Anthem For Doomed Youth

The first line of Wilfred Owen’s famous poem was of course:

‘What passing-bells for these who die as cattle?’

Shirley Williams was one of those who knew that in north Wales, young people were dying as cattle at the hands of a sex trafficking ring – at least she did by the time that she was Secretary of State for Education and Science under PM Jim Callaghan, 1976-79 – but like so many others, she ignored it. Shirl later got into bed with (so to speak) Dr Death, who was an accomplice of some of the Top Docs who were facilitating the crime in north Wales (see post ‘Dr Death’). Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09, Dafydd’s old alma mater, whilst that institution still employed a great many people who were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles. Shirl’s subsequent political bedfellow was David Steel, someone who was told what Cyril Smith was doing to boys in Rochdale, but who dismissed it as a matter of Cyril having merely ‘spanked a few bottoms’. I have recently discovered that one reason why the lid was kept on Cyril’s crimes when it was very nearly blown off in a very big way was that George Carman QC ensured that Smith’s activities were published nowhere else but in an alternative paper in Rochdale, because the trial of Jeremy Thorpe was approaching and the wagon would have come off the rails completely if Smith’s sex offending had become known to the wider public. One of George Carman’s pupils was a Tony Blair and a young barrister called Cherie Booth also worked in Carman’s chambers.

Jeremy Thorpe was the leader of the Liberal Party. After Jo Grimond was for a brief time caretaker leader when Thorpe stood down after even the Liberals realised that he had become too much, David Steel succeeded Thorpe as leader in 1976-88. It was Steel who memorably told the foot soldiers of the Liberal Party to ‘go home to your constituencies and prepare for government’ in 1981. A phrase which became the subject of as much piss-taking as Dr Death’s aspirations to ‘break the mould of politics’. Dr Death had been a member of Callaghan’s Cabinet along with Shirl.

Shirl has spent her entire life dining out on her mother being Vera Brittain, who wrote about her friends being wiped out whilst still young in WWI…

When Shirl refused Dafydd Wigley’s 1979 request to hold an inquiry into the mismanagement of UCNW (Bangor University) under paedophiles’ friend Sir Charles Evans whilst she was Education Secretary, UCNW was facilitating the crimes of Dafydd et al. The most unfortunate of Dafydd’s victims were at that time dying as cattle in the slaughter house which was Risley Remand Centre. The cattle continued dying in spite of questions in the House regarding the number of deaths at Risley (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

Politicians of all hues knew what was going on in north Wales and at Risley and concealed it. I have blogged extensively about how it was common knowledge in Parliament that Thatch’s friend and Minister Sir Peter Morrison was one of those abusing kids in care in north Wales and that Thatcher herself was told this. It would seem that not only did Thatcher’s Gov’t  conceal and collude with the crimes of Dafydd et al, but that the Tories assisted in the growth of the sex trafficking gang.

 

Yesterday I received a number of e mails in response to my recent posts. I have been told that ‘probably around 1984’, Lucille Hughes was given paid leave by Gwynedd County Council to tour around Europe with Lady Olga Maitland no less and was away ‘for at least a month’. No explanation was given and the few people who dared to ask questions were told to keep their noses out. In 1983, Lady Olga Maitland established ‘Women and Families For Defence’, a campaigning group set up by the Tories because of their concerns in the face of the support which the Greenham Common protesters were receiving. It was a party political project, yet Olga Maitland was assisted by Ann Widdecombe, another high Tory but who had not yet been elected to the Commons, who was given secret funding and support from her employers, the University of London. Widdecombe was pals with the Anglesey Conservative Association, although she had turned down their offer to be their Tory candidate in favour of what she thought was a better deal from another constituency (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). Widdecombe was a high profile anti-abortion campaigner and it seemed to be this that was the reason for the love-in between her and the Anglesey Tories.

At the time that Lucille undertook her Grand European Tour with Olga, Gwynedd County Council was led by Plaid and the Chief Exec was Ioan Bowen Rees, an adviser to Dafydd Wigley, the Plaid MP for Caernarfon. Under Bowen Rees, Gwynedd County Council acquired the reputation of having built ‘fortress Gwynedd’, with the Council prioritising issues of language and nationality, accompanied by a degree of overtly anti-English rhetoric.

A recent e mail told me that local people were so reluctant to allow their children to be taken ‘into care’ by Gwynedd that an underground fostering system had grown up among extended families. This was something that I noticed when I was a student. I presumed that it was a consequence of particularly helpful relatives, although I was told about the appalling social workers who did not give a damn about those in their care and I heard a lot about ‘cruelty’ to kids in care.

By the time that Lucille was touring Europe with Lady Olga Maitland, there had been many formal complaints about the abuse of children in care in north Wales and Mary Wynch had begun legal action against Dafydd et al. It was in 1985 that Mary’s case came before Lord Donaldson, the Master of the Rolls. The Welsh Office had colluded with the abuse of children in north Wales and knew that Gwynedd Health Authority was in such serious debt and chaos – by 1989 the Welsh Office had sent a hit squad of management consultants in (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’). In 1984, Brown and I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist to the University authorities and had received threats from Dr D.G.E. Wood, but I had not yet contacted MPs – but I did write to the GMC. It was in the first part of 1984 that the well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend Eric Sunderland took over from Top Doc and long-standing paedophiles’ friend Sir Charles Evans as Principal of UCNW (see posts ‘Feet In Chains’ and ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’).

The Secretary of State for Wales was Nicholas Edwards and his gofer was Wyn – later Lord Wyn – Roberts (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). It was in the summer of 1984 that the Octagon nightclub opened in Bangor, which immediately became a venue for the trafficking of the kids in care and the flogging of class A drugs on a scale previously unseen in the region (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

John Allen owned a villa in the south of France to which boys in care from north Wales were taken ‘for holidays’. Kids in care in north Wales were also taken to Amsterdam where they were sold for sex. Dafydd was holding ‘clinics’ in the south of France.

Ron Davies was elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly in 1983. Ron had previously been an adviser to Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority, the organisation that concealed the sex offences of John Owen against his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

Olga Maitland was subsequently elected as a Tory MP for Sutton and Cheam, but that wasn’t until 1992. When she was enjoying herself in Europe with Dafydd’s mistress, Olga was a journo for the ‘Sunday Express’, edited by the odious John Junor, who was a mate of George Carman QC, who knew what was happening in north Wales. Olga Maitland was married to barrister Robin Hay, who became a Crown Court Recorder.

No wonder no-one helped those of us in north Wales who were being threatened, harassed, fitted up for crimes – or who saw our friends murdered. Dafydd and Lucille were overtly assisted with developing their international people trafficking ring as long ago as the mid-80s by Thatcher’s Gov’t.

Anyone fancy telling us that ‘you didn’t know’ now? By 1984 I had told people – including Dr D.G.E. Wood – repeatedly that someone had threatened to murder Brown. I was ignored. That person subsequently tried to fracture Brown’s skull in the middle of Nottingham in broad daylight.

Anyone for law n order or getting tough on criminals? People died you fucking idiots, they died.

 

It was in 1983-84 that Brown and I started finding ourselves surrounded by some rather odd people who caused us a lot of bother. There were the two people whom Brown met when he replied to adverts in the ‘New Statesman’ offering work, just at the time when Wood et al knew that Brown was living with me on Anglesey and was scanning the adverts in the ‘New Statesman’ for part-time work opportunities. My post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ discussed the insane and offensive Leslie Gore, a therapist living near Llangollen who worked as a part-time alcohol counsellor at the North Wales Hospital no less. Hot on the heels of Leslie Gore came Naomi Grunfeld, a teacher in the Orthodox Jewish school in north London, who had placed an advert in the ‘New Statesman’ claiming to be a post-graduate student with ‘writer’s block’ in need of extra tuition. It became clear that not only was Naomi nuts, but that she wanted Brown to actually do her MA for her. Brown noticed that Naomi seemed to have acquired her first degree as a result of someone else doing the work. Naomi was a student at Strawberry Hill College, Twickenham and the college seemed to know exactly what was going on.

Brown observed that Naomi’s advert should really have been in the lonely hearts column. The others in our house were greatly entertained by Naomi’s hot pursuit of Brown, particularly when four letters arrived in one day for him and when she started ringing the telephone box down the road asking the local teenagers who answered to go and find him. Brown escaped from Naomi by telling her that he was going abroad and was due to leave for Bristol airport. Naomi demanded a Bristol address, so Brown said ’10, Clifton Road’. Clifton was the area of Bristol where the Top Doctors hung out, so presumably one of Wood’s criminal colleagues received a few dozen crazy letters from Naomi. We didn’t realise that they were a load of sex traffickers at that time, so let’s hope Naomi gave them hell.

Then a few years later there was Diane Foxhills, who surpassed even Naomi, let herself into Brown’s house and was waiting in his bed for him.

MI5: all Brown wanted to do was to get on with his writing and avoid people who were trying to murder him. When he got so fed up of Diane that he actually told her to fuck off and get out of his face, he meant it. So that must have been why, a few years later, when he thought that the coast was clear, you sent Shar along. Who it transpired was not only mad but a member of the BNP, with a long-lost adult son who was in Combat 18. Then a few years after that, there was Emma, who precipitated what was probably a heart-attack in Brown. Not that it was ever diagnosed, because as you knew damn well, by then it was no longer safe for Brown or me to go near a Top Doctor, but Brown knows the symptoms of a heart-attack as well as the average stupid, negligent Top Doctor does. Then there was the vicious Denise Baker McLearns who moved in next to me at Llanllechid and spent the next few years harassing me and spreading vicious rumours about me. Then there was Donna Morgan, who moved into my place as a lodger, knew social workers from Conwy County Council, bounced a £500 rent cheque on me, stole everything of any value from my house, made an allegiance with Denise Baker McLearns and left me a letter telling me not to go to the police because she would tell them that I was a danger to children and Denise would ‘vouch for her’. I went to the police, who refused to tell me where Donna Morgan was living, on the grounds that she was under police protection after her ex-boyfriend had threatened her. That was the ex-boyfriend whom she had also threatened to set on me, a gangster from Llandudno, the mention of who’s name was supposed to have me shaking in my boots, but it didn’t because I didn’t know any gangsters from Llandudno. Although I do now, obviously. The gangsters in question were a family called Hogan.

As a treat, Donna Morgan made allegations about one of my neighbours, who had given her lifts and brought her son clothes and toys whilst Donna pleaded poverty. Years later I was told that she had made a false rape allegation against an innocent man who was only cleared after he’d been arrested and held in custody. But then Donna Morgan was shagging a number of officers in the North Wales Police, whom it would seem were, in return, happy to arrest targets of the paedophile gang at whom she pointed the finger.

 

Wouldn’t it have just been easier to have arrested Dafydd and Lucille and stopped the international people trafficking gang? The security services seem to have spent much time and money behaving like fuckwits and trying to get rid of Brown and me, but Dafydd and Lucille are still sitting in north Wales running CAIS. They’re probably surrounded by undercover officers ‘gathering intelligence’, but the one thing that no-one will do is put Dafydd and Lucille out of action…

We were initially targeted in 1983. Whatever MI5 were doing, they were definitely not stopping that trafficking gang.

 

Another reader of this blog has told me that David Bailey Hughes was the officer in charge at Y Gwyngyll, the children’s home in Llanfairpwll, when it was in meltdown and that the kids ‘were running wild, never going to school and being treated for genital lice’. It was the chaos at Y Gwyngyll which forced Bowen Rees to hold an ‘investigation’ – Bowen Rees called in his old mates from Dyfed County Council, where he had previously been County Secretary, to conduct the investigation… For info on the happenings at Y Gwyngyll and some of the people involved, see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’.

Despite allegations of sexual abuse against Bailey Hughes – some of which stemmed from his time as a care officer at Ty’r Felin – he was subsequently given responsibility for Gwynedd County Council’s new fostering and adoption service, which was set up after Alison Taylor’s dismissal at Cartref Bontnewydd. The dreadful Malcolm John, ‘senior tutor in social work’ at Bangor University, moonlighted for years as a ‘consultant’ for this ‘service’, without the knowledge of Bangor University, who did suspect that he had another job somewhere because he was so infrequently in the university (see post ‘Local Accessories’). There were many people at Bangor who were at their wits end with regard to Malcolm John, but they were being undermined by the toxic Lyn Meadows, the HR Director and paedophiles’ friend who now sits on the Betsi Board. I was told that one Professor who had tried to protect other staff from Malcolm John’s dreadful conduct was threatened with disciplinary action for ‘bullying’ from Meadows.

My correspondent informed me that the paedophiles’ friends setting up shop at Cartref Bontnewydd forced the closure of at least one fostering and adoption service in the area that had been running for decades.

I have been told that at least one girl of 14 in the care of Gwynedd County Council was given oral contraception without her step-mother’s knowledge, although this teenager did not have a boyfriend and had not shown much interest in acquiring one. My correspondent suggests that girls ‘were being prepared for action on the sly’. This was rather the impression that I formed as a result of my encounters with the Top Doctors. OK I wasn’t 14, but all any of them wanted to do was talk to me about sex and my ‘boyfriend’. I too was spontaneously offered advice on contraception. QUE??? I was a grown-up who was quite capable of deciding such matters for myself and at no time did I ever enter those consulting rooms seeking advice on sexual problems. Other mental health patients I spoke to had similar experiences. It was suggested to me the other day that perhaps the Top Docs had gained the wrong impression because I used to sport black nail varnish, coloured hair etc. For God’s sake, I was in my 20s and furthermore if I’d gone in there wearing a burkha I’d have been met with the same response. They were trafficking young people into prostitution – Dafydd et al even targeted boys of 11, did they ‘ask for it’?

My post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’ mentioned that supply of nice young doctors who arrived in north Wales in the 1980s when Gwynne and Dafydd were becoming excruciatingly embarrassing. Those of us who had complained were then referred to the nice young doctors – who sadly were assisting the old gropers, but had better manners and concealed their activities more effectively. One such nice young doctor was Tony Francis, another was Dr Lyndon Miles.

Since mentioning Lyndon in my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’, I have received an e mail from someone who raised concerns about Dafydd and the paedophiles who’s health was subsequently ruined by one Lyndon Miles, who had seemed such a nice man. I had similar experiences. After confronting Gwynne and Dafydd, I encountered years of Top Doctors – not just in north Wales – whom I did not complain about and who were charm itself to me. When I finally accessed my medical notes, I read what they had written to third parties about me without my knowledge and it was pure poison. Other patients who dared complain had the same experience. One man in north Wales who had as much crap as I did from the Top Doctors described them as a ‘cartel’. Which pretty much sums it up. This was an extensive network of corrupt professional people involved in serious organised crime who were assisted by corrupt police officers and members of the security services.

Here’s someone else who, at the beginning of his career, exploited his status as a Nice Young Doctor:

The Lord Owen
Official portrait of Lord Owen crop 2.jpg

 

Dr D.G.E. Wood really loved Dr Death. Wood said to me ‘Owen’s got guts’. I responded by telling Wood that nevertheless he didn’t have any seats.

Dr Death, a friend of people traffickers!

Here’s a reminder of days of yore:

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  • “Decisively Throw Out the Wang-Zhang-Jiang-Yao Anti-Party Clique!”

 

In my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’ I mentioned that Lyndon worked in the Student Health Centre at Bangor and knew exactly what Wood, Gwynne etc were doing, but colluded with them. There was another Nice Young Doctor who rolled up at the Student Health Centre in about 1984 as well, whom distressed students were urged to meet as an alternative to Gwynne the lobotomist – Dr Chris Tilsen. Dr Tilsen, like Dr Miles, didn’t cause the sort of disasters that Gwynne did, but Dr Tilsen knew what was happening…

I did know of one student house who’s inhabitants had a bad experience with Dr Tilsen. One of the boys in the house caught measles and his girlfriend rang the GP – Dr Tilsen. Tilsen initially refused to go out to see him, but because his girlfriend grovelled, a rather bad-tempered Tilsen subsequently arrived, took a look at the ailing student and said ‘he’s got measles, what’s the problem?’ When our friends told us about this, I mentioned that measles can cause deafness and Brown observed that it can occasionally result in death. Our friend didn’t die of measles, but this was the sort of response that local people received from the Top Doctors. They really were very often not that helpful. Furthermore they all knew that people were living in severe poverty, that the ‘services’ were rife with corruption and that the infrastructure of the whole region was being utilised by a sex trafficking gang.

I was told some years ago that Dr Tilsen’s wife Amanda was an Angel who worked at the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University and was very unpopular among her Angel colleagues. That doesn’t say anything about Amanda Tilsen, because nearly everyone in that School was previously employed by the corrupt regional NHS and they spent their whole lives in a state of civil war with each other.

‘We didn’t know.’

Yes you did.

There seemed to be a push in the mid-80s to conceal the damage being done by Dafydd and co. As well as all those Nice Young Doctors, the Student Health Centre employed Liz Stables as an Angel (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’), who made friends with all those students who had complained, pumped them for info and reported back to the Top Docs, who then shafted us all. Liz was a friend of Dafydd. Liz replaced a crotchety old bat who was worthy of a prize in ‘Viz’ magazine’s ‘insincere smiles’ feature, who had been employed as the Angel up there for eons, but I can’t remember her name. She was so unpleasant that I refused to have anything to do with her, so Liz was sent in my direction.

 

I mentioned in a previous post that witnesses who gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry, as well as those people who worked for the Inquiry, were granted immunity from prosecution, which I suspect is why those who ran the paedophile gang such as Lucille agreed to give evidence. None of the witnesses can now be prosecuted for abusing those kids. I have been told that the Attorney General – Sir Nicholas Lyell – did grant the immunity but excluded perjury and perverting the course of justice. Therefore, if Waterhouse and co had not constrained themselves, any number of people could have been referred for prosecution. One such person I am told would have been social worker Mari Roberts, who lied in her evidence to the Inquiry (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’).

The temporary immunity should not have stopped the North Wales Police investigating the evidence that emerged of abuse, of widespread conspiracy, of perverting the course of justice and of misconduct in public office. Documents in my possession also contain ample evidence of these matters.

 

I have received more info regarding Ceryl Wyn Davies, the serial child sex offender defended by Ronnie Waterhouse’s mate Emlyn Hooson QC – another one of David Steel’s colleagues – who was given a job as Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School at Blaenau Ffestiniog by Gwynedd County Council, despite his previous imprisonment for molesting children (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). I have been told that there were many complaints about Ceryl Wyn which were ignored and it is alleged that he had a family member on the Council who afforded him protection. My correspondent has promised me more information, so once I receive that I’ll blog further.

 

 

In my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’ I mentioned that it was Cartrefle College in Wrexham – which later became NEWI and then Glyndwr University – who assessed the members of the paedophile gang as being suitable to qualify as social workers. I received information from someone who told me that standards at Cartrefle were appalling and that in the early 1980s at least, Cartrefle had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and Nefyn Dodd and were passing on inappropriate info about students to them, with a view to identifying potential whistleblowers. Cartfrefle qualifications were verified by the University of Salford. Salford University knew that there was serious abuse of children in care in north Wales, because one of their own students on placement reported it to them. He was withdrawn from the placement and his evidence was dismissed by Ronnie Waterhouse on the grounds that he’d only been on placement in north Wales for a matter of days so he didn’t have the full picture re the standards of care for children in north Wales.

Salford University still provides social work training and whilst I was working at Bangor University, I and two colleagues had the most extraordinary experience with their ‘Research Professor’ Stephen Shardlow. It was so weird that we wondered whether Shardlow had personal difficulties which had resulted in him not being able to function at work – I kept our e mail exchanges  – but one of my colleagues was later told by someone at Salford that a new ‘Research Professor’ had been appointed who did not know anything about research, who did no work and who had only been appointed to give credibility to a very troubled dept. It was a man called Stephen Shardlow. Shardlow had managed to get himself appointed as the editor of a major social work journal. I wonder how that happened.

Salford was established as a University in 1967. Between 1967-91, the Chancellor was Prince Philip. So he flew the flag for Salford throughout those happy years when the institution provided qualifications for a paedophile gang and continued to do so even after one of their own students blew the whistle. Princess Fergie followed Phil the Greek as Chancellor until 1995, when Sir Walter Bodmer, the man who was at the helm of the Imperial Cancer Research Fund in 1990 when the ICRF was involved in a major research fraud scandal which resulted in the (presumed) suicide of Prof Tim McElwain (see posts ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’), succeeded her. In 2005 Sir Martin Harris was appointed Chancellor. Harris was in post when Stephen Shardlow was given a job that his colleagues maintained that he should never have been given… Martin Harris comes from Ruabon near Wrexham and has passed through many institutions run by the paedophiles’ friends.

 

What of the VCs of Salford, the people who had their hands on the tiller? Clifford Whitworth was the VC, 1967-74. Salford University was in full swing qualifying paedophiles at that time, but I can’t find any trace of him on the internet. So he must have been the fall guy. Whitworth’s successor Sir John Horlock was just as guilty however – he was in post 1974-81, when many more child abusers were given qualifications and when that hotline between Cartrefle and Lucille and Nefyn Dodd was established. It would be difficult for even someone as dedicated to the science of cover-up and denial as Ronnie Waterhouse to airbrush John Horlock out of history, because John Horlock was responsible for a considerable piece of HE history.

 

Sir John Horlock was a mechanical engineer who built his reputation by refining gas turbines in jet engines for use in military aircraft. He was raised in Edmonton, North London and attended The Latymer School, Edmonton. He went from there to St John’s College, Cambridge, where he gained his PhD in 1958.

Ronnie Waterhouse went to St John’s College, Cambridge and Ronnie was a man who certainly maxed out on the utilisation of alumni networks. Furthermore, the appalling Deb Everard, one of the biggest problems at St George’s Hospital Medical School in the late 1980s/early 90s, was a Tory Councillor in Edmonton. Everard knew about Oliver Brooke the paedophile Prof of Paediatrics at St George’s and she knew about much other wrongdoing as well – indeed she was responsible for some of it. Everard was considered untouchable although she was not in a senior role – one lame attempt to discipline her was thwarted by the MSF rep David Hole. Who was corrupt himself, loathed Everard anyway but was involved in the misconduct along with everyone else and thus was obliged to defend her. Meanwhile everyone dined out on the personal friendship that their Head of Dept, Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain, maintained with Cilla, the nation’s auntie. It was a lorra lorra laffs, unless you were someone being targeted by this bunch who were concealing a paedophile gang. Everard also had an inexplicable friendship with Prof Ian Craft, the Top Doc who ran the private clinic where practices considered even too unacceptable for the rest of the sharks in the IVF world were routine, such as the implantation of eight or nine embryos in the full knowledge that five or six of them would be aborted at a later stage in the pregnancy. Why Ian Craft, an elitist very rich man, gave Deb Everard the time of day I do not know, but it will have involved questionable practices of some sort. If Everard was in reach of Sir John Horlock, I’m sure that she would have made use of him.

 

After graduation, Horlock worked for Rolls Royce at Derby, who sponsored him whilst he was doing his PhD, providing him with £30k worth of equipment at 1951 prices.

By the 1960s, there was a paedophile gang in the Derbyshire area with links to north Wales – the problems in Derbyshire were thought to have pre-dated the 1960s.

After he finished his PhD, Horlock stayed at Cambridge. He subsequently took a one year sabbatical at MIT and turned down a job offer from Rolls Royce in favour of the position in 1958 of Professor and Head of the Mechanical Engineering Department at the University of Liverpool. At Liverpool, Horlock oversaw a major expansion of the mechanical engineering building. Horlock’s Indie obituary tells us that he was ‘invited by Pergamon Press to edit a series of books in their Commonwealth Library and was subsequently invited to London to meet Pergamon’s proprieter, Robert Maxwell, which was ‘the beginning of a relationship which bore fruit later when he went to the OU’. I suspect that Horlock’s relationship with the Cap’n might have borne fruit before that, because Salford University has a Maxwell Building. Here it is:

  • File:Maxwell Building, Salford University.jpg - WikiVisually
  • Maxwell Building | Conferencing@Salford | University of ...

That the building was named after the Cap’n suggests that he probably paid for it, although I have not yet had a chance to inquire about this. Could this have been where some of the missing millions went? The Cap’n was the Labour MP for Buckingham, 1964-70, whilst Harold Wilson was PM.

The Cap’n went overboard in Nov 1991, whilst I was being forced out of my job at St George’s and whilst my friend who wanted to make a documentary about north Wales was being forced out of her job at the Royal Television Society. It was just after the Cap’n was found floating in the Atlantic that Tony Francis et al pulled out all of the stops (several times over the course of a few weeks) in an attempt to have me imprisoned, on the basis of statements that the MDU and their solicitors Hempsons knew constituted perjury which after the most florid allegations were demonstrated to be untrue, eventually resulted in a last ditch attempt to prosecute me for contempt (see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’).

Headington Hall was the home of Robert Maxwell for the last 32 years of his life, which he rented from Oxford City Council. It is now part of Oxford Brookes University.
There was organised abuse of children – and associated abuses of psychiatry – in Oxfordshire, which was concealed by, among other people, Barbara Kahan – who was appointed as an adviser on children in care to Ted Heath’s Gov’t in 1970 – and her husband, Dr Vladimir Kahan. Babs remained as a Gov’t adviser until the 1980s, after which she continued to make herself useful by failing to notice that many of those with whom she was working on various child care and education/training projects were paedophiles and also by Chairing the Inquiry into the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal and not reporting just how bad things were there (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’).
Tom Burns, who worked at St George’s whilst the staff concealed organised child abuse and who admitted that he believed my allegations regarding what was happening in north Wales, later found himself a Chair at Oxford University. As did Mark Williams, who worked with Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, whilst committing the research fraud which was Mindfulness (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Richard Tranter, who joined the merry gang at the Hergest Unit for a stint as a junior doctor and then returned as a senior doctor, trained at Oxford, as did his wife Siobhan, who in her capacity as a tutor of Angels in Bangor University failed to pass on concerns from students that patients were being abused.
The crimes of Cap’n Bob are worthy of a blog in themselves, so I’ll do a bit of digging and see what I can find that is most relevant. Obviously, as a starter,  there was Cap’n Bob’s purchase of ‘The Mirror’, which employed Alastair Campbell as a journo and some dodgy big hitters as in-house lawyers and used the services of George Carman QC…

Sir John Horlock returned to Cambridge as Professor of Engineering in 1967. In the early 1970s, Horlock ‘played a major role’ in the activities of the Science Research Council, Chairing the Mechanical Engineering Committee. Horlock witnessed the success of his physicist colleagues in bagging funds from the SRC, so he suggested to a colleague that they should apply for a major grant themselves. Before you could say ‘massive conflict of interest’, Horlock’s Dept received a grant of £300k from the SRC and used it to found, in 1973, the Whittle Laboratory, Horlock becoming its Director. 

In 1974 Horlock was appointed as VC of Salford University. There doesn’t seem to be much information available regarding Horclock’s time as VC of Salford, possibly because Cap’n Bob played a role in the ‘achievements’, so Salford have decided that it is best forgotten.

Much has been written about Horlock’s subsequent job as VC of the Open University, 1981-90. The OU cannot thank Horlock enough for his contribution, because many believed that he stopped Keith Joseph, who was Education Secretary, 1981-86, from closing the OU down. Not only did Horlock successfully defend the OU from Gov’t cuts, but he expanded the institution, enrolling the first postgrads and overseeing the foundation of, in 1983, the Open University Business School.

The OU was regarded by many as ‘Harold Wilson’s gimmick’ and for some people this alone was enough reason to close it down. In my post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ I describe how Harold Wilson gave the OU project to Nye Bevan’s widow Jennie Lee and it was Jennie Lee and Wilson’s friend and solicitor Lord Goodman who succeeded in getting it off the ground, partly by providing a huge underestimate regarding costs and not providing a more realistic figure until it was too late to scrap the development. Arnold Goodman was widely believed to be dishonest and he acted as the solicitor for Jeremy Thorpe immediately after Thorpe was charged with incitement and conspiracy to kill, before Sir David Napley took over. Jennie Lee know about the abuse of children in Staffordshire that was being concealed and she also knew that from the very inception of the NHS, Top Doctors assisted in concealing the abuse, neglect and sometimes deaths of the poorer and more vulnerable citizens. What with Nye Bevan having become a folk hero in the Labour Party because of him being the driving force behind the NHS, nearly everyone colluded with the myth that ‘poor people’ benefited from the NHS to a greater extent than the better off. They didn’t.

It was obviously fairly important that no-one pissed off Jennie Lee, who outlived her husband by many years. The OU had support from some unlikely people. Despite the hostility of many Tories towards it, Thatcher, when she was Education Secretary in the early 1970s, opposed her Cabinet colleagues to save it. Thatcher was subsequently a fan of John Horlock.

Horlock himself claimed that in the fight to save the OU in the mid-80s, he reminded many Tory MPs that the number of students enrolled with the OU in their constituencies exceeded their majorities. He mentioned that one of the strongest supporters of the OU was the MP Tam Dalyell, who became a good friend of Horlock’s. Tam Dalyell wrote many of the obituaries of his generation of MPs. I have been really impressed by Dalyell’s ability to repackage the characters and track-records of the most unpleasant of his colleagues, including some of those that have since been exposed as having done some truly dreadful things. There are a lot of clues in Dalyell’s biography that he was concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al. Keith Joseph was said to have given the OU a reprieve after receiving so many letters from people who had benefited from the OU. The OU also received considerable support from the HE Minister, William Waldegrave, who knew about the abuse of children and associated criminality in north Wales and elsewhere and who was Health Secretary, 1990-92, whilst all that trouble at St George’s and in north Wales was concealed.

The OU provides training for a lot of health and social care staff, including social workers. I’m not sure when the OU started training social workers, but it was churning out psychology graduates who later became clinical psychologists as long ago as the 1970s. The really great thing about the OU for local authorities who have a problem with the abuse of people in their care, is that if their trainee social workers do a degree with the OU rather than another university, that local authority does not have to deal with students who are whistleblowers, because the OU just provides theoretical input, it is entirely up to the local authority as to whether the students qualify or not. There is no other party to negotiate with. Some years ago a whole series of social work students at Bangor University reported very serious problems on placement with Anglesey County Council. Staff from Bangor University defended the students, only to be told by Anglesey County Council that if the ‘problems with the students’ continued, Anglesey would hire its own staff as trainee social workers and qualify them through the OU. The ‘problem students’ were all whistleblowers. The students didn’t know this, but the people who’s conduct caused them such distress were the dear old paedophiles’ friends.

Whilst researching for this blog, I noticed that Harold Wilson systematically tied off all routes for professionals who might raise concerns about the abuse of vulnerable people by the state by the creation of supposedly citizen-friendly structures. Tony Blair did a very similar thing – the ‘service user empowerment’, the ‘social inclusion’, even the Human Right Act, were all used to give abusive state structures more and more power over citizens who raised questions about the conduct of the state.

Harold Wilson’s widening of HE opportunities did benefit people, but it was particularly effective at producing a whole cadre of state educated and state employed professionals who  found themselves in a position in which it would be virtually impossible to blow the whistle on serious state-endorsed crime – such as organised child abuse within the NHS and social services – and continue their professional careers. This situation exists today – it’s why there is a former Cardiff cardiac surgeon working as a cabbie after blowing the whistle on patient safety issues. Even if someone says OK then I’ll work in the voluntary sector, or private sector or academia, they will be forced out, because the funding and/or inspection regimes of those sectors is the responsibility of the state and the people in those funding/inspection roles are there after years of colluding with abuse.

I’ve watched the workings and the effects of this rigged system for a long time, but I didn’t realise that the roots of it were in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. The long tentacles extended into the world of the arts as well, but I will return to that in a future post. Meanwhile, I’ll just mention a few things that were highlighted in Horlock’s obituary.

Horlock was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society in 1976 and then served as its Vice-President and Treasurer during his retirement. Horlock ‘was an adviser to government and industry for 50 years. This included work with the National Grid, on the safety of nuclear installations and at the Aeronautical Research Council, as well as numerous other important contributions’.

Horlock was ‘knighted in 1996 for services to science, engineering and education’. It could be a complete coincidence, but 1996 was the year that the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced and established.

So Horlock advised on the safety of nuclear installations – a controversial and sensitive area. It was also an area in which on a number of occasions at least, Gov’ts did not keep the public informed. Lord Brian Flowers was another person who was involved in matters nuclear – he was a member of the Atomic Energy Authority, 1971-81 – who concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles’ crimes as well as medical research fraud and much other wrongdoing in the University of London (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Sir Alec Merrison was another nuclear physicist who was called in by Gov’t with regard to the Top Docs and their crimes.  Merrison was Senior Physicist at CERN, 1957-60; Chair of Experimental Physics at Liverpool University, 1960-69; VC of Bristol University from 1969. Sir Keith Joseph, when he was Health Secretary, appointed Merrison in 1973 to Chair a Committee of Inquiry after thousands of Top Docs threatened a mass public strike after a dispute with the GMC (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). In 1976 Barbara Castle, then then Secretary of State for the DHSS, along with her Health Minister, Dr Death, appointed Merrison to Chair a Royal Commission on NHS Reform.

I grew up virtually on the doorstep of Hinkley Point and because I was used to it being there and I knew so many people who worked there, I took it as a fact of life. I had heard, as a teenager, that various worrying things had gone on at Hinkley that the wider public were kept substantially in the dark about, but what was more well-known among the local teenagers was that some of the people at Hinkley Point were thieving on a grand scale – not just pilfering pens and stationery, but they were making off with just about anything, building materials, household necessities, there was even a trade in whole bathrooms that had been stolen from Hinkley. It was a trough as deep as the NHS. The security out there was either very lax or the people driving off with the goodies had dirt of a valuable kind on the senior managers. After I left Somerset, one of the biggest accidents in UK nuclear power history happened at Hinkley – tons of radioactive CO2 was accidentally released into the atmosphere. Not a word appeared in the Somerset media, although there was coverage in the ‘New Statesman’. Then there were the local leukaemia clusters that no-one ever got to the bottom of – they definitely existed, but people were strangely reluctant to undertake a rigorous analysis. Some far-fetched theories were put forward – such as that the workers who migrated into Somerset from elsewhere when Hinkley was first built introduced new viruses into the local population… It’s not as if the Hinkley workers were missionaries going into darkest Africa, it was only Somerset. It could theoretically have been an explanation, but, er, radiation-related causes might be a more obvious one.

The best Hinkley-related story occurred some years before the CO2 leak. When I was about 11, a local man caused a major outrage by breaking into the houses of three people in one night and violently raping the women in each house. He was caught and arrested but was not imprisoned because, as his mother freely admitted, his uncle was an influential man locally and ‘got him off’. The rapist didn’t get off completely – he was diagnosed with schizophrenia and sat in Tone Vale Hospital near Taunton for a few months. Tone Vale didn’t have anything like the reputation that the North Wales Hospital did, but it was a receptacle for people who’d overdone the cider, but also those who had alleged abuse on the part of people with spotless reputations. This man ‘made a full recovery’ and returned to live locally, much to the anger of some who alleged that women and children had been placed in danger as a result of this small town corruption. The rapist then got a job at Hinkley Point. After a while, there were ructions. He had ‘gone mad’ again and was publicly hauled off to Tone Vale by the police. His schizophreniform symptoms of serially raping people had not popped up once more, but some new ones had. He had alleged that there were terrible things happening at Hinkley Point, that the safety of local people was at risk and that the trade unions and management were covering up very serious wrongdoing…. He spent longer in Tone Vale recovering from his Hinkley-related delusions than he did recovering from raping three women in one night.

No wonder people were cheerfully driving out of Hinkley Point in the possession of thousands of quids worth of goodies without being stopped.

So the OU was Harold Wilson’s and Jennie Lee’s ‘baby’, which received a bit of help from Lord Goodman to get it off the ground.

In 1967, Wilson’s Cabinet set up a Planning Committee in 1967, which kicked off the launch of the OU via its recommendations, which were accepted by the then Secretary of Education and Science, Ted Short aka Lord Glenamara. Ted Short trained as a teacher at Durham University – he later did a law degree at London University as well – and after WWII worked as a teacher and was the Newcastle-Upon-Tyne branch of the NUT. Short was elected as a Councillor on Newcastle-Upon-Tyne City Council in 1948. He was the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1951-76; Education Secretary, 1968-70, Deputy Leader of the Labour Party, 1972-76; Lord President of the Council, 1974-76 and also served as Chancellor of Northumbria University.

A paeophile gang operated in the north east with direct links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales for decades. Huge numbers of children from the north east were sent to children’s homes in north Wales and two key figures in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth, relocated to Bryn Estyn from Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead. The Lord President of the Council serves as the visitor for a number of universities, including the University of Wales.

Ted Short was given a peerage in 1977. Why was there such a problem with child abuse in north Wales and mismanagement at UCNW which Shirl refused to investigate? Look no further than Ted…

The Committee was Chaired by Sir Peter Venables, the VC of Aston University. Other members included Lord Goodman, who was at that time the Chairman of the Arts Council of Great Britain; Dr Eric Briault, the Deputy Education Officer of ILEA; Prof Roy Shaw, the Director of Adult Education at Keele University and Prof Hilde Himmelweit of the School of Social Psychology.

Can anyone see some paedophiles’ friends hidden in the picture? Lord Goodman for a start. ILEA was busy colluding with the export of kids in the care of London boroughs to north Wales where they were abused and trafficked back down to London. Keele University employed Peter Righton, a paedophile who was a social work academic who used his work to justify adults having sex with children – Keele has welcomed a number of other paedophiles’ friends over the years. Prof Hilde Himmelweit completed her PhD at the Institute of Psychiatry under the discredited H.J. Eyesenck (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’).

Sir Peter Venables was Principal of the College of Advanced Technology (which evolved into Aston), 1955–1966 and Aston University’s first Vice-Chancellor, 1966–1969. He was born in Birkenhead and attended Birkenhead Secondary School and Liverpool University, where he obtained a degree in chemistry, an education diploma and a PhD. He served as the Open University’s first Pro-Chancellor and Chairman of the Council. Peter Venables is yet another person who seems to have largely disappeared from the internet. I wonder why that might be.

Venables will have known about the corruption linked to Dafydd et al in Liverpool University and he will also have known about the equally serious corruption in Birmingham University, the City Council and the West Midlands Police. Kids in care in Birmingham were sent to children’s homes in north Wales and the Medical School in Birmingham contained Dafydd’s mate Robert Bluglass.

There was also a heavy presence from Sussex University on the Planning Committee – Asa Briggs, the then VC of Sussex; Lord Fulton, the former VC of Sussex; and Norman McKenzie, the Director of the Centre for Educational Technology at Sussex University. So someone in Harold Wilson’s Cabinet was desperate to have Sussex University wielding influence over the OU Planning Committee.

Lord John Fulton was a friend of Harold Wilson. I have blogged about John Fulton previously, but he’s worth resurrecting here, particularly as I have a suspicion that he might disappear from the internet soon as well.

John Fulton’s father was Angus Fulton, Principal of University College, Dundee. Fulton was born in Dundee and went to school there, then went to St Andrew’s University, then onto Balliol College. Ted Heath went to Balliol, but was 14 years younger than Fulton. During WWII, Fulton served in the Mines Dept and the Ministry of Fuel and Power, which was when he became a colleague and friend of Harold Wilson.

Fulton was Principal of University College, Swansea, 1947-59 – the employer of Rhodri Morgan’s father as well as of Dafydd’s buddy Saunders Lewis. Then Fulton was VC of the University of Wales, 1952-54 and again between 1958-59. In 1959 Fulton was appointed Principal of University College Sussex, which became the University of Sussex in 1961. He remained there until 1967.

So Fulton left Sussex the year before John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community, where kids in care were abused and then trafficked to John Allen’s brothels – in Brighton, Sussex and in London. Within just a few years, business was booming and many more people with money to spare moved to north Wales and brought isolated buildings which they turned into children’s homes or residential schools, thus expanding the business of the sex trafficking gang which was now well-established in north Wales. The business was considerably assisted by the Children Act, 1975, which was passed as a result of Leo Abse cultivating the company of Jim Callaghan and his wife Audrey and persuading Callaghan to set up the Houghton Committee, of which Leo Abse was a leading light (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). The Houghton Committee ‘took advice’ from Dafydd’s friends and associates who were concealing the booming business in the trafficking of young people in north Wales and who recommended changes in the law…

Leo Abse was a good friend of George Thomas, who was molesting children. Harold Wilson appointed Thomas as Secretary of State for Wales in 1968 and at that time the responsibility for the NHS and social services in Wales was transferred to the Welsh Office. Abse himself has been the subject of historical child abuse investigations. Audrey Callaghan concealed child abuse in the London boroughs before she relocated to south Wales (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). George Thomas and Callaghan hated each other, but Thomas got on very well with Harold Wilson because Thomas was a real vote winner in south Wales, what with all that Methodist lay-preaching and chumminess with the Royal Family (see ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). And chumminess with Thatcher as well, but Thomas was forgiven that, it was just part of his natural charm.

Fulton went straight from the centre of a well-planned sex trafficking operation onto the Planning Committee for the OU.

Fulton was also: Chairman of the Universities Council for Adult Education and of the Council of the National Institute of Adult Education (1952-55); Chair of UCCA, 1961-64; Chair of the BBC and ITA Committees on Adult Education, 1962-65; Governor of the BBC, 1966-71; Vice-Chair of the BBC, 1966-67 and in 1968-71. Fulton was Chairman of the British Council, 1968-71 and in 1964, Wilson invited Fulton on the Committee of the Civil Service in 1964, which reported in 1968.

Fulton was involved in university policy making in Malta, Sierra Leone, Nigeria and Hong Kong. In 1962, Fulton Chaired the Committee which established the new Chinese University of Honk Kong. He was Chair of the Inter-University Council of HE Overseas, 1964-68.

Well if you’ve got an outstandingly helpful paedophiles’ friend, you might as well give him international responsibilities.

Lord Fulton died in 1986, at home, among friends – in Jimmy Savile Central, Yorkshire.

 

I haven’t yet found any clue as to what precipitated Wilson’s sudden resignation as PM in 1976, but I suspect that it will have had rather more to do with this lot than with Wilson being a KGB agent, or getting fed up of being PM or believing that he was developing Alzheimers. He was an unscrupulous old bugger who rigged the whole of the UK’s state infrastructure to facilitate and conceal child abuse because George Thomas pulled in the votes in south Wales and Leo Abse was a very effective henchman.

 

The man who succeeded Lord Fulton as VC of Sussex and was in post as John Allen’s brothels in Brighton filled up with kids from the north Wales children’s homes was Asa Briggs, who was VC, 1967-76. Asa had his feet well under the table at Sussex by then though – in 1966 he was appointed Professor of History at Sussex, while also serving as Dean of the School of Social Studies, 1961–65 and PVC, 1961–67.

Asa Briggs was an historian who was born in Keighley, Yorkshire – he was off to a flying start in terms of a career as a paedophiles’ friend then. He went to Keighley Boys Grammar School and then Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge. During WWII he served with the Intelligence Corps and at Bletchley Park. Whilst at Cambridge, Briggs had been a friend of Howard Smith, who became DG of MI5 in 1979. Between 1955-61, Briggs was Professor of Modern History at Leeds University and then moved to Sussex. Between 1976-91, Briggs was Provost of Worcester College, Oxford. He was Chancellor of the OU, 1978-94.

Briggs held a visiting appointment at the Gannett Center for Media Studies at Columbia University in the late 1980s and again at the renamed Freedom Forum Media Studies Center at Columbia in 1995–96. Callaghan gave him a peerage in 1976.

Between 1961-95, Briggs wrote a five-volume text on the history of broadcasting in the UK from 1922-74 — essentially, the history of the BBC, who commissioned the work. Briggs’ other works included the corporate history of Marks & Spencer – the company which provided the loan for the paedophiles’ friends of the Royal College of Psychiatrists to acquire a grandiose building in Belgravia which nearly bankrupted them (see post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?’). In 1987, Briggs was invited to be President of the Bronte Society. He presided over the Society’s centenary celebrations in 1993 and continued as President until he retired from the position in 1996. He was also President of the William Morris Society from 1978-91 and President of the Victorian Society (UK) from 1986 until his death.

Briggs died at home in Lewes at the age of 94 on 15 March 2016. Presumably he slipped off peacefully, rather than dying as a result of someone chucking a firebomb into the building, like the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who died in Brighton in 1992 did (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Asa Briggs had a terrible trauma whilst he was VC of Sussex. No he wasn’t arrested for being an accessory to serious organised crime, the trauma resulted from three Sussex students throwing red paint over a visiting US official, in a protest regarding the Vietnam War. Old Asa was so traumatised that decades later he banged on about these three students in a radio interview. Even better, after the old bastard was dead his daughter popped up on Radio 4 discussing the dreadful behaviour of the three Sussex students decades previously. She stated that Asa never got over it.

One of those students was from north Wales and when I heard about the red paint episode, I rather hoped that the man concerned would drench a few of those we know and love in north Wales with red paint. Sadly he never did, perhaps because he would have needed so many gallons of the stuff that he couldn’t lay his hands on enough of it. Before Briggs died, the wife of one of the students with whom Asa was so pissed off did not survive her encounter with the paedophiles’ friends of the Walton Centre at Liverpool. I didn’t know this when I was told about the red paint, but that student will have known about Dafydd and Gwynne and the paedophile gang. They never got the drenching in paint that they so richly deserved but they’ve got this blog instead. The child abusing murdering bastards.

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

Bottoms Up, We’ve All Become Millionaires!

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

Readers might remember me mentioning in previous posts that in the mid-1980s, Thatcher’s henchman at the UGC, Sir Peter Swinnerton-Dyer, wanted to close down Bangor University, but he was reminded by UCNW that the place was full of people who were either assisting in supplying youngsters to the Westminster Paedophile Ring, or knew who was. Swinnerton-Dyer changed him mind quickly. Swinnerton-Dyer also went for Aston University, but the Thatcherite VC Sir Freddie Crawford did her bidding by closing down the Psychology Dept and transforming it into a Business School, where the paedophiles’ friends went to do business management qualifications for their future roles as public service managers (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Guess where else Swinnerton-Dyer aimed his axe? Salford. Salford was hit very badly, they had a 40% cut in their funding. They did survive – the VC who saw them through it was the VC who took over in 1981, when Salford was busy giving respectability to Cartrefle College which was run for the benefit of the paedophile gang of north Wales. I shall be blogging about that VC in a future post.

So Swinnerton-Dyer went after the three universities who were doing the most to facilitate Dafydd and the paedophiles – but he backed down and they survived…

 

There will be more background on other associates of Harold Wilson in future posts. Whilst digging around, I discovered a bit of info on Wilson’s mate Barbara Castle that I hadn’t known before. Barbara was the ‘fiery red-head’ (her hair was dyed) whom aspiring female Labour politicians all feel obliged to say that they admire or even consider as their ‘role model’. The Strong Woman Who Didn’t Take Any Crap, the Real Socialist etc. Barbara shagged her way around the Labour Party during the middle years of the 20th century, which is what people meant when they made reference to her ‘fiery red-hair’ and ‘passion’. I don’t mind that Barbara shagged her way around, but Barbara also concealed the abuse of kids and vulnerable people by the health and welfare services whilst boasting of her commitment to equality and women. What I didn’t realise was that Barbara and her husband were very keen to have children but experienced fertility problems. I watched an old clip of Barbara talking about the fertility treatment that she tried and she was stressing that it was, in her view, appalling and bizarre, involving her having injections of hormones extracted from mares’ urine. People are often very surprised at what is at the root of the Top Docs miracle cures. Not that it was a miracle cure, Barbara had enough and gave up. I know one thing though. Barbara, the True Socialist, who Hated Private Medicine and pissed off the Top Docs by Taking a Stand on private beds, would not have been able to get that treatment at that time on the NHS.

So which expensive Harley Street Top Doc treated Red Barbara then? I think we should be told.

 

One of many who told me how much she admired Barbara Castle and how sad it was that all those men stopped her becoming PM was Nicky Mitchell-Heggs, the occupational health physician at St George’s Hospital Medical School – who now runs a substantial private practice, as does her Top Doc husband. Mitchell-Heggs was one of those who was instrumental in forcing me out of my job at St George’s. After I obtained copies of my records, along with the full written admissions that Nicky and co knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and they believed that Tony Francis was as well, Nicky had written and CC’d a letter about me in which she stated that now that I had left my job, she would ‘be taking a back seat’. Which was interesting, because I thought that Nicky was a bourgeois idiot and I only saw her on about two occasions. So what sort of front seat was she taking before I left my job then?

So Nicky, who was it from St George’s who traced some relatives of mine that I had not given anyone any details of, impersonated Brown and told them that I’d tried to kill myself? Which was not only extraordinary but was untrue. Who ever did it was obviously quite skilled, because the people whom they spoke to knew Brown and sincerely believed that it was him. I know who can do things like that – the security services can. They can record, splice, etc. It certainly wasn’t Keith Harris and Orville. I know that Nicky knows something about it because there was a reference to it in the letter that she CC’d to everyone.

The problem with the coroners’ verdicts on so many of the victims of Dafydd et al who were found dead in north Wales was that some of those deaths were murders, but they were recorded as suicides because they were of mental health patients who were known to be distressed. Er – Springfield patient loses her job at St George’s, appears in court on serious charges on the basis of statements provided by Top Docs in north Wales, her friend rings up her relatives and tells them that she’s tried to kill herself. Was the scene being set for my dead body to be found Nicky?

Nicky Mitchell-Heggs originally trained as a psychiatrist. She became the occ health physician at St George’s allegedly because of ‘male prejudice’ towards her. Mitchell-Heggs was the occ health physician in an institution in which a great many staff were facilitating a pan-European paedophile ring and a Professor of Paediatrics had been imprisoned for his part in it. I don’t know why Mitchell-Heggs was in that job, but it won’t have been anything to do with sexism at work.

Michell-Heggs seemed to have a great deal of money for a working mother in an NHS job…

 

I heard earlier that the Home Secretary Sajid Javid has announced that the UK is to employ 2000 more security services agents. Tell you what Sajid, why not hire 2000 patients of Dafydd’s with a sense of humour, give them a bit of loose change and a phone box and get them to do what they did 20 yrs ago, when they rang him up and took the piss out of him. They presented more of a challenge to him and found out more about his crimes and who assisted them than the police force did and the security services were helping him anyway. Theresa should have popped around to my place when I worked at St George’s because I could have filled her in – she was a Councillor just down the road from St George’s…

 

There will be more posts soon naming more of the guilty…

 

I Know Nuzzing…

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ described how the Jillings Report was commissioned in 1994 to investigate the extent of child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council. Jillings uncovered such horrors that Municipal Mutual, the Council’s insurers, refused to allow the Report to be made public. It was only in 2013 that the Jillings Report was released after constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Inquiry had been a cover up – although even then the Jillings Report was heavily redacted. Following Jillings, there was huge pressure for a public enquiry into events in children’s homes in north Wales as allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures and police officers swirled. A number of people employed in children’s homes in north Wales had been imprisoned for offences against children and many former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. By this time the Secretary of State for Wales was William Hague. Hague initially held out against holding a public inquiry but then buckled. In 1996 he announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a judge who had just retired, would be Chairing a public inquiry into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd and Gwynedd County Councils between 1974 and 1996. The Waterhouse Report, ‘Lost In Care’, written as a result of this Inquiry, was published in February 2000. Like Jillings, it’s findings were damning, revealing widespread abuse of children in care in north Wales. However, as soon as the Waterhouse Report was published, there were angry allegations that there had been a substantial cover-up at a very high level. Waterhouse concluded that a paedophile ring had been in operation in north Wales, but he was perceived to have ‘blamed’ everything on a few bottom feeding social care workers, rather than investigate the possibility that a number of much grander people might have been fully involved. (When one examines the background of Sir Ronald Waterhouse, it is easy to see why he would be in an excellent position and indeed be motivated to lead such a cover-up. A future blog post will be exploring the backgrounds and networks of some of the lawyers and judges named on this blog, including Ronald Waterhouse.) The Waterhouse Report is enormous and I’ve never read it from cover to cover, but I have read big chunks of it and I have been refreshing my memory over the past few days. What strikes me upon reading it is that Waterhouse managed to frequently avoid blaming the bottom feeders as well -the abuse of children was undoubtedly far worse and far more extensive than Waterhouse admitted. He seems to have disregarded huge amounts of evidence of extensive brutality and wrongdoing – this man was a JUDGE, some of what he brushed to one side or chose not to comment on was extraordinary. I will give examples later on in this post.

Waterhouse supplied details of the management structures and the backgrounds of the senior managers and managers of Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils after taking evidence from numerous witnesses. Everybody involved claimed to have no knowledge of the extensive abuse of children. It is always said of north Wales that everybody knows everybody else’s business and to a large extent that’s a fairly accurate caricature. This seems to be one reason why the idea that the arson campaign against second homes in the 70s and 80s was the work of the security services acting as agent provocateurs caught on – I was told by a number of people rooted locally that ‘no-one can do anything in north Wales without everyone knowing, but no-one knows anyone who knows anything about the fires, it is definitely not one of us doing it’. Regarding the abuse of children though, people most certainly did know that it was happening – they just weren’t openly admitting it. It was a classic case of the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett’s notion of ‘not knowing’ (please see post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’). In the same way that everybody knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients, people knew that those kids were being abused. I got wind of it as a first year undergrad at Bangor University – I had no family from the region, I knew nothing about north Wales until I went to university there, but I soon found out that all was not well with the disadvantaged kids. I didn’t hear about a paedophile ring, but then laypeople didn’t tend to be obsessed with paedophiles in the early 1980s – but I did hear about ‘cruelty’. I heard more and more about it as time went by – at one point I lodged with a man who had grown up in care and I heard it from him and his girlfriend. Then I shared a house with some other young people, one of whom was a young man who’d grown up on a farm on the Llyn Peninsula. His mum had been a foster parent and the whole extended family were appalled at the lack of care and the degree of callousness shown by social workers towards the children in their care. This particular family were vey keen to care for their foster children well, but they observed that there was no help or interest from social workers at all and that they could have done pretty much anything to those kids and no-one would have asked any questions. They also told me that on the 16th birthday of the children the social workers would announce that the kids were no longer their responsibility and that was that, they wanted to hear no more about them. This particular family continued to support their foster children without the ‘input’ of the social services after they were 16. (Interestingly enough one thing that was admitted in both the Jillings and Waterhouse Reports was that ‘aftercare’ for children in care was appalling.) When I entered the mental health system I encountered many people who had grown up in ‘care’ and it was very clear that something was terribly wrong – of course the mental health services were key figures in concealing the paedophile ring, as detailed in previous posts. So if an 18 year old undergrad newly arrived in north Wales heard a few worrying things I think it highly unlikely that the managers of those ‘services’ did not know what was going on. To illustrate this further and explore how so many people were able to maintain that they ‘didn’t know’, let’s take a look at the management of Gwynedd Social Services and what they said, based on the information supplied in the Waterhouse Report – as well what I saw and heard when I lived in Gwynedd. (I’ll explore the situation in Clwyd in another post.)

Waterhouse looked at the scene from 1974 onwards, although the Jillings Report noted that they suspected that the serious abuse of children had been going on in north Wales for decades. My own knowledge of those involved with the children’s and mental health services and conversations with numerous people suggest that is indeed likely.

Let’s look at Gwynedd Social Services. Between April 1974 and September 1982, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services was T.E. Jones. He had previously held the same post in the old Local Authority area of Caernarvonshire, before the formation of Gwynedd County Council. T.E. Jones had grown up in Montgomeryshire, had no professional qualifications and no experience of child care work. He had been the County Welfare Officer in Merionethshire from 1952 to 1964 and the County Welfare Officer in Caernarvonshire for seven years after that. The Deputy Director until 1983 was David Alun Parry – he was then Assistant Director (Special Duties) until March 31 1987, when he took voluntary redundancy. Before Parry was Deputy Director of Gwynedd, he had spent three years as Director of Social Services for Anglesey. Between 1964 and 1971 he was Deputy Children’s Officer, then Children’s Officer, for Anglesey. Parry was an Aberystwyth graduate who had also undertaken Diplomas in Social Science and Applied Social Studies at the Universities of Swansea and Liverpool. He also held the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care and had attended several management courses for senior officers at Liverpool University and in 1972, attended two short courses for Directors of Social Services at the Institute for Local Government Studies at Birmingham University. Below Jones and Parry, there were three Assistant Directors. The responsibilities for children were divided between Emyr Davies and G.H. Egerton. Elizabeth Hughes was the Homes Officer reporting to Emyr Davies. Egerton was responsible for five Area Officers under an Area Controller – the Senior Officer (Children) accountable to him from 1975 was Larry King. T.E. Jones maintained that Parry was incapable of carrying out his duties as his Deputy – Parry was therefore relieved of these duties, but kept his rank and was put in charge of the children’s section. T.E. Jones also maintained that Emyr Davies and Egerton were seriously ill, absent for a long time and had to retire. From February 1976 a new structure was imposed. A Principal Assistant Director of similar status to the Deputy Director was appointed – one Lucille Hughes, who had previously been an Assistant Director. For the benefit of new readers – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation in the social services but failed to act. She was also the mistress of the dreadful Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, who was illegally banging up people n the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who had complained about the mental health services or who had been molested ‘in care’. Lucille now had Emyr Davies (Elderly) and Egerton (Mental Health) under her and Parry had Larry King as Senior (later Principal) Officer (Children) under him. King retired in 1988. He had been in the Army, then in the police in England, transferring to the Colonial Police in Rhodesia. He had been a Housemaster at Bryn Estyn – the home in Clwyd which was one of the centres of the most serious abuse, where a number of staff were imprisoned for serious sexual offences. In 1969 King began work for Denbighshire County Council after qualifying for the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care at Liverpool University. He was later a Senior Social Worker for Flintshire County Council and then moved to the Llandudno Area Office managed by Gwynedd County Council in 1974. From 1975 King was a Senior Officer in Gwynedd  – he was redesignated as Principal Officer (Children) from 1979.

Parry’s story was that the previous incorporation of Anglesey Social Services into Gwynedd was not a happy one. He maintained that working relationships were seriously impaired and claimed that the children’s section lacked resources. From July 1981, the responsibility for the children’s section was transferred to Lucille Hughes. This transfer occurred at the same time that Gwynedd County Council’s Chief Executive Ioan Bowen Rees commissioned officials from Dyfed County Council to investigate complaints made by current and former staff regarding Y Gwyngyll community home. Furthermore in 1981, Nefyn Dodd was made responsible for all the community homes in Gwynedd. Nefyn Dodd and his wife June were accused by scores of people of the most ferocious abuse and brutality towards children. Parry was an uncritical admirer of Nefyn Dodd. Elizabeth Hughes the Homes Officer was for a long while on long term sick leave, then left and was not replaced. In the face of this chaos and mismanagement, Waterhouse commented that it was ‘commendable’ that Gwynedd provided such a level of service with ‘comparatively few’ complaints of abuse. (Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have questioned the degree of fuckwittery present and there were actually numerous complaints of abuse, many ignored by Gwynedd and others brushed aside by Waterhouse himself.)

Then in 1982, Parry had a car crash and was off for a long time. When T.E. Jones retired in 1982, Lynn Ebsworth, who had been Chief Personnel Officer, became Acting Director. Parry returned as Assistant Director (Special Duties) after May 1983. In March 1987, after ‘negotiations with his professional organisation’ Parry took voluntary redundancy and received an enhanced pension. To return to Lucille who had been responsible for children since July 1981. Lucille was an English graduate from UCNW (which later became Bangor University) and also had a Certificate in Social Sciences from Liverpool University and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care. For 13 years she had worked in the children’s departments of Cheshire and Anglesey County Councils, as a Children’s Officer in both counties and then as Deputy Director in Cheshire in 1971. She was Principal Assistant Director in Gwynedd from Feb 1976 and until July 1981 her responsibilities were principally the elderly and mental health. Assisting Lucille was Owain Gethin Evans. Gethin Evans had graduated in Social Administration from Manchester University in 1968 and obtained Diplomas in Education (1970) from Cardiff University and Social Work Studies (1974) from the LSE. He had worked as a social worker in Cheshire between 1971 and 1973. After his stint at the LSE he returned to Gwynedd as a social worker and from 1975 spent three years as a community organiser. In 1978 Gethin Evans was appointed Senior Officer (General) to assist Lucille. He was then appointed Principal Officer (Children) and was Head of the Children’s Services in 1982. In 1995 he was appointed Director of Social Services for Ceredigion County Council. Evans was the de facto Head of Children’s Services in Gwynedd, except for between 1987-1992 when he was Assistant Director (Resources and Support). Evans was also a member of Dwyfor District Council between 1976-1986 and was it’s Chairman in 1983/84.

Lynn Ebsworth was Acting Director of Social Services from May 1982-Sept 1983. Lucille Hughes was appointed Director with effect from 1 Oct 1983. Ebsworth had previously been Management Services Officer to Ioan Bowen Rees the County Secretary, and Chief Personnel Officer to the newly formed Gwynedd County Council’s first Chief Executive, D. Alun Jones. Bowen Rees succeeded D. Alun Jones as Chief Exec in 1980. Ebsworth then became accountable to Bowen Rees. Ebsworth had no previous training or experience in Social Services. Under Ebsworth was Gethin Evans, responsible for the Children’s Section but with virtually no experience of children in care. Responsible to him were Nefyn Dodd and Larry King. It was Gethin Evans who oversaw Dodd being given responsibility for all of the community homes. Extraordinarily, amidst this mess, the County Council’s Chief Exec, Ioan Bowen Rees, thought that Lucille ‘performed admirably’ as Director of Social Services. That was while she knew that a paedophile ring was in operation but failed to act. I will return to Bowen Rees later.

On 2 April 1984 a new Deputy Director of Social Services was appointed, David Glanville Owen – Gethin Evans was also short-listed for the post. Glanville was from Pwhelli and had been a trainee in the Children’s Dept in the Liverpool Corporation in 1965 after graduating in economics from Liverpool University. He then acquired a Diploma in Applied Social Studies and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care from Nottingham University by 1967. He had also worked in four English Local Authorities and for the National Children Home (NCH). He had been a senior social worker to the Assistant Director at Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council.

When Glanville was applying for the Gwynedd position, he was undertaking a course in Advanced Management for Local Government at Birmingham University. He was Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services until the local government reorganisation, then spent 18 months as Head of Policy Unit of the new Gwynedd County Council until Sept 1997, when he was made redundant.

Being made redundant didn’t end Glanville’s substantial toxic influence in Gwynedd. By 2003 Glanville was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Community Health Council – the patients watchdog! That’s how I came across him. I approached him with my very serious complaint about the Hergest Unit – this was at a time when the madness was evident with patients dying and being hauled off to prison and people writing to politicians about the brutality and the chaos – and Glanville refused to receive me, telling me that the CHC wasn’t responsible for hospitals. I found out that this was a lie, so I returned to Glanville who then lied about telling the first lie. I submitted my complaint and for many, many months Glanville and one of his ‘officers’, a lady called Hilary, went around and around in circles. My complaint was neither investigated properly or resolved and Glanville and Hilary never managed to explain why. The last time that I saw the disgusting Glanville he was attending a meeting in his capacity as a member of the North Wales CHC. So Gwynedd is not rid of him yet.

Glanville sounds as though he was his usual slippery negligent self in his evidence to Waterhouse.  He emphasised that he had never managed a community home for children or worked in one, even when he was with the NCH. As Deputy Director, he was ‘remote’ from the residential section and had not much contact with it – that was Lucille’s domain. However although Glanville claimed to know nuzzing, Waterhouse noted that almost as soon as he arrived in Gwynedd, he took up 12 points regarding the community homes in Gwynedd, including some serious allegations of staff misconduct, with Gethin Evans. Evans responded to Glanville with a memo that Waterhouse described as ‘inappropriate, complacent and discourteous’ which onbiously was ‘intended to discourage intrusion’. Glanville reorganised the Social Services Dept soon after his arrival and the responsibility for the development of Children’s Services was given to the Assistant Director, one Gethin Evans.

From 1987, the Assistant Director responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. By 1984 he had acquired 10 years of management experience of social work in Northampton and Dorset and had served as a Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992, restructuring resulted in Rob Evans being appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) – Waterhouse notes that Evans ‘left local government’ in March 1996. It was in his capacity as Assistant Director that I encountered Rob in the mid 90s. As a result of the constant aggro that I was receiving from the delightful Arfon Community Mental Health Team (please see previous posts), Rob was called in to sort it out. I had a truly bizarre meeting with him in which he made no comments about the law-breaking and perjury and constant aggression of the Arfon Team, but instead offered a discourse on ‘changing practice’ in social work. As an example he explained that when he used to take children to children’s homes he used to take their shoes away to stop them running away. He said that the children hated him for taking them to the homes but he knew that he was doing the right thing. A couple of years ago, some of the interviews that some of the former residents of north Wales children’s homes gave to the police in the criminal trials were made public. Some of the witnesses explained that they ran away after they were molested by members of the paedophile ring but someone took their shoes away after that to prevent them escaping. Many years after my own encounter with Rob, my lawyers obtained the documents that he had compiled after he had met me to discuss the Arfon Team and their activities. Rob had noted that he had met Keith Fearns, the psychopath who was the ‘leader’ of the Arfon Team and asked him what he wanted done with me. Fearns had replied ‘lock her up’. Rob had told him that wasn’t possible. Fearns had replied once more ‘lock her up’. Rob had noted that the situation was unresolvable and that he was leaving his post tomorrow anyway. Waterhouse was wrong about Rob – he didn’t leave local government in 1996. After no-one had been held to account for the rape and battery of hundreds of children over many years, Rob resurfaced again – as Head of Community Services on Anglesey! Waterhouse noted that in his evidence, Rob had told him that he wasn’t a fluent Welsh speaker and he considered that his chances of an appropriate ‘senior’ position were virtually zero. So it’s good to know that Anglesey found a home for him. The last time that I saw Rob I tried to ask him about his activities regarding Fearns many years ago. Rob told me that I was ‘arrassin’ him and if I didn’t stop he’d call the police. Rob often seemed to find himself the line manager of thugs – he was responsible for Larry King and Nefyn Dodd until his job changed and he was then overseeing dear old Fearns.

Rob had an interesting interpretation of Fearns and co’s threats, harassment and aggression though. In his evidence to Waterhouse, Rob maintained that because a Health Advisory Service Inspection in 1986 had been ‘very critical’ of mental health services in Gwynedd, Rob had made mental health a priority and the community mental health services had now been recognised as among the best in Europe! I’d love to know who ‘recognised’ them as such. The only people with knowledge of social work and mental health services in other parts of Europe that I knew who had contact with the thugs and liars that were employed by Lucille et al were a team of German social scientists who had a link with Bangor University. I worked with them myself and they were a nice lot – but they had no idea at all how patients were being treated because their contact was with the thugs and liars themselves who never fessed up that they were facilitating a paedophile ring. They just met up with the Germans for nibbles and drinks and no doubt told them that the services had been recognised as the best in Europe. But then idiots in north Wales were a bit obsessed with Europe in those days. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept appearing in the local press described as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. He wasn’t even a forensic psychiatrist.

Larry King retired in 1988 and was replaced by Peter James Hibbs. Hibbs had grown up in Colwyn Bay and graduated in sociology from the South Bank Poly in 1973. He had been an Education Welfare Officer in ILEA (Inner London Education Authority) for four years, then completed his CQSW at UCNW (Bangor University) and also gained a Diploma in Social Studies. In Dec 1979 Hibbs joined Gwynedd as a member of the Child Care Team at the Anglesey Area Office and was promoted to senior social worker in Nov 1985. When Nefyn Dodd retired from the post of Principal Officer (Residential Services) in May 1990, Hibbs took over. Hibbs himself encountered serious personal difficulties and became ill with severe depression –  he was deemed by a Medical Officer to be unable continue working after December 1990 and formally retired in Jan 1993. However, at the time of giving evidence to Waterhouse, he had been working since November 1995 as a Senior Practitioner at the Family Centre, Rhyl, run by NCH. Hibbs stated that he used to see Rob Evans about once a week, but was ‘uncertain’ whether Rob grasped ‘child protection issues’, he was more of a ‘mental health specialist’ no less.

Hibbs had been responsible to Gethin Evans and when Hibbs retired he was replaced by Dafydd Ifans. Ifans had worked in the North Wales Probation Services for the last ten years after obtaining his CQSW at Cartrefle College as well as an OU degree. Prior to that he’d been in the Army for fifteen years after leaving school at fifteen to join as an Army apprentice. He then worked as a manager for ASDA for two years. Ifans worked in Gwynedd until 31 December 1995, when he was then appointed as Service Manager for the Children and Families Services for Conwy County Borough Council. During his nearly three years as a Principal Officer, Ifans was responsible for line managing three community homes in Gwynedd.

I have deliberately given a lot of details regarding the managers of Gwynedd Social Services to demonstrate a number of points. Firstly, the degree of conflict that obviously existed between some of them. Secondly, the number of people that were falling apart at the seams themselves – a lot of people were on long-term sick leave or being deemed incapable of fulfilling their duties. This is a key sign of an organisation in trouble but judging from the chunks of the Waterhouse Report that I’ve read so far, Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have taken on board the significance of this. One inescapable theme is how many of these people had connections with each other, or had been circulating around the system for some time. During the 80s and 90s, if one was English and living in Gwynedd, one heard constant allegations that Gwynedd County Council was a ‘closed shop’ and that ‘they only employ their friends and their relatives’. There does seem to have been an awful lot of that going on – but another allegation that English people frequently made was ‘none of them have ever been out of Gwynedd’. Judging from the previous account that is very obviously not true. They had all had stints of studying or working elsewhere – or moving on elsewhere after presiding over the horror that was Gwynedd children’s services. But as far as I can see that is simply more terrifying. That lot had a well-established network that will have been affording them protection and as I have previously argued it stretched far and wide, into England as well. A number of them had also worked in places where it is now known that there was a problem with the organised abuse of children eg. Cheshire, Leicester and inner London. Again and again I was told that the problems in north Wales re the children’s services and mental health services was ‘just north Wales’. It was not. It surfaced in north Wales and ‘outsiders’ were always suspicious and curious because they were very obviously excluded on the grounds of language and it was easy for them to conjure up spectres of cave-dwelling sheep shaggers who molest the kids and burn English peoples houses down. But the vile ones had mates next door in England and had an established network to assist them. Some of them also had connections to the police and the Army…

Among all the detail supplied in the Waterhouse Report regarding Gwynedd Social Services, there is a glaring omission. Waterhouse mentions in passing a ‘child protection officer’ who was working under Gethin Evans. In a region where children were being abused by a paedophile ring and having the living daylights battered out of them by the likes of Nefyn Dodd and were being half-starved and used as free labour by ‘foster parents’, the child protection officer would be a fairly crucial member of the team. Yet they are not named and there is no reference to their evidence in the Waterhouse Report. Were they fast asleep on the job or simply terrified? Or had someone decided that they didn’t want to hear evidence from them? Or had Waterhouse heard their evidence and decided not to mention it? There was something else that he passed by with barely a comment. When he ‘reviewed’ the evidence against Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as ignoring scores of complaints of brutality – and a few of sexual abuse – against the Dodds and the people whom they employed in the community home that they ran in Bangor, Waterhouse mentions a complaint from someone referred to as X, against the Dodds. Waterhouse acknowledges that a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ allegedly signed by X was sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes expressing support for the Dodds. But Waterhouse accepted that X didn’t write this and so he disregarded it! So someone in Risley Remand Centre forged a letter from X and sent it to Lucille Hughes, supporting the Dodds, when the Dodds were under investigation for abusing children. And Waterhouse barely bats an eyelid. But then someone forged a letter from me and sent it to the GMC after I complained about Dr Tony Roberts (please see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Someone forged a certificate of indictment saying that I’d been found guilty of ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court when I hadn’t (please see post ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’). It’s good to know that I wasn’t being singled out – forging documents is obviously an everyday pastime of health and welfare folk in the face of complaints about the health and social care services. How many more forged documents are there sitting in files in the wake of caring staff having been cleared of serious wrongdoing after the plebs of this parish dared complain about them?

And therein lies the key. For the most part, the people on the receiving end of this bunch of scumbags were indeed the plebs. They were people with long-term mental health problems, drug/alcohol problems, kids in care, various dispossessed or disadvantaged people. They also often had criminal records, because as I have detailed previously on this blog, if you complained about that bunch of bastards they stitched you up for crimes that everyone knew that you hadn’t done so they could then dismiss your complaints as coming from a ‘criminal’ and therefore not to be believed. Because I constantly had the most dreadful encounters with the ‘services’ and then more dreadful encounters with officious lying shits like Glanville Owen when I tried to raise concerns about them, for many years I gained the impression that Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils must be run by daft old buggers who had worked their way up from jobs as admin assistants when they were 16 and who did not know their arses from their elbows. Some people did equate to this stereotype – namely Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who could hardly string a coherent sentence together – but let’s have a look at those at the very top of the tree in Gwynedd County Council, the successive Chief Executives who oversaw this horror. So how dim and uninformed were they?

The Chief Execs of Gwynedd County Council for the period of time reviewed by Waterhouse were: David Alun Jones, 1974-1980; Ioan Bowen Rees, 1980-1991; Huw Vaughan Thomas, 1991-1996.

David Alun Jones was a solicitor, the Deputy Clerk (1952-1961), then Clerk of Denbighshire County Council for 13 years. He read law at Aberystwyth University, then held posts as a solicitor in Ilford, Southampton, Berkshire and Surrey before Denbighshire. After his stint as Chief Exec at Gwynedd, he was the Commissioner for Local Administration in Wales for the next five years until his retirement in 1985. His evidence to the Waterhouse Tribunal revolved around the theme of how financially poor the area of Gwynedd was. It was stated that T.E. Jones, the Director of Social Services, didn’t discuss problems regarding children or the community homes with Alun Jones and Waterhouse stated that he had no reason to think that Alun Jones was aware of the complaints. Alun Jones was consulted by the Director of Social Services regarding the alleged failings of Parry, the Deputy Director of Social Services, in approx. 1974. Alun Jones thought that Parry’s services should be dispensed with, but the Chairman of the Social Services Committee, formerly of Anglesey County Council (I presume this will have been Councillor Eric Davies) thought that Parry should be given responsibility for children’s services and this was the view that prevailed. So they handed children’s services over to a man whom they seemed to be in dispute with and whom they maintained could not do his job. Did Alun Jones not think this was a little high risk? Alun Jones was a lawyer – presumably not completely stupid. But look at his background – all those years as a legal advisor to Denbighshire County Council. The North Wales Hospital was on his patch – he was there whilst Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd were in action. He will have known about the problems out there and what was alleged to have been happening. I note that Alun Jones read law at Aber – it has always been maintained that one factor preventing the true extent of the child abuse in north Wales becoming public was rampant corruption among lawyers in the region. A previous post of mine looking at corruption in the region noted how many people who had been implicated were law graduates from Aber (see post ‘Updates, Common Themes And News, May 5 2017’).

Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Exec for much of the time under review by Waterhouse, ie. 1980-1991. It was during this time that the complaints and allegations of child abuse came thick and fast, when Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on it all first raised concerns within the social services and, when she was dismissed in the wake of doing so, went very public indeed, contacting the media as well as Ministers, including Margaret Thatcher. So one would have that Ioan might have noticed that something was amiss. Ioan was a from a local family and had grown up in Dolgellau. His father was a teacher there and his mother had been one of the first women graduates from UCNW (Bangor University). Ioan went to school in Dolgellau and won a scholarship to Oxford to read modern history. So not only did he know the area but he was no fool. He decided to become a solicitor and did his articles with – the Clerk of Denbighshire County Council! Well where else? Waterhouse states that Ioan Bowen Rees was admitted as a solicitor in 1956 – so one presumes that he was doing his articles when his predecessor as Chief Exec Alun Jones worked as the Deputy Clerk of Denbighshire County Council. Bowen Rees then served in local government in Lancashire, Cardiff and Pembrokeshire, as Deputy Clerk to the County Council. Waterhouse mentions that Bowen Rees was ‘well-known’ outside Gwynedd. He certainly was. Bowen Rees died some years ago and his obituaries tell us a lot about him. He stood for election as a Plaid candidate in Conway in 1955 and 1959 and in Methyr Tydfil in 1964. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was involved in Plaid during those years and stood for election for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. Another reason why Bowen Rees will have known Dafydd then. That’s the Dafydd whose mistress was Lucille Hughes. The Dafydd who illegally banged people up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh if they complained about the childrens services or the mental health services. In 1973, Bowen Rees became the County Secretary of the newly formed Dyfed County Council. Bowen Rees was considered something of an authority on local government and won the Haldane Medal from the Royal Institution for Public Administration for his 1971 publication ‘Government By Community’, which was described by Max Beloff as ‘essential reading’. This is the Conservative peer Max Beloff, the father of Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff was the lawyer who advised Municipal Mutual, Clwyd County Council’s insurers, to suppress the Jillings Report! Bowen Rees was awarded an honorary LLD by the University of Wales in 1997. He was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards – as was Dafydd and so many others mentioned in previous blog posts. He advised the Association of County Councils and was Chair of the Society of Local Chief Executives. He was described by the TLS as ‘one of the old breed of highly educated, civilised public servants’. My co-researcher made the following observation of Bowen Rees – ‘Oxford, Plaid, Gorsedd, Gwynedd County Council – he’s got a full house’. Bingo indeed.

In his evidence to Waterhouse, Bowen Rees stated that there was a ‘difficulty’ because Gwynedd Council had no overall leader and that the financial situation through the 1980s left one with a feeling of ‘helplessness’. It was stated that Bowen Rees was more ‘interventionist’ in the Social Services than his predecessor. He was told of complaints and he therefore ordered an enquiry and a report to be conducted by officers of Dyfed County Council – whom he will have known well because he had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed. It was during Bowen Rees’s time as Chief Exec that Gwynedd saw many children in their care ‘boarded out’ (often, it was alleged, to the care of very unsuitable people). Gwynedd had the highest proportion of children boarded out in Wales and the second highest proportion in Great Britain. But Bowen Rees explained to Waterhouse that it saved the Council a great deal of money. Bowen Rees had taken a particular interest in the complaints of Alison Taylor. He told Waterhouse that he had ‘very little recollection of events surrounding the police investigation’ (thank goodness his memory didn’t let him down like that at Oxford or when he was winning medals, it just went a bit flaky when his Council was investigated by the police in the wake of allegations of a paedophile ring), but he knew that he’d asked Lucille to get in touch with him when investigation was over.(Nuffin’ to do with me Guv, I’m only the Chief Exec.) Luciile was described as being ‘over the moon’ when she told him that the police would not be taking proceedings against anyone and that there was ‘no substance’ to the allegations of abuse. Bowen Rees was satisfied that no disciplinary proceedings would have to be taken against any Council officers without talking to Lucille, because he’d talked to senior police officers. (Regular readers will remember that among the allegations of child abuse in north Wales were those that police were involved. A former senior police officer from the North Wales Police, Gordon Anglesea, was last year imprisoned for molesting children in care in north Wales.) Bowen Rees told Waterhouse that he had not been aware of Nefyn Dodd’s dual role in the management of children’s services and had been told that Alison Taylor was ‘worse than a troublemaker’. He thought that poor old Lucille had been ‘unfortunate’ in her Chairman of the Social Services Committee in the 1980s, as he was ‘wilful’ and tolerated only because of his war record. Which is quite a surprising thing for Bowen Rees to have said really, because the rest of us are of the opinion that Eric Davies did Lucille some pretty big favours – he spat poison in the direction of Alison Taylor, carried out a character assassination of her and ensured that she was sacked after she blew the whistle on child abuse in Gwynedd.

Even just the information supplied above suggests that Bowen Rees knew that there was cause for concern in the children’s services which he was paid to run. But there’s another reason why Bowen Rees would have known about the misery and suffering that his children’s services inflicted upon local people as those services worked hand in hand with his mental health services. Because he lived in a hill village near Bethesda where an awful lot of the casualties of Lucille and Dafydd resided. I know because I too lived there for years. At the same time as Bowen Rees. I and the others who had been shafted by Bowen Rees’s ‘services’ mostly lived in the main part of the village, comprised of 19th century quarrymans cottages. Bowen Rees lived near us – but not in our terraces. No, Bowen Rees resided in splendour in an enormous house shielded from our view by beech trees, down a long lane. (However, his widow does now live in the village square, but in one of the most desirable houses there.) Bowen Rees was described by his mates Jim Perrin and Meic Stephens in their obituaries of him as a ‘leftwing nationalist’, an ‘internationalist’, ‘with a philosophy of localism’, who believed in ‘the centrality of [the citizens] voice in determining policies’ and whose observations on mountaineering – which Bowen Rees enjoyed – included that ‘the early mountaineers didn’t concern themselves with the activity of a lower class’. Jim Perrin stated that Bowen Rees ‘firmy identified with that lower class’. That’s funny Jim, because I got the distinct impression that he didn’t give a fuck about them. Except perhaps at election time. I was amused to see in one of Ioan’s obituaries the comment that he ‘enjoyed the close community spirit’ of the village where we all lived. Wondering if I’d somehow missed all the occasions on which Ioan hung out in the village pub or in the canolfan or purchased his stamps from the Post Office, yesterday I rang one of my former neighbours to ask her if she ever remembered socialising with Ioan. Now this was not a neighbour who was one of the dispossessed being screwed over by Ioan and his staff. This is someone who is a retired teacher, whose husband is a retired teacher (and he graduated with a First as well), who have lived in that village for decades, who both learnt Welsh to a very high standard, who do know quite a few public figures and who are acquainted with pretty much everyone around. She replied that she knew OF the Bowen Rees’s and his wife ‘is very pleasant but they are a bit above and beyond the reach of the rest of us’. The man of the common people! Bowen Rees’s obituaries also stated that when he was young, he was regularly consulted by Gwynfor Evans, the President of Plaid (I think that he also co-authored with Gwynfor Evans) and was subsequently consulted by Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon. Who definitely knew about the havoc in the mental health services because I wrote to him about it – and I can’t really believe that he didn’t ever hear about what Lucille and co were up to either.

I’ll outline a few things that were going on in the village where Bowen Rees actually lived. There was a severely mentally ill homeless man who for some months literally lived on the playing field, completely psychotic, whilst his neighbours begged for help from the mental health services to no avail. There was another severely mentally ill man who was living in a derelict schoolhouse with an open fire inside and about nine dogs – both the police and his neigbours begged the Arfon Mental Health Team to assist him. They didn’t. This went on for many months until a relative of his was traced and she arranged for a religious order to look after him in another region. One of my neighbours up there was a young man who whose mother had killed herself when he was a child – he used to scavenge in bins for food and by the time that he was a teenager he had developed a drink problem and mental health problems. He was violent and a nuisance when he was pissed but to be fair to him, he went down to the GPs surgery in Bethesda for help with his ‘nerves’. No help was forthcoming from the GPs let alone the mental health team. There was a whole family of adults who had been on the receiving end of such serious sexual and physical abuse whilst they were children that one of them was an elective mute and another one was in the ‘care’ of the mental health services – he became destitute when the day centre at the Hergest Unit was shut down, on the orders of the Arfon Team. There was a single parent who was such a hopeless drunk that her 10 year old daughter was looking after her, the house and her younger brother – who was displaying sexually abusive behaviour himself after being exposed to sexual activity from his father. There were also the people whom I discussed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’ – in which two fathers were denied access to their own children by Gwynedd Social Services and one of those children was instead handed over to people with a known record of abusing children themselves. There was the family who had been swindled out of their inheritance and left to rot by a number of crooked lawyers and doctors, who were also refused help from the Arfon Team (please see post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’). There were two other men displaying what a social worker (well one who knew what they were doing) would describe as sexually inappropriate behaviour who had been in the ‘care’ of Gwynedd Social Services as children. There was another family whose daughter had been removed from them and had been handed over to Gwynedd Social Services for her ‘protection’ who was wrecked after her encounters with the children’s and mental health services. There was also a little girl being fostered at weekends to give her mother who lived in the neighbouring village ‘respite’. That little girl’s mother had held Alun Davies the manager of the Hergest Unit hostage at knife point in her house and he had to be freed in a police operation. No charges were ever brought against her because Davies had unlawfully accessed her medical records, removed them from the hospital and gone out to see her without anyone’s permission or indeed even telling anyone. He would have been in much trouble himself if anyone had discovered what he had done, therefore his ordeal as a hostage was ignored.

What a record of achievement! Give that man another medal. Bowen Rees drove past these people on his way to work every day – whilst they waited for the bus. Lest any readers think that poor old Bowen Rees just wasn’t mixing in the right circles to hear the accounts of the ‘service users’, there were some people in that village who had worked in his children’s homes and left, appalled at the abuse that they witnessed. I knew three of these people – they all told me that they had witnessed young people being abused. They didn’t witness sexual abuse but they witnessed physical abuse and one of them described Nefyn Dodd to me as a ‘total fascist’. The other two people had worked in the home where Alison Taylor had initially reported abuse and told me that as well as being on the receiving end of ‘cruelty’, the teenaged boys in the home were being forced to work for no pay in the black economy. They boys expressed fear of physical violence from social workers if they refused this work.

But something else was happenining in that village as Ioan Bowen Rees managed to not see what was happening on his doorstep. Something that he most certainly knew about. Lucille Hughes’s henchmen from the Arfon Team were perjuring themselves in Chester Crown Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned. They were being coached and advised in this by Lucille, Hywel Ellis Hughes the County Secretary and Solicitor, and Ron Evans, his sidekick. I have the documents to prove it and described it in detail in my post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ioan will have known about all that because Gwynedd County Council were spending a fortune trying to have me (and a few other patients) imprisoned and he will have had to sign something off. I bet he knew my address as well, because I was being served with Court documents at home. So Ioan knew that I was a neighbour! Where was his much boasted about community spirit? Oh – the other thing that happened whilst I lived in the same village as Ioan was that someone tried to set fire to my house. Twice. Another memorable feature of the village was the phone box. Ioan won’t have used it because he’ll have had a landline and a mobile as well, but a lot of people in that village didn’t have a phone so there was often a queue at that phone box. That phone box lives on in my memory for one reason – it was the phone box that was used by a mental health patient who lived in that village who repeatedly rang Crimestoppers and reported the law-breaking and abuse of named staff of the mental health services and the thugs that they were using to distribute drugs and intimidate patients who complained. There wasn’t an investigation. Ioan probably had a few words with his friends in the police again like he did after Alison Taylor blew the whistle.

Ioan will not have been able to have missed the reality of the lives of the people in that village no matter how fast he drove past them. Because his own son went to school with some of those kids who had been so badly neglected and abused. Ioan’s son went to Ysgol Dyffryn Ogwen and is now famous – he is Gruff Rhys from the rock band the Superfurry Animals. He and his mates used to practice their music in the hall at the end of the terrace where I used to live. Ioan was known to be passionate about the Welsh language and is on record as saying that we speak Welsh ‘for the sake of our children’. I’m all for bilingual children as well, but whilst Ioan’s son was learning Welsh and becoming a rock star there were a number of other children who were being beaten, buggered and raped in the ‘service’ for which Ioan was paid handsomely to provide.

Ioan’s glorious career didn’t stop after he stood down from the Chief Exec’s role after the police investigation which exonerated the whole bloody lot of them. No, Ioan was a passionate believer in devolution and was a member of the working party that advised Ron Davies the Secretary of State for Wales regarding the creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Who knows, Ioan would probably have gone on to become President of the World, but he died (Waterhouse observed that he was very sad about this) in 1999. Months before the publication of the Waterhouse Report. So if any lesser gifted and less well-connected creatures than Ioan feared that Waterhouse was actually going to admit the enormity of what had gone on and that Ioan would get himself out of the ordure by landing them right in it, they need not have worried. Ioans’s memories have been taken to the grave with him.

The Story of Ioan reminds me very much of the work of the Welsh Labour historians who were busy in the 1970s and 80s. They pissed a lot of people off because they maintained that the exploitation of the Welsh labourers in the quarries and other industries involved an enormous degree of collusion from the Welsh middle classes who also exploited the labourers and did very well for themselves out of this, but who had successfully rewritten their part in history and framed themselves as defenders of language and nation. I think it was in Jim Perrin’s obituary of Ioan Bowen Rees that there was a reference to the refreshing Ioan in contrast to the English bourgeoisie who colonised the land conservation societies… the noble Ioan who lived in his Plas shielded by beech trees so as to avoid the prying eyes of the people whom he was shafting whilst they lived in poverty…

After the People’s Champ and Defender of the Nation left his post as Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Huw Vaughan Thomas took over. Huw was originally from mid-Glamorgan, read modern history at Durham University, acquired a Masters in Administrative Sciences from City University and entered the civil service. He worked in the Department of Employment and bodies associated with it and was the Private Secretary to two Ministers of Employment. He then lead the Manpower Services Commission’s employment rehabilitation programme for disabled people. In May 1988 he moved to Wales as Director of Training Agency, Wales. He was Chief Executive of Denbighshire County Council for six years – of course he was, it seems obligatory to do a stint with them if you’re going to preside over a major child abuse scandal. Huw told Waterhouse that the allocation of resources in Gwynedd County Council  owed much to history and political considerations rather than assessment of need and the Council’s image was one of ‘fortress Gwynedd’ with a single issue of the language agenda. (I rather suspect that might have been the smokescreen that Ioan created to detract from rather more serious problems.) For most of the first three years of Huw’s tenure, there was a police investigation of Gwynedd’s children’s homes. Alison Taylor wrote to Huw shortly before an HTV programme about the abuse in north Wales in Sept 1991, requesting a meeting to discuss the ill-treatment of children. He ‘took advice’ – we are not told from whom – and he said that she should get in touch with him if she had any new matters not already investigated to report. Alison wrote again asking for a meeting regarding the extensive dossier that he had prepared relating to the abuse of children. Huw declined to meet her on the advice of the Council’s legal officers and the Chief Constable. That will have been at about the same time that those legal officers were pursuing me through the Courts for ludicrous offences such as ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’ or more serious offences that I had not committed.

So how did Huw fare once he stopped being the Chief Exec of Gwynedd in 1996? Well he was the  Assistant National Secretary of the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives and he has also been on exchanges with Chief Execs in Tasmania and New Zealand (Christ he’s gone global.) In 2001 he was appointed the Director and Principal Consultant for Taro Consulting Ltd. He was a member of the Richards Commission into the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly of Wales 2002-2004, he’s Chaired the Big Lottery Fund and served on the Parole Board for England and Wales (it really is unbelievable isn’t it). He’s a Board member for the Institute of Welsh Affairs, for the North Wales Training and Enterprise Council, a member of HEFCW, of the Law Society Council, of the Hearing Aid Council and the Olympic Lottery Distributer. His voluntary activities include involvement in two charities for deaf people, a member of the National Trust Committee for Wales, of the Princes Trust and the Chair of Plas Glyn Y Weddw Arts Centre.

Concealed a paedophile gang? Come this way Sir, we’d just love to have you on our Board.

The jewel in the crown was that on July 2010 Huw was recommended for the post of Auditor General of Wales by the National Assembly of Wales. HM the Queen herself appointed him from October 2010. He now oversees 20 billion quid of taxpayers money. His wife Enid is the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority and a member of the BUPA council. His son Owain is a trainee – at the Wales Audit Office.

Once more, I can only repeat what the residents of Ioan Bowen Rees’s village used to say when they were screwed over once more by Gwynedd County Council in some way – Jesus Christ.

There is an ancient Bela Lugosi film that used to cause merriment among film and media students because it was thought to be so ridiculous. I was told that it contained a scene where Bela looms up out of a churchyard and says ‘It’s murder – and somebody’s responsible’. Well for years children in the care of Gwynedd County Council were beaten, kicked, forced to lick Nefyn Dodd’s shoes, used as slave labour, sexually molested, kept short of food and/or abandoned. And nobody was responsible at all. The only person who lost their job was Alison Taylor.