The White Heat Of This Revolution

A recent story on BBC News Online mentioned that business with the eggs which cost Edwina Currie her career in 1988. Edwina was a Minister in the Dept of Health at the time – she was one of the merry band in Health in the late 1980s whom I blogged about in my post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’. Edwina wasn’t a member of the Ministerial group whose bright ideas led to the ‘internal market’ in the NHS and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990, which provided Dr Dafydd Alun Jones with such a business opportunity (see posts ‘Feet In Chains’ and ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’). Trumpers was a Minister in Health at the same time (see post ’95 Glorious Years!), but Trumpers wasn’t part of the Ministerial group either. Trumpers was the bright spark who appointed Jimmy Savile to the management committee of Broadmoor, but Trumpers let Edwina take the blame when Savile was exposed after his death. Edwina knew what was happening but it was not actually Edwina who made the disastrous decision. The DoH was seriously dysfunctional at the time and at least two mandarins with the remit for mental health – Brian McGinnis and Cliff Graham – were undoubtedly knowingly facilitating the organised sexual abuse of children and vulnerable people (see posts ‘The Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’ and ‘The Old Devils’).

Until I did the research for my post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’, I didn’t realise that Nigel Lawson, in his role as Chancellor of the Exchequer,  led the Ministerial group reviewing the NHS. Lawson was MP for Blaby in Leicestershire, 1974-92. A paedophile ring operated in Leicestershire with connections to Dafydd et al which was concealed by all the usual suspects, including the NHS in Leicester (see post ‘An Expert From England’). It was this gang that Greville Janner was alleged to have been a member of. After Frank Beck, the social worker who was a leading light in the gang, was imprisoned in Nov 1991, it became clear that as in north Wales, everyone had worked very hard indeed not to notice that gang. Lawson must have heard something about what was happening, although by the time the extent of the collusion was clear, he was in the Lords, having stood down from the Commons days before the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

The dysfunction and injustice prevailing in the DoH and indeed in Thatcher’s Gov’t was exemplified by Edwina Currie being forced out. Edwina’s head was demanded on a plate after she stated in Dec 1988 on ITN News that ‘Most of the egg production in this country, sadly, is now infected with salmonella.’. Within days, at least one writ was served on Edwina by a ‘farmer’ (en masse egg producer) and the British Egg Industry threatened to sue as well. Edwina was gone very shortly afterwards, in the wake of allegations that she was an idiot.

Not on that matter she wasn’t. She was spot on – most of the egg production in the country was infected – not every egg, but the majority of poultry farms at that time did have salmonella. So Edwina could have defended herself in court against the accusations of libel, but she left Gov’t instead because she had pissed off some powerful Tory supporting very wealthy factory farmers.

I was fascinated by all this at the time, because by Dec 1988 I had realised that there was very serious crime in the mental health services in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t and I had also witnessed the research fraud and malpractice at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School (see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’) and the farce which was Prof Robert Baldwin’s Cancer Research Campaign Laboratories at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). I had become very aware that even the alleged centres of excellence in British medicine were unsafe, troubled places which were rotten to the core.

I had also discovered that Brookwood Hospital in Surrey had a terrible safety record. During the year that I lived in Surrey, a Brookwood patient killed himself by firing a nail gun into his head and the press reported that this was ‘not an isolated incident’. I encountered Dr Michael Browne of Brookwood (see post ‘The BMA At The Root Of Another Mystery?’) and concluded that he was as much of a danger to patients as Dafydd was. After I left Surrey, Browne was the centre of a high profile case which involved a prisoner in Wormwood Scrubs who had killed himself. Browne was the prison psychiatrist who had been asked to see the young man by the warders because even they were worried about him. The young man had spent days in his cell in a foetal position crying. He hadn’t eaten and had stopped speaking. Browne had recorded that the young man ‘showed no signs of depression’. Hours after Browne had left the cell stating that the prisoner needed no medical care, the young man killed himself. Browne stated at the inquest that he couldn’t explain why he had recorded on the medical notes that the young man showed no signs of depression.

Michael Browne was not disciplined and the last time that I looked he was still practising. Prof Vincent Marks, my boss at the University of Surrey, had described Browne to me as being ‘very good’ and recommended him. Vincent’s brother was Dr John Marks, the then Chairman/President of the BMA.

Vincent was not a stupid man. He knew that Michael Browne was lethal.

 

In the face of all this, I marvelled that Edwina had been kicked out for stating a fact about the nation’s egg industry. The situation in the DoH in 1988 was far worse that I knew at the time.

I’d be interested to know who it was who served the writ on Edwina and which lawyers they used, there was obviously someone involved who terrified Thatcher’s Gov’t.

 

Everyone who worked in the NHS noticed that the most obvious change during the 80s/90s was the growth – in number, status and income – of the NHS manager. Top Doctors really resented this and routinely made comments about people whom they perceived as complete idiots who at best had poor degrees in arts subjects, when the highest achieving Top Docs had survived medical school and had then completed postgrad training and often a research degree as well. The rise and rise of the NHS manager was of course Thatcher’s response to the excesses of the Top Docs – there needed to be a response, but that was not the right one.

In north Wales, I looked on as Alun Davies, who was once an ‘assistant administrator’, became a ‘business manager’, then acquired grander and grander titles – that could only have existed in the public services – until he became things like ‘Directorate Executive Manager’. Davies acquired no more competence throughout the years but an awful lot more power. This wasn’t simply a result of Davies gaining promotion as a result of his corrupt deals with the paedophile gang – there was a ‘culture change’ which did involve non-clinical managers gaining a lot more clout.

I have a copy of a letter that Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) sent to a senior manager in the mid-80s regarding Davies that was insulting to Davies in the extreme. Francis had become miffed when he found that Davies had told someone that he would ‘chase’ Francis regarding a certain enquiry and Francis fired off a furious letter, reminding everyone that Davies the admin assistant was not going to chase any consultant. Davies wrote a grovelling apology. By the time that Francis took early retirement in the late 1990s Davies and other managers were as rude and insulting to the clinicians whom they did not like as the clinicians were to them. There was all out war between the two groups anyway and the cohort that had a terrible time were junior doctors, who were kicked half to death by consultants as well as by Davies and his mates.

Managerialism won the day. Whereas Top Docs once fell off their chairs laughing at the idea of MBAs, just before I left Bangor University in 2012, the Management Centre was plastered in adverts advising Top Docs that their careers would not go far without an MBA – sadly that is probably true these days – and advising them to sign up for a tailor made Top Docs MBA. Meanwhile patients committed suicide and the clinical outcomes for people in north Wales were for many conditions among the worst in Europe.

Of course I understand that good management is about facilitating people’s work and can be justified. The NHS does not have good management. NHS management is so bad that huge swathes of the private sector simply will not employ former NHS managers. I also know of cases in which managers from other sectors have dipped their toe into the NHS and walked away quickly saying ‘I was not staying there’.

I noticed that when one of those TV series about ‘turning around the NHS’ was screened a few years ago, the hatred between the managers and Top Docs was such that it couldn’t even be hidden for the sake of the cameras. Managers were walking around wearing T shirts which they had made bearing slogans saying ‘how old are they today?’, a reference to their standing joke that the Top Docs carried on like a bunch of three year olds. Meanwhile a Top Doc was interviewed on camera saying ‘I have five degrees. These people have a 2:2 in geography. I am not going to be told what to do by them.’

The two professional groups really do not like each other and the situation is inflamed by the fact that so many of them do live up to their stereotypes – rather dim managerial idiots who have no knowledge of medicine or the human condition, or arrogant pompous Top Docs who indeed think that they are God. Most other people have walked away in despair.

 

Not only did I witness what administrators did on the ground when they metamorphosed into managers but I had a bit of knowledge of a truly extraordinary phenomenon – the development of a University Dept which ran the courses for NHS and social care managers. At Aston University to be precise. The Aston Business School seems to have been a mecca for a very long time if one is an NHS/social services manager. I invite readers to start looking at the CVs of people who run the health and welfare services, even those who have become embroiled in scandal – a great many have gained a business or management qualification from Aston.

Dear old Martin Jones who screwed up so monumentally in every position which he held in the NHS in north Wales left Bangor University in I think 1983, with it is rumoured a Third – marine chemistry I think. There is a Duncan Orme-like gap (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’) in Martin’s CV, which I was told was a result of Martin, like Duncan, failing his accountancy exams. Martin rolled up in Gwynedd Health Authority after that in a junior admin role (people who remember Martin from that time enjoy referring to him as ‘the office boy’). Martin later disappeared from the inner circle of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales to the West Midlands for a few years where he worked as an NHS manager – and completed a business/management qualification at Aston. Martin then returned to north Wales at a senior level and caused havoc.

Under the glorious dictatorship of Keith Thomson, Martin was the Finance Director of the NW Wales NHS Trust. When Keith resigned as CEO of the Trust in 2005 – a few hours after the High Court in Cardiff ordered him to hand over my medical records or face a contempt hearing and a possible prison sentence – Martin became Acting CEO of the Trust. Martin was Keith’s loyal henchman and had contributed as much to the disaster that was the NW Wales NHS Trust as did Keith. I heard conversations in north Wales along the lines of ‘surely the Welsh Gov’t are not going to let mad Martin became CEO of that Trust?’ Martin did become CEO – allegedly because he remained as Acting CEO for a certain period of time which then meant he automatically became CEO under Welsh NHS rules.

I was told at the time that the Welsh Gov’t took their eye off the ball, that Martin landed the job as CEO by default and that the Welsh Gov’t were seething. Health Minister Edwina Hart was known to loathe Martin and allegedly stated that she would not let him privatise Wales’s NHS. Martin was doing that as well as rather more serious things – Martin was facilitating serious criminal misconduct.

However, it wasn’t Edwina who was Health Minister when Martin nipped in through the back door. It was Dr Brian Gibbons, the good friend of the paedophiles. The Gibbons who was receiving letters from me before Thomson resigned, telling him that I had documentary evidence of serious crime on the part of the NHS and social services in north Wales. Gibbons sent me a letter saying ‘this correspondence is closed’. My very serious complaints were never investigated and I heard no more from Gibbons.

Of course Gibbons knew that Martin was sitting in Thomson’s old chair in the NW Wales NHS Trust. The Trust was being sued constantly, there were scandals and deaths on a regular basis, the bill for agency staff was sending the Trust into near bankruptcy because Martin was running the whole Trust  by using agency and locum staff and patients were writing to the Secretary of State for Wales such was the mismanagement.

Furthermore, although after the High Court case in Cardiff Keith Thomson had appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ stating that he was retiring and would be spending more time with his family, playing golf and ‘doing a bit of management consultancy’, Thomson didn’t retire. He was appointed as the CEO for the Trust which at that time covered Pembrokeshire and west Wales. Gibbons will have made that appointment.

Gibbons knew damn well that two crazed, dangerous paedophiles’ friends who were facilitating serious crime were in the most senior positions in two NHS Trusts in Wales.

There was a longstanding paedophile ring in west Wales which was linked to the ring in north Wales.

My post ‘The Human Stain’ details Gibbons’s links to Ireland and Yorkshire as well as to south and west Wales.

Keith Thomson returned to north Wales after his ‘retirement’ from the NHS in west Wales – he lived in a flat owned by Alun Davies in Colwyn Bay.

When Edwina took over from Gibbons as Health Minister in 2007, she dissolved the NW Wales NHS Trust and how glad everyone was. Sadly at the same time, Edwina thrashed out a ‘no redundancies’ deal and every one of those mad, incompetent criminals who had facilitated a paedophile gang and brought north Wales to its knees was re-employed on their previous salaries in the newly created Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Martin had a whole new job created for him. Guess what? The Betsi Board was in chaos from it’s inception and it is now a laughing stock which no-one will work for.

There was one senior person from the NW Wales NHS Trust who was not given a role in the new Health Board, Elfed Roberts, the Chairman. So instead Edwina appointed Elfed to a role in the Governance of the Welsh Ambulance Service. Elfed had previously been a senior officer in the North Wales Police who was removed amidst allegations of corruption.

Readers in Wales will have noticed the state of the Welsh Ambulance Service.

This lot were a bunch of crooks who were all in it together. Gibbons was completely on board and was facilitating it and Edwina was colluding, although she loathed Martin et al. Edwina had a previous career in the trade unions, she’ll have spent years concealing the crap that emanated from the organised abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and the associated criminality and she was not able to control the paedophiles’ friends, although she was frequently under attack from them herself. Then there was the big idiot Rhodri, who had spent his whole career keeping schtum about George Thomas, Ron Davies, Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and the gang in west Wales as well.

I gave some indication in my post ‘The Human Stain’ the depths to which Gibbons and Edwina sunk and the disgrace that they have brought upon Wales. Surely the Lords is the only destination for them now. As well as the anecdotes about Edwina giving out business support grants during her tenure as Minister for the Economy to people whom she had slept with, I have heard people in public life in England making jokes about jobs in the Welsh Assembly being given out on the basis of people shagging Ministers. I know who the person being discussed was – it was Meri Huws, the subject of crude jokes about her being ‘passed around’ after Rhodri had had a go.

Are this lot so stupid that they believe that no-one is aware of these practices?

Gibbons and Edwina received information from me, in confidence, after I trusted them to behave as Ministers should, who could and should have put people in prison. They became accessories by colluding with the criminals.

The Health Minister who succeeded Edwina, Lesley Griffiths, had concealed the organised sexual abuse of children in Wales (see post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’). The Health Minister who succeeded Lesley Griffiths was Mark Drakeford. Who worked as a social worker in west Wales, whilst a paedophile gang operated there through the social services.

Theresa May is pointing at the Welsh NHS and using it as an example of all that is wrong with the world. Hats off to all of you committed socialists, what a great job you’ve done.

  • The Godfather Wallpapers - Wallpaper Cave

 

I don’t know how they all thought that this was going to end, they knew that I had the evidence and was gathering more…

 

To return to the institution which equipped Martin, the ultimate paedophiles’ friend Rhian Huws Williams (see post ‘No One Is Innocent’) and so many others for a life of grime in the NHS and Social Services – Aston University. Brown did his first degree at Aston, and returned there as a lecturer after he completed his PhD at Leicester University. During the mid-1980s, Brown’s dept – the Psychology Dept – was very obviously being deliberately destroyed by the VC, Sir Freddie Crawford, a mate of Thatcher’s. A man called Norman Graham, a former headmaster who still behaved like one and was indeed referred to by the staff as ‘the headmaster’, was installed as Head of Dept who kept telling the psychologists that ‘you must think of yourselves as part of the Business School’, as the Business School expanded and expanded and gradually swallowed the Psychology Dept. Individuals were seriously harassed and one lecturer, Ron Easterby, committed suicide in the mid-1990s. There were many people who took the view that the University had killed Ron Easterby.

It was after 1984 that Freddie Crawford systematically and deliberately destroyed the Psychology Dept at Aston University. Crawford’s assault began after Brown wrote a stiff letter to Dr D.G.E. Wood about events at the Student Health Centre at UCNW (Bangor University) involving Gwynne the lobotomist and me, reminding Wood that patients’ welfare should be his priority, not loyalty to colleagues who are unworthy of that loyalty. Brown also told Wood that altering medical records and lying to patients was not an acceptable way of conducting oneself.

I noticed many years ago that Crawford’s assault on Brown’s colleagues and indeed Brown himself came very soon after that letter, but I didn’t have the info about the links between the paedophile gang in north Wales and similar gangsters in the West Midlands. Neither did I know that Crawford was a leader among white-collar crooks, although I was aware that he was famously ‘Mrs Thatcher’s favourite Vice-Chancellor’.

Dafydd and the paedophiles might have thought that Ron Easterby knew what had happened to me at their hands. For one term when I was a student at Bangor I lodged in Port Dinorwic with a man who had grown up in care and who I am now certain was under attack by the paedophiles. His dog was shot, his house caught fire – twice – and he was completely unable to get anybody to employ him, although he didn’t have a criminal record. His friend’s kept telling me that he was having a lot of ‘bad luck’ and that people didn’t like him because he’d been in care. I now have info that suggests that the paedophiles’ friends had noticed me living at this man’s house, particularly because I was English and used to go in for punkish style clothes and hair at the time.

Whilst I was lodging in Port Dinorwic, one weekend I went down to stay with Brown in Birmingham and we went to a club known as the Arts Lab. We went there because it was showing a film that we wanted to see, but the Arts Lab was a popular venue with transvestites and gender bending people. Ron Easterby’s daughter was there – like us, she’d gone to see the film. As we came out of the club, Ron was there waiting to pick up his daughter and saw us and obviously Brown stopped to chat to him. I had no idea that there was a network of sex trafficking gangsters operating between north Wales and Birmingham who watched everyone all the time. I think it highly likely that someone saw us there and saw Ron and his daughter talking to us and thought that we might have known Ron better than we did.

The harassment of other Aston staff who were not Of The Business School continued and Brown was forced out of his job in July 1995.

It was in July 1995 when Sir Peter Morrison and corrupt civil servant Bing Spear, both of whom were associates of Dafydd and the gang, were found dead and the month that before truly bizarre shenanigans had taken place at the highest echelons of the Welsh Office (see post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’).

Another notable Welshman is a graduate of Aston Business School – Prof Dylan Jones-Evans, the Tory Party adviser who has now been sacked from nearly every university in Wales (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 20 2017′). Dylan knows what the paedophiles’ friends have been up to – he hated the likes of Meri Huws but knew that the Tories were crawling with paedophiles’ friends as well. Dylan stood for election as the Tory candidate in Aberconwy in 2007 but was unsuccessful – Dylan is not the sort of person to stand as the anti-corruption candidate, he just played the same insane games as everyone else.

Sir Frederick Crawford played a big part in civil life in Birmingham. When he was appointed Chair of the Criminal Cases Review Commission there were objections raised because of his enthusiasm for Freemasonry. Sir Freddie had an off the rails son who was found dead from a heroin overdose in an hotel in Israel. Before he died this young man used to tell people that he could do pretty much anything re drugs n crime and not face prosecution because of who his dad was.

Whilst Sir Freddie was VC, Aston had a lethal student doctor, Philip Cauthery. Cauthery was so negligent with regard to distressed students that Aston had one of the highest suicide rates of any UK university. The students jumped out of the windows of the tower blocks where they were housed – one who lived a few floors above Brown went flying past his window one night and when I went to visit him shortly after the blood stains were still on the place where she had landed – and took overdoses of the anti-depressants which Cauthery dished out in huge quantities. Aston had a very high proportion of overseas students and some of them had relatives living in regimes where family members were tortured, disappeared, assassinated etc. The man allocated for students to talk to in such circumstances was Cauthery…

Cauthery was best known for his sex therapy work. He was on the Editorial Board of Forum magazine – for which Alastair Campbell used to write porn stories. Forum did not feature child porn but it didn’t keep a very close eye on who advertised in the small ads. In 1987 the investigative programme The Cook Report revealed that the small ads were being used by paedophiles to exchange child porn on the European market (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

Cauthery set up a sex therapy clinic and an abortion service with Dr Martin Cole. Martin Cole was a geneticist whereas Cauthery was a Top Doctor. Cole produced a sex education film called ‘Growing Up’ which caused a furore among Mary Whitehouse and her mates – Mary also went for Cole’s jugular because she claimed that his sex therapy clinic was a front for prostitution. I know someone who went to that clinic – they did indeed have a relationship with one of the ‘surrogates’ that Cole was famous for using and she had worked in the sex industry. However Cole was not half so damaging to this man as Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales had been, which was why he had given up with the NHS and gone to Cole.

Cauthery was never attacked in the press or by Mary Whitehouse in the way that Martin Cole was. I am sure that this was because Cauthery was a Top Doc who will, like Dafydd, have enjoyed the full protection of the medical establishment.

For more info on Cauthery and Coleman, see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’.

Mary Whitehouse was a former teacher from the West Midlands who loved referring to what doctors and psychiatrists had said about adolescents’ mental health and the alleged dangers of sex education/porn etc. That’ll have been the Top Docs like Prof Robert Bluglass who were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles.

I have mentioned previously that Dr Colin Berry, a Top Doc from Coventry, was one of those who assisted Bluglass in concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles in 1988-89 (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). I have missed an obvious link between Berry and others who worked on behalf of Dafydd et al. Berry was from Coventry. Geoffrey Robinson, the very rich Labour MP who’s loan to Peter Mandelson caused Mandy’s first resignation, owned the ‘New Statesman’ when it published Richard Webster’s 2000 article trashing the Gwynedd whistleblower Alison Taylor following the Waterhouse Inquiry (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’). Robinson has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976.

Martin Jones, the former CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust who presided over chaos, unlawfully prevented me from accessing NHS treatment and tried to frame me on more than one occasion, had worked in the NHS in Coventry after he left north Wales but before he returned in a senior position.

Numerous children in care from the West Midlands were sent to children’s homes in north Wales. After Tony Francis (Dr X) relocated to north Wales to join Dafydd and the paedophiles, Francis’s former boss Ian Brockington was appointed to a Chair in Birmingham University, to join old Bluglass (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’).

Then there were the links between the notoriously corrupt Freemason-heavy West Midlands Serious Crime Squad who stitched up Ali Khan from Caernarfon in the 1980s and the North Wales Police.

My post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’ provided details of a family who moved from Birmingham to Anglesey in the early 1980s after rescuing a little girl from ‘cruelty’ in Birmingham. This family showed all the signs of being under attack from Dafydd et al. Dafydd personally began a campaign to try and put their shop out of business, the kids were isolated and marginalised by teachers at Ysgol David Hughes and the father of the family – who had multiple serious health problems – was so badly neglected by the Top Docs that he died in his 50s.

Dafydd and the paedophiles were fully networked into serious organised crime in the West Midlands.

 

Now for more information about the movers and shakers at St George’s Hospital Medical School.

St George’s website makes reference to that shameful episode when it was publicly admitted that the computer programme used to select applicants to the medicine degree was written to systematically disadvantage ethnic minority and female candidates. It got worse. The computer programme had been in use for years and senior academics in St George’s knew that it had been designed to discriminate. St George’s website reminds us all that the programme was the 1979 work of Dr Geoffrey Franglen, so he was the scapegoat for that particular embarrassment. Not only did Franglen not design that programme without anyone else’s knowledge – someone told him to do it – but the website makes reference to the discovery of the discriminatory computer programme in Dec 1986. Now I seem to remember that the scandal didn’t become public until years after Dec 1986 – the shit didn’t hit the fan until the 1990s.

The person who took the credit for blowing the whistle on the Computer Which Said No was the pharmacologist and Top Doctor Joe Collier. Joe Collier had spent his whole career at St George’s and he was fully au fait with the appalling attitudes and practices there. Collier was friends with the society fuckwit Dr Cathy Wilson, who was a mate of Geoffrey Chamberlain’s and the root of many problems in the Obs and Gynae Dept. Collier liked to align himself with radical causes – I could imagine him being mates with Michael Mansfield, he seemed to move in such circles – and he was probably delighted to expose Racism and Sexism. Which is a real laugh, because Joe was described to me by one of his colleagues as ‘an arsehole’. Not that the judgement of that particular person could always be relied upon, but I remember Cathy Wilson getting very angry with Joe Collier after interviewing med school candidates with him because he was aggressive and discriminatory towards the girls who hadn’t come from independent schools in London. Cathy talked about a girl from Yorkshire whom she claimed had been chewed up and spat out by Joe and was denied a place to do medicine despite being very much better qualified that others who were given places. The girl’s crime was to have not defended a feminist position – in Joe’s eyes at least – in her interview.

Nice one Joe! A middle aged white man who has kept quiet about his colleagues running a sex trafficking ring stops a girl from getting into medicine because she’s not a feminist. Joe Collier And His Radical Conscience.

Joe Collier worked in the Pharmacology Dept at St George’s. In 1989 one of the PhD students in Joe’s Dept was Mark Roy, who had previously been employed as a psychiatric nurse in the Reaside Clinic, which was Prof Robert Bluglass’s empire. Mark Roy admitted to me that some wards in the Reaside Clinic were appalling, but Bluglass ensured that no-one saw those wards. For info on Mark Roy’s career among yet more paedophiles’ friends after he left St George’s, see post ‘An Appalling Vista’.

 

The elephant in the room as far as the row regarding the Computer Saying No at St George’s was that St George’s accepted far, far many more ethnic minority candidates (and I think more women as well) than any other medical school in the UK. St George’s was known for being so positive towards ethnic minority candidates that they were encouraged to apply there by schools, careers teachers etc. So what were the other medical schools doing as part of their admissions process and why was this never mentioned?

Then there were the Top Docs who mentioned that you could tell that St George’s wasn’t what it should be by the number of ethnic minority students that they were ‘letting in’.

There was also that student at UCNW whom the sex trafficking GP Dr D.G.E. Wood knew who’s uncle was the Professor of Surgery at St George’s who in 1984 was guaranteed a place at St George’s as a mature student…

 

Between 1971-82 the Dean of St George’s was Robert Lowe, so he had something to do with the Computer Saying No. The Computer Said No throughout the tenure of the next Dean as well, Richard J. West, who was Dean until 1987. Richard J. West was Dean when the time bomb went off which was Prof Oliver Brooke and his enormous collection of child porn stashed on medical school premises. Brooke was jailed in 1986 but was out again in 1987 thanks to Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane. There is no trace of Richard J. West on the internet or indeed Robert Lowe, so obviously the world needed to forget about them. I have no idea if West disappeared from St George’s in 1987 because of Ollie and his kiddie porn and contacts with paedophiles in Europe, but in 1988 Professor Sir William Asscher arrived. Not only did the Computer Continue To Say No after Asscher arrived, but the rest of the paedophile ring of which Brooke had been a member remained in business and Asscher’s colleagues at St George’s continued to conceal their crimes and colluded with them and their mates, including Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales .

My post ‘Enter Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’ details some of the evidence in my possession demonstrating that Top Docs at St George’s and Springfield (the associated mental health unit) knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and they believed that Tony Francis was as well. Nonetheless the very same people were in phone contact with Dafydd, Tony Francis and Lucille Hughes and dutifully recorded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and had ‘broken into’ Dafydd’s office ‘such that he thought that he was going to be killed there and then’ because Dafydd had told them this.

Dafydd, please do tell me – when did all this happen????

Dafydd’s mate from the Maudsley, Dr Paul Bowden – who had co-authored with Bluglass – was also called upon to refuse to treat me and declare me dangerous.

Meet Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s:

Newsletter - Spring 2016

 

Who is a friend of St Helena Kennedy:

Official portrait of Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws crop 2.jpg

 

St Helena is married to a Top Doc herself!

St Helena is a colleague of Mike Mansfield of the Proletariat:

 

Mike went to Keele University – where so many paedophiles’ friends and indeed paedophiles themselves worked/studied (see post ‘The Human Stain’) – and was Secretary of Keele Students’ Union. Mansfield was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in 1967 and was elected as a bencher of Gray’s Inn in 2007.

Sir William Mars-Jones – a good friend of Dafydd, the paedophiles and Ronnie Waterhouse, was President of UCNW when the staff were running the sex trafficking ring with Dafydd – was a leading light in Gray’s Inn.

Michael Mansfield’s art teacher was Sir Kyffin Williams. Kyffin was an artist who came from Anglesey, spent some time when he was younger in England and then returned to Anglesey where he spent the rest of his life. Kyffin was considered part of high society in north Wales and was greatly toadied to by the paedophiles’ friends.

Dafydd Iwan used one of Kyffin’s paintings as the basis for an album cover:

 

Bangor University has an extensive collection of Kyffin’s paintings.

Other artists in north Wales don’t seem to like Kyffin very much. They all say the same thing – that the only reason he became so well-known is that he was rich enough to establish his own gallery and not need to live by his work. One north Wales artist who had a particular bee in his bonnet about Sir Kyffin maintains that the echelons of the art world which Kyffin moved in was all about ‘cocaine and champagne’ and that there was a great deal of pursuit of young boys on the part of older gay artists.

Sir Kyffin died in Sept 2006. He never married and had no heirs.

 

Cheers Professor Bluglass, let’s raise a glass to remember Kyffin!

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

 

Letters from Dr Robin Jacobson to Nigel Eastman about the dangerous nutter that is me didn’t only just flag up that Dafydd was a colleague of Dr Bob Hobson at the Maudsley (see post ‘The Mentor’), but for some reason Jacobson told Eastman that Dafydd is ‘in his late fifties or early sixties’. This is a rather unusual piece of information to note about a colleague – I suspect that Bob Hobson’s lot of Dafydd’s generation at the Maudsley were known to be shagging the patients or doing other things that they shouldn’t have been and the mentioning of Dafydd’s age was the hidden signal to Eastman…

 

It was on Asscher’s watch that my former boss Malcolm Pearce was struck off for research fraud in June 1995. The BMJ dated 17 June 1995 stated that Pearce was found guilty ‘last week’. ‘That week’ was just two weeks before all that fancy footwork at the Welsh Office which saw David Hunt return as Welsh Secretary for just a few days before Hague was appointed (see post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’). The fancy footwork spanned the days when a veil was drawn over the details of Dafydd’s retirement and the fact that the North Wales Hospital had not closed down, contrary to what the general public were told.

In the following month, July 1995, Bing Spear and Sir Peter Morrison were found dead within four days of each other – both people who if they squealed could have put a lot of other people in prison for years and caused embarrassment to a great many others – and Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University (see post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’).

During the summer of 1995, Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was conducting his farewell tour of Wales, dining with all those who had facilitated the abuse of children in Wales into which Ronnie would soon be holding an inquiry, but of course Ronnie or indeed no-one else knew that.

Pearce was struck off, but his colleague Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain who had been involved in the same fraud and had co-authored the paper of lies was not even disciplined. He gave evidence against Malcolm and Malcolm took the rap for everything. The President of the GMC when Malcolm was struck off but Chamberlain was left free to practice was Robert Kilpatrick. Kilpatrick was Dean of Leicester Medical School, 1975-89, during which time another associate of Dafydd and the paedophiles, Dr James Earp, a forensic psychiatrist in Leicester who was involved with Leicester Medical School, concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al (see post ‘An Expert From England’). At that time social worker Frank Beck was sexually abusing kids in care in Leicestershire and there is considerable evidence that Beck’s mate Lord Greville Janner was as well.

Kilpatrick was given a peerage in 1996, the year in which Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

Chamberlain was concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Pearce might have been as well, but Chamberlain went back further and had bigger and better mates than Malcolm. Chamberlain came from south Wales. His dad was Secretary to the Lord Mayor of Cardiff and when Chamberlain retired from the NHS in 2000 he was given a lecturing job at Swansea University, domain of Rhodri Morgan, who had concealed the child molesting of George Thomas, which Chamberlain would have known about.

The molesting ways of George Thomas were known about and concealed by the Top Docs of Cardiff, one of whom was Sir William Asscher. Asscher qualified in London but went to Cardiff in the mid-1960s. He became the Professor of Medicine at Cardiff in 1976. Asscher knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales as well. Asscher was involved in medical charidee work, as was George Thomas.  In June 1990, whilst I was working at St George’s, Gwilym Jones, a Tory MP and Minister in the Welsh Office who was one concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles, held a promotion event at Parliament for the charidee which Asscher founded – Gwilym Jones was Vice-President of the charidee in question. The charidee event received the support of David Hunt the then Welsh Secretary and indeed ‘all Welsh members’ (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Asscher was not appointed Dean at St George’s to clean up post-Brooke – he was appointed because he was a safe pair of hands who was going to keep the lid on Brooke’s mates who were all still at St George’s. Asscher stepped down as Dean/Principal in 1996 – the year that Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Asscher may well have utilised one of the networks that Greville Janner and Leo Abse, George Thomas’s friend and protector – who stood accused of child abuse himself – used, the Jewish network in south Wales and across the UK. I do not for one minute believe that Jewish people are any more likely to be child molesters than anyone else, but Dafydd and the paedophiles used all available professional networks to protect themselves – even feminist activist networks. It wasn’t just the Freemasons who were used – St Helena Kennedy is not a Freemason, she is a feminist lawyer.

Sir Adolf William Asscher – his full name but he didn’t publicise that for obvious reasons – was born in the Netherlands to a Jewish family. His family were taken to the Westerbork transit camp – the camp to which Ann Frank and her family were taken – and were under threat of being transported to a concentration camp. Asscher’s mother fabricated claims that the family were of English descent and even pointed to Adolf’s blond hair as back-up. In 1943 they were released and they left the Netherlands in 1947.

Leo Abse was from a Jewish medical/legal family and was networked within the Jewish community. Leo Abse’s brother Danny Abse was a Top Doctor well plugged into Top Docs networks in south Wales and London. Greville Janner was born in Cardiff and lived in south Wales until he was 11 yrs old. His father Barnett Janner was a Lithuanian who’s family moved to south Wales when Barnett was nine months old. Barnett went to what later became Cardiff University and established a solicitor’s practice in Cardiff. He lived in south Wales until 1929. In 1947 Barnett Janner became the MP for Leicester North West, the seat to which Greville Janner succeeded in 1970. Both Barnett and Greville Janner were active in the Jewish community, holding many high profile positions.

When Greville Janner was named as a child molester by Geoffrey Dickens MP in the 1980s, Janner accused him of anti-semitism. It is an easy charge to make and of course it could be true. The first time that I saw Janner named as a child abuser was on a fascist website. The accusation was accompanied by so much ludicrous facist propaganda and crazed theories about Jewish conspiracies and just about every prominent Jewish person in the country was named as a child molester on this site so I simply ignored it. It was only later that I realised that there had been a mountain of evidence against Janner and that Dickens was in no way anti-semitic…

 

After Asscher went off into the sunset in 1996, it looks as though St George’s continued with its tradition of appointing safe pairs of hands who steered the ship through the potentially choppy waters which were the years of the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

Sir Robert David Hugh Boyd was Dean/Principal of St George’s, 1996-03. He was another paediatrician ! You’d have thought they’d have learnt wouldn’t you. Furthermore, from 1989-93 Boyd was Dean of the Medical School and Professor of Paediatrics at Manchester University. Which not long previously had hosted Tony Francis, Sadie Francis and Dafydd’s mate Bob Hobson.

Not only that, but the unhinged Dr Tony Roberts – the Top Doctor at Hergest who diagnosed borderline personality disorders in everyone and maintained that it was their choice as to whether they killed themselves or not and who presided over the highest suicide rate among his patients of anywhere in England or Wales except for Camden – graduated from Manchester in the mid-1980s and made his way to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for work.

It was with regard to my complaint about Tony Roberts in 2002 that a forged letter purporting to have been written by me was found in the possession of the GMC (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Roberts was involved in the attempt to frame me for ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ in 2002, on the basis of the perjury of numerous Angels from the Hergest Unit and of course Davies himself. The case collapsed, but I discovered years later that days after the case collapsed, the PNC had been unlawfully amended – twice – to show crimes against my record of which I had not been convicted and furthermore a forged certificate of indictment was found in the possession of Chester Court, stating that I had pleaded guilty to ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court. I haven’t ever been charged with ‘violent disorder’.

Robert Kehoe, the ‘expert witness’ who lied about both Brown and me in his farcical report some two years after the ‘threats to kill’ case collapsed (see post ‘An Expert In Resistant Service Users’), was the business partner of a man who had professional links to Manchester University and to Tony Roberts. It was this man who had recommended Robert Kehoe to my lawyers.

Robert Boyd was Chair of the Manchester Heath Authority, 1993-96. The mental health services in Manchester were in a very ropey state by then and eventually imploded (see post ‘The Mentor’). So obviously Robert Boyd was the choice to lead St George’s when Adolf waved them a fond farewell. Boyd was Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the University of London from 2000-03.

Boyd was subsequently appointed Head of Research for Greater Manchester NHS.

My post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’ described how I was allocated a ‘community worker’ by Gwynedd Health Authority in 1997, after there was an attempt to frame me on the back of the perjury of Angel Bridget Lloyd and my key worker had been ordered not to communicate with me after he raised concerns about my treatment at the hands of the mental health services. The community worker was an Angel, Dave Reader, who was introduced to me as being an Angel who had just arrived in north Wales to do his PhD. I discovered a few days ago that Dave Reader was no such thing, he was an Angel with many years experience and had joined the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales in 1992. Before that he had been a paedophiles’ friend working at St George’s – under Sir Adolph Asscher’s regime.

Reader studied for a BSc with Manchester University, 1994-97 – although he had by then been qualified for ten years and already had a degree. Reader also took a Diploma in Psychosocial Interventions in Psychosis at Manchester in the 1990s. Reader’s friend and colleague Dr Mike Jackson from north Wales not only developed and popularised psychosocial interventions in psychosis but admitted to me that they don’t work.

Dave Reader has called in on many institutions run by the paedophiles’ friends during his career.

 

Robert Boyd is the son of James Dixon Boyd, who was the Professor of Anatomy at Cambridge University, 1951-68. So he probably knew Trumpers (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

So somebody in London University wanted Asscher in the most senior post at St George’s in 1988. The VC of London University at the time was Lord Brian Flowers, a paedophiles’ friend who came from and went to school in Swansea (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Flowers spent many years at Imperial College and was Rector, 1973-85, working among the wrongdoing. Flowers was VC of London University, 1985-90. Flowers was a member of the Council of the Royal Postgraduate Medical School and Vice-Chairman, 1990-97. So Flowers presided over the research fraud and misconduct that I witnessed at Hammersmith Hospital/RPMS and at St George’s. Flowers was VC whilst St George’s concealed the paedophile ring on their doorstep in south London, as well as the criminality of Dafydd et al in north Wales.

Flowers will have hand-picked Adolf for the job at St George’s.

When Geoffrey Chamberlain retired from St George’s in 2000, after being involved in research fraud and concealing the paedophile gangs, he took up a lecturing job at Swansea University.

 

Here’s the VC of London University who presided over research fraud, the awarding of degrees and jobs in return for sexual favours and of course ran an institution which facilitated and concealed a paedophile gang and serious organised crime, with an admirer:

  • Reporter-Sharing stories of Imperial's community. Imperial ...

 

Between 1994 and 2001, Flowers was Chancellor of the University of Manchester.

Flowers was a physicist who was a member of the Atomic Energy Authority, 1971-81. He was just the sort of person that you want involved with such matters wasn’t he. For details of Flowers’s numerous other roles, some on ethics committees, see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

Events at St George’s before Adolf arrived were every bit as interesting as the events were once he kissed the tarmac there.

 

Richard J. West, the Dean who preceded Asscher, obviously presided over interesting times as did the Dean before him, Robert Lowe, who was in post 1971-82. I cannot find anything online about these two which is very odd because Top Doctors love splashing their details everywhere and their friends do it for them after they die.

 

Something very momentous indeed went on at St George’s in the late 60s/early 70s. In 1980, St George’s relocated to a brand new building in Tooting. Before that it had been located at Hyde Park Corner since its inception in 1733. St George’s was originally built as a result of a trust donated by the Duke of Westminster. So there was a strong relationship – of a shamelessly toadying kind – between St George’s and High Society. Even in the late 1980s, staff at St George’s would wistfully remember their days in the ‘old hospital’ at Hyde Park Corner and how wonderful it was. Some of that lot really did not want to move to the mean streets of Tooting, even if it meant brand new labs. Bits of the Hyde Park Corner building had been taken across London and re-installed at Tooting so that people could remember the glorious past.

Ken Clarke explains in his autobiography ‘A Kind Of Blue’ that Thatcher’s Gov’t fell out with the Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, in a big way after St George’s relocated to Tooting in 1980 and the Hyde Park Corner site was vacated. According to Ken, Ken Clarke wanted to flog the old St George’s Hyde Park Corner and keep the dosh to reinvest in the NHS  – the Hyde Park Corner site in Knightsbridge was worth a bomb. Grosvenor was demanding the land back on the grounds that his ancestors had donated it so he was now reclaiming it. Ken tells us in his book that Thatch was indeed going to hand the land back to Grosvenor, but Ken was horrified at this free gift to one of the richest men in the country. Ken touchingly speculates in his book that perhaps Thatcher had a respect for the aristocracy and had trouble saying no to them. Er, no. Thatch was shamelessly nouveau riche, she insulted gentlemen, she did not hold with giving them billions of pounds on a plate. Thatch may just have had more difficulty than usual with the Duke, what with him being a friend of Prince Charles.

An added complications were that the Duke was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association. The MP for Chester was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in care in north Wales and who’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to HM the Queen.

This is the man upon whom this house of cards was built:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

And this was/is his partner in crime:

Lucille Hughes

 

It is incredible isn’t it.

From what I can work out from Ken’s book, the battle between Thatch and the Duke of Westminster over a great deal of dosh was taking place whilst I was working at St George’s!

Ken’s book states that the Gov’t did not hand the dosh to the Duke, although Ken doesn’t explain how Thatch and he won that particular battle with the Royal Family. Probably because she didn’t. The Duke of Westminster took the option of buying the Hyde Park Corner building off the Gov’t for £6000k, the value of the building in the 19th century.

This is what Prince Charles’s friend got for six grand:

The Lanesborough Hotel
Lanesborough Hotel.jpg

The St George’s Hyde Park Corner building is now the 5* Lanesborough Hotel. In 2015 it was said to be the most expensive hotel in London and it has Michelin stars.

 

It’s incredible what deals can be struck if murders have gone uninvestigated, as well as paedophile gangs with members who are Tory MPs with sisters as courtiers.

Most of the victims of the paedophile ring of which Peter Morrison was a member were subsequently found dead, so presumably they never shared in the good fortune once St George’s had relocated to Tooting.

Sir Peter Morrison was knighted by HM Lilibet in Feb 1991, which was when I was sitting in Springfield Hospital (the mental health unit linked to St George’s), having been forced out of my job, facing possible imprisonment on the basis of the perjury of Tony and Sadie Francis, whilst the Top Docs of Springfield and St George’s personally negotiated with Dafydd, Francis and Lucille Hughes without my knowledge.

In 1991 the North Wales Police launched the first investigation into the abuse of children in care in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, David Owen, refused to co-operate with the investigation. In 1993 the North Wales Police closed the investigation and declared that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales.

The former colleagues of Dafydd – considering what a bunch of mediocre meatheads they were – all found pretty nice little numbers for themselves in the years after I was forced out of St George’s, as did their children. One of the daughters of an Angel who worked for Dafydd, a man whom his colleagues nicknamed Davey Crockett, was given a job as a senior social worker in the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales! The Children’s Commissioner was established as a result of Ronnie Waterhouse’s recommendations. Wales leads the way in children’s safety.

 

Here’s where the bodies of the disappeared are buried:

  • North Wales Hospital, Denbigh - County Asylums

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh yes you did.

 

I think that my life must have stopped when I was in my 20s when I was transported into a Lyndsay Anderson film in 1973.

  • O Lucky Man! Malcolm McDowell’s “Seinfeld” Connection ...
  • O Lucky Man! Malcolm McDowell’s “Seinfeld” Connection ...

 

Some of the people who know something about the reasons why Thatch flogged a piece of Knightsbridge worth millions to Charles’s friend for a bit of loose change who have not yet been named on this blog are:

Huw Griffiths, the incompetent solicitor who used to work in Bangor in the 1990s. Huw is the twin brother of the equally incompetent Aled Griffiths and they are the siblings of Gwenan Carrington, the former Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Aled and Gwenan have been named here previously.

Ceridwen Morgan. Ceridwen’s mum was the legendary Mrs Morgan, who worked in the Zoology Dept in UCNW, whilst the sex traffickers ran the institution. Ceridwen will know something – she was a young adult when it was all happening.

Mrs Morgan had an affair with Professor Lacey in the Plant Biology Dept. Two members of staff in Plant Biology were married to members of the sex trafficking ring. Ralph Oxley was married to Isobel Hargreaves, a social worker for Gwynedd County Council. Chris Wood was married to Dr D.G.E. Wood. Everyone who worked in Plant Biology knew something. Many of them are dead now but those still alive include Dr Dave Shaw, Dr Richard Shattock and a technician called Geraint. There was also a technician called Lynn who worked there for years.

Dr Kieran Lynch. Dr Lynch was a Top Doc working in the North Wales Hospital when Mary Wynch was illegally imprisoned there. Dr Lynch is Irish, he might well have a link to Gangster Gibbons. Gangster Gibbons arrived in Wales in Dafydd’s heyday…

Dr Eifiona Thomas Lane, who is hiding in the bowels of Bangor University after spending years in the comfortable surroundings of Coleg Normal, along with so many other paedophiles’ friends.  I think that Eifiona might be married to a Top Doctor from Penrhyndeudraeth, in which case he’ll be able to point to the burial sites at Denbigh.

The appalling Dr Giles Harborne, a former colleague of Dafydd’s who also worked at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I have mentioned Giles before, but I see that he is now on the ‘professional panel’ of the charidee Hafal, along with that other faithful paedophiles’ friend Lord Alex Carlile. Hafal has gone into partnership with CAIS and now provides ‘service user involvement’ services across north Wales. The Welsh Gov’t gave Dafydd and Lucille one and a half million quid for that scam.

Muriel Evans, a secretary in the School of English at Bangor University – she might have retired by now. Muriel was there when the paedophile gang ruined the lecturer Dave Nunn, who later disappeared from north Wales after telling some Top Docs that he’d read some ludicrous documents that Dafydd had compiled about me and presented to Liverpool High Court.

Muriel is married to Edward Evans, who worked as a technician in the Zoology Dept for years but ended up in HR. When Edward used to see me around he used to cheerily say ‘you’ll write your autobiography one day won’t you, we know you will’. Well Ed, I’ve done it. My original plan was to only name Dafydd and those directly responsible for the horrors, but then I found out how many people had gained jobs and promotions as a result of doing deals to keep quiet about what had happened to me, received money to perjure themselves or do other disgusting things, plagiarised my work, knowingly spread rumours about me etc etc. But most of all I’ve named everyone because you all swore blind that you knew nothing whilst a bunch of gangsters tried to murder me because of what I witnessed 30 years ago…

 

To return to the big umbrella at St George’s. I wondered who ever pushed the idea that St George’s should relocate to Tooting. The construction of the Tooting building began in the early 1970s. By 1976 the medical school had transferred to the Tooting site, along with part of the hospital and the Hyde Park Corner site finally closed its doors as a hospital in 1980. I presume that the movers and shakers behind the planning to move St George’s to Tooting were those in positions of responsibility in the mid-late 60s.

When the idea was mooted, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor’s father will have been the Duke of Westminster. That was Robert Grosvenor, the 5th Duke of Westminster. In the 1970s, he was the richest man in Britain.

The 5th Duke went to Eton, followed a career in the British Army and between 1955-64 was the MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone. He was responsible for the Adoption Act 1964, an Act that some unscrupulous people had a great deal of fun with…Just ask Dafydd and Lucille.

Robert Grosvenor was a member of the Lords, 1967-79, but he never spoke in the Lords. He was Lord Lieutenant of Fermanagh, 1977-79.

The Grosvenor family seat is in Cheshire, but Robert Grosvenor spent most of his life living at Ely Lodge, Enniskillen, which was where his son Gerald spent his early years.

Robert Grosvenor will have known whatever it was that was going on at Kincora Boys’ Home that the British Gov’t were so desperate to keep secret.

Somehow Grosvenor must have been persuaded to agree that St George’s would relocate to Tooting. The Gov’t at the time will have been Harold Wilson’s.

 

The VC of London University, 1967-69, was Sir Owen Saunders. Saunders was a mathematician and engineer who spent most of his career at Imperial College and seems to have been the reason why Imperial thrived and expanded enormously during the middle years of the 20th century.

Saunders was born in Streatham, went to Birkbeck and then to Trinity College, Cambridge. At Imperial College Saunders served as Professor and Head of the Mechanical Engineering Department, Dean of the City and Guilds College, Pro-Rector and, following the death of Sir Patrick Linstead in 1966, Acting Rector and then Rector of Imperial. At London University Saunders served in many capacities. He was Chairman of the Academic Council and was appointed Vice-Chancellor following his retirement from Imperial College in 1967. Yet Saunders only remained VC of London University until 1969. After that he was Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Royal Holloway College and he presided over the merging of that college with Bedford College to form the Royal Holloway and Bedford New College.

Saunders was the man responsible for the reorganisation of London University which led to increased devolution of responsibility to the constituent colleges of London University in the Seventies.

There are descriptions of the miracle that Saunders performed at Imperial, of how people began flocking to work there and of the expansionist building programme which effectively created a whole new college at the forefront of teaching and research. Saunders’s obituaries mention that ‘throughout’ it all, ‘there was close co-operation with industry and government laboratories’.

Saunders is described as having ‘moved quietly, almost mysteriously’. On one occasion he invited the staff ‘to a display of conjuring in one of the old lecture theatres. It was the cat rather than the rabbit let out of the bag when we discovered that the Professor was a member of the Magic Circle. Someone whispered, ‘So that is how he does it,’ and we knew what he meant’.

Greville Janner was a member of the Magic Circle.

I suspect that Saunders’s success was nothing to do with his abilities to perform conjuring tricks with animals, although his membership of the Magic Circle may have been very useful. Most people who achieve great things in the sort of institution that London University was and is do so by gaining knowledge of events that powerful people are desperate to keep quiet and then by doing the bidding of those people. As Robert Bluglass can testify.

A dungeon Blugass, with the victims of a paedophile ring illegally imprisoned there – a paedophile ring which numbered among its members a friend of the Prime Minister who was also the brother of Lilibet’s Woman-of-the-Bedchamber. Do you think that you’ll be able to get out of this one then Bluglass?

 

Owen Saunders was educated at Emanuel School, Wandsworth and at Birkbeck College, London University and Trinity College, Cambridge.

Saunders worked with many influential people and was in a position to gain knowledge of much sensitive material, particularly because he worked for the Civil Service as well as in academia. At Trinity College his tutor was Frank Dykes, the pioneer of the Engineering Department at Cambridge.  From Cambridge, Saunders moved to the Fuel Research Station at Greenwich where he met Dr Margaret Fishenden, who had worked with Ernest Rutherford. Saunders had a Civil Service contract that allowed him to move between establishments and colleges and libraries. As a result, Saunders was ‘spotted’ by Professor C.H. Lander (whom he later succeeded at City and Guilds College) and Fishenden followed him. Their research student, Hugh Ford, succeeded Saunders to the Chair and Headship of Mechanical Engineering in Imperial College almost 30 years later.

Early in WWII at Imperial College, ‘almost certainly under the influence of Sir Henry Tizard, then Rector of Imperial College’, Saunders was involved with work on the performance of aircraft piston engines at high altitude. He developed improvements for aircraft engines in aerial combat. Then Saunders was closely associated with Sir Frank Whittle at Power Jets and with Hayne Constant at the Royal Aircraft Establishment Farnborough. Saunders worked on the industrial applications of gas turbines with support from the Ministry of Fuel and Power and from the British Shipbuilders Research Association.

Saunders worked for numerous Gov’t committees – so many that his colleagues couldn’t work out how he actually did all the work that it was claimed he undertook for them. Saunders served on the Aeronautical Research Council for six years, as Chairman of the Propulsion Standing Committee for nine years and he was the first Chairman of the Rockets Committee. For the Admiralty he served in the Marine Propulsion Committee and was Chairman of the Panel for Special Propulsions Systems for Submarines. He was a consultant to the Engineer in Chief and a member of the Committee on Naval Engineering Establishments. He worked with the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research on the steering committee of the National Engineering Laboratory from its formation. He served on the Fielden Committee on Engineering Design.

So Saunders was involved with the Admiralty and associated organisations and people. The Admiralty which contained those very senior officers that featured in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’ such as Lord Louis Mountbatten and Sir Alec Bingley, who were the subject of allegations of child abuse themselves and/or were friends and colleagues of those who were and/or those who concealed child abuse and the associated very serious wrongdoing. The Admiralty was the site of the John Vassall Spy Scandal in the early 1960s (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’).

 

The problem with naughtiness in high places involving crime, spies and Royal personages is what unscrupulous people do if they find out about it. For example, a mad old psychiatrist in north Wales or a less mad but ruthless English engineer who fancies creating a vast world-leading empire out of Imperial College.

 

Owen Saunders was a member of the Ronan Point inquiry in 1968, sitting for many days with Lord Griffiths and Sir Alfred Pugsley. It was claimed that Saunders was so concerned at the possible hazards of a domestic gas explosion in a high-rise building that he pressed for action even before the official report was produced…

Saunders continued to exert influence long after he had stepped down from positions of responsibility, via his former students. His last research student had been Professor Peter Richardson who was then at Brown University. Richardson had just been elected into the Fellowship of the Royal Society and Imperial College had taken the decision to merge with St Mary’s Hospital Medical School, a decision Saunders ‘warmly welcomed’.

St Mary’s Hospital is the hospital containing Lindo Wing, the favoured location for Royal Births…

 

Owen Saunders probably wasn’t the sort of man who was particularly interested in democratising medical schools, expanding medical education or relocating a bunch of vile elitist Top Doctors from their paradise at Hyde Park Corner to Tooting, but Harold Wilson was interested in those things. Information about Harold suggests that he didn’t implement such policies because he had principles, but because he knew that they would be vote winners after the scandals involving the Toffs, such as Profumo, Vassall and the Spies in the Admiralty etc.

 

Harold of the Proles got on very well with HM the Queen, so well that when Harold was linked to matters such as Lord Kagan’s corruption, the Lavender List and Marcia Falkender et al, the Queen’s judgement of character was questioned – ‘she was friends with Wilson and he was a bloody crook!’. Then it was revealed that Lilibet’s art historian Anthony Blunt was a double agent for the Ruskies… No-one knew about Charles’s deep and meaningful friendship with Savile in those days or HM the Queen Mother’s loyal servant Backstairs Billy – satirised in Viz as Backdoor Bobby – being infected with HIV or indeed what Dame Mary Morrison’s brother was doing to boys in the children’s homes in north Wales…

 

Mike Mansfield is a Republican!

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones is a staunch Welsh patriot who only has the interests of his Welsh speaking patients at heart!

Tony Blair is a pretty straight kind of guy!

Tariq Ali is a revolutionary Marxist!

 

Benny Hill.JPG

 

The Dean of St George’s whilst the move from Hyde Park Corner to Tooting was planned was Alastair Hunter, who was Dean between 1956-71. Hunter was Vice-President of the University of London, 1974-75.

Alastair Hunter came from a medical family. His father was a GP in Sussex and he was educated at Winchester and Trinity College, Cambridge, before going on to St George’s Hospital, from where he qualified in 1933.

Hunter rose through the ranks at St George’s, worked at the London Hospital and then went to the Far East as a medical specialist in the RAMC. He returned to St George’s in 1947 to set up the cardiac department. He continued to practice medicine and cardiology during the whole of his long career at St George’s, but ‘also became increasingly involved in the vast transition which that hospital and its associated medical school were about to experience and was, in fact, one of the formative figures responsible for those changes’. He and others ‘had the vision in the early 1950s’, to see that the teaching hospital would be better placed in the centre of an ordinary population rather than at Hyde Park Corner and they set in train the events which led to the development of school and hospital at Tooting.

Hunter’s obituarist stated that as Dean of St George’s ‘He knew all the students, their strengths and weaknesses and knew too how to recognize and bring out their latent attributes. His judgement of people was phenomenally precise, and appointments committees usually had the good sense to follow his lead…On the larger scale, he steered the school through some of the biggest changes in its history and set it on the course towards the large independent medical school which it has now become’.

Hunter became an important influence beyond St George’s, especially in the University of London. He was a member of the Senate and the Academic Council, and he became Chairman of the Conference of Metropolitan Deans. At the College, Hunter served as Assistant Registrar (1950-57), Censor (1971-73) and Vice-President and Senior Censor (1974-75).

Hunter was interested in modern painting and owned a notable collection. He was involved with the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, which ‘benefited from his guidance and his generosity’.

Alastair Hunter continued an active working life after retirement, helped to plan the Cambridge clinical school and advised the Association of Commonwealth Universities.

Alastair was unmarried.

 

Sir Owen Saunders was succeeded as VC of London University by Professor Sir Brian Windeyer, who was VC between 1969-72. Windeyer was Professor of Therapeutic Radiology at the Middlesex Hospital Medical School, 1942-69 and Dean of the School, 1954-67.

Gwynne the lobotomist was an alumnus of the Middlesex Hospital Medical School – he was a student there whilst Windeyer worked there – and was protected by that institution throughout his career of crime. So one of Gwynne’s umbrella’s was appointed as the VC of London University the year after John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community, which was the centre of the sex trafficking gang facilitated by Dafydd and Gwynne.

Windeyer was born in Australia, the youngest of seven children of Mabel Fuller Robinson (1864–1956), an orphan emigrant from London to Australia at the age of 18. In 1891 she married Richard Windeyer, a barrister, the son of Sir William Charles Windeyer, a well known Australian judge. Richard Windeyer acted as a Supreme Court judge, Nov 1936-37 and was counsel in the Australian Newspaper Proprietors’ Association’s successful case against Arthur Calwell’s censorship laws during WWII. Richard Windeyer stood as an independent Australian People’s Party candidate in the 1929 federal election. He lectured at the University of Sydney, 1935-44.

Brian Windeyer studied medicine at the University of Sydney, qualifying in 1927. After time at Royal Prince Alfred Hospital Sydney, he worked at the Fondation Curie in Paris, 1929–30. He obtained a Diploma in Medical Radiology and Electrology 1933 at Cambridge University and also obtained FRCS at the University of Edinburgh. In 1931 he became radium officer at the Middlesex Hospital and officer in charge of the Meyerstein Institute of Radiotherapy, formed in 1936. In World War II Windmeyer was Director in the emergency medical service of Mount Vernon Hospital in Northwood, Middlesex. In 1942 he became the first Professor of Therapeutic Radiology at the Middlesex.

So Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were bombproof in Australia as well. Could that have been why the terrible abuse experienced by the kids from the UK who were sent as child migrants to Australia throughout the 50s, 60s and into the 70s received no publicity for so long? The Councils and Boroughs which sent those kids to Australia were also sending kids to children’s homes in north Wales.

 

The VC of London University who preceded Sir Owen Saunders needs a mention – it was Sir Thomas Percival Creed. Sir Thomas was a lawyer and Principal of Queen Mary College, University of London, 1952-67 and VC of London University, 1964-67.

Creed was born in Leicester, the son of a clergyman and went to Wyggeston Grammar School for Boys in Leicester. He served in the Artists Rifles in France in WWI and then studied at Pembroke College, Oxford. After Oxford Creed joined the Sudan political service, where he read for the bar. In 1926 he became a District judge and in 1928 was called to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn. In 1931 he was seconded to Iraq, became a judge in Baghdad and held other positions in Kirkuk and Mosul. In 1935 he returned to Sudan as a High Court judge, was Chief Justice of Sudan, 1935–41 and Legal Secretary, 1941-48.

Creed became Secretary of King’s College, London in 1948 and Principal of Queen Mary College in 1952. From 1964-67 he was Vice-Chancellor of London University. His time there was a period of expansion but he managed to ensure the continued federal structure of the university.

Creed married Margaret Brewis of St Helen’s, Merseyside. Creed died in 1969. So until then, Gwynne and Dafydd et al had a powerful friend who had strong connections to Leicester. In 1987, Dr James Earp from Leicester concealed Dafydd and Tony Francis’s criminality.  Anyone remember that business of no-one being able to explain why Greville Janner escaped prosecution in the face of so much evidence and why the police, NHS and Leicester City Council had been criminally negligent in the face of Frank Beck’s offending?

 

The Health Minister/Secretary of State for Social Services, 1964-68, under Harold Wilson was Kenneth Robinson. So Robinson was in post whilst Alastair Hunter of the Big Democratic Vision was Dean of St George’s and whilst Sir Thomas Percival Creed of Sudan and Leicester was VC of London University. Robinson also caught the first year of Sir Owen Saunders tenure as VC.

Readers might remember previous posts on this blog which discussed Sir Kenneth Robinson. Robinson served as the first President of the National Association of Mental Health (MIND) in the 1960s. Dafydd was a leading light in MIND in the 1960s. It is worth me reminding everyone of the highlights of Sir Kenneth.

Sir Kenneth was the son of a Top Doctor and a nurse. He was born in Warrington and was educated at Malsis School in North Yorkshire, before attending Oundle School until his father died when Kenneth was 15 yrs old.  His mother withdrew him from the school on cost grounds. Kenneth joined the Royal Navy during WWII as an ordinary seaman, was commissioned in 1942 and promoted to lieutenant-commander in 1944. So Kenneth was one of the Naval officers who would have known about the naughtiness in the higher echelons of the Navy and the Admiralty (see post ‘Defence Of The Realm’ and ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Lady Juliet Bingley became involved with MIND and took a leading role for many years. Lady Juliet was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley. Between them, Lady Juliet and her son William concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al for decades whilst they worked for MIND and then when William was Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Not For Themselves Of Course’).

Kenneth Robinson was a St Pancras Borough Councillor, 1945-49. He was elected as the Labour MP for St Pancras North in 1949. Robinson’s wiki entry tells us: ‘he was probably one of the UK’s most respected Health Ministers. He was always willing to listen, and indeed took informal advice from his local GPs during difficult negotiations over the GP Charter in 1965. John Horder stated of Robinson’s role as Minister of Health: “Kenneth brought to this crisis a mind that was well prepared and the calmness, consideration and personality which we all have known.” Robinson noticed problems with Britain’s approach to General Practice Medicine and quickly sought to reach agreement with practitioners and change the organization, funding, and nature of practice in the system. Robinson published the first consultative document on reorganisation and the need for administrative reform of the National Health System. One compromise he instituted was to reduce the number of hospital beds, under an argument of current under-utilization, and in agreement with the medical profession. In return, the government lifted the limits on fees that medical consultants could charge to patients.’

Little wonder that the Top Docs loved Robinson – he reduced the number of hospital beds AND allowed the Top Docs to charge what they wanted…

Kenneth’s willingness to roll over and have his tummy tickled by the Top Docs had far-reaching consequences. His reduction of beds in return for even more dosh in the Top Docs’ pockets formed the basis for the 1966 General Practitioner’s Charter, which Robinson negotiated with Dr. James Cameron, the General Medical Services Committee  Chairman. Robinson also placed emphasis on nursing, appointing Sir Brian Salman to a ‘special committee of management experts and nurses, which looked into ways to advise and prepare senior staff at hospitals for their posts’. Nurses were treated appallingly and paid very badly for well over twenty years following Sir Kenneth’s ’emphasis’ on them, so he obviously ensured that they continued to keep their traps shut and do what they were told.

Robinson was the man who became embroiled in a massive legal spat with the Church of Scientology. The Scientologists were, strangely enough, convinced that psychiatrists were facilitating crime, experimenting on patients and involved in the sexual abuse of minors. The Scientologists infiltrated MIND in 1969 and MIND conducted a mass expulsion of members who were also Scientologists.

I’m not sure of the exact chronology but the Church of Scientology and Robinson both seemed to have sued each other for libel, although there seems to have only been one trial.

Ronnie Waterhouse was involved in the battle between the Church of Scientology and Robinson/MIND. Ronnie defended Geoffrey Johnson-Smith, the Tory MP for East Grinstead – who was a friend of Sir Robin Day – against Church of Scientology. The Church tried to sue Johnson-Smith and Robinson over claims that Johnson-Smith had made on the BBC that families were being alienated by the Church. Although the Church produced witnesses who spoke highly of it, the jury decided that Johnson-Smith’s comments were substantially true and made in good faith.

Ronnie recommended that Sir Elwyn Jones lead for the defence. Sir Elwyn Jones – who later became Lord Elwyn-Jones – ranked high in the pecking order among the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales. He grew up in west Wales, passed through University College Aberystwyth and Cambridge and became a barrister on the Chester and Wales Circuit and a Recorder of Merthyr Tydfil. He served as the Labour MP for Plaistow, West Ham South and Newham. Elwyn Jones was Attorney General under Harold Wilson, 1964-70 and then Lord Chancellor, 1974-79, under Wilson and then Callaghan. It was on his watch as Lord Chancellor that Ronnie was appointed a High Court judge. Elwyn Jones was Shadow Lord Chancellor, 1983-89, under the Windbag.

Elwyn Jones was Lord Chancellor when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al, as well as during the preceding years when she had come under attack from a ring of crooked solicitors who fleeced her of her inheritance.

Sir Peter Rawlinson was Attorney General at the time of the Geoffrey Johnson-Smith case – Rawlinson was AG throughout the years of Heath’s Gov’t. He had been Solicitor-General under Macmillan at the time of the John Vassall spy scandal (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’), so Rawlinson knew that there was naughtiness in high places accompanied by much hypocrisy.

Geoffrey Johnson-Smith’s appearance on the BBC which sparked the legal case with the Scientologists was the result of a question he’d put to Kenneth Robinson in the House in 1968. Robinson really did not like the Scientologists. It is a great pity that the Church of Scientology is built on such shaky foundations itself, because much of what they have said about psychiatry for years I have found to be true.

The first person whom I met who really hated the Scientologists was Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was helping run Dafydd’s sex trafficking business. Did Wood just think that L. Ron Hubbard’s writings were a bit outlandish? No. Wood told me that the Scientologists needed a shotgun against their heads. Which was an interesting desire, in the light of the claim by one boy at Bryn Alyn that he was sexually assaulted at gunpoint.

Ronnie Waterhouse’s book mentioned that in the Geoffrey Johnson-Smith case, the Scientologists were represented by a junior barrister, Ronald Schulman, who later ‘disappeared in mysterious circumstances’. Ronnie’s story was that Schulman ‘behaved oddly’ in relation to the will of a man who died in a private plan crash en route to France. Ronnie maintained that Schulman was last seen by Ronnie’s barrister friend James Crespi, ‘breakfasting at the Great Eastern Hotel’. Ronnie tells us that it was speculated that Schulman ended up in Brazil. After tangling with Ronnie and the gang it was rather more likely that Schulman ended up in the concrete in a flyover.

James Crespi QC was a friend of George Carman’s and they used to go out boozing and clubbing together. Crespi married a ‘young nightclub hostess’ who left him after three weeks of marriage.

The case appeared before Justice Ackner, and was entitled Robinson v Church of Scientology of California and Others. This resulted in a settlement between the parties on June 1973, where the Church of Scientology acknowledged that there was no truth to the allegations that they had published and offered its apologies to Robinson along with a ‘substantial sum to mark the gravity of the libels’.

I am not a Scientologist and I do not subscribe to L. Ron Hubbard’s theories, but I take the view that Robinson winning that libel case is no reflection upon the truth or otherwise of the allegations made about Robinson, MIND and the psychiatric establishment by the Scientologists. Dafydd was a leading light in MIND at that time and he and his colleagues were running a sex trafficking racket which involved very serious crime; he was being protected by Robinson and the legal establishment. That lot would have been capable of doing and saying anything to force the Scientologists to retract their allegations and cough up damages. At one point Tony Francis instructed his solicitors to sue me for damages on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ him – my ‘harassment’ consisted solely of letters of complaint about the criminal activities of him and his colleagues. Francis subsequently dropped all talk of suing me once he realised that I’d found a lawyer to fight back on my behalf.

 

Robinson was a member of the Homosexual Law Reform Society’s executive committee. He supported the legalisation of abortion and was Minister of Health in 1967 when the Abortion Act 1967 came into force. Robinson was supportive of voluntary hospitals and health services and voiced his encouragement to these institutions in a speech to the National Association of Leagues of Hospital Friends. These organisations colluded with the Top Docs and the abuse of vulnerable people, almost certainly because they occupied a very submissive position in relation to the NHS.

Robinson later joined Dr Death in the SDP. Which says it all – Dr Death had personal connections to some of the Top Docs of north Wales (see post ‘Dr Death’).

 

Whilst Kenneth Robinson was Health Minister, the criminal activities of Dafydd and Gwynne were well-known to Gov’t and were being concealed. At that time Bryn Estyn was directly managed by the Home Office as an Approved School and it was known that boys were being abused there. There was also abuse of boys at Axwell Park Approved School at Gateshead, the institution which employed Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth, who later transferred to Bryn Estyn and were at the hub of the paedophile gang in north Wales. The Home Secretaries whilst Robinson was Health Minister were Roy Jenkins and then Jim Callaghan. Woy spent years concealing the abuse of vulnerable people and after his adventures with Dr Death spent a sufficiently long time in politics to end up as an adviser to Blair. Jim Callaghan also concealed abuse, including in Wales. Callaghan knew that George Thomas was molesting children – Callaghan hated George Thomas but wasn’t going to take him on. The Labour Party couldn’t have afforded such a scandal in its stronghold in south Wales and furthermore George Thomas was mates with Harold Wilson – Wilson kicked off election campaigns with visits to south Wales, accompanied by Thomas. George Thomas was also a good friend to the Royal Family.

Callaghan’s wife Audrey concealed child abuse, both in London and in south Wales. The Callaghans socialised with Leo Abse, who intimidated people and threatened to stitch them up in court in order to conceal his mate George Thomas’s crimes (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Abse has been investigated for historical sex offences himself. It was whilst Kenneth Robinson was Health Minister that Abse began his efforts which resulted in the rewriting of the legislation regarding children in care which Dafydd and the paedophiles found so helpful, using the paedophiles’ friends to provide ‘expertise’. It was Jim Callaghan who in his capacity as Home Secretary invited Abse to sit on the Houghton Committee, which led to the Children Act 1975. Abse had been working since the late 1960s to establish such a Committee, he pulled the strings and the Committee was comprised of paedophiles’ friends. See post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ for details of Abse’s Grand Plan, which came to fruition with the help of Dr Death.

 

Kenneth Robinson et al were influential figures when the Windbag began his career in politics – the Windbag who knew Tony Francis when they were at university in Cardiff, the Windbag who was married to Glenys the schoolteacher from Holyhead who’s family were mates with Lord Cledwyn, who colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles himself. Once the Windbag had established himself politically, it was time for Ron Davies of the Moments of Madness and Looking for Badgers to emerge as a force in south Wales Labour politics…. And so it snowballs into the present.

 

Robinson served as Chairman of English National Opera, 1972-77, of the GLC’s London Transport Executive , 1975 -78, and of the Arts Council of Great Britain, 1977-82.

It was Nye Bevan’s widow Jennie Lee who was Harold Wilson’s Minister for the Arts whilst Kenneth Robinson was Health Minister. Lee was responsible for renewing the charter of the Arts Council in 1967 which saw an expansion in its work just in time for Sir Kenneth to benefit from that. Jennie Lee and Nye Bevan knew about the abuse of children and other people which was facilitated by the NHS, the creation of which was what Nye built his reputation on (see post ‘The Human Stain’). It was deeply flawed from the very beginning but no-one dared say a word.

Jennie Lee and Harold’s crooked lawyer friend Lord Goodman – who helped to get Jeremy Thorpe out of the slurry pit in 1979 – were responsible for establishing the OU, one of Wilson’s flagship achievements.

 

So Harold Wilson busied himself expanding and indeed creating universities, investing in the arts and pushed through schemes such as the relocation of St George’s to Tooting in the name of democracy. It looked very good, but an analysis of the activities of the people who were the movers and shakers behind all this and the trade-offs involved leaves one in no doubt that the poorest and most vulnerable citizens in the UK paid a high price for aspiring wealthier people to lead the life of Riley. Those at the bottom of the heap were locked in a dungeon in north Wales because they were capable of telling people that they had been used for sex by some of the most revered members of society.

Kenneth Robinson died in London in February 1996. By which time Ronnie Waterhouse knew damn well that he was going to be Chairing a rigged Judicial Inquiry in order to conceal the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, but he, Hague and many others pretended that they knew nuzzing.

 

The nature of those governing London University got no better when Professor Sir Brian Windermeyer stepped down as VC. The VC who succeeded him was Sir Cyril Phillips, 1972-76. Sir Cyril was educated at Rock Ferry High School and then attended the University of Liverpool. Sir Cyril then attended the  School of Oriental Studies in London. Sir Cyril served in the Army Education Corps during WWII, ending the war as a lieutenant colonel. He joined SOAS, becoming Professor and Head of the History Depart. In 1956 he became Director of SOAS. It was said that Sir Cyril ‘virtually remade the school’ in the following years.

It was Sir Cyril’s job as VC of London University, 1972-76, to implement the reforms that had been planned years before. He took advantage of his appointment not to follow the original plans.Not that whoever appointed him would have expected him to implement those plans – Sir Cyril’s track record was of a conservative man who had no sympathy for the student activism of the late 1960s and who became embroiled in feuds with other people. By the time Cyril Phillips became VC, Ted Heath was PM.

Philips’ inherited ‘a reforming brief and a financial crisis’. Phillips’s obituary stated that ‘Extraordinary battles ensued as he sought to replace the worst aspects of a re-centralising plan with more rational governance.’ This did not make Phillips a popular man and his tenure as VC was shortened. He stepped down in 1976. Not that his talents had gone unnoticed. He was invited by the Callaghan Gov’t to Chair the Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure (1978-81) into the police and criminal evidence system, the police complaints board and review of the Prevention of Terrorism Act – which led to the police and criminal evidence system under Thatch. Which was when Dafydd and the paedophiles had a party…

 

Philips’ report was described by Patrick Mayhew – the corrupt barrister who did favours for the GMC with regard to ensuring that the paedophile Top Doc Dr Morris Fraser continued practising and who in his capacity as Attorney General authorised two attempts to imprison me for contempt of court although it was known that the paedophiles’ friends had perjured themselves – in Hansard, June 30 2003 as ‘one of the finest expositions of the balance … between administrative and security convenience … and … the liberty of the citizen’.

Sir Cyril then Chaired the Police Complaints Board and Reviewed the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

Orgreave, 1984:

  • 30 years on, police face inquiry over Battle of Orgreave ...

Stonehenge, 1985:

The Battle of the Beanfield: The violent new-age traveller ...

  • That’s me in the picture: Rose Brash, 20, is led away by ...

 

Hillsborough, 1989:

  • Liverpool's bells toll across the city to mark ...

 

Dafydd, still in business today:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Here’s a man who spends his days in the Lords:
William Hague Foreign Secretary (2010).jpg

 

And here’s a man with a Radical Conscience:

Michael Mansfield QC 04.jpg

 

After Sir Cyril Phillips had stood down to prepare the ground for Thatcher’s abuse of the police force and criminal justice system, Sir Frank Hartley took over as VC of London University, 1976-78.

Hartley was born in Lancashire and attended Nelson Municipal Secondary School and went on to study for the diploma of pharmaceutical chemistry at the School of Pharmacy, London – now part of UCL. He then worked there as demonstrator and studied for a degree in chemistry at Birkbeck College.

Hartley completed his PhD whilst teaching at the School of Pharmacy. He then became Chief Chemist of the British laboratories of Organon, which were mostly concerned with steroids. From 1943 Hartley was involved with maximizing penicillin production and also research into other antibiotics. In 1946 he became Director of Research and Scientific Services at British Drug Houses (later merged with Merck KGaA) and was involved with work on contraceptive steroids. In 1974 Hartley became Vice-Chairman of the Medicines Commission.  In 1962 he became Dean of the School of Pharmacy, which had then become a school of the University of London. In 1965 Hartley became President of the Royal Institute of Chemistry. He took an active role in university affairs becoming Deputy Vice-Chancellor in 1973 and Vice-Chancellor in 1976. He was the first pharmacist to be an honorary member of the Royal Society of Physicians in 1979 and Royal College of Surgeons in 1980.

Hartley’s son Peter became a canon of the Church of England and his son Frank Robinson Hartley was Vice-Chancellor of Cranfield University from 1989-06.

When I was researching Frank Hartley a few days ago, there was information on the internet linking him directly to the Thalidomide Scandal, but like a great deal of info relating to people whom I mention on the blog that I am about to start researching into, it has disappeared. However Dr David Healy’s blog has featured two recent posts concerning thalidomide. I am still waiting for David to grass up the people traffickers in the north Wales mental health services with whom he has worked for so long, but his exposes of Big Pharma are always worth reading.

It was the ‘Sunday Times’ journo Marjorie Wallace who was behind the campaign on behalf of those who had suffered as a result of thalidomide – it made Marjorie’s name as a fighter for justice. Sadly Marjorie participated in the ultimate deceit in the late 1980s when the net looked as though it was closing in on Dafydd and the paedophiles. Marjorie posed as a mental health campaigner but aligned herself with the Top Docs whom she knew were concealing sex trafficking rings. Marjorie’s shameful record is detailed in my post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’.

Sir Frank Hartley sat on numerous committees and Boards, including the Board of the Royal Free Hospital. Duncan Orme, who as an SU sabbatical officer at UCNW colluded with the wrongdoing of Gwynne and the sex traffickers and who has now reached the higher echelons of NHS senior management, landed his first NHS job at the Royal Free (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Just when everyone was really desperate to keep the lid on the Westminster Paedophile Ring. I was interviewed by the Royal Free at pretty much the same time – during the interview a comment was made to me which contained info regarding me that could only have come from the sex traffickers of north Wales…

Hartley was also on the Boards of Tommy’s Medical School and Kingston Poly. Adrian Bell, one of the staff at UCNW (Bangor University), who colluded with D.G.E. Wood and the sex traffickers did his degree at Kingston Poly. One of Sir William Asscher’s tasks as Dean/Principal of St George’s Hospital Medical School was to oversee the merger of St George’s with Kingston Poly. I have never been able to get to the bottom of why this happened. As with the move to Tooting, the Top Docs of St George’s really did not want to merge with a Poly – I mean St George’s had a hotline to the Royal Family…

One thing that I remember Adrian Bell talking to students about at Bangor was his previous career as a forensic scientist. His story was that he had given it up because of the constant serious abuses of the law with which the forensic science service assisted. So that’s why he rocked up in an institution run by sex traffickers and joined in with them… Adrian was keeping up standards! Or did some of Adrian’s former colleagues from the Home Office/forensic science service catch up with him when I found out about Dafydd et al and began writing letters to Ministers? Adrian Bell was a colleague of Prof Grieg-Smith, who knew Prof Edred Corner, the uncle of Douglas Hurd – who was the Home Secretary turning a blind eye to Dafydd and the paedophiles trying to fit me up in court (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’).

Wheels within wheels – or the same incestuously corrupt shithouse?

  • Farm outhouse lavatory dunny shithouse rustic toilet ...

 

After Sir Frank Hartley died, his son Frank, the former VC of Cranfield University, said that his father had regretted his work on oral contraceptives because he had not been at all happy with the changes in sexual behaviour that he believed that the ‘pill’ had brought about. Sir Frank was someone who oversaw large scale research fraud at London University and protected people who facilitated a paedophile gang who murdered victims and witnesses. I’m sure that it won’t have been Sir Frank’s work on oral contraceptives that caused St Peter to lock the gates when he saw Sir Frank approaching. Particularly as the oral contraceptive that Sir Frank was involved in developing was never marketed because of its ‘side effects’. This was said to have enhanced Sir Frank’s standing on committees concerned with the safety of medicines. One wonders how thalidomide or indeed the many other harmful drugs that ended up on the market slipped past Sir Frank. Along with the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

'God Judging Adam', William Blake | Tate

 

 

 

 

Cottaging At Castle Gate

Previous posts have discussed Ron Davies – the former Labour MP for Caerphilly, 1983-01, Labour AM for Caerphilly, 1999-03 and Secretary of State for Wales, 1997-98 – and how Blair was just about to confirm that Ron would be First Secretary (First Minister) in the soon to be established National Assembly for Wales when Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie and had to resign as Secretary of State (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). No-one ever quite got to the bottom of what had happened between Ron and Boogie because Alastair Campbell and Blair micromanaged what was made public about the incident. A number of versions of events were in circulation, including claims that Ron had been discovered starkers, or wearing women’s clothes. It was said that Ron had been mugged – yet Boogie the alleged mugger was interviewed by the police and not charged with any offence.

Rhodri Morgan’s autobiography has quite a lot to say about Ron – Rhodri was a good mate of his. Rhodri claims that Boogie ‘forced’ Ron to go to a cash machine, but kept Ron’s car because Ron forgot his PIN. Rhodri claims that the Boogie business came as a complete shock to him and questioned whether Ron really was someone who would ‘strike up a conversation with a total stranger from the margins of society on the grass verge on the edge of Clapham Common and then agree to go for a meal later that night with the man and his friends’.

Although Rhodri claimed to be completely surprised regarding the Boogie incident, he makes a number of other comments which suggest that he should not have been in the least bit surprised by it.

Rhodri admits that he had heard rumours concerning Ron’s ‘other life’, including information that Ron was frequenting a Turkish bath in Newport. There was rather very much more than a vague rumour about a Turkish bath.

Rhodri tells us that Brian Radford, a journo for ‘The People’, had heard rumours that Ron had driven in a private car up the A 470 and stopped at a public bogs known as a gay meeting place. Furthermore, ‘gay Welsh Tories’ had told Neil Wooding – ‘a prominent gay Welsh Labour figure’ – that Ron was ‘cottaging at Castle Gate’. In the same way that Dafydd Wigley claimed not to know what a paedophile was whilst spending decades as the MP for a constituency in which a paedophile gang operated which was assisted by some members of Wigley’s own party – including Ioan Bowen Rees, one of Wigley’s advisors – who occupied offices just around the corner from Wigley’s constituency office (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’), Rhodri explained in his memoir that he didn’t know what cottaging was when he was first told that Ron was cottaging at Castle Gate.

So how did Rhodri discover what cottaging involved? A ‘Labour activist in Wrexham’ who worked as a medical secretary in Wrexham Maelor Hospital ‘where related issues’ were dealt with, one Lesley Griffiths, enlightened Rhodri. Lesley explained to Rhodri that cottaging was a term for casual sexual encounters between ‘predatory men’ which took place in public bogs. Lesley certainly knew all about it. Accordingly to Lesley, because the police regularly patrolled the bogs which were known to be used for cottaging purposes and shone torches under the doors in order to see if they could count two pairs of feet in a cubicle rather than just one, cottaging men busy in the cubicles would ensure that one of them stood in shopping bags placed on the floor. Thus the police would only spot two feet and some bags of shopping rather than four incriminating feet.

I am certainly impressed with Lesley Griffiths’ knowledge of cottaging. I didn’t know that about the shopping bags until I read Rhodri’s book. Neither did I realise that Lesley Griffiths’ work at Wrexham Maelor involved matters relating to cottaging men – I presumed that she just typed up letters concerning abdominal surgery or some such matter. In 2007, nearly ten years after Ron resigned over his liaison with Boogie, Lesley Griffiths was elected as the AM for Wrexham.

In 2011 Griffiths was promoted to the position of Health Minister and what a bloody wet blanket she was. My post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ describes how dismal Griffiths’ performance was and how she ignored correspondence from me regarding the harassment and threats that I was receiving from the paedophiles’ friends employed in the north Wales NHS. Griffiths was in post when I had to flee north west Wales after I received a midnight visitor – who was seen off by my dog – and after cars were driven carelessly in my direction at a high speed on a number of occasions. Then there was the incident when someone who had provided a statement about the harassment of me by senior managers of the NW Wales NHS Trust was threatened by a policeman with a gun. A few days later I was trailed through Cricieth and beyond by the same policeman with a gun…

None of this should surprise us. Whilst Lesley was busy being ‘a Labour activist’ she was a Wrexham Councillor. The Wrexham Councillors – with the noble exception of Malcolm King – completely ignored the activities of the paedophile gang on their doorstep. The victims of that paedophile gang were being taken to local GPs and Wrexham Maelor Hospital with non-accidental injuries that were never investigated. One boy with anal injuries was told that he had ‘piles’.

Lesley – if you knew about the intricacies of cottaging and you worked in a dept in the Maelor which dealt with ‘related matters’, presumably you would have been fully aware that teenaged boys don’t tend to have piles and that piles don’t result in anal injury. Although serious sexual assault does. How was it that you knew about the shopping bags but not about the paedophile ring, whereas I – who have never worked in Wrexham Maelor dealing with cottaging-related matters – knew about the paedophile gang on your patch, but not the shopping bags?

Lesley Griffith grew up near Wrexham and has spent her whole life there. How she missed that paedophile gang or the criminal Top Doctors and social workers who have surrounded her for her entire existence I do not know.

I’m not an aficionado like Lesley, but I knew back in 1984 that cottaging was going on in Bangor and furthermore that the particular brand of cottaging happening in the notorious Garth Road public conveniences did not involve consenting adult Ron Davies’s, but rather the propositioning of boys as young as eight by older men. The problem was so bad that a lady magistrate – I can’t remember her name – spoke about it to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’. She observed that it was outrageous that this was going on and she even gave a description of ‘the man in a flashy car’ who had been seen loitering around the bogs in question. The lady magistrate was particularly critical of the police whom she maintained were wilfully ignoring what was happening.

The reason why the business of the molesters in Garth Road public toilets being allowed to go about their business unhindered caused such uproar in Bangor was that Garth Road public toilets were situated directly opposite Bangor Police Station (the Police Station in Bangor relocated more recently). The police could have just looked out of their front window if they wanted to keep an eye on Garth Road public toilets.

Considering how serious the problem was, the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ paid remarkably little attention to it – they reported the concerns of that magistrate and then never returned to the subject. But then the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an interesting choice of articles. There was a vicious paedophile ring associated with serious organised crime operating in the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor but never a word was published about it. There was bugger all coverage of the matter even when the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking place.

What the Bangor and Anglesey did publish however was articles in praise of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – particularly in 1993-95 when Dafydd had become too embarrassing even for the NHS in north Wales and there was pressure on him to retire, pressure that he was doing all that he could to resist (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). The ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ entertained the patients of the Hergest Unit by repeatedly describing Dafydd as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. Dafydd was not even a forensic psychiatrist let alone Europe’s leading. The Mail also waxed lyrical about the excellent forward thinking North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which according to Dafydd’s interviews with the journos was ‘unique’. Which I suppose was true, mental health care was and still is near-universally appalling in the UK but as far as I know Denbigh was the only institution with a dungeon for the unlawful imprisonment of the victims of a sex trafficking gang.

When I perused my medical files I discovered that the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an even cosier relationship with Dafydd than I realised. In 1988 a friend of mine who had experienced the joys of Dafydd’s idiocy and pomposity thought that it would be entertaining if we sent a completely mad letter to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ under Dafydd’s name, repeating his expressions and his crazy ideas to see if they would publish it. Our letter was remarkably similar to the nonsense that Dafydd came out with when he addressed the Welsh Baptist Union in 1971 and told them that learning Bible verses in Welsh when one is a child can protect against a ‘serious moral collapse’ (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’). We sent the letter off to the Editor but to our disappointment it was not published.

Many years later I found a photocopy of our letter in my medical files. It was attached to a compliments slip from the ‘North Wales Weekly News’ (the larger sister paper of the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’) along with a note saying ‘The attached letter was sent to the Bangor and Anglesey Mail purporting to come from Dr DA Jones. He has asked me to pass it onto you.’ The note was signed ‘Penny Bosworth, reporter’ and Penny had helpfully provided everyone with her phone number – 362747 – should any of the paedophiles’ friends wish to get in touch.

As the comedian Mrs Merton would say, ‘so Penny Bosworth, how did you become so friendly with a man who was running a sex trafficking ring?’

Someone at the Mail obviously did believe that the letter was from Dafydd because it had been prepared for publication – the photocopy showed up the marks that newspaper editors make on pieces before the edition goes off to be printed. I have no idea who on the Mail realised that the letter was too crazy to even be from Dafydd and called in Dafydd’s mate Penny Bosworth.

Our spoof letter was not the only extract from the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ that turned up in my medical records. In 1996 the mental health services manager for north west Wales, Alun Davies, in collaboration with the paedophiles’ friends at even higher levels in the NHS than him, was well on the way to closing down the day centre at the Hergest Unit. The day centre was the only bit of the mental health services in north west Wales which actually worked and was very popular with the patients. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team were abusive and threatened to assault patients in their own homes, the Top Doctors were all mad and constantly had patients arrested for bizarre and trivial reasons, most of the best staff had left the wards as the Unit had gone further and further downhill at the hands of Alun Davies, but the day centre had a number of friendly, more competent staff and was also a place where a lot of patients who were isolated and living in poverty could meet their friends and socialise.

In true ‘service user involvement’ style, the patients were told that the day centre was ‘under review’ and that they were to be ‘consulted’ about the closure. The patients were horrified to hear of the plans to close the day centre and all voted to keep it open. Because the patients had voted the wrong way, more votes and focus groups were held and the patients were told that the day centre was very bad for them and furthermore that it was ‘old fashioned’. The patients continued to vote in favour of the day centre. Then an auditor was sent in – that was a real scream, because the auditor also came up with the wrong answer. He concluded that the day centre was providing an excellent service.

Then individual interviews were held and patients were directly asked why they insisted upon attending the day centre instead of making appointments to see the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Patients responded with comments such as ‘because one of them said that he would hit me’ but that wasn’t recorded. Instead it was recorded that patients were ‘misusing’ the NHS by visiting the day centre in order to access the coffee facilities and lunches. That was true for some patients, but what wasn’t recorded was that numerous patients were living in such poverty that they couldn’t afford sufficient food. This was because the Arfon Team and Top Doctors had not told most patients about their entitlement to disability benefits, so many patients were living at sub-benefit levels. The day centre staff knew about this, as did the occupational therapy team – but they were told that helping with benefits advice was not their remit.

It is worth noting here on what grounds the Arfon Team and Top Docs refused to help patients with benefit claims or indeed housing. People were refused help if they ‘had upset people’. I and other patients noticed that the patients who were said to have ‘upset people’ were those who had complained about Dafydd and the paedophiles. As one patient said to me more recently ‘so I upset a gang of paedophiles 20 years ago and now I can’t get the help to which I am legally entitled’.

That was the sum of it. The day centre staff had a policy of supplying biscuits and milk and coffee for the patients because they knew that many of them didn’t have those things at home and I know at least two of the occupational therapists brought in old clothes and bits and pieces from their homes in order to supply patients with basics. Patients were also having their teeth extracted when they had toothache because extractions were cheaper than fillings.

‘Oooh it’s never been this bad in the NHS, it’s Carwyn’s cuts’. No it’s not, it’s the bloody paedophile gang wreaking havoc. Retired nurses from Denbigh had yachts moored off Anglesey and second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’), Dafydd was reputed to be a millionaire but the patients couldn’t afford food and toothpaste.

Then Alun Davies announced that the free bus travel which most of the patients relied upon to get to the day centre would be withdrawn. So only the four or five financially well off patients with cars and those within walking distance of the day centre could actually get there. Attendance dropped from over 200 during the week to less than 30.

Alun Davies announced that after ‘extensive consultation with the service users’ it was clear that the day centre was ‘under used’ and that it would therefore be closing. Davies then tried to sack one of the occupational therapists who had been bringing old clothes in to help the patients who couldn’t afford clothes.

Before the day centre closed its doors – the day centre was turned into offices, which is what hospitals should be used for of course – I and other patients wrote letters to newspapers, MPs etc.

In my medical records, the copies of the letters that I wrote to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ in defence of the day centre are lovingly preserved.

 

After the day centre closed down a number of patients became destitute and others were found dead. So many people died that one of my friends started referring to the National Holocaust Service. Other patients just went off the radar and disappeared.

The attack on the day centre began in about 1995. Just as the demands for an investigation into the possibility that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales could no longer be ignored. By the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, support – and indeed basic medical care – was being withdrawn from many mental health patients. Before Ronnie Waterhouse had completed that Report the day centre had closed and en masse destitution and deaths had begun.

After the old fashioned day centre was shut down, there was an increased investment in ‘other community services more appropriate to patients needs’. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team blossomed and there were even more of them employed to threaten patients, have them arrested and refuse to provide any services to patients who had upset people. A room above a disused pub in Caernarfon was opened on a Tuesday as a ‘community facility’ for patients in Gwynedd. The room wasn’t heated and there was no coffee provided, so a farmer’s wife from near Caernarfon – who was appalled at what was happening to patients – volunteered to go in every Tuesday and cook a communal meal.  She provided the ingredients herself. There was transport provided though – a minibus did a journey through the hill villages and picked up the few people who fancied spending a Tuesday in a freezing cold room above the disused pub.

The farmer’s wife told me that one week an old man from Penygroes who was in a very bad way was loaded onto the minibus by the driver. The old man had just put his clothes on over his pyjamas, he hadn’t eaten, washed, shaved etc for days and once he got to the room above the disused pub, he just sat there all day unmoving and also wet himself. The farmer’s wife observed that if that had been one of your relatives you’d have taken them straight to A&E. But no-one did, the minibus driver loaded the old man back onto the bus at the end of the day and took him back to Penygroes. The old man wasn’t at the disused pub the next week – he had been found dead in his house.

When I told Brown about this, Brown observed that the North West Wales NHS Trust operated on the same principle as the Nazis did when they transported people to the concentration camps – they counted the bodies onto the trains and counted them again at the other end but didn’t bother to note if anyone had died during the journey.

Alun Davies might as well have installed a gas chamber for the Hergest patients. Davies told so many bloody lies that no-one would have noticed if he had invited people to go into the showers but something other than water was coming out.

 

It was repeatedly alleged that the North Wales Police colluded with the paedophile gang operating in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, 1982-94 – David Owen  – flatly refused to co-operate with the first major investigation into the possible existence of a paedophile gang in the region. I have mentioned previously that one of the police officers who was constantly ordered by the mental health services to arrest me was Sgt Tim Evans. I was told by a third party that Sgt Evans made it clear that he thought that the whole situation was farcical and was asking why a hospital full of highly paid consultants were summoning the police on an almost daily basis to ‘deal with’ patients who had simply complained – I was one of the highest profile people in this position. At one point Sgt Evans refused to arrest me and I understand that he told the paedophiles’ friends that I had rights too and he just couldn’t arrest me when I had broken absolutely no law.

In response to Tim Evans refusing to wrongfully arrest me, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) wrote to Chief Constable David Owen and complained about Tim Evans. Francis stressed that Tim Evans and his colleagues were merely a bunch of uneducated plods but that the Top Doctors were Experts and knew how dangerous I was. Tim subsequently turned up at my place on every occasion after a ludicrous complaint was made about me to haul me off to the police station, although he did apologise for this, explaining that if he did not do it he was going to be disciplined and could be sacked.

Tim Evans undoubtedly knew what the paedophiles’ friends were up to – he had lived opposite Mary Wynch in Caernarfon for a start and he knew what had happened there (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). I presume that he was one of the many police officers who knew how bad the criminality was but it was prevalent at such a high level in the North Wales Police that he was unable to challenge it.

Sgt Evans may well have been right to have been worried. In the summer of 1987 Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station stuck his neck out to protect me in the face of the grand plan of Dafydd et al to frame and imprison me for ‘trying to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). Alun Davies bellowed at me that ‘we’ll be making a complaint about him’. A few months later Sgt Morgan was prosecuted for indecently assaulting a teenaged girl in Bangor Police Station and was sacked. That must have been the first time in the history of north Wales that the word of a 14 year old girl under arrest had been taken above that of a police officer. The indecent assault constituted Sgt Morgan putting his hand in the back pocket of the girl’s jeans whilst searching her – interestingly enough Sgt Morgan claimed to be searching for condoms.

Now Sgt Morgan may well have done what he was accused of doing. Sgt Morgan was famously obsessed with sex and did enjoy discussing it with people under arrest. However, Sgt Morgan’s ‘indecent assault’ on the girl occurred at a time when Dafydd was unlawfully imprisoning people who had suffered serious sexual assault in the dungeon at the North Wales Hospital. Why was Sgt Morgan held to account in a way in which no-one else was? Furthermore victims of the paedophile gang were regularly fitted up for serious offences. Interestingly enough, Jeff Crowther, a psychiatric nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, seemed to know that Sgt Morgan was going to be found guilty before Sgt Morgan’s trial had taken place.

Sgt Morgan seems to be in the same category as John Grant Jones, the former Clerk to the Magistrates in Bangor, who after a career at the heart of the paedophiles and their friends, was prosecuted for fiddling his pension entitlements and was sacked in 2005 and stripped of his OBE. By the time that the Dept of Constitutional Affairs sacked John Grant Jones, he had become the Justices’ Committee Chief Executive.

I remember John Grant Jones very well, he was rather nicer to the defendants in Bangor Magistrates Court than many other people were and he knew that people were being framed by Dafydd et al. Even if he did fiddle his pension, fiddling the pension really does pale into insignificance in comparison to what else was happening in the criminal justice system in north Wales. John Grant Jones was the first person to be stripped of his OBE in north Wales. All the corrupt senior police officers, NHS managers and Top Docs are still in possession of their gongs, even Elfed Roberts who decided that he was going to leave the North Wales Police when it was noticed that he seemed to be very wealthy and leading a gold-plated existence for a policeman. The Elfed whom I was told was known to be ‘corrupt’ back in the 1970s when he was still just a sergeant in Llangefni.

So who was Lord Chancellor – the person who presided over the Dept for Constitutional Affairs – when Jones Grant Jones was stuffed over yet the paedophiles’ friends were allowed to hang onto their jobs and gongs? It was Charlie Falconer.

Spit it out Charlie – what did John Grant Jones know about who that resulted in him being shot at dawn?

 

Chief Constable David Owen was President of the ACPO in 1990. He came from Gwynedd – he was the son of a police sergeant himself – but served with the Metropolitan Police, Lincolnshire Police, the Merseyside and Dorset forces before returning to North Wales.

Michael Argent succeeded David Owen as Chief Constable of North Wales. Argent didn’t refuse to investigate the organised abuse of children in north Wales, but he refused to allow another Chief Constable to oversee the investigation, although by then part of the remit was to investigate the North Wales Police themselves after allegations had been made that police officers were abusing children.

Former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea received the full support of the Police Federation throughout the years that he was accused of abusing children in care and even after he was convicted and imprisoned in 2016. Anglesea died in prison and at the time of his death was planning an appeal. The Police Federation were supporting him and there had been offers from barristers to represent Anglesea free of charge. The Police Federation turned up in force at Anglesea’s funeral to give him a good send off.

There are quite a few references in my medical records to police who were very obviously colluding with wrongdoing on the part of the paedophiles’ friends. There are of course the references to Superintendent Roberts from Bangor Police Station and the ‘deal’ that he had with Dafydd to wrongfully arrest me, unlawfully deliver me to Bryn Golau – the locked ward – at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where the nurses were instructed not to let me out by Dr Neil Davies. The nurses told Neil Davies that they were very unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’ because it was illegal, but Neil Davies explained to them that they weren’t guilty because the deal was between Superintendent Roberts and the Top Doctors – all the nurses had to do was to refuse to let me go (see post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’).

There are a number of references to a Chief Inspector Parry of Bangor Police Station who seems to have been very accommodating with regard to the paedophiles’ friends in 1988. In 1988 I was living in Surrey and working at the University of Surrey as a member of the cancer research team led by Professor Vincent Marks, who’s brother John Marks was Chairman of the BMA at the time. The shenanigans behind the scenes – including the plagiarism of my work which was then published by Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University Medical School of whom I had never heard until the other day and the involvement of a colleague of Dr Tony Francis’s in a scandal which resulted in a member of a related cancer research team being found dead – are described in my posts ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’, ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’.

I was continuing to write to the NHS in north Wales requesting that my complaints should be investigated. I received no replies other than threats to prosecute me on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ people by my letters and demands that I stop writing to them.

A letter dated 24 Aug 1988 from Dr AH Chadwick of the BMA’s Welsh Office in Cardiff to Dr DJC Davies, the Chief Medical Administrative Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, refers to their meeting in DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988 and expresses ‘extreme concern’ about my ‘antics’. My antics being those letters of complaint which detailed the serious criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Chadwick wrote that ‘today I have been requested by the four BMA consultant psychiatrists for urgent assistance’ and that he has now received ‘further alarming reports’ about me. The ‘four BMA consultant psychiatrists’ are the paedophiles’ friends Tony Francis, his wife Sadie Francis, Dr M. Devakumar and Dafydd.

On 2 Sep 1988 PM Rees, an administrator for Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote to Chadwick, referring to Chadwick’s letter of 24 Aug 1988 to Dr DJC Davies, regarding plans to arrange a meeting between the psychiatrists, the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, ‘solicitor to the Welsh Health Authorities’ and a representative of the North Wales Police.

On 14 Sept 1988 a letter from PM Rees to Devakumar explained that ‘as requested through the BMA’, a meeting had been arranged with Chief Inspector Parry to discuss me.

A document dated 21/9/88 constitutes the notes made after a meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd held on 16 Sept 1988 ‘to discuss the action to be taken’ regarding the ‘problems’ posed by me. The usual suspects attended the meeting – a collection of Top Docs, senior Angels and managers who have featured previously on this blog – as did Chief Inspector Parry. Parry confirmed at the meeting that at Bangor Magistrates Court in Nov 1987 I was given a conditional discharge and bound over for a year. That was the result of an attempt by Dafydd to have me prosecuted for assaulting a doctor. It subsequently became clear that I hadn’t assaulted anyone – I had however shouted at a doctor. The doctor concerned had been involved in threatening me and illegally detaining me at Ysbyty Gwynedd earlier that year (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’) and of course my requests for an investigation had been ignored.  After the assault case collapsed, the paedophiles’ friends had me prosecuted for breach of the peace. Parry explained to the meeting that ‘any threatening behaviour during this period could result in her retrial for the original offence’.

Obviously there had been no ‘threatening behaviour’ from me because I had not been retried.

Another document in my medical records simply entitled ‘Gwynedd Health Authority’ records that Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd of the North Wales Police attended a meeting about me on 14 Oct 1988 with Andrew Park and usual suspects. A new name joined the usual suspects – Mr G. Palmer, Chief Administrative Nursing Officer. At this meeting Tony Francis informed everyone about the injunction that he had taken out against me, on the basis of him perjuring himself and giving an account of all those assaults which it was later admitted by Andrew Park and Francis’s own lawyers Hempsons that I had not committed. Dafydd told the meeting that he was not prepared to take out an injunction against me. In 1994 Dafydd changed his mind and obtained an injunction in the High Court in Liverpool after discussing his anus in court and the threats made by another person to stick a hand-grenade up his bum, which according to Dafydd was all my fault (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). I will be blogging more about Dafydd and his injunction soon.

Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd told the meeting that my conditional discharge imposed by Bangor Magistrates would run out on 10 Nov 1988. The note stated that the ‘Malicious Communications Act was coming into force on 29 Sept 1989’ and it was agreed to refer any mail sent by me to after that date to members of staff which contained ‘malicious communications’ to the police with a view to prosecuting me under this legislation.

There was never any attempt to prosecute me under the Malicious Communications Act so presumably my communications weren’t malicious enough. However I am curious about the use of the tense in the letter ie. that the Act ‘was coming into force’. This suggests that the document was written before the Act came into force – but the note claims to be an account of a meeting held AFTER the Act had come into force. There are no signatures on this document and I am wondering if it is yet another document which was not compiled when, or recording what, it claimed. I have a number of such documents in my possession – many of them dated during 1988 or 1989. I believe that they were forged or at the very least were backdated and written long after the date would suggest (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). Many of these documents were allegedly written by Alun Davies and were letters to the Welsh Office regarding my complaints. The dates are inconsistent, none of the letters are signed and there are other errors in the letters which suggest that they were written by someone at a much later date to cover the arse of the north Wales NHS. I will be blogging more about them soon.

My medical records contain an internal memo dated 8 Nov 1988 to Alun Davies from Tony Francis complaining that my letters have not been forwarded to the police. Francis demands that this is done and also says that he’s made a statement to the police and forwarded a letter to the administrators to give to the police. The memo states that it was dictated but not signed by Tony Francis.

There is an undated letter from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry saying that Davies is sending Parry a letter that I had written to Dafydd.

My suspicions that there was a great deal of forgery going on are confirmed by a note dated 24 Nov 1988  explaining that Andrew Park has amended an account of a meeting ‘as arranged’. This was not Park redrafting a lawyer’s letter – this was Park making up what happened in a meeting in which the homicidal maniac that was me was being discussed. A meeting attended by a senior police officer. What ever would be wrong with providing a fictitious account of that meeting?

It will have been very clear to Chief Inspectors Parry and Lloyd that in spite of the florid allegations that were made about my ‘antics’ constantly, there was no evidence that I was doing anything other than writing very angry letters detailing criminal activity and asking for an investigation. Furthermore there had been a number of incidents in which the paedophiles’ friends had been demonstrated to have perjured themselves in their attempts to have me charged yet no questions had been asked about them lying to the police. By the time that Parry and Lloyd were attending these meetings about me, Dafydd had been sued by Mary Wynch and the case had been reported in the London-based press and Alison Taylor had blown the whistle on the abuse of children in care in Gwynedd and had been sacked from her job by Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes.

Whilst the Chief Inspectors attended meetings with the paedophiles’ friends, Alun Davies had recorded a conversation with me without my knowledge in which the fat idiot had tried to entrap me, without success. There is a transcript of the call in my files, with Davies asking me ‘ooh what are you planning to do to us then’, obviously hoping I was going to fly off the handle and explain how I would be decapitating and dismembering them all in the near future.

There  are other references to other obliging police officers in my files.

On 13 Oct 1990, Mr D. Hinchcliffe, the general administrator of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, wrote to the policeman at Denbigh Police Station, Mr Bob Rowlands, about my ‘harassment’ of them all. Mr Hinchcliffe was obviously on good terms with Mr Rowlands because the letter begins ‘Dear Bob’. Mr Hinchliffe mentions a previous letter of his about me which he sent to Bob on 25 Sept 1995, but my files don’t have a copy of that one. I wonder why? Hinchliffe’s letter to Bob was CC’d to Dafydd, D. Griffiths and Janice Davies. D. Griffiths was a general administrator at Clwyd Health Authority who had a solid track record of refusing to reply to my letters detailing the criminal activities of Janice Davies – Dafydd’s Nurse Ratched on Bryn Golau Ward.

 

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to the MDU, 192 Altrincham Road, Sharston, Manchester about me. His refers to his previous letters about me behaving an a ‘menacing and intrusive way’. He accuses me of throwing a rock through a glass door at his house on Anglesey. Not that Dafydd had any evidence at all that I did this. Indeed Dafydd isn’t quite sure when the rock was thrown because he wasn’t actually in his house when it happened. Dafydd explains that he ‘was away’ but ‘two person were sleeping in the house and found the rock and broken glass door in the morning’. Dafydd thinks that the rock was thrown through the door ‘at probably about 3 am’. How the hell did he managed to time if if he wasn’t there and the only two people who were, were slumbering – did one of them at least not wake up when the rock came flying through the door????. Oh – Dafydd had a dog as well, a drug dealer’s dog, a Doberman who tried to attack the police on one occasion. Didn’t the dog bark? As for knowing that it was me who threw the rock – of course he knew that it was, because as Dafydd tells the MDU lawyers Hempsons ‘I can conceive of no other person likely to have done this’.

Dafydd was running a sex trafficking ring who dealt in drugs and child porn, I can conceive of a great many people who might have chucked the rock. If indeed a rock had ever been chucked. Dafydd noticeably provides no evidence whatever – no photos, no statements from the two persons who were sleeping in the house, not a sausage. He did tell the MDU that I was charged with assault on a junior doctor but he forgot to add that the charges were dropped when the junior doctor admitted that I hadn’t assaulted him after all.

Dafydd also says in his letter that a psychiatrist ‘whose name escapes me at the moment but which can be retrieved’ stated that I would ‘very likely end in a secure ward for the criminally insane’.

Yes Dafydd, because you, Tony Francis, Dr Chris Hunter and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends were constantly trying to fit me up after carrying out secret assessments on me which concluded with recommendations that I should be sent to a high security hospital because I was criminally insane…

Dafydd mentions one such incident – ‘I can recall an occasion when forensic psychiatrists attended a conference discussing the possible risks and possible management’. Would that have been the conference held by Dafydd’s mate Dr Chris Hunter – of whom I had never even heard at the time – who held a conference about me after Tony Francis and Dafydd asked him to? A conference that was held without my knowledge in north Wales – whilst I was working in a London medical school. A conference which was attended solely by paedophiles’ friends, many of whom had never met me (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’).

There is no solid evidence amongst any of this garbage – if the name of the person who made the splendid comments about me ending in a ward for the criminally insane ‘can be retrieved’, why wasn’t it retrieved before Dafydd wrote this letter? Or indeed since?

The name of that particular person wasn’t retrieved, but a whole list of other names was. Dafydd had back up! He told the MDU that they had his permission to approach: Avril Davies, the Mental Health Act Administrator at the Hergest Unit; Alun Davies; Tony and Sadie Francis; Hugh Thomas Pierce; Mrs Janice Glass; DC S.A. Owen ‘who has now become extensively involved in this matter’.

Avril Davies and the Francis’s were paedophiles’ friends. I have no idea who Hugh Thomas Pierce is. Janice Glass was one of Dafydd’s servants at his house, but I’ve never met her. And I did not even know of the existence of DC Owen, although he/she had become ‘extensively involved in this matter’.

I only heard about me throwing a rock through Dafydd’s door at 3 am some time after I’d done it, when a nurse at the Hergest Unit told me what I’d done. Which is just as well – DC Owen or indeed any other police officer hadn’t interviewed me about my crime, so if that helpful nurse hadn’t have let me known that I’d been over at Dafydd’s in the small hours chucking rocks through his door, I’d have been blissfully unaware of my crimes.

Dafydd worked as an expert medical witness. This is a man who had people banged up in Ashworth and Broadmoor for the rest of their lives on the basis of his ‘evidence’.

Much more recently in 2009 DC Steve Power was involved in yet another attempt to frame me on the part of the North West Wales NHS Trust – after a previous attempt had fallen apart (see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). When my lawyer had Steve bang to rights in the police station, Steve announced that he would be taking this matter no further because he was retiring in a matter of days. I recognised Steve Power when he interviewed me in 2009. I had met him about four years previously, after I made a complaint to the police about being assaulted by staff in the Hergest Unit. I was locked in a room and prevented from reporting the assault when it happened, so after I got out of the Hergest Unit I wrote to the North Wales Police. I received a letter back with an appointment to discuss the matter at Caernafon Police Station. I turned up for the appointment only to be told by the police officer on duty that ‘another matter’ had arisen, so he was unable to see me. He told me that he would send me another appointment. I never heard another word. The officer was DC Steve Power.

 

Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of the children in care in north Wales had a great deal of trouble with the North Wales Police. The two North Wales Police officers who’s names are usually heard in relation to the investigations into the abuse of children in care after Alison blew the whistle are Detective Superintendent Peter Ackerley and Detective Chief Superintendent Gwynne Owen. Alison’s concerns were rubbished and she was accused of fabricating multiple abuse allegations, including allegations against former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea and manipulating children into making false accusations.

I too was accused of ‘manipulating’ and ‘encouraging’ people to complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. It never seemed to occur to the paedophiles’ friends that their conduct was so dreadful that when it was witnessed by people other than kids in care or psych patients – who had become very used to being routinely abused – people were horrified. They didn’t need to be ‘encouraged’ or ‘manipulated’ by me to complain.

The conduct of the North Wales Police over many years left a great deal to be desired.

I have found out that former Detective Constable Jo Bott was interviewed during the 1991-93 investigation into child abuse in north Wales. Bott repeatedly took refuge by answering ‘no comment’. Well there’s a turn up for the books – because when I witnessed Jo in action in 1993 when she was a key mover and shaker in false accusations that a new father was a danger to his baby whilst two people who had sexually and physically abused children were afforded full protection by Bott, Bott had a great deal to say. In fact Jo was ever so friendly and chatty as she extracted information from a new parent who trusted her. When Jo returned to see that man a few weeks later, having used the information that he provided about the abuse of at least FOUR children to protect the abusers and frame an innocent person, Jo still had a bit more to say – only this time, what she had to say was rather unpleasant and threatening as opposed to friendly and chatty (see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’).

Come on Jo, tell us what you know about who had it in for the other completely innocent and good father involved in it all as well, Martin – who was found dead at a most convenient time for you and the paedophiles’ friends…

The 1991-93 North Wales Police investigation into child abuse recommended that Gordon Anglesea should be prosecuted. Not only was he not prosecuted until many, many years later, but this information was concealed. It only became public in 1997 when Gerard Elias QC revealed it at the Waterhouse Inquiry.

It is thought that the Police Federation backed Gordon Anglesea’s libel case against HTV Wales, Private Eye, The Indie on Sunday and The Observer, which Anglesea won in 1994 (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). North Wales Police officers attended Anglesea’s libel hearing and they knew that information was being witheld ie. that there had been a recommendation that Anglesea should be prosecuted.

 

In 2005 the ‘investigative journalist’ Richard Webster published a book called ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. Webster’s book was principally a vehicle for trashing the reputation of Alison Taylor. His theory was that the secret of Bryn Estyn was that there was no serious abuse there, that it was just another bog standard mediocre children’s home.

I cannot understand why Webster ever took an interest in Bryn Estyn. He had no connections with Wales and when he planned and wrote the book he was based in Suffolk. He contacted people in north Wales telling them that he was writing a book on institutional child abuse in 1996 but BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced.

Webster’s volume is substantial, but it is clear to anyone from north Wales that Webster either had no idea of what was going on or that for some reason he had been sent to assist the paedophiles’ friends. No-one could have lived in north Wales for any length of time over the last few decades and not have noticed that the health and welfare services were and still are truly dreadful. This escaped Webster. He also concluded that Lucille Hughes paying a special visit in person to interview a kid who had alleged that he had been abused was a sign of Lucille’s concern and conscientiousness. This was Lucille bloody Hughes – she probably went out to see the boy to threaten him at gun point, Lucille was not a nice person.

No-one seems to know who funded Webster whilst he ‘researched’ and wrote his book. He made many visits to north Wales and stayed there for substantial lengths of time. Furthermore Webster enjoyed a very cosy relationship with certain people in the North Wales Police.

Some two weeks after the publication of the Waterhouse Report in 2000, Richard Webster wrote an article for the ‘New Statesman’ entitled ‘Can A Whistleblower Be Wrong?’. This was an attack on Alison Taylor where she was accused again of making it all up and getting the kids to make it all up as well. In order to write the article, Webster had gained possession of confidential police documents, including witness statements. He had interviewed Peter Ackerley at length on at least one occasion, although this was denied by Diane Kaiser, the solicitor for the North Wales Police – documentation subsequently demonstrated that Webster had interviewed Ackerley. Webster also used the statements that Gwynne Owen – another person who trashed Alison – made to the CPS for the NS article.

The ‘New Statesman’ had a shock when in 2001 Alison sued them for defamation. I think that Alison represented herself. The NS admitted in court that they published Webster’s article on the assumption that Alison could not afford to sue them. The publisher of the NS at the time of the article was Peter Wilby and it was owned by Geoffrey Robinson. The NS instructed Bindman and Partners to act for them and Adam Speker QC was Counsel. Bindman and Partners had represented Peter Howarth at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Howarth was one of the prime organisers of the paedophile ring in north Wales and was jailed for numerous sex offences against the boys in Bryn Estyn.

In 2002 the NS and Webster fell out. The NS severed his representation on the grounds of the irreconcilable differences between them and Webster because of his refusal to settle the case. The NS subsequently settled with Alison in Dec 2002 and she withdrew her case against Webster. Webster protested about the publication of a settlement notice – he was represented (it was suspected pro bono) by Adrienne Page QC. Page is the cohabitee of Adam Speker and a colleague of Cherie Booth. Justice David Eady presided over the hearing, despite Eady having had previous dealings with Webster.

Page and Speker continued their links with Webster and they provided legal advice for ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. The book was launched at a party in the Commons organised by Claire Curtis-Thomas, the then Labour MP for Crosby. Curtis-Thomas is associated with Dr Death’s mate Shirley Williams and she also has close links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring hot spots of south Wales and Cheshire. Webster published the book himself – and later self-published a paperback version.

Webster died in 2011 but his website – which is yet another vehicle for trashing Alison Taylor – is still online and is obviously being maintained by someone.

Someone must have been behind Webster. He seems to have had only one principle aim – to discredit Alison Taylor in any way that he could. His was an expensive project and somebody footed the bill.

Geoffrey Robinson, the owner of the ‘New Statesman’ when it launched Webster’s attack on Alison, has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976. Robinson was Blair’s Paymaster General, 1997-98 – he resigned after lending all that dosh to Mandy…Robinson’s personal fortune is estimated at approx £30 million. Robinson owns a number of homes even grander than the one that Mandy purchased with the dosh that was lent to him by Robinson, including one in Tuscany at which the Blairs took one of their famous holidays courtesy of their very rich friends.

 

To return to Ron Davies.

Rhodri Morgan explains that Neil Wooding passed the warning about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate to Val Feld, ‘a big cheese in the Swansea Labour movement’ and a close friend of Julie, Rhodri’s wife. So Val Feld told Julie.

Val Feld was a woman from a privileged family in Caernarfon who knew all about the abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and I bet that she knew about Ron before Neil Wooding said anything to her. Val founded Shelter Cymru and was the Director of the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) for Wales, 1989-99. She was the AM for Swansea East, 1999-01. Val was a mate of paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt and just a few weeks ago Hutt had a plaque placed on the wall of the Senedd in tribute to Val who kept quiet about so much. For details of what Val ignored, see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’.

 

Neil Wooding, the man who sent up the flare regarding Ron Davies, is Director of Strategic Planning Performance and Capability at the Office for National Statistics. Neil is an old lag from the Welsh Gov’t. He was Director, Pubic Service Management Wales, 

Not only did Rhodri claim not to know what cottaging was, but Rhodri also experienced confusion over Castle Gate, the site of Ron’s cottaging. Rhodri explains in his book that he presumed that ‘Castle Gate’ was the name of some dive of a pub where Ron had been entertaining himself. Then someone told Rhodri that Ron had been cottaging at Castle Gate in Cardiff – the entrance to Cardiff Castle. Which was approx 100 yards from Rhodri’s constituency office in Transport House.

Rhodri was nearly as close to Ron’s preferred cottaging territory as the Bangor Police were to Garth Road public toilets.

Rhodri wonders in his book whether Blair ‘knew about’ Ron. It is highly probable that he did because Blair specialised in promoting paedophiles’ friends to high office, particularly the Lords. However Rhodri does confirm that ‘MI5 didn’t know’ because of Ron’s ‘astonishing ability to cover his tracks’.

Cottaging at the entrance to Cardiff Castle hardly demonstrates an astonishing ability to cover one’s tracks. Rather it demonstrates complete confidence that everyone knows what you are doing and that no-one is going to blow the gaffe. Of course MI5 knew, they were probably the strangers who were meeting Ron at the Castle Gate for sex. Why does Ron think that the encounter with Boogie ended in disaster just as Blair was about to ensure that Ron became Wales’s FM?

Rhodri notes that Ron was good mates with Nick Brown. Nick Brown has been the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne East since 1983. Nick’s CV ticks numerous boxes which suggests that he has known about the paedophiles and their friends for decades (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Shortly after Ron Davies had his moment of madness with Boogie, Nick – who was the Minister of Agriculture at the time – became embroiled in some sort of scandal involving a rent boy. Blair’s autobiography ‘A Journey’ admits that Alastair Campbell successfully re-packaged the incident as a good-news story about Brown coming out as gay because Blair was crapping himself at the idea of the Gov’t being hit by two sex scandals in such close succession.

According to journalist Tom Bower, Nick Brown ‘was accused of paying £100 to rent boys to be kicked around a room, and admitted his sexuality’.

‘Private Eye’ recently reported that Nick Brown is suing Bower over a particular sentence in Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ -not even a sentence that I would have thought was particularly incriminating. Brown’s barrister is Adrienne Paige QC! Paige was one of the junior barristers who worked with the crooked barrister George Carman on libel cases (No Ordinary Methods’). Carman knew about the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile gang and its link to the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Blair was a junior barrister in Carman’s team and Carman was also the head of Cherie’s chambers.

 

Although Ron was a Master of Disguise with a Cunning Plan who excelled in covering his tracks by having casual sex with male strangers in central Cardiff at one of the city’s most popular tourist attractions, Ron was gregarious and socialised with many people who of course all had no idea at all of his ‘other life’. The other life that was a constant source of gossip.

Rhodri was such a good mate of Ron that Rhodri was the campaign manager behind Ron’s efforts to become what Rhodri called ‘Top Taff’ in the Shadow Cabinet. Ron became Top Taff in 21 Oct 1993 when John Smith appointed him Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron remained as Top Taff after John Smith’s death, throughout Margaret Beckett’s position as Acting Leader of the Labour Party and continued in the role once Blair ascended the throne.

Whilst Rhodri was busy negotiating Ron’s future as Top Taff, I was subjected to constant attempts by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales to construct me as a dangerous offender and imprison me. Attempts which continued with increased vigour after Ron had become Top Taff because by then people just would not stop alleging that a paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of society because of its links to Westminster and Whitehall and its connections to paedophile rings in other parts of the UK.

Ron’s Chief Political Advisor and spin doctor was Rhodri’s next door neighbour, Huw. Huw was married to Julia, who had been Rhodri’s secretary since shortly after he was first elected to the Commons in 1987. After Ron resigned as Secretary of State in Oct 1998, he hid from the media by staying at Huw and Julia’s place. Nick Horton, the chief political reporter of the ‘Western Mail’, turned up at Rhodri’s house in search of Ron because he’d been told that Ron was there. Rhodri was so relieved that Horton never guessed that Ron was next door – no-one knew that Ron was in there because Huw and Julia drew the curtains for the whole weeks whilst Ron laid low. House of Ron’s adviser and spin doctor goes into lock-down for a week with all curtains drawn whilst Ron is rumoured to be kipping at Rhodri’s next door? Of course no-one guessed – the fact that no-one published Ron’s whereabouts was completely unrelated to everyone having egg on their faces after keeping schtum about Ron for years.

Something went a bit sour after Ron’s resignation though. Rhodri makes reference to strained relationships and Julia resigning as Rhodri’s secretary…

 

In previous happier times, at Welsh night during the 1996 Labour Party Conference, the Welsh Affairs team all dined together – Rhodri, Ron and Win Griffiths.

Win Griffiths is a former teacher who was Labour MEP for South Wales,  1979-89 and Labour MP for Bridgend 1987-05. Griffiths was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1997-98 reshuffle. After leaving Gov’t Griffiths Chaired the Welsh Grand Committee. He retired from Parliament in 2005.

After retiring Griffiths was Chair of Bro Morgannwg NHS Trust for eight years, a Trust which was in the usual troubled dysfunctional state for an NHS body. In 2012 Lesley Griffiths praised Win for his ‘dedication’ to Bro Morgannwg. Not sure that is much of an endorsement Win. Lesley also named Win’s successor as Chairman – it was Andrew Davies, the former AM for Swansea West and bedfellow of Meri Huws, who previously faced allegations that his Ugandan discussions with Meri had been responsible for Meri landing the job as Chair of the Welsh Language Board (see post ‘People With Energy’).

As for Win, he then moved on to become Chair of WCVA – so he’s the one who is overseeing the waste of public funds and the activities of the paedophiles’ friends that is the Third sector in Wales.

 

Pre-devolution, Ron was big pals – and dined regularly – with Dafydd Wigley and Richard Livsey, as a group of ‘pro-devolution leaders’. Rhodri comments that Ron provided ‘really good leadership’ to this group.

Richard Livsey was the Lib Dem MP for Brecon and Radnorshire, 1985-92 and 1997-01 and was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 1997-01. Livsey was an agriculturalist who after his death was described by everyone as a ‘gentleman’. His time in the Liberal Party stretched back to 1960 and he tried for a seat in the Commons in 1970 and in 1979. Livsey will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith.

Livsey was close friends with Geraint Howells – Howells was his mentor. Geraint Howells was one of those who signed the Early Day Motion in 1992 demanding an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch. Like everybody else who signed that EDM – except for David Bellotti – Howells then never mentioned Mary again and received a peerage. The only one of those who’s name was on the EDM who did not bag a peerage was David Bellotti who tabled the EDM. David Bellotti lost his seat soon after tabling the EDM and was never returned to Parliament. Geraint lost his seat too, unexpectedly, as a result of a very dirty deal on the part of Plaid and the Green Party, but he escaped to the Upper House (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

When Livsey stood down as Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems in 2001 – after the Waterhouse Report had been published and difficult questions had been, temporarily at least, silenced, Livsey was given a peerage.

 

Ron Davies also had an ‘excellent working relationship’ with Rachel Lomax, the Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1996-99. Rachel Lomax oversaw the setting up of the Welsh Assembly. She arrived in the Welsh Office just in time for the establishment of the Waterhouse Inquiry as well.

William Hague – the Secretary of State for Wales at the time – must have really wanted Rachel because she was an economist who was recalled to the Welsh Office from the World Bank, where she was a Vice-President and Chief of Staff to President of the World Bank.

Lomax went to Cheltenham Ladies College, then Girton College, Cambridge and then to the LSE. After she left the LSE in 1968 she joined the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson, 1985-86, whilst Lawson was Chancellor, then a Deputy Secretary at the Treasury, then Deputy Chief Economic Advisor, 1990-94. In 1994-95 Lomax was head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office.

Rachel has certain been where the action is. Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, so she’ll have known him and like everyone else who worked with him will have heard about him molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and London. It was while Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury that Dafydd unlawfully had Mary Wynch arrested, imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then unlawfully imprisoned for a year in Denbigh. Rachel Lomax touched Mary Wynch’s life again in 1994. In 1994 it was the Treasury solicitor who finally ruined Mary (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Mary was far too old for Peter Morrison to have been interested in her and she was female anyway, but as well as knowing that at least one person had almost certainly been murdered whilst in the care of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes and that a group of local lawyers were collaborating together to fleece their clients, Mary also witnessed the preparation of young patients in the North Wales Hospital for their futures in the sex industry. Dafydd had given instructions that the patients on the young people’s ward should be encouraged to have sex with each other and the Angels would gather around to watch the show.

By the time that Rachel Lomax had arrived at the Welsh Office to organise the cover-up, Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried.

 

Rhodri’s book explains a rather dodgy deal that Rachel facilitated for Ron in 1998. The HQ of the interim Assembly was located at Crickhowell House in Cardiff. The rent on Crickhowell House was kept low provided that the future Assembly committed to a new HQ on the adjoining site. The landlord of the whole area was the ABP (Associated British Ports) property subsidiary Grosvenor Waterside. The ABP could then recover their loss on the low rent through the enhanced capital values on the land surrounding the new Assembly building. Rhodri thought that it was most unsavoury that such a corrupt deal underpinned the building housing the Assembly from the very beginning. For details of the other massive scams involving ABP and the development of Cardiff Bay, see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Honest Rhodri never wanted the Assembly to be located in Cardiff Bay anyway – he wanted it to be in Cardiff City Hall, next to Cathays Park where the civil servants worked. The corrupt civil servants, who had spent decades concealing the criminality involving Dafydd and the paedophiles. Numerous documents among those detailing the criminality and cover-ups in my possession have the Cathays Park Welsh Office address on them, including some of those that I am fairly sure are forged (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). I will be blogging more about those documents soon.

Rhodri himself had an office in Cathays Park as well and it was the traditional home of the Secretary of State for Wales. Rhodri explains that it was really great working in Cathays Park because everybody was there and you could just pop along to see whoever you needed to. That’s right Rhodri, the office of the corrupt Medical Ombudsman was there, as was the office of the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, then in later years the corrupt Public Services Ombudsman and of course the corrupt Social Services Inspectorate was there as well. Just to tie everything up nicely, the office of the corrupt Mental Health Tribunal was also situated in Cathays Park. Everything conveniently located on one site!

 

Not only did the corrupt Secretaries of State have an office in Cathays Park, but they even had an apartment there, so they could live on campus among the crooks. The apartment was originally created from a few offices for the use of Nicholas Edwards and his wife Ankaret. Old Nick and his wife made good use of the flat between 1979-87, as did Peter Walker (1987-90) and David Hunt (1990-93) and (1995). However John Redwood (1993-95) didn’t use the flat, he insisted on returning to his place in Wokingham to sleep.

No wonder there was havoc in Wales whilst Redwood was Secretary of State and everyone was desperate to see the back of him – him not living above the shop must have profoundly disrupted the smooth operation of the corrupt machine. On the other hand I’m sure that David Hunt, the man who assisted with so much of the most serious wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends during his long and glorious career (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friend Of Cardiff North’) found that flat very useful for the days between 26 June 1995-5 July 1995, when Hunt returned to his old job as Secretary of State for Wales in what must have been for the shortest length of time that anyone has ever occupied a senior Gov’t position. It was during those heady risk-laden days when the knotty problem of the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd – a retirement which never was – and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital took place. Not that the North Wales Hospital did close, although everyone was told that it did. Part of it stayed open in secret.

Get digging out there at Denbigh, I know that old Hunt will have pushed the boat out in the summer of 1995 and probably got hardly any sleep at all what with all those civil servants running in and out of his flat screaming ‘but how are we going to explain the human remains if we close the bloody place down and someone turns it into luxury apartments???’, but Hunt deserves to be exposed before he joins the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who are dropping dead on an almost daily basis…

 

Rachel Lomax was one of those who scarpered after Ron’s downfall at the hands of Boogie – she resigned from her post as the Welsh Office and in Dec 1998 took up the role of Permanent Secretary at the DHSS. Rhodri observed that just before Ron hit disaster Rachel Lomax had purchased a new house for herself in the Vale of Glamorgan and such was Lomax’s loyalty to her home nation that she kept her home in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Lomax left the DHSS/DWP in 2002 and then served as Permanent Secretary at the  Dept of Transport, having moved there with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling when Blair reshuffled his Cabinet following the resignation of the Secretary of State for Transport Stephen Byers, he who subsequently described himself as a ‘cab for hire’ in a lobbying scandal and was banned from Parliament for two years (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

From 2003-08 Lomax was a Deputy Governor at the Bank of England, serving on its Monetary Policy Committee. She left just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 to ‘pursue other interests’. In Dec 2008, Lomax became an independent non-executive Director of HSBC Holdings, where she was also a member of the audit and risk committees. In Dec 2010 Lomax joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive Director. Rachel is also a non-executive director of Serco and a trustee of Imperial College London (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ for the details of the research fraud and misconduct on the part of those who have worked or are still working at Imperial) and has served as President of the Institute of Fiscal Studies.

 

There is another person who could tell us all a great deal about Ron and a lot of other people as well but he seems to have kept a very discreet silence – a man called Les who is a former Cardiff taxi driver. After ferrying the general public around Cardiff, Les worked as the official driver for that very good friend of the paedophiles of north Wales Lord Wyn Roberts, then as the official driver for Ron and then as the official driver for Rhodri. Les could give us the best anecdote ever in terms of who he had in the back of the cab…

Lest anyone think that I have a problem with Ron and others mentioned on this blog because they are gay and I am conflating gay men with child abusers, I don’t and I’m not. The problem that I have tried to highlight on this blog is that a number of the people discussed have used prostitutes – male and female – who were coerced into that business whilst they were kids in care and to coerce them into sex work those kids were subjected to very great cruelty at the hands of serious criminals. If sex workers are consenting adults who have not been coerced into that work I don’t consider what they are doing or who their customers are to be anyone else’s business. Despite some of the scare stories, the best research into sex work has shown that there is a contingent of prostitutes who are adults with agency, fully in control and who conduct business discreetly and safely. Many of them have actually worked as nurses and furthermore prostitution among nurses is a good deal more common than anyone likes to admit. Sadly there are also people who have been forced into prostitution – ironically by the sort of nurses who worked for Dafydd – and who most definitely need protecting and rescuing.

The people discussed on this blog do not have track records of being honest and transparent and they all try to portray themselves as having only ever conducted relationships with consenting adults, even when that most definitely is not true. Ron may have become notorious for cottaging at the Castle Gate or for picking up Boogie on Clapham Common, but before he became an MP Ron was an advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst everybody in Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority ignored serious complaints about drama teacher John Owen sexually abusing his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

In north Wales there was a Mafia code of silence regarding the activities of the paedophile gang – partly because some people were terrified of them but partly because everybody was covering the arses of their friends and relatives and that technique was also used to secure themselves jobs, promotions and, in later life, pensions.

Consider just this alone. Ron worked as a tutor-organiser for the WEA, taking over from Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the Windbag was elected to Parliament. Rhodri Morgan also worked for the WEA in south Wales, 1963-65. When they were young, Rhodri and the Windbag shared a house. Rhodri and the Windbag spent many enjoyable years campaigning together. Wayne David, who succeeded Ron as Labour MP for Caerphilly, also worked for the WEA in south Wales, starting in that role in 1985. Like Ron, Wayne was a teacher who trained at Cardiff University. I could continue…

Were any of this lot, a bunch of not very bright people who scraped their way into universities – usually in south Wales – and somewhere along the way developed a massive sense of entitlement and fancied themselves as Cabinet Ministers or even PMs, ever going to grass each other up? They saw the way that many other people in Wales lived and that was certainly not for them. No matter how many of them banged on about the forefathers going down the pit, most of them had never got their hands dirty themselves. Glenys Kinnock has never been near a pit in her life, she lives a millionaire’s life between London and Europe and her daughter-in-law is PM of Denmark. Pretty good for a school teacher from Holyhead whose home town suffers from severe disadvantage and was host to a paedophile gang. Never mind the Castle Gate, Ron Davies could probably have gone cottaging in the middle of John Lewis’s in Cardiff on a Saturday afternoon and no-one would have said a word.

Alun Davies, the corrupt NHS manager in north Wales who constantly tried to have me imprisoned, didn’t come from north Wales. Davies was from the Rhondda…

Ron’s wife – now ex-wife – Christina Rees, the Labour MP for Neath, is a barrister. Her wiki entry is incredibly brief and talks about her school days and love of sport.

‘We didn’t know.’

After Ron fell from grace on Clapham Common a few people from south Wales who didn’t have ambitions to become PM but who didn’t dare identify themselves in the press, admitted that they did know, that indeed ‘everyone knew’ about Ron and furthermore that he was a vindictive aggressive bastard whom a lot of people didn’t dare cross.

Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after Boogie, but he didn’t resign as an MP. In fact Ron put up quite a fight. His first strategy was to make a speech in the House about the violence that he had suffered at the hands of his father as a child. Which is sad but Ron is by no means alone in having had that happen to him. This was followed by Ron coming out as bisexual. Then Ron claimed to have some interesting psychiatric problem which involved him seeking out ‘risky situations’ – for which he was of course ‘receiving help’.

If Ron was paying good money to attend Dafydd’s sex therapy clinic it wasn’t very effective because in 2003 Ron was caught in another risky situation in a well known cruising and dogging spot. Ron’s story was that he was looking for badgers.

At no point did Ron simply say ‘I’m gay, now sod off because it’s no-one else’s business but mine’.

It was after he was photographed looking for badgers that Ron stepped down as MP for Caerphilly. However, Rhodri’s book explains that Ron did not go quietly.

It was the Chairman of the Party, Brian Curtis, who was left to ensure that the Labour Party divested itself of Ron by persuading Ron to pull out of the candidacy for Caerphilly before the 2003 General Election election. Ron had recently bought an expensive house on a mortgage and he refused to stand down unless his PPI to cover his mortgage payments could be activated. Rhodri states that  Jessica Morden, the General Secretary of the Labour Party, was ‘unhappy’ about providing the letter of cover to Ron’s bank – Ron needed a letter saying that he’d been forced to resign his candidacy to prevent accusations from the bank that he’d voluntarily left his job. Ron only stood down once he knew that the insurance on his mortgage was secured.

Rhodri tells us that ‘Jessica did what she had to do because it was absolutely necessary in the reputational interest of the Labour Party’.

Rhodri believing that this was sufficient to save the reputation of the Labour Party reminds me of a document that the former Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts wrote when he got wind of Edwina Hart’s plan to abolish the Trust. Elfed memorably wrote that ‘the Trust must be seen to be beyond reproach at this crucial time’. How did Elfed and his colleague Martin Jones the CEO of the Trust ensure that the Trust was seen to be ‘beyond reproach’ at that crucial time? Well in the face of the rising toll of patient and staff suicides, Elfed and Martin refused to investigate any patient complaints, sent an extract from my medical records to a senior member of staff in Bangor University, rang various other colleagues of mine and told them that I was dangerous, intimidated a number of people who had witnessed what was happening to me and who had made statements about it and then had me arrested on the grounds that I had pink hair and had laughed at Elfed’s car and called it a penismobile.

Elfed and Martin seemed unaware that they had become famous as a result of their attempts to be seen to be beyond reproach at a crucial time. No wonder that Edwina carried out her plan to abolish them. Then Edwina stood for the leadership of the Labour Party in Wales and during the leadership debates the topic of anti-social behaviour was discussed. A lady in the audience asked how the candidates were going to tackle anti-social behaviour among young people. Edwina responded by saying that it wasn’t only young people who were capable of anti-social behaviour. I and the person whom I was watching this with were howling with laughter because we suspected that Edwina might have well have been thinking of two particularly unhinged NHS senior managers in north west Wales…

 

What Rhodri doesn’t explain is what Ron Davies was doing buying an expensive house on a mortgage when he knew that everyone was trying to get rid of him – and why did Ron bother to buy PPI, everyone knew by then that the buggers never pay up. Was Ron expecting perhaps to not only be in need of PPI but confident that he would be able to get them to cough up?

What happened to Jessica, who just did what she had to do? (Dafydd used to say that on the rare occasions that he was actually put on the spot and asked why he had broken the law. ‘I just did what I had to do’ would always be accompanied with Dafydd’s claim that ‘I found myself in this bizarre situation’. Yes, with a load of abducted victims of a paedophile ring imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital…)

Jessica Morden was well rewarded for doing what she had to do to save the reputation of the Labour Party ie. ensure that Ron bagged an expensive house in return for not standing again as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. Jessica was accepted as the Labour candidate for Newport East and became the MP for that constituency in 2005. Jessica was selected by the use of an all woman shortlist. No-one could accuse Blair of parachuting Jessica into south Wales though. Not only had Jessica been the General Secretary of Welsh Labour, but in 1991 she worked for Huw Edwards, Labour MP for Monmouth and she then worked for Llew Smith, Labour MP for Blaenau Gwent, 1992-95.

So Jessica had been around quite long enough to not know about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate.

Llew Smith was also elected as the MEP for South Wales East in 1984. He stood down in 1994 – and made way for one Glenys Kinnock!

Huw Edwards succeeded the Monmouth seat from the Tory MP Sir John Stradling Thomas after Sir John was found dead in his Dolphin Square flat. Readers who follow the comments section of my blog will remember how often Richard Card has commented on the death of Sir John. Sir John had been expressing concern about the allegations of Westminster figures being involved in child abuse and was believed to be about to speak publicly and possibly name some of those alleged to be involved. He was found dead hours before he was due to speak.

Children trafficked for sex from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were taken to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). One of the community social workers employed on the Maesgeirchan estate on which Ty’r Felin was located was Meri Huws – Meri is alleged to be a former bedfellow of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘People With Energy’).

Jessica got her chance at Newport East after Alan Howarth, the sitting MP, was elevated to the Lords by Blair. Howarth became famous when he crossed the floor. He was the Tory MP for Stratford-upon-Avon, after being elected in 1983. In 1995 he defected to Labour, was selected for Newport East and subsequently became a Minister in Blair’s Gov’t. Howarth was dropped from the Gov’t in 2001, after the Waterhouse Report had been published and the claims that it was a massive cover-up had been silenced, at least temporarily.

Howarth was an unlikely defector to New Labour. He had been a hard right Tory, a founder member of the Thatcherite No Turning Back group. Early in his career, Howarth had worked in the Conservative Party Chairman’s office under Willie Whitelaw – who spent many years in many capacities concealing the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales. Then Howarth became Director of the Conservative Research Department and Party Vice-Chairman. Matthew Parris used to work in the Conservative Research Department and claimed that there was a senior member of staff there who used to go cruising for young men on London buses. Parris also maintained that every summer, a group of male staff from that Dept would take a holiday at a place in Italy known as the ‘Villa of Shame’ where they were supplied with ‘boys who were always willing’.

What possible use could Blair have made of Howarth in 1995 when Howarth defected – whilst demands for a public inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been followed by Nicola Davies QC reviewing the paperwork to see whether a public inquiry should be held? Nicola found that the paperwork of the North Wales Police relating to the abuse of children was missing from 1989 onwards. There’s a surprise.

Howarth crossed the floor on 8 Oct 1995. Peter Morrison had been conveniently found dead three months before and now Nicola Davies QC and Secretary of State for Wales William Hague just had to work out how to rig the Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal that people were demanding.

On the eve of the 1997 General Election the Labour MP for Ogmore, 1979-01, Sir Ray Powell told an interesting tale about two of his Blairite colleagues. He alleged that Mandelson and Ron Davies offered him a peerage if he gave up his seat in the Commons for Alan Howarth, the Conservative who had crossed the floor to join the Labour Party (see post ‘News From Sicily’)…

 

The political career of Ron Davies didn’t finish once he’d secured his upmarket house.  In 2004 he resigned from the Labour Party claiming that they were all a bit incompetent in the Welsh Labour Party. Ron then joined the new Forward Wales Party and stood for election as an MEP. In 2007 he stood for election to the Assembly – as an Independent – for Caerphilly. In 2008 Ron was back on Caerphilly County Borough Council – where he had begun his career decades previously. He held the Economic Development and Urban Regeneration portfolio, originally as an Independent but later actively supported the ruling Plaid group on the Council. In recent years there has been an ongoing scandal at Caerphilly County Borough Council involving financial mismanagement on a huge scale. There has been a criminal investigation which found serious wrongdoing but it was decided to proceed no further with the investigation because of the cost of the investigation. So it rather looks as though some of Ron’s colleagues have made off with hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money and they will not be held to account.

Ron joined Plaid in 2010 and has since stood as a Plaid candidate in three elections.

 

Rhodri explained in his memoir that he was sympathetic to politicians who stood accused of involvement in sex scandals as a result of his own experience. At one time a ‘Top Welsh Tory’ put it around that Rhodri had been cautioned for picking up prostitutes in the Cardiff docks area. A full apology to Rhodri was issued and a donation to charity was made after Rhodri approached the Tory Party Chairman at the time for help. That Chairman was Dr Brian Mawhinney, now Lord Mawhinney.

Mawhinney was a Tory MP, 1979-05 and concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles whilst he was Minister of State for Health, 1992-94. Mawhinney was PPS to Tom King, 1984-86, whilst King was Secretary of State for NI and then held Ministerial positions in the N Ireland Office between 1986-92. So Mawhinney knows all about Kincora.

Mawhinney’s brother Richard is a lawyer who is married to Patricia Scotland QC. Patsy’s big break was representing the Welsh Office at the Waterhouse Inquiry – she was given a peerage during the Inquiry. Patsy never looked back, she has gone from high office to high office, despite being embroiled in scandal and dogged by allegations of improper conduct wherever she goes. When Patsy was given the brief for the Waterhouse Inquiry her brother-in-law Brian was a member of the Cabinet.

Details of Patsy’s network of paedophiles’ friends can be read in posts ‘Baroness Patricia Scotland QC Was On Board As Well!’, ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ and ‘Even More About Baroness Patricia Scotland QC’.

Brian Mawhinney was Chair of the Tory Party, 1995-97. Which was just when everyone was dealing with the very tricky problem of Dafydd, the paedophile gang, the demands for a public inquiry and then the setting up of the rigged Waterhouse Inquiry. Mawhinney became Chairman of the Party on the last day of David Hunt’s tenure as Secretary of State for Wales. Peter Morrison was found dead eight days later.

I would imagine that the Tories were in such deep shit during Mawhinney’s time as Chairman of the Party that they would be very vulnerable indeed to approaches by angry Labour politicians who claimed to have been the subject of baseless rumours circulated by the Tory Party. Mawhinney might have been so worried that he could have even resorted to apologising to Labour MPs who perhaps really had been cautioned for kerb crawling around Cardiff docks.

Rhodri stood accused at some point between 5 July 1995 – 11 June 1997. Which was when the patients in north Wales were being left destitute and dead after their day centre had been closed down and when such strenuous efforts were being made to have me banged up in a secure unit.

 

As for other news recently. Professor Nick Hardwick, the Chairman of the Parole Board (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’), has stated that if details are released about Top Doctors who serve on the Parole Board, the Top Doctors would be at risk of coming under attack on social media. Did Nick perhaps have in mind recent blog posts of mine in which I mentioned that Professor Robert Bluglass and Drs Colin Berry and David Mawson all served on the Parole Board after Bluglass and Berry actively concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles and David Mawson just politely failed to mention it when faced with the evidence?

Southern Health have been fined £2 million after the HSE mounted a prosecution against them in the wake of the deaths of Connor Sparrowhawk and another patient. This is substantially the result of the efforts of Connor’s mum Dr Sara Ryan who has worked very hard since Connor’s death to expose massive failures at Southern as well as the deaths of hundreds of patients which were never investigated. Sara has been subjected to the usual that anyone complaining about serious failings in the NHS can expect – she was described as ‘toxic’ by the Top Doctor whose negligence and dishonesty resulted in Connor’s death, she received an anonymous insulting call from a member of staff at Southern, the son of a senior NHS manager sent out a tweet describing her as a ‘fucking pest’ and then she was insulted all over again when she gave evidence at a GMC fitness to practice hearing.

Sara feels a sense of satisfaction now. I am not underestimating what Sara has achieved, but no-one involved in Connor’s death – or indeed in the deaths of the hundreds of other patients who were slaughtered by Southern – have lost their jobs. They are all still practising. The £2 million fine will be paid by Southern from its vast budget of public money. It will be given to the British state’s coffers. It was the British state who allowed Southern to kill patients. I would not be surprised if as a result of being fined £2 million, Southern now put in a plea for some special source of extra money from the Gov’t on the grounds that they are short of cash. They’ll get it as well.

The statements made by Southern yesterday were cut n pasted from the usual NHS template. ‘We’ve failed’. ‘This will be a catalyst for change.’ Just like all the other deaths were going to be a catalyst for change. As indeed was the conviction of the mass murderer Harold Shipman. So that’s why no-one been struck off in the wake of the genocide at Southern.

There is only one thing that will be a catalyst for change in the NHS – people who have abused or killed their patients being escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and then put on trial.

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.

 

 

 

 

The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs

It was reported a few days ago that the Director of the film ‘The Silence of the Lambs’ has died. I’ve never seen the whole film, only short clips from it, but I think that the story features a gruesome psychiatrist who is also a cannibal. When this film was the subject of much commentary after it’s release, I was a patient at the Hergest Unit, seeing Dr X. Dr X was the psychiatrist who unbeknown to me was doing some terrible things behind the scenes, both to me and other patients – interestingly enough Dr X really loved ‘The Silence of the Lambs’ and used to wax lyrical about the mad psychiatrist character. However at least Hannibal Lecter or whatever he was called was fictional – Dr X, his colleagues and their victims were all very real.

I have detailed in previous posts how Dr X advised psychiatrists from London to consult one Lucille Hughes for evidence of my ‘dangerousness’, Lucille Hughes being the Director of Gwynedd Social Services who was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services but failing to act (I have never met Lucille Hughes, which makes Dr X’s advice to Nigel Eastman and Robin Jacobson even more sinister.) My posts ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’ and ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ describes how a facility in Dolgellau for ‘mentally abnormal offenders’, Garth Angharad – which was owned and managed by a man who also owned residential schools and children’s homes where sexual abuse and cruelty were alleged to have been happening – was used to house some of the people who had complained about being sexually abused in children’s homes in north Wales and how an attempt to close this place down in 1992 was met with an Early Day Motion signed by Elfyn Llwyd and nine other MPs, demanding that this valuable facility remain open. I mentioned that this Early Day Motion was tabled in May 1992, just one month after a dreadful fire in a building in Brighton took place, which killed a number of former residents of north Wales children’s homes and their associates. Now for a bit more on that fire.

In April 1992 a small party was being held in a flat in a building in Brighton. Two men at the party had both been residents of Bryn Alyn, a notorious children’s home in north Wales, one of a complex of children’s homes owned by the notorious John Allen, who was later imprisoned for sexually abusing children in care in north Wales. Some reports allege that John Allen had arranged to meet the party goers at the flat but didn’t turn up. The party goers were well-known among Brighton’s gay community and there were allegations that they were involved in under-age sex/porn/drugs and had knowledge of liaisons with politicians. There seems to have been a great deal of confusion regarding who owned the building in which the fire took place. The flat had no fire escape, despite the local council wanting to contact the owner to recommend that one was installed. It transpired that the freehold of the building was owned by a company registered in the British Virgin Islands and because of it’s offshore status no-one was able to find out the names of the company directors. There were rumours that the notorious property developer Nicholas Hoogstraten leased the building but at the inquest into the five deaths, the East Sussex coroner, Dr Donald Gooding, refused to call Hoogstraten as a witness. (The families of some of the dead walked out of the inquest as a result and later applied for a judicial review of the inquest. At that hearing, Justice Latham ruled that there was a case for a judicial review on the basis that Gooding had acted ‘unreasonably and unlawfully’ in refusing to call Hoogstraten.) Although the inquest returned a verdict of unlawful killing, there was much confusion about many things. A man called Trevor Carrington had allegedly confessed to starting the fire as a ‘prank’. It was alleged that in his confession he stated that he had set fire to a settee in the entrance hall. Yet fire investigators maintained that the fire had not started in the entrance hall – they stated that the fire had started in three different places at once and that more than one person would have been involved. They also suspected that an accelerant such as petrol was used. Just to add to the confusion, although the Home Office acknowledged the fire investigators findings, they refused to review the case. No-one could return to ask Trevor Carrington for more details because two days after his alleged confession he was found dead, after falling into the path of a lorry on a quiet rural road. The dear old police announced that his death was not suspicious and that he had killed himself by throwing himself under the lorry. Trevor Carrington was unemployed yet had taken receipt of 20 thousand pounds into his bank account shortly before he died. He had told a third party that he banked on the Isle of Man and needed to go there to withdraw some cash. Trevor Carrington’s alleged confession was only made to one other person whose reliability was called into question and there is no other record of it. A few days before the fire, a couple who lived in the top floor flat of the building were stopped by a stranger in the street and advised to get out of the flat. In 2002, Hoogstraten was convicted of manslaughter and imprisoned after he paid two thugs to kill a business rival. Once this was made public, some of the relatives of those who died in the fire called for a fresh probe into the fire. That does not seem to have happened. Hoogstraten did not spend that long in prison either – he was released and then left the UK to live in Zimbabwe. He was alleged to be a good mate of the delightful Robert Mugabe. Before Hoogstraten left the UK he was investigated for tax evasion – the planned trial was dropped when information was received that the judge was going to be assassinated if it went ahead.

Some of the relatives of the deceased and some who hadn’t actually died in the fire still insisted on making a nuisance of themselves and continued to cry ‘foul play’. One young man was particularly vocal and maintained that some of the former kids who had been resident in north Wales children’s homes had been murdered. This young man gave evidence against John Allen at Allen’s trial in 1995. Shortly after he gave evidence and days before he was due to receive a substantial sum from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board he was found dead. Another suicide – of course, what else…

It was reported that the ‘gay community’ of Brighton refused to come forward and give information to the police about the fire because of their ‘gay lifestyle’. In a town famous for it’s hospitality towards gay people. Obviously nothing to do with their fear of being found dead after having committed suicide. There were attempts to prod the High Court into reinvestigating the fire but the High Court refused. Probably because of it was ashamed of it’s lifestyle.

This blog has commented previously on the propensity of buildings with connections to the mental health services and children’s services in north Wales to go up in flames – indeed it nearly happened to my own house (please see previous blog posts). Some years after the fire in Brighton, there was another interesting fire, this time in a warehouse in north Wales. The warehouse in question housed the records of the children who had passed through the hands of Bryn Estyn, one of the children’s homes in north Wales where serious sexual and physical abuse of residents had occurred. The fire occurred during the Waterhouse Tribunal – the records were completely destroyed and as a result the Waterhouse Tribunal was unable to trace many of the former residents of Bryn Estyn and request them to give evidence. That fire was declared by the police to be not in the least bit suspicious either.

Fires don’t always destroy buildings and records however. When I lived near Bethesda in the 90s I vaguely knew a young family who lived nearby – they were distinctive because they were two young parents with a very big family, much bigger than is the norm, there were about six or seven children, all quite close together in age. My friend knew the mother of the family and I was told that she took her Catholicism seriously and refused to use contraception. This was eliciting a lot of grief from the local welfare professionals – the mother was alleged to have had a good education but later suffered with mental health problems, as did the father. There was constant disapproval regarding the number of children that these two young people had. The family were certainly short of money and lived in a small very chaotic house but I never witnessed the parents being anything other than very caring towards their children. Years after I left Bethesda, I met the father of this family in my friends café in Llanberis. He had developed a psychotic illness and was living rough in barns and outbuildings around Gwynedd. He remembered me and began a conversation – he had just been kicked out of the Hergest Unit (on what grounds I didn’t know), was clearly quite unwell but chatted away enthusiastically about his children who were now all teenagers and to whom he had remained very close. I last saw him in about 2007 – he had turned up at Bangor University very disorientated and was trying to gatecrash the graduation ceremony, but not in an aggressive way, he just wanted to join in the party. Some time later a former neighbour from Bethesda told me that this man had died. He had gone on a trip to Ireland where for some inexplicable reason someone had set him on fire. He died from his burns. I am not aware that anyone was ever prosecuted for this.

Someone else from the Bangor area was found dead in Ireland as well, some years before the father of the big family in Bethesda, although I’m not sure that this man could fairly be categorised as a lamb. This was Geoffrey Leigh, a rather unscrupulous businessman who ran a property management company called Access Accommodation in Bangor, back in the early 90s. Leigh became notorious for swindling both landlords and tenants and had more than a few enemies. Leigh was then found murdered in Ireland. It was reported on the news that he had emigrated to Ireland days before to ‘start a new life’. Everyone presumed that someone whom he had conned had exacted revenge – but it then became known that Leigh had been murdered by his gay lover, a much younger man whom at one point had been his employee. Things got even more cloudy when it transpired that the gay lover who had murdered Leigh did not go to prison, he was instead put on probation. There was no explanation given in the media for this very light sentence but a few years ago I was told by someone who had worked in the probation service in north Wales that it was considered to be a case of domestic abuse in a same sex relationship – I was told that Leigh had been extremely abusive to his partner and this was taken to be a mitigating circumstance. None of this ever appeared in the local press in north Wales. What did appear was an enormous feature on Geoff Leigh, paying tribute to his work as a DJ for Radio Ysbyty Gwynedd – he used to present their Sunday morning Christian show no less.

Geoff Leigh was not the only man in north Wales who wore his Christianity on his sleeve who came to grief amid allegations of same sex activity. There was the case of the ‘brutal slaying’ of the ‘friendly’ Llanberis vicar, Canon Alun Jones in 1982. Two teenage boys were put on trial for his murder in 1983, at Chester Crown Court (where else – please see previous posts for interesting happenings at Chester Crown Court). The boys maintained that they had not intended to kill Alun Jones, although they had gone to his house to rob him and steal his car in order to run away. One of the boys was sent to borstal, but the other boy, 15 year old Richard Dennick, was given a life sentence and is now residing at Ty Llewellyn, the medium secure psychiatric unit run by the north Wales mental health services. Interestingly enough the boy who ended up receiving a life sentence and then was transferred into the mental health system maintained that he attacked the vicar because the vicar had tried to sexually assault him. There was a panic in 2015 because Richard Dennick managed to escape from Ty Llewellyn – within minutes the police put out warnings about an escaped murderer and the local schools were all closed lest any of the children encountered the escaped madman. It was stated that Richard Dennick was ‘unpredictable’ ‘without his medication’. I can find no record of Richard Dennick attempting to attack children. Richard Dennick’s story has always been that he did not mean to kill Canon Jones and that he only ever attacked Jones because he panicked when he thought that Alun Jones was going to sexually assault him. But whoever could know the truth in this case – after all, Chester Crown Court, the north Wales mental health services and allegations of sexual assault are involved. The press at the time described Alun Jones as allowing local boys to visit the vicarage to ‘play snooker’. Somebody else who grew up near Llanberis and remembers the case described Canon Jones to me as a ‘paedophile’. The judge at Chester who sentenced the 15 year old boy to life imprisonment described the boy as ‘evil’ – he was a Judge William Mars-Jones, later Sir William Mars-Jones. Mars-Jones grew up in Denbighshire, attended Denbigh High School and was of the same vintage as the lobotomist who presided over the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for so many years, Dr T. Gwynne Williams. In his obituaries, Mars-Jones was described as the ‘leader’ of the Chester and North Wales Circuit. Like so many people who have starred on this blog, as well as sitting on the Chester and Wales Circuit, Mars-Jones read law at Aberystwyth University.

It was when Richard Dennick escaped from Ty Llewellyn in 2015 that I became well-acquainted with the case of the murder of the Llanberis vicar and read the old press reports. I realised then that I had confused the case with another case from Gwynedd, the case of the Rev Emyr Owen from Tywyn in 1985, who was sentenced to four years in prison at Chester Crown Court for mutilating corpses. The case caused the most enormous fuss and it was reported that the Rev Owen had severed penises from three corpses, feeding one penis to the seagulls, burning another one and throwing another into the sea. The Rev Owen was said to have explained his actions by claiming that two Emyrs existed and it was ‘Emyr ddwrg’ (bad Emyr) who had defiled the corpses. Much was made in newspaper reports of Emyr Owen’s penchant for Cuban heels, his ‘bachelor lifestyle’ and the fact that he drove a car displaying pictures of fire-breathing serpents. But like so many criminal trials at Chester involving defendants from north Wales, there are indications that all might not have been as it was reported. The policeman who proudly boasted of catching Emyr Owen, DC Gwyn Roberts, has recently written his memoirs (as policemen from the North Wales Force are prone to doing – a number of them have published books along the lines of ‘murderers and perverts that I have known’). It transpires that Emyr Owen’s habits with corpses only came to light when DC Roberts caught Emyr writing hate mail. Emyr denied writing the hate mail – the hate mail had been sent to the police at Tywyn and to the Chief Constable David Owen – and no-one had any idea who was writing it, until DC Roberts ‘proved’ that it was Emyr after examining ‘6000 samples of handwriting’. That is an awful lot of samples to examine with the naked eye, remember, contrast and compare and later identify as being the handwriting of Emyr. It was alleged that the handwriting was ‘old fashioned’ and that there was a ‘distinctive’ letter T involved. Now someone of Emyr’s generation would have been taught handwriting at school, in a very prescriptive way, which may well have persisted with him into later adulthood. It may have been the case that every child taught handwriting by the teacher who taught Emyr was taught to write a distinctive T. DC Gwyn Roberts did not entertain this idea – because he knew that Emyr Did It. Furthermore once he proved that Emyr had written the hate mail, he then discovered that Emyr had removed the penises from three corpses. No penises were ever found – so how DC Roberts knew that one had been fed to sea gulls, one burnt and another thrown into the sea I do not know. There is also no mention of any corpses without penises being discovered. And guess what – DC Roberts explained that relatives of the defiled corpses were never informed, there was no need to cause upset. So it sounds to me as though there wasn’t any evidence at all produced. Emyr denied defiling corpses until after he was sentenced. Before this however, DC Gwyn Roberts had discovered a whole treasure trove at Emyr’s house – sticky tape, pliers, pornography, negatives of penises arranged on a plate and God knows what else. It was speculated that Emyr could have held Black Masses with all this gear. No-one had ever witnessed him actually doing this, but he could have… Emyr has gone down in the local history of north Wales as ‘Emyr ddwrg’ – but I notice that Emyr only ‘confessed’ to being two people, one of which was Emyr ddwrg, after he was sentenced. Interestingly enough, before being stitched up, or should I say ‘caught defiling corpses’, Emyr Owen had been the High Sheriff’s chaplain, sitting alongside the judge at Caernarfon Crown Court. So if all the allegations of rampant corruption in the North Wales Police and in the Chester and North Wales Circuit at that time were true – including allegations of the police planting incriminating material and compiling false confessions – Emyr may well have known a few things that could have landed a few people in a lot of trouble. And what if the ‘bachelor’ Minister took his religion seriously – which he might have, driving around in a car decorated with fire-breathing serpents, he may have been very zealous – there’s a danger that he might not have been easily persuaded to keep quiet about perjury and corruption. The thing that leaves me most uneasy about this whole case though is the identity of one of the prime movers and shakers, the prosecuting counsel – it was one Huw Daniel. For details of the dreadful Huw Daniel’s activities when he was elevated to Judge Huw Daniel and the account of the forging of a certificate of indictment relating to a case over which he presided, please see my posts ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’, ‘Discussions On The Minibus – And A Revealing Letter’ and ‘Behind The Scenes Regarding Those Legal Happenings’. Ooh, one further thing about Emyr Owen’s trial – it was held so close to Christmas that the court officials didn’t think that there’d be any press coverage. DC Roberts remembers that they all had quite a shock when they realised that the world’s press had got hold of the story. I bet they did – no doubt the plan was for Emyr to be banged up without a word being printed about any of it. The only surprise is that Emyr wasn’t declared a ‘schizophrenic’ and handed over to the lobotomist and Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (although there might have been an attempt at that, remember the clichéd allegations about the two Emyr’s, one good, one bad?) – but a psychiatrist, a Dr William Lawson, testified that Emyr was not psychiatrically ill. If any readers know what prevented Emyr Owen from disappearing into the North Wales Hospital to be drugged into oblivion or sent ‘downstairs’, or indeed being found dead after ‘committing suicide’, please do let me know…

So presumably we can add the names of Richard Dennick and the Rev Emyr Owen as well as the names of Howard Hughes (please see post ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’) and Matthew Hardman (see post ‘Family Annihilation’) to the long list of Welsh lambs that have been well and truly silenced via possible miscarriages of justice.

As Emyr Owen discovered, being a professional person of some standing in the community does not protect one from becoming a Welsh lamb. I have always been interested in what might have precipitated the fall from grace of another two people who were employed in the domain of law and order in north Wales. I have mentioned Sergeant Morgan of Bangor Police Station in my early post ‘Hippocratic Oath Or Hypocritic Oaf?’. On the night on which I was transported to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and illegally imprisoned there, I heard Sgt Morgan, the custody Sgt on duty at Bangor Police Station, reaching a state of utter panic as he explained to the disgusting Dr K. Shah that I was being detained illegally. Sgt Morgan was ignored. I encountered Sgt Morgan a few months later when the north Wales mental health services were mass producing untruthful statements about me in a vain attempt to have me detained in Risley Remand Centre. I witnessed Sgt Morgan refuse to take a statement from one Janice Davies, a nurse at the North Wales Hospital, because he knew that it was a pack of lies – he was honest enough to tell me that ‘they’re all conspiring against you’. He also refused to allow Dr D.G.E. Wood into the cells to ‘visit’ me and prevented Dr X from sending ‘someone’ down to the police station to section me. In retrospect I suspect that it was only thanks to Sgt Morgan that I did not end up in Risley facing very serious charges. After I finally got home, I did of course make further complaints about the mental health services (they were never investigated). But I fear that I may have caused Sgt Morgan a great deal of difficulty. I had a row with Alun Davies, the manager of the mental health services at Ysbyty Gwynedd, on the phone – and I mentioned that even a policeman in Bangor Police Station had noted that the mental health services were conspiring against me. Davies bellowed down the phone that he’d ‘be making a complaint about that policeman’. Not long after, Sgt Morgan appeared in Court charged with indecently assaulting a teenage girl who had been in custody. The girl had been charged with theft and Sgt Morgan had put his hand in the back pocket of her jeans to ‘search’ her. It was enough to have him prosecuted, convicted and sacked. Now he may well have done what the teenager alleged. But that was nothing compared to what the rest of them were doing…. Now I know just how corrupt Davies et al were, I cannot help suspecting that Sgt Morgan was sacrificed. Time to hear Sgt Morgan’s story I think. Another person who was hung out to dry some ten years ago was John Grant Jones. John Grant Jones was the clerk to the Magistrates at Bangor. I remember him very well because he was there every time that the north Wales mental health services mounted prosecutions against me for ludicrous reasons. John Grant Jones was unfailingly friendly, polite, respectful and always explained procedures to me. So imagine my surprise when, many years later, John Grant Jones hit the headlines of the local press in a very big way. By that time he had reached a senior position in the Association of Justices Chief Executives, but he had been sacked amidst allegations of financial corruption. He stood accused of having fiddled extra money for his pension as well as an honorarium. In what must be a first for north Wales he was stripped of his OBE. John Grant Jones put up a fight and launched a case for unfair dismissal and I think disability discrimination. It was reported in the press that he had become very ill with the stress of what had happened to him and that his illness had then been used as a reason to put the boot in further. John Grant Jones eventually dropped his legal case and no longer works for the Court service in north Wales. I have no idea whether John Grant Jones was fiddling, but as with Sgt Morgan, even if John Grant Jones had been guilty of what he was accused, that was cat’s piss compared to what else was going on. As for taking away his OBE – just look at who in north Wales are hanging onto gongs: Keith Thomson, David Prichard, Peter Higson, D.G.E. Wood, Huw Daniel, Elfed Roberts – it’s a roll call of corrupt professional people who have been involved in the most serious wrongdoing. Time for John Grant Jones to tell us all why he was stuffed over by this bunch of crooks…

Like Sgt Morgan, there is yet another person whom I suspect may have been driven out of their job because they dared express the opinion that some of what was happening in the mental health services was shocking. For a while in the 90s I used to have a very nice GP in Bangor – she was very popular in the area and very well-respected. When I discussed Dr Dafydd Alun Jones with her she was honest enough to describe him as a ‘crook’ and a ‘wicked sick man’ – which is Dafydd in a nutshell really. She disappeared from Bangor some months later and no-one seemed to know why. Whilst browsing through the documents that were returned from my lawyers a few weeks ago I came across a copy of a letter that I’d written to Alun Davies after he had assured me that there were no problems with Dafydd at all. I had quoted this GP – I didn’t mention her by name, but what’s the betting that Davies et al did a bit of research to find out which GP could have made these comments? No wonder doctors won’t come and work in north Wales.

Before I finish this post, I’ll remember just three more lambs who were silenced. One was a man called Philip who had bipolar disorder, whom I first met in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I have mentioned previously on the blog that just about everybody who I knew from those days is now dead – as far as I know, Philip was the last to die. I met up with Philip again when I was a patient at the Hergest Unit in about 2002, shortly before the dreadful Dr Tony Roberts did his best to ensure that I died. Like so many patients, Philip did not like either Tony Roberts or Dr David Healy. Whilst I was with him in the Hergest Unit Philip was quite manic and busied himself ruthlessly mocking Healy and Roberts, at one point writing a message up on a blackboard to remind the hospital of one of Healy’s less reputable activities. Some months after being discharged Philip died. ‘A problem with his medication’ I understand… I was told by a third party that it had been a case of sheer gross negligence. Another person whom I knew at the Hergest Unit with bipolar disorder has also fared very badly, although I don’t know if she is actually dead now. This was someone whose illness was very unstable at the best of times, but worsened if she was exposed to distress. At one point her behaviour became really intolerable and she was constantly unpleasant and offensive to everyone. I was told by one of the better nurses that this patient was particularly distressed because her sister had just begun nurse training at the Hergest Unit – the patient herself had been a student nurse before she became so ill that she had to withdraw. So no-one at the Hergest Unit knows the meaning of the expression ‘rubbing salt into the wound’ then. Never mind issues of confidentiality. I last saw this person in Bangor about five years ago. She was living rough and had been destitute for many months. She had spent the last few weeks hitch-hiking around the country and had earlier that morning hitched a lift from Manchester to Bangor with an unknown lorry driver. A lone, vulnerable woman with a severe mental illness who had spent the last twenty years in the embrace of the north Wales mental health services – duty of care anyone? The last lamb to be mentioned here was someone who was in the bed next to me in Seiriol Ward in Ysbyty Gwynedd in 1991. I thought of her as being an old lady, although she was probably about the same age that I am now, mid 50s. The reason that I thought of her as being an old lady was that she acted like one – she spent all day in bed and repeatedly stated her desire to be moved into an old people’s home so that she could die. She was a patient of Dr X and there was no privacy afforded to her at all, ward rounds were conducted by Dr X who would arrive at her bedside, in a dorm shared by loads of other patients, and ask her why she was ‘like this’. She would repeat that she wanted a place in an old folk’s home so that she could die. She had a husband who was clearly going out of his mind with worry who would diligently visit her every evening and a daughter who was probably in her early twenties who was very withdrawn and shy. A series of extraordinary decisions were made. Dr X announced that this lady was behaving like this because life in Seiriol Ward was ‘too comfortable’, so they were going to discharge her. The nurses were then told to prepare this lady’s shy daughter for her mother’s death – literally. And they did. They began to have conversations with her explaining that her mother ‘would not be here for ever’ and how they were going to help her live independently. The lady whose only desire to die was discharged. I understand that she died. What the bloody hell was Seiriol Ward, north Wales’s answer to Dignitas???