bench resignation in June 2016 in an attempt to bring Jeremy Corbyn down because the resigners thought that he wasn’t going to win a General Election and none of them would ever be in Gov’t. If you’ve got the sort of talents that Nia has obviously you don’t just want to waste time merely serving your constituents, particularly if they’re living with the legacy of a paedophile gang that you’re keeping quiet about. Nia was one of many who changed her mind about Jeremy when it looked as though he was rather more popular than they thought and by Oct 2016 she was back on the shadow front bench as Defence Spokesperson, entertaining the nation because it was obvious that she didn’t have a clue what she was talking about and disagreed with Jeremy over defence policy anyway.

Nia was named and shamed in the 2009 Parliamentary election expenses scandal and was ordered to repay over 4k in wrongly claimed mortgage interest relief. Then she ended up in trouble again for breaching Parliamentary rules regarding the use of Commons stationery for political campaigning.

Nia owns a property in Llanelli, has a home in London and a smallholding in Carmarthenshire – for which she has received Welsh Gov’t funding under the Tir Gofal scheme.

Nia’s official website is currently plastered in NHS campaigning material. One notice urges people to write to NHS Wales to insist that the South Wales Major Trauma Centre is established at Swansea not Cardiff, for the benefit of her constituents. Nia – I know that everyone gets pissed off with everything being in Cardiff, but that probably is the best place for a Major Trauma Centre serving south Wales, just on the basis of demography, transport links and geography. It might be more convenient for your constituents to have the Centre near them, but it isn’t convenient for anyone else.

There are major problems at the University Hospital in Cardiff, but there are at Swansea as well, so Nia would be doing everyone a favour if she spoke up about the dire state of the NHS rather than demanding machines that go ping near her constituency.

Not that Nia shows any indication at all of raising  concerns about the serious problems in the NHS – her website also explains how she is ‘fighting for Prince Philip Hospital’. Nia wants assurances that services will remain at Prince Philip Hospital. Prince Philip Hospital has been the site of a number of very serious scandals involving patient harm and deaths and was also the centre of the very sad business involving Sian Caiach.

Sian Caiach was an orthopaedic surgeon who worked at the Prince Philip Hospital and reported fraudulent activity on the part of some of her colleagues to the Welsh Audit Office – Top Doctors at the Prince Philip were using NHS resources for private patients. Although the Welsh Audit Office found Sian’s allegations to be correct, she was suspended, remained suspended for many years and was eventually sacked and struck off. One of the Top Doctors committing the fraud was promoted, the other continued to practice.

Where were all the people who ‘love the NHS’, who bang on about strong women or their admiration of women who succeed in male dominated professions when Sian was targeted? They were nowhere to be seen.

In 2015 Sian asked the then Health Minister Mark Drakeford to address the issue of NHS Top Doctors exploiting the NHS and its patients in order to personally benefit from private practice. Left-leaning Drakeford who loves the NHS and state-provided welfare services more than anyone else on the planet didn’t ever quite get to grips with that one.

Nia’s local Health Board Hywel Dda is another that is on its knees after years of mismanagement. Nia tells us that ‘I will be keeping a close eye on the situation’. If Nia really wanted advice about the NHS all she needs to do is ask for the opinion of a fellow smallholder in Camarthenshire, Sian Caiach.

The Welsh political blog Jac O The North has recently asked questions about one of Nia’s proteges, Tonia Antoniazzi. Tonia campaigned for Nia and is now MP for the Gower, having been elected in 2017. As Jac’s blog mentioned, Tonia only joined the Labour Party in 2014, so that is rapid progression.

Tonia is from Burry Port, the territory of corrupt Top Doctor Prof Linford Rees who used his medical and film/TV network in south Wales and London to keep the lid on the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Tonia went to Gorseinon College, then to Exeter University and then to Cardiff University to do her PGCE. Like Nia, she was a language teacher and before her election she was Head of Languages at Bryngwyn School, Llanelli. Which is somewhat inconsistent with Tonia’s claim to have been reliant on the foodbank. Foodbanks will be running out of food for people who’ve had their benefits unlawfully stopped with all these nurses and teachers raiding the supplies.

Tonia’s USP in media interviews is that she used to play for Wales in the Women’s Rugby team.

Tonia seems quite well connected re Welsh politics – one of her brothers is married to Helen Bradley who was formerly Head of News and Research for Plaid Cymru and is now Strategic Communications Lead at Chwarae Teg, the ‘equalities charity’ established by paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt.

There are two other Antoniazzis who wield a great deal of power in Wales, but I do not know if they are relatives of Tonia – there are a number of families called Antoniazzi in south Wales. Whether they are relatives of Tonia or not, they are worth a mention.

One of these people is Dr Manon Antoniazzi who from Jan 2017 has been Chief Exec and Clerk to the National Assembly, the most senior Assembly Commission employee ie the Principal Accounting Officer. When Manon was appointed she stated that she would ‘champion the Assembly’s reputation within Wales and beyond’. Before Manon was appointed Chief Exec and Clerk, she was Director of Culture, Sport and Tourism for the Welsh Gov’t. In 2016, Sport Wales, a Welsh Gov’t-sponsored body that advises Ministers on sporting matters and also distributes National Lottery funding in Wales, found itself in meltdown. Allegations of conflict of interest and nepotism regarding the awarding of contracts were made – although an investigation by Deloitte later cleared them of wrongdoing. However the Board was accepted to be dysfunctional and the Chairman and Vice-Chair were suspended.

Manon has also been Chief Exec of Visit Wales and before that she had worked for the BBC, S4C and Prince Charles.

Before she  married, Manon was Manon Williams – her sister Ffion is married to William Hague, the man who orchestrated the cover-up of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry. Ffion met Hague when she was working as a civil servant in the Welsh Office, along with all the other civil servants in the Welsh Office who had spent years concealing the abuse and deaths of kids in care and psych patients in north Wales.

Manon was said to have secured the post of Chief Exec and Clerk to the Assembly following a ‘rigorous recruitment process’.

In 2014 Wales Online covered Manon’s wedding to John Antoniazzi. The ceremony was quite exclusive, there were just 18 guests there including Ffion and William Hague, who was at the time Foreign Secretary. So Manon hasn’t disowned them for concealing a paedophile ring who murdered their victims and witnesses.

Manon and John were married at Lake Como in Italy, one of the most expensive destinations in Europe – Wales Online explained that they were regulars at Lake Como. The romance of it all! A world away from being battered, raped, declared insane and illegally imprisoned in Dafydd’s dungeon…

Manon and John held a wedding party at the Royal Welsh College of Music and Drama in Cardiff. Linford Rees’s famous daughter actress Angharad Rees held an honorary position at the Royal Welsh College of Music and Drama.

I have heard a little bit about Ffion and William’s wedding as well. I was told that the man who conducted the ceremony was the father of a truly loathed theologian who used to work at Bangor University, Catrin Haf Williams. The person who told me this had been a theology student at Bangor and had achieved popularity and fame by successfully suing Catrin Haf. Catrin Haf had organised a field trip to the Middle East and told the students that it was obligatory but she would keep the cost as low as possible. She then booked everyone into a very expensive hotel because she wanted to stay there herself and had been offered a substantial discount on her own room if she booked all the students in there as well. The students were forced into penury because of this and they had all had such a bellyful of her intimidation and unpleasantness that the person I knew made a stand and sued her.

Catrin Haf’s partner in crime was her boss Prof Densil Morgan. Shortly after the student won his case against Catrin, Densil brought ridiculous disciplinary charges against the student which was very obviously a revenge attack. The student transferred to Aber to finish his degree – he was not the only person who claimed to have been targeted by Catrin Haf and Densil and forced out of the dept. There were also allegations that Densil was having words in the ears of influential people to prevent students to whom he had taken a dislike from being ordained – Densil is a Nonconformist Minister.

It was Densil who wrote a glowing tribute to J.E. Daniel online. J.E. Daniel was a theologian, Minister and Chairman of Plaid Cymru, 1939-43. He was the father of Huw Daniel, the corrupt judge who was involved in an attempt by the Hergest Unit to frame and imprison me for a serious offence (see post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’). J.E. Daniel went to Friars School of course.

Perhaps Catrin Haf’s finest hour was the occasion on which she was faced with a distressed student who wanted no more involvement with the thugs of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – Catrin told the student that if she didn’t accept an appointment with the CMHT, she’d call security and have the student thrown out of the building. Catrin Haf was fully aware of the many serious complaints that students had made about Keith Fearns and co, including threats of violence towards students.

Catrin and Densil had a colleague, Prof Eryl Davies, whom they treated very badly. Eryl never conducted himself in the way that they did, but back in the 1980s Eryl knew some of what was happening in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and he also knew about the drunken lecherous Gordon Farley from the Agriculture Dept sexually harassing the students (see post ‘Not Seen Since The 80s – Carwyn’).

Catrin Haf announced at one point that Bangor wasn’t good enough for her and she was off to Oxford, but unfortunately she returned after less than two years on the grounds that Oxford was full of gits. A mole maintained that Catrin Haf had simply got back what she had given out.

Bangor was mercifully relieved of Catrin and Densil when they relocated to Trinity St David’s University Lampeter, although everybody certainly felt for those in peril at Lampeter. After a few months we heard that Densil and Catrin were up to their usual tricks and there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth at Lampeter.

 

To return to Manon and John Antoniazzi. John Antoniazzi spent 25 years as a senior partner for Deloitte, heading audit for Wales. When he married Manon, John was Chairman of Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone. Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone was established in 2011 and John was Chairman for three years. Edwina Hart, the then Economy Minister, described the Enterprise Zone as aiming to attract ‘financial and professional services firms’. John was advising the Welsh Gov’t on the matter.

Regular readers of this blog will know that I have rather more respect for Edwina than for the other Health Ministers in the Welsh Gov’t because she did try very hard to challenge the paedophiles’ friends in the NHS in north Wales. She was subjected to an all out hate campaign co-ordinated by the BMA and eventually stepped down as Health Minister, although I had provided her with enough info to have Martin Jones and Elfed Roberts, the former CEO and Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust, arrested. I am fairly sure that Edwina was compromised by her previous trade union activism. She is a member of both TGWU and AMICUS and was Chair of the Wales TUC, as was her husband Bob Hart. The union movement has concealed criminal activity and wrongdoing in the NHS and social services on a grand scale for many years. I know how the paedophiles’ friends operate – they blackmail, bribe and smear people and they’ll do it to anyone under all circumstances, including to those who have previously extracted them from the slurry. I very much suspect that Edwina was faced with this, which was why she eventually backed down in the face of the loud squealing from the paedophiles’ friends. I remain grateful that Edwina did at least try.

However, Edwina does seem to have been involved in some less than fair and transparent activities re the Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone when she was Economy Minister. The successes of the Enterprise Zone included the revamping of parts of Cardiff and it was boasted that prestigious companies had ‘been attracted’ to the Tiger economy that was central Cardiff and were ‘bringing jobs’ and ‘investing’. One such success was the arrival of the Business Operations Centre of Deloitte – the former company of John Antoniazzi, the Chairman of the Enterprise Zone.

Among all the talk of investing and bringing jobs, there are clues that the Welsh Gov’t itself was giving these ‘investors’ a lot of money in return for their ‘investment’. I know that this is how Govt’s often tempt businesses to locate to various regions, but there were allegations that Edwina was making decisions regarding as to whom to give dosh on rather questionable grounds.

Edwina utilised the talents of an unpaid advisor, David Goldstone. Goldstone is a very rich man but reassured everyone that he was a selfless old boy at heart and just wanted to help the taxpayer. How one does that by giving large amounts of their money to very rich businesspeople he did not explain. Goldstone made serious money back in the 1970s and has been Chairman of both Cardiff and Swansea City football clubs. Among other things he was founder and Chief Exec of the property firm Regalian, the owner of Lands End and a Board member of Cardiff Airport, which was famously purchased by the Welsh Gov’t in 2013. The Chair of the Board of Cardiff Airport was Lord David Rowe-Beddoe, the ‘Monaco-based businessman’ who was Chair of the famously disreputable WDA and who was involved in the transfer of many millions of taxpayers money into the pockets of a small number of already wealthy people as  result of the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’). Goldstone is also the hon Vice-President of the Royal Albert Hall. Goldstone is an elderly man now and although press interviews with him provide much info about his early life, wax lyrical about his days as Mr Big in Welsh football, talk about how he lives in Mayfair but when he’s in Cardiff he crashes out in the Hilton and how people still flock to him because he’s a lovely old bugger who’s such good company, there is a veil drawn over his career before he became an ‘entrepreneur’. We are simply told that Goldstone was a London based ‘commercial lawyer’.

Football is best known at present for massive levels of corruption at national and international levels and the recent revelations regarding the sexual abuse of boys, sometimes by well known coaches.

Martin Jones has spent years involving himself with junior football clubs in north Wales and I never understood why, because he doesn’t have an altruistic bone in his body. Keith Fearns has for years managed a ladies football team in Gwynedd and no-one has ever believed this to be a benign activity.

 

People do not make the sort of dosh that David Goldstone has made by prioritising the needs of the taxpayer.

One of Goldstones’s triumphs was his organising a £15 million deal in 2013 through which the Welsh Gov’t acquired offices owned by property developer J.R. Smart in the Capital Quarter scheme. J.R. Smart’s son now works for J.R. Smart, but before he did so, he worked for the Bank of Wales, which was not a bank but an organisation run by a spiv who sold poor people things at high rates of interest. That high profile paedophile the now disgraced former Speaker of the House George Thomas, aka Lord Tonypandy, was involved with the Bank of Wales.

So there was obviously a great deal of money sloshing about in the coffers of the Welsh Gov’t which was available for thrashing out deals with some very rich people.

In 2015 BBC News Wales ran stories regarding the collapse of a hi-tech company called Ideoba. Ideoba was run by Adam Price – now a Plaid AM – and a US finance expert, Andrew Auerbach. Ideoba’s collapse was attributed to the refusal of the Welsh Gov’t to provide it with a loan of just 150k. This is not to suggest that Ideoba was an unsustainable ramshackle affair – information available suggests that it had a sound basis, that it was a small but expanding company and that other investors had come forward and were prepared to invest if the Welsh Gov’t would provide the loan of 150k. The Welsh Gov’t refused, Ideoba collapsed, employees were made redundant and Adam Price personally lost 70k.

Ideoba was the sort of business that the Welsh Gov’t was telling people that it wanted to encourage and support. Instead it allowed the company to collapse for the sake of a 150k loan – whilst Deloitte, who just happened to have connections with the Chairman of the Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone and Economy Minister so close that the phrase ‘conflict of interest’ screams loudly at us all, picked up massive quantities of Gov’t money for doing the Welsh Gov’t the favour of opening a business operations centre, which would no doubt be highly profitable for Deloitte. Deloitte picks up numerous Gov’t contracts and whilst researching for this blog I have constantly come across people formerly of Deloitte who have been given given senior roles in public services for which they are very obviously not qualified.

Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Welsh Conservatives, alleged that Edwina Hart had broken the Ministerial code with regard to the consideration of the loan to Ideabo. It was David Goldstone who advised against a loan being made to Ideabo, yet Goldstone was employed to advise only on property. It was revealed that Goldstone had been involved in discussions about the loan with Edwina and her officials and that he had been given commercially sensitive information that should not have been made available to him. Most damningly, Adam Price’s business partner Andrew Auerbach alleged that he had been told by Goldstone himself that Ideabo had been refused the loan because Price had announced his intentions to stand as  Plaid candidate in the forthcoming Assembly election. Goldstone is a member of the Labour Party.

Improper conduct was strongly denied by the Welsh Gov’t and Goldstone but it was noticed that Goldstone’s contract with the Welsh Gov’t was not renewed in April 2015. Ideabo collapsed in April 2015.

There were constant accusations that Edwina and Goldstone were members of a ‘Swansea Mafia’ – Goldstone was orginally from Swansea, although he made his fortune in London. Goldstone maintained that allegations of being part of a Swansea Mafia were all nonsense and that he hadn’t known Edwina until he found himself sitting opposite her when they were both on the Board of the Wales Millennium Centre. Goldstone explained that she told him that she was from Swansea so he made a point of getting to know her.

Which rather suggests that influential people with connections to Swansea make a point of networking with each other.

Some years ago I did hear of an allegation that Edwina had facilitated Welsh Gov’t funding for someone based on Anglesey in a deal so sordid that even I am not going to give details here – it involved the sort of thing that I need to have witnessed myself or at least have correlated before I publish it. The info came from a community activist who, like many others, were tearing their hair out at the levels of corruption that they were encountering.

The thing that intrigues but worries me is that David Goldstone was appointed a ‘property advisor’ to Edwina whilst she was Health Minister.

Goldstone has also been and might still be a property advisor to the Wales Rugby Union. Tasker Watkins, the one time ‘Greatest Living Welshman’, Presiding Judge of the corrupt Wales and Chester Circuit and great friend to paedophiles and criminal Top Doctors (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) was President of the Welsh Rugby Union, 1993-04.

Goldstone has been Chairman of the children’s charity the Thomas Coram Foundation. Many of those who concealed organised child abuse in north Wales and elsewhere have been/are involved with Coram.

It was David Goldstone who built the MI6 HQ in Vauxhall. One would have thought that MI6 would have chosen a property developer with rather less questionable contacts to build their house. But then they knew all about Dafydd and the paedophiles anyway and were key to ensuring that they were neither stopped or prosecuted.

 

To return to John Antoniazzi. He stepped down from the role of Chair of Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone in 2015 and stated that he would be ‘pursuing new business interests and charitable commitments’.

John Antoniazzi is Chairman of Premier Forest Ltd and a former non-executive Board member of Go Compare. He is a Trustee and Treasurer of the Catholic Archdiocese of Cardiff and Chairman of their Cornerstone Project. John was the founder Chairman of Fareshare Cymru.

John Antoniazzi has ‘supported the work of the NSPCC in Wales’. The NSPCC provided the ‘Helpline’ that was set up at the end of 1991 to ‘support’ the by then adults who had been victims of the north Wales paedophile gang when some of them were eventually put on trial. The Helpline was staffed and managed by the colleagues of the paedophiles (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’). Not many people sought support from the Helpline, but one person who did was found dead.

John is a Trustee of London Music Masters, which provides music tuition for children.

John is also involved with the cancer charity Maggie’s.

John Antoniazzi is the Independent Board Member for Estates on the Cardiff and Vale University Health Board. The Independent Board Member for the Third sector is a frequent star of this blog, Sara Moseley, Director of MIND Cymru. Professor Elizabeth Treasure is the Independent Board Member for Universities. Treasure caused havoc among the Top Doctors when she was a senior manager at Cardiff Medical School but so many of the Top Doctors there were completely corrupt that I never worked out if she was sinner or sinned against. She is now VC of Aberystwyth University, another institution which has provided a home for many a paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Associate Board Members include Tony Young, Director of Social Services for Cardiff Council and Phil Evans, Director of Social Services for Vale of Glamorgan Council.

Cardiff and Vale University Health Board employ Richard Penketh as a consultant gynaecologist. Penketh worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School and was a pathological sexual harasser who managed to have sex with another member of staff in a lab during working hours. Then he failed some professional exams and St George’s stated that they would do what they did with all really bad doctors – they’d ‘send him to Wales’. And they did – and then paedophiles’ friend Brian Gibbons gave Penketh an award for excellence.

 

Another Antoniazzi also works for the Assembly, Jon Antoniazzi, the Director of Policy, Legislation and Innovation at the Office of Future Generations Commissioner for Wales. That Commissioner is one Sophie Howe.

When I was researching Tonia Antoniazzi, I noticed that the MP for the Gower who preceded her was a Tory, Byron Davies, who did originally come from the Gower but he had spent his adult life in London – futhermore he had been a senior detective in the Met. Davies was in the Met when they all behaved like something out of the TV programme Life On Mars – whilst there was rampant corruption and the organised sexual abuse of children was ignored and actively concealed if complaints involved public figures. Davies only returned to the Gower in 2011 after he retired – where he successfully stood for election to the Welsh Assembly. He remained an AM until 2017. Police officers often do interesting things after they retire, but nonetheless this did seem a bit odd. Then I read a Wales Online article from 2011 profiling the new AMs and something so obvious had happened that it must have been visible from outer space. In 2011 the Assembly received an influx of AMs who had concealed the abuse of children in care. Before readers hurl accusations of conspiracy theories, just bear with me.

By spring 2011, questions about the possible existence of a Westminster Paedophile Ring would not go away. There was also much discontent in north Wales – I had written to a number of people stating that I intended to publish now that I had possession of the most incriminating documents and that I would be calling for a Pubic Inquiry into the conduct of the mental health services. The Top Doctors and paedophiles’ friends were going apeshit with regard to the arrival at the Betsi Board of a CEO and a number of other senior managers who were challenging their reign of terror. Furthermore, the biggest sex offender and Top Doctors’ friend of the lot, Jimmy Savile, was very obviously on his last legs. Once he was dead, it was inevitable that someone would go public on what he had done, because in UK law one cannot libel the dead. Savile had visited Bryn Estyn and been involved with abuse there.

Now just consider some of the new faces in the Assembly in 2011, along with the senior officer from the Met:

Julie Morgan. Former social worker and Deputy Director of Barnardo’s who kept quiet about child abuse. Wife of Rhodri, whose whole career was predicated on concealing the paedophiles – and who had by now left the Assembly himself.

Antoinette Sandbach – a London barrister who’s father was a key figure in covering up the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles and whose grandmother also knew what was going on (see post ‘News Round Up, 19 January 2018). Sandbach – like the man from the Met – took the opportunity to bag a seat at Westminster before too long.

Mick Antinow. A lawyer and senior partner in Thompsons, a company that represents trade unions. Antinow began training in 1980. He worked at Thompsons throughout the years that trade unions afforded full protection to abusers. In north Wales some of the abusers were union reps. David Williams, who ‘trained’ at the North Wales Hospital and its dungeon, became the General Secretary for COHSE (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’).

John Dixon. Had been a Cardiff Councillor for twelve years, whilst abuse had occurred in Cardiff and was a member of the Care Council for Wales – which was packed with paedophiles’ friends and completely failed to protect children and other clients (see post ‘Still Lost In Care’). Dixon was disqualified from office shortly after election because AMs are not permitted to sit on the Care Council for Wales.

Aled Roberts. A solicitor from Wrexham throughout the years that the children in care in Wrexham – primarily in Bryn Estyn and nearby Bryn Alyn – were horrifically abused and everyone in the legal profession and criminal justice system ignored it. Aled had also been a Wrexham Councillor, Leader of Wrexham Council and Mayor of Wrexham. Wrexham Council ran Bryn Estyn. One of my friends went to Aled after he had been unlawfully refused treatment by the mental health services and had ended up paying for private treatment abroad. Aled took three months to reply and said that there was nothing he could do.

Aled was also disqualified from office shortly after he was elected. The rest of the Assembly voted to reinstate him.

Gwyn Price. The former Deputy Leader of Caerphilly County Borough Council – he’d been in post throughout those glorious years when Ron Davies with his moments of madness and hobby of looking for badgers was MP and AM for Caerphilly.

Mike Hedges. Graduate of both Swansea and Cardiff Universities. Councillor on Swansea City Council from 1989 and Councillor on City and County of Swansea Council from 1995. Vice-Chair of Council’s Scrutiny Committee. WLGA spokesman for Social Services. Swansea Social Services were reputed to be dreadful for years but it was denied. Until baby Aaron Gilbert was murdered in 2005. Hedges was non-exec Director of Swansea NHS Trust, 1999-05.

Keith Davies. A teacher, schools inspector and Director of Education in Mid-Glamorgan and Carmarthenshire – paedophile rings operated in both areas. In May 2012, Davies was the centre of a scandal and was investigated for bringing the Assembly into disrepute. He had crawled into the St David’s Hotel at 4-45am pissed, in the company of his ‘female guest’ who was also pissed. Keith’s friend was described as ‘foul mouthed’ and hurled abuse at and threatened hotel staff. Keith attempted to scarper without paying the hotel bill. That was one hell of a night out for a 71 year old man who was married to someone else.

David Rees. Succeeded paedophiles’ friend and corrupt Top Doctor Brian Gibbons. Rees is a member of UNITE and convenor of the UNITE Group of AMs. The UNITE that supported and provided free legal advice to abusers.

Simon Thomas. Aber graduate and was Assistant Curator at the National Library of Wales – so well connected to the old fossils (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Simon’s father-in-law’s father was the Rev T. Alban Davies, a Welsh preacher and early member of Plaid, so he will have personally known the old fossils J.E. Daniel and Dafydd’s mate Saunders Lewis. Thomas was Policy and Research Officer for Taff-Ely Borough Council, 1992-94. So Thomas arrived there in the aftermath of the Ely Bread Riots.

Lindsay Whittle. Councillor on Caerphilly County Borough Council from 1976 and Council leader 1999-04 and 2008-11. He remained a Councillor after he became an AM. Well the more fingers in the more pies that Ron Davies’s mates have, the better. Caerphilly Council have recently been under investigation for financial misconduct dating back years.

Mark Drakeford. Need I say more?

Jenny Rathbone. Former Islington Councillor, journalist and member of the family who established a charity that supplied the paedophiles with help when some of them were actually caught (see post ‘The Mentor’).

Julie James. Barrister and former civil servant. Worked as a policy lawyer for the London Borough of Camden – Tessa Jowell’s manor and the site of much abuse and neglect of kids in care and psych patients. Also was Assistant Chief Exec of the City and County of Swansea Council.

Llyr Huws Gruffydd. Described one of Dafydd’s dodgy ‘nursing homes’ for people ‘with PTSD’ as a ‘beacon of excellence’. Stated that a psych patient complaining of mistreatment when in the Heddfan Unit was ‘in the right place’ after having a word with the abusive Angel on duty. Days later the patient was discharged and refused further care and support. He ended up suicidal and sleeping rough. Llyr stopped replying to e mails about this patient’s case.

Suzy Davies. Solicitor who had mentored young offenders and worked on children’s and community projects.

There were two other AMs in the 2011 intake who were too young to have been assisting the paedophile gang of north Wales in its hayday, but who definitely have worked with people who did help them – Vaughan Gething, another solicitor who worked for Thompsons and Ken Skates from Wrexham, who has spent his whole life and career surrounded by lying criminals and people in denial.

The arrival of that crew in the Assembly as the anxiety levels of the paedophiles’ friends was going through the roof and when another high level cover-up might have  been called for was not a coincidence.

 

 

 

 

‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’

My post ‘Everywoman?’ and the comments that follow it refer to the clique of utterly dreadful people who have occupied senior positions in health and social care in Wales for many years now. This bunch have spent their whole careers playing musical chairs – when they stuff up so badly that they just have to go, they pop up somewhere else in a very similar role, very often at a more senior level. The word ‘incestuous’ really is the only description applicable. Posts ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ and ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ detailed how it was this process of recycling incompetent or downright dangerous staff and managers that led to North Wales Child Abuse Scandal of the 70s, 80s and 90s. The Waterhouse Inquiry was supposed to have been the turning point. Of course it wasn’t, because although Ronnie Waterhouse admitted that terrible abuse of children in care had happened and that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales and Cheshire, he concealed the extent of it and the links with public figures as far away as London, as well as evidence of links to abusers of children in Europe. Waterhouse also ignored the links between the organised abuse of children in north Wales and organised crime involving child porn and hard drugs. Hardly anyone resigned or retired even after Waterhouse – a few of the senior managers simply moved to other regions of the country and continued working, everyone else was bound by a code of silence and carried on in their own sweet way, mostly in north Wales. They continue to live and work there.

So how did Wales’s health and social care sector respond after the public inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal that there had ever been in the UK? They remained in very deep denial.

The Waterhouse Report was published in 2000. In March 2001 the ‘Guardian’ published a feature on the crisis in the social care sector in Wales. It stated that ‘low morale, poor pay’ and the fear of involvement in ‘departmental failure’ made it difficult to attract social care staff to Wales and that the Waterhouse Report and critical reviews into local authority social services departments were ‘contributing to the problem’. No, it was the presence of a paedophile gang who’s mycelia spread throughout Wales that made it difficult to attract staff. Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services had been dogged by scandal and allegations of abuse for years. The ‘services’ were so notorious that one social worker whose comments were published who desperately  wanted to escape from the sector in north Wales was quoted as saying ‘I’ve worked for Clwyd. No-one’s going to have me’.

So what comment did Hugh Gardner, the Chair of the Association of Directors of Social Services in Wales, make to the ‘Guardian’? Hugh stated that ‘Waterhouse has not helped…a feeling that there’s a special problem surrounding the integrity of people working in residential care in Wales. The reality is, there’s no problem, but public perception is damaging for morale’.

‘The reality is, there’s no problem’. A vicious paedophile ring had been in operation in the children’s homes in north Wales for at least 30 years – children had been raped, buggered, starved, beaten, used as forced labour and the children’s homes had doubled up as brothels. When the children hit their mid-teens they were trafficked to London and Brighton for sex work. So many former residents of the children’s homes were found dead as young adults that very few are now still alive. Five were killed in one arson attack in 1992. Every agency and organisation in Wales had colluded with the abuse – those kids had tried and tried to raise the alarm but no-one responded, except for Alison Taylor the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle and who was then sacked.

The response of the social care establishment in Wales to the crisis in social care was to establish a task and finish group in the Assembly, with the remit to look at recruitment and retention. This group was to be Chaired by Graham Williams, the Chief Inspector of the Social Services Inspectorate of Wales. Another member of the task and finish group was Rhian Huws Williams, the head of CCETSW Cymru (Central Council for the Education and Training of Social Workers) – for the low-down on Rhian Huws Williams, see post ‘Still Lost In Care’. Dominic Macaskill from UNISON, many of whose members work in social care, contributed to the debate – Dominic thought that the main problem was the ‘serious social deprivation’ in Wales. Mario Kraft from Care Forum Wales also sat on the group – he saw the group as a ‘chance to grapple with the recruitment and retention issues’. Mario observed that the outlook for the private sector as well was ‘bleak’.

At this time the Minister for Health and Social Services in Wales was Jane Hutt – a former social worker – a ‘family friend’ of Rhodri Morgan and his wife. Rhodri Morgan was First Minister. Rhodri’s wife Julie is a former social worker. Rhodri’s special advisor was Mark Drakeford – who had worked as a social worker in Dyfed, when they had a problem with abuse in their children’s services. All these people had been involved with social care in Wales BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry. They had been in place whilst the abuse was happening – and abuse wasn’t just happening in north Wales. The biggest scandal occurred there, it was particularly dreadful, but there were problems in health and social care right across Wales.

BBC News Wales in 2002 reported that ‘elderly care was in crisis’ – Hugh Gardner, the Vice-Chair of the Association of Directors of Social Services Cymru, maintained that more money was needed.

In Dec 2004 BBC News Wales reported that Hugh Gardner was to be awarded an OBE. A few others did even better. Dr Michael Shooter, a psychiatrist from the Abergavenny area – who was mentioned in a comment in response to one of my blog posts recently – was to be given a CBE, as was Janet Chaplin (the Assistant Chief Probation Officer of the South Wales Probation Service), along with Richard Blair (Director of the Wales Local Gov’t Association aka WLGA), Andrew Cozens (the former President of the Association of Directors of Social Services) and Gloria Mills (the Director of Equal Opportunities at UNISON).

A nice collection of gongs in return for complete failure there.

 

Did the Assembly task and finish group of 2001 manage to improve matters? It would seem not. ‘Community Care’ in Jan 2005 reported on the dire state of health and social care services in Wales. Chris Davies, the Director of Cardiff Social Services, commented that the Welsh health and social care services were performing worse than their English counterparts but ‘no-one can quite put their finger on why’. Immediately after the publication of the damning Jillings Report in 1996 concerning the abuse of children in care in Clwyd, Clwyd County Council was abolished. John Jevons, the Director of Clwyd Social Services, left Clwyd and took up the position of Director of Social Services in Cardiff.

Our old friend Hugh Gardner also popped up in ‘Community Care’, Jan 2005. It was mentioned that Hugh was the former Director of Social Services for Swansea. Hugh did admit that there was a problem now – the problem was that the Welsh Assembly hadn’t given them enough money.

Swansea Social Services were declared to be not fit for purpose and were put into special measures after the murder of baby Aaron Gilbert in May 2005.

Jon Skone, the Secretary of the Association of Directors of Social Services Wales, was also involved in trying to suggest a remedy to the problem according to ‘Community Care’. Skone began life as a social worker in Neath in the early 80s. The boys from Bryn Estyn who complained about being molested were sent to an even worse place if they didn’t shut up – Neath Farm School. Neath Farm School got a mention in the Waterhouse Report as being so brutal that boys preferred to be beaten and abused at Bryn Estyn than risk being sent there. Skone was a a community development worker in West Glamorgan County Council in the mid-80s, principal social services officer (learning disabilities) for South Glamorgan County Council, 1987-92, Assistant Director, Policy, Planning and Strategic Development for Dyfed County Council 1992-96, Head of Community Care, Pembrokeshire County Council 1996-2000 and was appointed Director of Social Care and Housing for Pembrokeshire County Council in 2000. Jon Skone climbed yet higher. In 2010 Skone received much publicity when he was appointed Director of Social Services in Pembrokeshire AND Director of Hywel Dda Health Board, responsible for the management of Withybush Hospital, the first person in the UK to hold such a double appointment. Skone worked with Trevor Purt at Hywel Dda. Purt left Hywel Dda after public protests regarding the state of the health services and became CEO of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board – where he subsequently resigned after the Tawel Fan scandal which involved the ‘institutional abuse’ of mental health patients.

Skone’s own honeymoon didn’t last long. Skone resigned in 2012 when a child abuse scandal blew up in Pembrokeshire. Not the scandal which involved the paedophile ring in Dyfed/Pembrokeshire, that was another scandal. Skone resigned after children’s care services were described as ‘Victorian’ in a highly critical report which followed an investigation after children were found to be kept in ‘padded time-out rooms’ aka padded cells. Skone then set himself up as a management consultant, advising on social care, health and housing. In 2013 Jon Skone was appointed to the Board of the Care Council for Wales. Skone is also a member of Alder Advice, a collective of advisors to the social care, housing and healthcare sectors.

‘Community Care’ reported that Meryl Gravell, lead member for Social Services at WLGA (Wales Local Gov’t Association) maintained that most services were good but that there was a lack of money. Meryl Gravell is famous on the blogsphere in Wales, the blog Jac O The North is particularly keen on following her adventures and alleged conflicts of interest. Meryl hit the nation’s mainstream media in Feb 2012 after she described staff of Carmarthenshire Council – of which she was leader – and protesters campaigning to stop the proposed closure of the A&E Dept of the Prince Philip Hospital in Llanelli as ‘rabble’. She also implied that the Council’s staff were a bunch of lazy gits. Meryl stood down as leader in 2013 after a coalition of Labour and Independent Councillors got together and achieved domination on the Council.

Dear old Graham Williams – who was still the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Social  Services Inspectorate – mentioned the importance of the ‘dissemination of best practice’.

‘Community Care’ commented that this was ‘perhaps the last chance for Wales’s much maligned care sector to begin to recover its reputation’.

 

By 2005, health and social care services in Wales were supposed to be ‘working together’. Jane Hutt was removed from the role of Minister of Health and Social Services in 2005 in the face of the NHS continuing to sink like a stone and a row about excessively long waiting lists. (Hutt popped up again in 2007 as Minister for Children.) Somebody just as bad, a GP, Dr Brian Gibbons, was now in the role. See post ‘Politicians – And Their Responses’ for the background on the lethal Gibbons, who wrote me a letter simply stating ‘this correspondence is closed’ when I told him that I had evidence of serious criminal conduct on the part of staff and managers in the north Wales NHS and social services.

I have discovered a 2005 document, a ‘Concordant Between Bodies Inspecting, Regulating and Auditing Health and Social Care Services in Wales’. The signatures on this concordant are instructive. They include:

Dr Peter Higson of Health Inspectorate Wales (HIW); Graham Williams of Social Services Inspectorate Wales; Rob Pickford of Care Standards Inspectorate Wales; Gren Kershaw of the Welsh Risk Pool; Terry Rose of HSE; Anna Walker of the Healthcare Commission; Chris Heginbotham of the Mental Health Act Commission; Michael Ponton of NHS Confederation Wales; Peter Jones of the CHCs; Steve Thomas of WLGA. The signatures on the foreword of the Concordant are those of the then two biggest wigs in Wales’s Health and Social Care system, dear old Dr Brian Gibbons and Ann Lloyd, the Head of the Health and Social Care Dept, Chief Exec NHS Wales.

Ann Lloyd CBE has not featured on this blog until now, but she certainly has much to answer for. Lloyd was Chief Exec of NHS Wales 2001-09. So all those deaths and assaults at the Hergest Unit happened on her watch, as did the framing of patients by the staff for crimes that they had not committed – as well as the failure to investigate patients complaints. Ann Lloyd stated that ‘we must never have a mid-Staffs here’ [in Wales]. So that’s what the huge cover-up and harassment and wrongful imprisonment of patients was all about then – Ann didn’t want a mid-Staffs. You had one Ann, by anyone’s standards there was a mid-Staffs in north Wales and now you’ve got this blog to deal with. Ann served under successive Health Ministers Hutt, Gibbons and Edwina Hart. I have detailed previously how Edwina Hart really did try and sort out the NHS in north Wales but was hounded out of her post by the BMA and the paedophiles’ friends. I was also told that the civil service were being as obstructive to Edwina as possible – I wonder if one of those doing the obstructing was Ann Lloyd?

When Ann ‘retired’, she stated that ‘mental health [services] need a good going over’. She also believed that ‘services are more accountable and transparent’. The services need a police investigation Ann but you and Gibbons didn’t even respond to patients complaints. At this time the Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CHC was Glanville Owen, who didn’t investigate patients complaints either. Glanville was the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services responsible for children’s homes when the paedophile gang were busy in those homes.

Ann didn’t completely disappear when she left the Welsh NHS full of criminals abusing patients. She became a Commissioner for Health and Social Services in London and spent two days a week there. I suspect that the dead hand of Ann Lloyd is still touching NHS Wales though. I have found a document dated May 2017 which was the minutes of the Welsh Health Specialised Services Committee. The Chair was an Ann Lloyd and the Vice-Chair was Lyn Meadows. Meadows is a member of the Betsi Board and the former corrupt dishonest Director of HR at Bangor University. Before that she was a senior manager of the Welsh Ambulance Service, which was a catastrophe. She was described to me as an ‘evil cow’, a manipulative bully who promoted someone to a managerial post who later ended up in prison for a savage attack on his wife. In a previous life Lyn Meadows was a non-executive director of an NHS organisation on the Wirral. She was named in Hansard and on Frank Field’s blog as having colluded with a fraud with some Top Doctors. More info about Meadows can be found by using the search facility on this blog, I’ve mentioned her often.

In the financial year 2003-04 Ann Lloyd’s salary was given as £125-130k.

When Ann retired, Sir Paul Williams became the Chief Exec of NHS Wales. Paul had been the Chief Exec of Abertawe Bro Morgannwg University NHS Trust – which was somewhat scandal ridden itself. Williams had started his career as a clerk in the Welsh NHS and worked his way up over the next 40 years. Details of Paul’s career can be found among the comments that follow my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ Upon Ann’s retirement, Paul stated that NHS Wales now had opportunities which ‘will be the envy of other healthcare systems’.

OK Paul, that must be why eight years later we have some of the worst health outcomes in Europe and more than one NHS Board in Wales is technically bankrupt.

What about the others who signed the Concordat? Well Peter Higson who was Chief Exec of HIW is well-known to readers of this blog – he concealed the paedophile ring whilst he was the manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, ignored abuse of patients and criminal misconduct and he’s now the Chair of the Betsi. Which is in special measures because of institutional abuse in its mental health services.

Graham Williams was still Graham in denial. Rob Pickford of Care Standards Inspectorate Wales started out as a social worker in the Rhondda. He became a child protection officer for Mid-Glamorgan Social Services and then occupied management positions in social services in the Rhondda. Following this he was Assistant Director for Adult Services for Bridgend County Borough Council. Rob just rocketed upwards – he became Director of Social Services for Bridgend and at some point took over Graham Williams’ former remit of Chief Inspector of Care and Social Services. Dear old Graham became Director of NHS, Mid and West Wales Region and then retired. Rob went on to become Director of Social Services, Children and Families in the Welsh Gov’t. In 2013 he was appointed visiting Professor at the University of South Wales and an honorary research fellow at Cardiff University. Rob maintains that his career has been spent ‘supporting people to deliver citizen centred services’. (Higson used to claim on his profile on the HIW website that his career had been dedicated to making life better for the citizen.) Latterly Rob Pickford could be found on the website of the Big Lottery Fund – he is listed as a Wales Committee member, alongside other equally duplicitous people. Rob is also Chair of the Wildlife Trust for south and west Wales.

Gren Kershaw of the Welsh Risk Pool is known to readers of this blog (see post ‘How Much Do Staff Surveys Really Tell Us?’). He was the senior manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in its final days and the CEO of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust, 1991-2008. He then took control at the Welsh Risk Pool, where he worked with John Bowles and Patricia Gaskell. Bowles was risk manager at Ysbyty Gwynedd whilst patients were assaulted by staff and died and Gaskell was the hospital solicitor who covered up for and failed to take action against Hergest staff who assaulted patients. Whilst Gren was CEO of Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust he was responsible for Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. There was cover-up after cover-up following serious complaints and the elderly wards were so bad that staff at Glan Clwyd warned their friends not to let their relatives be admitted there. In 2005, Peter Higson in his capacity as CEO of HIW wrote a report on Gren’s mental health services – which included the infamous elderly mentally ill wards – describing them as ‘good and still improving’. Higson and Gren were old mates from their days concealing the paedophile gang at the North Wales Hospital. Gren isn’t Welsh – until the 80s he was an NHS manager in Jimmy Savile’s stomping ground in Yorkshire. After ‘retiring’ from the NHS, Gren set up a management consultancy.

Gren co-authored an article with an Annette Bartley for ‘Asian Hospital and Healthcare Management’ entitled ‘Effective Leadership For Patient Safety – Lessons From Safer Patient Initiative’. Bartley was described as Head of Modernisation, North Wales NHS (Central Division) – which was the later name of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust; it gained such a dreadful reputation that a rebranding exercise was undertaken. Annette Bartley was an Angel – presumably one who had spent all or most of her career in north Wales. Bartley became a fellow of the Institute for Healthcare Improvement and even spent a year in Boston which was funded by them. She then returned to Gren and north Wales. She did of course set up her own management consultancy. Bartley died in 2016 and a tribute was written to her by the Point of Care Foundation on The Health Foundation’s website. It stated that Annette was a nurse until 2007, but then became a quality advisor, that she had a ‘passion for excellence’ and was ‘an experienced nurse and capable service improver in north Wales’. She was also obviously a very good liar. We are told that Annette had a little anecdote – ‘when the organisation hit a barrier to progress, it brought inspiration and new energy to enable change’.

I can understand that the goons in north Wales all swallowed Annette’s nonsense because like her they’d never dare admit what was happening in their organisation which had hit a barrier to progress, but how did she manage to convince anyone in BOSTON that she was a ‘an experienced improver’?? They’d only needed to have paid a visit to the shambles that was Ysbyty Glan Clwyd…

 

Anna Walker was the Chief Exec of the Healthcare Commission, 2004-09, until it was subsumed by the CQC after one scandal too many. Walker was a Whitehall civil servant who had worked for the DTI, DEFRA and had been the Director-General at Oftel. Anna was supposed to be all about being a hard taskmaster and inspecting/regulating the NHS in order to effect improvement (she should have just asked the Great Improver Annette for advice) – she didn’t have much joy with the NHS in north Wales. Anna was the daughter of Lord Butterworth, the first Vice-Chancellor of Warwick University and was in the same class as Princess Ann at Benenden. Anna’s husband is Tim Walker, who was the Director-General of the HSE. The HSE that only very, very rarely took the NHS to task, no matter how many times they killed patients. One of Tim’s underlings at the HSE co-signed the Concordat with Anna. Between 2009-16, Anna was the Chair of Young Epilepsy. At about the time that Anna became Chief Exec of the Healthcare Commission, a young woman with epilepsy ended up in a vegetative state after being admitted to Ysbyty Gwynedd. It was a bank holiday and there was no senior doctor on call because Keith Thomson, the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust, had refused to pay for senior doctors to cover at weekends and bank holidays. No-one on duty knew how much medication to give her and they got it wrong. She ended up severely brain damaged. Thomson wasn’t sacked and no-one was prosecuted. Thomson did resign in 2005 – hours after my lawyers had him summoned before a High Court judge in Cardiff and ordered him to hand over my medical records which he had been refusing to. Not that Thomson actually retired, although he told the local paper this – Thomson went off quietly to Pembrokeshire and joined the senior management of the NHS Trust down there! He stood down from that post suddenly for unexplained reasons, but was kind enough to tell them all that he’d remain as an advisor to the Board.

Chris Heginbotham of the Mental Health Act Commission – the MHA Commission that failed to investigate abuses of patients in north Wales, lied to patients and had a very chummy relationship over a period of many years with NHS senior managers in north Wales – was formerly Chief Exec at MIND. Heginbotham worked closely with William Bingley, the legal director of MIND whilst Heginbotham was Chief Exec – who also went on to lead the MHA Commission – who admitted to me that he knew the extent of the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. For more details of Heginbotham’s activities, see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – But Never For Themselves Of Course’.

Michael Ponton was appointed as Director of the NHS Confederation Wales in 2004. He began working for the NHS in Cardiff in 1962 and moved to England in 1968, where he worked at St Mary’s Hospital Paddington and Leicester General Hospital. In 1974 he returned to Wales as manager of the Morriston Hospital, Swansea. After spending 16 years in senior management roles with West Glamorgan Health Authority, Ponton returned to Morrison in 1985 to manage the revamped hospital. In 1990 he became Managing Director of East Dyfed and Pembrokeshire Health Authorities. In 1996 Ponton was appointed as Chief Exec of Health Promotion Wales. In 1999 he arrived at the newly established Welsh Assembly Gov’t as the senior civil servant supporting the Chief Medical Officer, Dr Ruth Hall, on Health Promotion and Public Health.

Dr Ruth Hall was or still is a member of NICE’s Public Health Advisory Committee, is on the Board of Governors of the Public Policy Institute for Wales and is Joint Chair of the Mid-Wales Healthcare Collaborative. Healthcare services in mid-Wales are notoriously virtually non-existent and two days ago the children’s services in Powys died a death. Ruth penned an entertaining piece for the University of South Wales’s website, entitled ‘Riding The Wave of Success’, in which she urged everyone to ‘enjoy the wave of reflected glory. This particularly applies to the NHS…’

Michael Ponton led the Assembly Strategy ‘Improving Health in Wales’ – he was Director of Health Policy and Development in the Assembly’s Health and Social Services Dept. In 2010 when he retired Ponton became a visiting Professor at the University of South Wales. He was or is a Trustee of Age Concern Cymru as well as Help the Aged in Wales.

 

A Report on the Implementation and Progress of the Concordat 2005-07 followed a few years later. The signatures on this Report were pretty much the same as the signatures on the Concordat, but there were a few new additions, including that of Dr Finlay Scott, Chief Exec of the GMC. At the time, Finlay was busy trying to explain why Harold Shipman had been allowed to continue practicing although there had been concerns expressed about him many years previously after he was convicted of a drugs offence.

Another new signature was that of Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales. Jeremy was a civil servant who had worked as the Private Secretary to successive holders of the post of head of the Home Office’s civil service and in the Treasury. Colman had played a leading role in the privatisation of British Airways and the British Airports Authority. In 1988 Colman was Director of investment bank County NatWest. He then became a partner in Price Waterhouse – he was based in Prague, as head of Corporate Finance. Colman joined the National Audit Office in 1993 and was responsible for PFIs and public-private partnerships for 12 years. Colman became head of the Wales Audit Office (WAO) in 2005. He resigned in 2010 after an internal investigation found child porn on his computer. An investigation by South Wales Police followed – Colman was later found guilty of fifteen separate offences of possessing indecent images and was jailed. The only surprise is that he hasn’t turned up on the Board of the Care Council for Wales.

After Colman resigned, Huw Vaughan Thomas was appointed as head of the WAO. Huw Vaughan Thomas was the former Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, whilst Gwynedd Social Services was host to the paedophile ring and was subject to police investigations. Vaughan Thomas refused to meet Alison Taylor, the social worker who blew the whistle on the paedophile ring, who was subsequently sacked. Vaughan Thomas is involved with numerous worthy causes – full details of Huw’s glorious career and extensive network can be read in my post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’

If any reader knows who sat on the panel that appointed Huw Vaughan Thomas to the WAO, I’d certainly like to hear from them. Huw is still in that post.

 

In the midst of all this, in March 2005 ‘Community Care’ ran an article on Rhodri Morgan’s ‘vision’ for public services in Wales – a vision that was conjured up by his advisor Mark Drakeford. The vision involved rejecting the consumerist model of services that had been adopted in England – all part of Rhodri’s famous placing of ‘clear red water’ between Wales and England. I am completely sympathetic to such ideas – but as we have seen, they cannot be successfully implemented if the whole system is full of corrupt, abusive people who are never removed from their jobs and who are immediately given another senior role if they condescend to resign in the face of major scandal. Flattering words were said in ‘Community Care’ regarding the ‘new way’ of sharing staff and resources. A number of key figures were mentioned, including Paul Elliott, spokesperson for Wales UNISON and David Halse, head of Childcare Commissioning at Pembrokeshire. David was head of Children’s Services in Pembrokeshire, working under Jon Skone.

In Jan 2006, ‘Children and Young People Now’ carried an article on the serious problems in children’s social care services in Wales. One Graham Williams – who was still  Chief Inspector – commented that ‘improving the performance of children’s services must be given immediate priority’. Everyone chipped in as usual. A Sally Ellis was named as the Association of Directors of Social Services lead on children’s services in Wales. Sally Ellis was a Corporate Director in Denbighshire County Council, between 2001-14. The Denbighshire County Council which had problems in all of its ‘services’ and whose education service famously imploded. Sally was, among other things, Director of Social Services for Denbighshire and is described as having held ‘many posts in local gov’t’. What’s the betting that at one point Sally will have been a social worker in north Wales as the paedophile gang raged and the mental health patients were neglected and abused? Sally was also the Director for Modernisation over at Denbighshire – and was or is the local gov’t representative on the Betsi Board! She Chaired the Strategic Improvement Steering Group which dispensed advice to the Health and Social Services Minister in Wales on social care improvement. Sally is also listed on the website of the Public Services Staff Commission as a Commissioner, who provides ‘advice to Welsh Gov’t Ministers and public service organisations’. She also provided advice to the National Institute of Care and Support.

Sally Ellis is a volunteer advisor to Denbighshire CAB. Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services who was named in the Waterhouse Report as colluding with the paedophile gang who operated in north Wales, is a senior manager of CAB. Ellis is also Vice-Chair of North Wales Housing aka the North Wales Housing Association. The North Wales Housing Association began the Bangor branch of their empire by fleecing a vulnerable psychiatric patient. They are known for housing drug dealers who intimidate the more vulnerable residents – complaints from the vulnerable residents are ignored. In the 1990s, North Wales Housing used to run a homeless hostel in Bangor. I knew a young woman who was ‘housed’ there. She struck up a close friendship with a young man who was also a resident and one night went along to his room and got into bed with him. He was dead. He had died of an overdose of drugs that he’d been sold whilst he was in the hostel. They young woman who found him was taken to the Hergest Unit and sectioned. Her clothes were removed – and never returned – and she was given a police forensic jump suit to wear. She was detained in the Hergest Unit until after the funeral and the inquest of her dead friend. She was never interviewed about her friend’s death by anyone. There was no investigation into the death. The manager of the hostel on duty the night that the young man died later became Chief Exec of North Wales Housing.

In July 2007, an article appeared in Wales Online explaining that the cost of negligence in the Welsh NHS was going through the roof. Spencer Collier, a solicitor handling such claims, observed that it was ‘the same basic and simple mistakes which keep occurring….very, very simple year one medical school stuff’. Gren Kershaw’s own documents from the Welsh Risk Pool also showed that the same mistakes were being made repeatedly. A Welsh Assembly spokesperson responded by saying that ‘the NHS Redress Measure that has been published today will further encourage a learning culture in the NHS’. At about this time, one of my colleagues at Bangor University was ‘leading a project’ with dear old Gren and the Welsh Risk Pool. Brown and me used to be greatly entertained by this person’s description of the NHS as a ‘learning organisation’. Within two years the project had gone tits up in a major way due to her mismanagement, the two PhD students associated with it didn’t get PhDs, there was talk of the funding body demanding the dosh back from the University and the person who believed that the NHS was a learning organisation was sacked. She later set up a ‘coaching and mentoring business’ and was recently commissioned by the Betsi to ‘train’ their senior doctors. Some months ago, at a Betsi Board meeting whilst yet another disaster was being discussed, the Vice-Chair of the Board, Margaret Hanson, talked about ’embedding the learning’. Margaret is a former social worker who is married to David Hanson, who also worked in the care sector before he became an MP in Wales.

The learning just goes on and on – as do the deaths, the scandals and the abuse.

 

Another major player between 2006-12 was Tony Jewell, Wales’s Chief Medical Officer. Jewell always looked as though he led a very good life, he was rather tanned and seemed to be in possession of some very expensive teeth. He was a public health specialist and I never worked out whether he was a good advert for his own speciality or whether he was just wealthy enough to afford a very comfortable lifestyle. Many years ago Tony Jewell worked as a GP in inner London for 10 years and was a member of Tower Hamlets Area Health Authority for six years, specifically as the union rep. So he will have known the fuckwits that ran that borough and that they were sending their kids in care on placement to north Wales – where they were abused. Jewell was Secretary to the Support Wendy Savage campaign, so he’ll have known many of the folk mentioned in my post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’. Jewell was a Council member of the Socialist Health Organisation, but resigned when he was appointed CMO for Wales. Yorkshire Television produced a documentary on Jewell’s work in the 80s. In the late 1980s Yorkshire Television also filmed Alison Taylor for a planned documentary on child abuse in north Wales children’s homes – but it was suddenly stopped. Jewell was involved in the Inquiry into the death of David ‘Rocky’ Bennett. Rocky was a mental health patient who suffocated whilst being ‘restrained’ by an inexplicably high number of people who were paid ‘to help’. Tony Jewell was President of the UK Association of Directors of Public Health, 2002-06.

Whilst CMO, Tony Jewell created Public Health appointments in every Health Board in Wales. I knew one of the people who landed one of those appointments in the North West Wales NHS Trust. He was a capable senior doctor who had won prizes for his work whilst he was working in London. After working for the North West Wales NHS Trust for a year he began to describe the serious misconduct among his colleagues that he was witnessing. He alleged that he was being bullied in the workplace, became clinically depressed and ended up having a breakdown. He left Tony Jewell’s flagship job and moved to another part of the country to work as a GP – after a leading light in the BMA ensured that nobody got to hear about what had happened to this doctor in Gwynedd. The doctor who had the breakdown also knew about the research fraud that was mindfulness and noticed that the ‘mindfulness practitioners’ in Bangor University were behaving appallingly.

Tony Jewell established NISCHR (National Institute for Social Care and Health Research) in Wales, an organisation that dishes out funding to people who know exactly how bad the social care and mental health services are in Wales, but who never publish a word about it preferring to pursue simplistic surveys and box ticking exercises instead.

Some years ago there was a terrifyingly embarrassing cluster of suicides in Bridgend, which no-one ever managed to get to the bottom of. I always wondered about that particular mystery, but I have now discovered that Jewell ‘defused’ the problem by conjuring up the All Wales Response To Suicide Prevention. Not that it’s prevented any suicides, people are still dropping like lemmings, but at least no-one talks about it anymore, because there’s now a Strategy. The learning will have been embedded.

Tony Jewell retired in 2012, tanned, healthy and still in possession of those splendid teeth. The rest of Wales was on its arse, I’d been hounded out of Gwynedd by the paedophiles’ friends and the nation’s health outcomes were shameful. By this time Lesley Griffiths was Minister for Health and Social Services. Griffiths had been a member of Wrexham Council whilst the paedophile ring raged in the children’s services in Wrexham (see post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’) – all the Councillors except Malcolm King refused to make a nuisance of themselves about this minor matter. Mark Drakeford was appointed as Minister for Health and Social Services after Griffiths – the Drakeford who was once a social worker in Dyfed where children in care were abused, the Drakeford who was Rhodri’s advisor a few years previously – you get the picture. Drakeford was in post when the Tawel Fan scandal blew up and covered him in crap. Tawel Fan ward provided care for EMI patients in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd – Gren Kershaw’s former empire, that beacon of ‘improvement’ that so impressed quality assessors in Boston. The EMI services in Gren’s empire also managed to receive an award for being the best team in the UK from the Royal College of Psychiatrists the year before the horrible truth hit the headlines re Tawel Fan.

After Tony Jewell retired, Dr Ruth Hussey was appointed as CMO for Wales. Ruth Hussey is Peter Higson’s sister. Ruth Hussey picked up an honorary Fellowship from Bangor University – Peter Higson is a member of the Council at Bangor University.

 

Regular readers will know that although I am very rude about the nest of corrupt vipers that have wrecked the public services in Wales, I always maintain that they have been propped up by even worse equally corrupt incestuous vipers from England. So let’s look at who oversaw this complete mess at the highest level and started the ball rolling from the earliest days of the creation of the Assembly, by simply re-employing and indeed promoting the fucking idiots who had caused so much damage previously.

It was Sir Jon Shortridge, who was Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office from 1999 and who became Permanent Secretary of the National Assembly for Wales when it was created in May 1999. Shortridge’s predecessor was Rachel Lomax, who has a great deal of explaining to do re the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry. Further details pertaining to Rachel can be read in my post ‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bugger?’

Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984. In 1987 he became Private Secretary to Secretaries of State for Wales Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell and then Peter Walker. So Shortridge will have been au fait – and perhaps even organising – the Welsh Office’s cover-up of the abuse of both children in care and mental health patients as detailed in previous posts, by the use of corrupt lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman, Professor Robert Owen. It was also the Welsh Office’s Social Services Inspectorate that failed to carry out regular inspections of the children’s homes in north Wales, even though they were being told by Alison Taylor that abuse was rampant and some ‘care workers’ from the homes had been convicted of assaults on children. In addition, Alison and me were writing to Ministers in the Welsh Office telling them that there was criminal activity in the social services and mental health services in north Wales. Shortridge will also have been party to the development of Cardiff Bay and the way in which this was used to transfer many millions of taxpayers money to Nicholas Edwardes and his friends and business partners (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’). In fact between 1988-92 Shortridge was head of the Welsh Office Finance Division, so he’ll have been the person who waved that particular massive scam through. There was a great deal of unhappiness with the Welsh Office in Wales, with allegations of corruption, mismanagement and decisions being taken that were anything but helpful to Wales. In 1995 a Senior Managerial Review of the Welsh Office was undertaken – by Jon Shortridge. Then in 1997, Shortridge was appointed Director of Economic Affairs, responsible for establishing the National Assembly of Wales.

After ensuring the corruption was built into the civil service and public services of Wales from the very beginning, Shortridge retired in 2008. Between 2012-15, Sir Jon Shortridge was Chancellor of the poorest performing university in the UK, that institution riddled with problems, Glyndwr University at Wrexham. My post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’ identifies and details the backgrounds of the numerous people who facilitated, concealed and colluded with those involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who have held or hold roles governing that institution. I presume that Shortridge is the biggest vampire of the lot.

I have come to expect high levels of fuckwittery from those responsible for running health and care systems – these systems are so dysfunctional that they are designed to ensure that no competent person ever achieves any degree of influence. But under Jon Shortridge, a paedophile was appointed to lead the Wales Audit Office and then after the paedophile was imprisoned, someone who facilitated a paedophile gang was appointed as his successor.

The Westminster Paedophile Ring was alleged to have involved Whitehall civil servants. Children from north Wales children’s homes were trafficked to London for prostitution. Some of the boys from north Wales found themselves visiting apartments at Dolphin Square – the location of the residences of a number of politicians and civil servants.

 

It is good to know that there is ‘no problem’ and that everyone is ‘riding the wave of success’ – and that Jon Shortridge, having presided over this shameful mess that resulted in so many ruined lives and numerous deaths, ended up with a knighthood.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.