I Want Serious Money Now Please

I switched on the radio earlier but immediately switched it off again, because Gyles Brandreth was on there. I didn’t need to hear him tell the world how brilliant he is or bang on about how he established a Teddy Bear museum, which seems to be mostly what he does during his many appearances on light entertainment shows on TV and radio. Although I am not interested in listening to Brandreth, it did remind me that I need to blog about him, because his former career is relevant to this blog.

Most people know that Brandreth is a former Tory MP, but fewer people know that he was the Tory MP for Chester between 1992-97. In fact Gyles took over the seat from the former MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison. Regular readers will know that Peter Morrison molested children in care in north Wales. Some of Morrison’s Tory colleagues have admitted that they knew that he was abusing boys and at least one of them has maintained that Thatcher was told about this but she appointed Morrison Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party nonetheless. Brandreth himself is very reluctant to talk about Morrison but has indicated that he knew nothing of Morrison’s activities. How likely is this?

The north Wales paedophile ring was known to extend into Cheshire – even Ronnie Waterhouse admitted that in the Waterhouse Report. John Allen, who owned the Bryn Alyn Community and trafficked the boys in his ‘care’ to brothels in London and Brighton and is currently in prison after being convicted of abusing children in north Wales, owned a children’s home in Cheshire as well. A witness at the Waterhouse Inquiry talked about being taken to a big house near Chester where he was molested. By the time that Brandreth had been elected for Chester, allegations of terrible child abuse in north Wales and Cheshire had recently appeared in the London based media. Brandreth was an author, journalist and broadcaster. His wife was a writer and publisher.  They will not have missed the stories about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Cheshire.

Brandreth will have no doubt heard the stories from other sources as well. Although Brandreth didn’t stand for election until 1992, he is on record as having said that he had always wanted a political career. He was President of the Oxford Union in 1970 and his contemporaries there were Ann Widdecombe and Edwina Currie, who by 1992 had both worked closely with the people who had concealed the activities of the paedophile ring. Brandreth has spoken publicly about the good friendship that he enjoyed with Widdecombe at Oxford. He is a gregarious man who remained friendly with many people active in the Conservative Party – I’m sure that something will have been said to him, particularly when it got around that he was standing for Chester.

Of course, whilst Gyles was MP for Chester, John Jillings and his team conducted their inquiry into the north Wales paedophile ring and then in 1996 all hell broke out when it was announced that the Jillings Report would never be made available because the contents were so incendiary that Clwyd County Council’s insurers’ legal advisors had threatened to withdraw insurance cover if the contents of the Report were made available, even to members of the Council (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). There had also been a police investigation into child abuse in the region and in 1996 William Hague announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse would be holding a public inquiry into the matter. Just as Brandreth got elected, five people with connections to the north Wales child abuse scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Brandreth never heard any of this discussed????

Perhaps after he was elected, Gyles simply never rubbed noses with anyone who might have known Peter Morrison or who knew about the concerns over his activities? Unlikely – one thing that Brandreth did successfully do whilst he was MP for Chester was campaign for University status for Chester College. Chester were most grateful and in Dec 2016 appointed Brandreth Chancellor of the University of Chester. Campaigning for your local college to acquire University status involves a lot of hobnobbing with precisely the sort of people whose hair will have been standing on end in the wake of the rumours swirling regarding the activities of the recently departed MP.

Brandreth served in John Major’s Gov’t as a Whip and as Lord Commissioner in the Treasury. He’ll have been particularly well-briefed as a Whip – they are notorious for digging up dirt on MPs and using it to coerce people. Brandreth was interviewed by Lynn Barber for the ‘Guardian’ in 2005 and he discussed his ‘exciting’ time as a Whip with her. He stated that as a Whip ‘you often have to smooth people, you have to take them aside and say “you know the PM really loves you.” Then with other people you have to say “Do you know what the message from No 10 is? Fuck off. We’ve had enough. Five years ago we advanced you £10,000 – do you remember that? Just remember that, because we need you in the lobby tonight”‘.

So Gyles didn’t spend all his time talking about Teddy Bears and Scrabble and woolly jumpers then. Imagine what this intimidating shit would be saying if he had knowledge of child sexual abuse among colleagues past and present and he wanted them in the lobby. Of course, John Major’s Gov’t was often on very shaky ground which is why they will have often needed a Whip to carry on in the way in which Gyles boasted of.

Elsewhere in the ‘Guardian’ interview Barber states ‘he says…that everything he does…is a performance’. He explains that his work as an after-dinner speaker is lucrative – the money is good ‘though not as good as Cherie’s’. Indeed money seems very important to Brandreth, or more precisely having a great deal of it is. His wife grumbled about him being a backbench MP on £50,000 pa and when he lost his seat she decided that she’d had enough of the penury that comes with a salary of 50k in a household with other sources of income at the same time and told him ‘I want serious money now please’.

Mrs Brandreth got serious money as well. Brandreth boasts that he lost his seat on the Thursday and started work on LBC on the Saturday. Of course since then the bumptious vacuous bastard has never been off the radio and TV, although he never says anything of substance.  Gyles also decided to try his hand at interviewing, his first try being an interview with the Duke of Edinburgh! It brought him into close proximity with the Royals and associated Courtiers, but Gyles wasn’t at all daunted because he had ‘sat on committees with the Prime Minister’. His interview with Phil the Greek was so successful that it led to a five year contract with the ‘Sunday Telegraph’! At this time of course, Amanda Platell was the press manager for Conservative Central Office and was keeping all the crap relating to the paedophile ring and the Waterhouse Inquiry out of the media (see post ‘Did Glenda Occupy A Key Role In Keeping It All Out Of The Media?’).

Brandreth’s media career really took off after he left Parliament, in the way that the careers of so many of the lawyers who defended the paedophile gang at the Waterhouse Inquiry did after the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’). Was somebody grateful to him for something perhaps? For such a tosser his social occasions really draw in the big names as well. Gyles is President of the Oscar Wilde Society and hosts an annual Oscar Wilde Party – guests have included Camilla Duchess of Cornwall, Stephen Fry, Derek Jacobi, Joanna Lumley and Julian Fellowes.

Toadying interviews conducted with Gyles have remarked on how successful his three children are – one is a barrister, one is a journalist and one is a Gov’t economist. Their paths in life probably wouldn’t have been the same if they had been kids in care being molested by Peter Morrison whilst corrupt lawyers on the Chester and Wales Circuit along with powerful figures in the media and Gov’t concealed it all, but if their dad had information about such matters that could have helped them considerably.

These days Brandreth lives in Barnes in south west London and his name appears on a website listing notable people who live in Richmond-Upon-Thames. Barnes was the location of the brothel the Elm Guest House which was staffed by children in care and where high profile people, including Westminster figures, were alleged to have abused them. At least one boy from the children’s homes in north Wales has stated that he was trafficked to the Elm Guest House and in 2015 the ‘Daily Telegraph’ reported allegations that Peter Morrison had raped a 14 year old boy there. There was also a paedophile ring operating in Richmond-Upon-Thames involving children in local authority care. Dr Alice Levinson, one of the Top Doctors from Springfield Hospital who concealed the criminal activities of the Top Doctors in north Wales whilst they facilitated the paedophile ring, now lives in Richmond-Upon-Thames and has a psychotherapy practice there. Although Alice knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients and that I was suicidal because of Dafydd and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) constantly having me arrested, she recommended that I be referred to forensic services for ‘containment’. Alice consulted Lucille Hughes for evidence of my ‘dangerousness’ – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services whilst Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services but failed to act. Alice might be a neighbour of Gyles’s!

Brandreth has written a book about his time as an MP. I haven’t read it, but I think that I ought to. However I do know that he has prefaced that book with a quote from PM Arthur Balfour: ‘nothing matters very much and very few things matter at all’.

Some things do matter Gyles. Admittedly not Teddy Bears or woolly jumpers or being the world’s best Scrabble player or getting in the Guinness Book of Records for making the longest after-dinner speech or even your wife’s naked greed – but a vicious paedophile ring with a side-line in pornography and drug dealing and connections in Parliament who are framing innocent people who stumble across them matters very much. Particularly when people who have dared give evidence against them keep being found dead.

Gyles – it’s your turn to speak for one minute without hesitation, repetition or deviation on the subject of ‘Organised Crime – How I’ve Become Very Rich By Keeping Quiet About It’.

 

Someone else who was in need of Serious Money and who certainly got it is a Lord Crickhowell, who features on an item on BBC News Wales today. The item is entitled ‘Cardiff Bay: What Has Thirty Years of Development Achieved?’ and follows on with a few pearls from Lord Crickhowell who ‘hailed the regeneration of the former docklands as a success’ but stressed that to ensure even more success, a ‘more co-ordinated approach’ to further development is needed. Lord Crickhowell certainly knows all about co-ordinated approaches and the ‘success’ of the Cardiff Bay development. Cardiff Bay is lovely, but there is much grief about it in Wales because the benefits of the successful regeneration of Cardiff Bay have not spread to the rest of south Wales yet alone to west, mid or north Wales. Many people in those regions are still living in cardboard box in’t middle of road despite the luxury down in Cardiff Bay. One person who has done very well indeed out of the regeneration of Cardiff Bay though since he co-ordinated the redevelopment there is a man called Lord Crickhowell.

The Welsh blogger Jac O The North has written an excellent account of the raw corruption that was involved in the development of Cardiff Bay. Jac has compiled a ‘factsheet’ with the history and details of the dodgy deals, sleights of hand and conflicts of interest involved which can be downloaded from his blog. I know that ‘factsheets’ are usually laughable documents produced by the NHS or MIND which fail to explain that the ‘medication’ that you have just been prescribed could well kill you, but Jac’s factsheet regarding Corruption Bay is in a league of it’s own. I highly recommend it. I will provide a summary of Jac’s research here – and pose a few questions and possibilities that Jac hasn’t raised, almost certainly because Jac’s research into corruption doesn’t usually involve delving into the wrongdoing of the health and welfare services.

Jac’s factsheet describes ‘how political power and influence was blatantly and systematically abused for almost twenty years so that vast sums of public money could be used for corporate and private gain and how the Welsh establishment and the Welsh media either acquiesced, turned a blind eye or was simply too scared of the culprits to defend the public interest’.

Cardiff Bay is built on the site of the former docklands. When the coal industry ended, the owner of Cardiff docks, Associated British Ports (ABP), was left with an eyesore and a financial liability. ABP was privatised by Thatcher’s Gov’t in 1982/3 whilst Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell was Secretary of State for Wales. Edwardes was the MP for Pembrokeshire and was Secretary of State for Wales between 1979-87. He had extensive shipping interests and through these business contacts and personal links with ABP.

Following the privatisation of the docks, Edwardes spent a few years working to set up a publicly funded body to regenerate the privately owned docklands. This led to the creation of a quango, the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (CBDC) in 1987. The chair of CBDC was Geoffrey Inkin, a failed Tory candidate and friend of Edwardes. Inkin was also Chairman of the Land Authority for Wales (LAW) which acquired land for development. LAW had the power of no-appeal compulsory purchase, could smooth out difficulties with planning regulations and could get priority treatment from utilities. The key to the commercial success of Cardiff Bay was the £200 million+ barrage across the estuary, which created a lagoon across the ‘unsightly’ mud flats therefore making the Bay more attractive to investors and those buying, leasing or renting land and property from ABP.

Thus ABP had it’s own private quango pouring public money into the company from which ABP would reap profits. Although ‘the largest waterfront regeneration scheme in Europe’ was paid for by public money, ABP still owned the existing buildings and land as well as everything built on it. The amount of public money that was admitted to have been spent on Cardiff Bay was £500 million – there are suspicions that it was actually much more.

In 1987 Edwardes stood down as an MP and in order to receive his share of the bonanza that he’d engineered, he joined ABP as a Director in 1988. In May 1988 Edwardes was also appointed Chairman of the National Rivers Authority (NRA) – that was the body that was adjudicating on the barrage.

Edwardes and Inkins’s influence via the Cardiff and County Club, the Welsh media and other agencies ensured that any Welsh institution or body that might add to the Bay’s prestige or boost ABP’s profits was approached to locate there. The Welsh media uncritically plugged the project.

So Edwardes, the father of the whole scheme, was a Director of the company reaping the benefits and head of the environmental agency that theoretically had the power to sink the whole project.

A Gov’t Bill getting the barrage through Parliament was passed in 1993 and ABP and CBDC effectively became one entity. However it transpired that no-one wanted to rent, lease or buy Crickhowell House, a huge office block on the development. In 1993, the Welsh Office, headed by Secretary of State for Wales David Hunt, took out a 20 year lease at a total cost said to be in excess of £20 million. As Crickhowell House only cost £11 million to build, that resulted in a very healthy profit for ABP-CBDC. The building was allocated to the Welsh Health Service’s Authority, although they never occupied more than about 1/3 of the building.

In the mid-1990s Wales experienced the saga of the Opera House which was proposed for Cardiff Bay. The leading light in this plan was none other than Nicholas Edwardes, in his capacity as a Trustee (or equivalent) of the Welsh National Opera Company. A competition was held to design the Opera House which was won by Zaha Hadid, but it was never built. There was a lot of squabbling over Hadid’s design, but many people also wanted a new rugby stadium for Cardiff. The dosh was coming from the Gov’t in London who wouldn’t fund both and in the end a new rugby stadium proved a much more popular choice, so that went ahead. Edwardes and Inkin tried to get the rugby stadium sited in the Bay, but that plan failed.

After the devolution referendum in 1997, Ron Davies, the new Secretary of State for Wales, started negotiations with the leader of Cardiff Council for Cardiff City Hall, the building earmarked for housing the new National Assembly of Wales. The negotiations broke down – there have been allegations of skulduggery – and nominations for other sites for the National Assembly began. It was decided to locate the National Assembly in Cardiff Bay, in a new building. Blair’s friend Richard Rogers was the architect who had the winning design for the new building – I’d love to know how that happened, Rogers’s claim to fame was designing the Millennium Dome which was a national joke.

At about this time, Grosvenor Waterside Developments became visible – this was the property arm of ABP, used to disguise ABP involvement.

Ron Davies announced that until the new Assembly building was completed, the temporary home for the Assembly would be in Crickhowell House. Rhodri Morgan, at that time a Labour MP, described Crickhowell House as ‘the very embodiment of that corruption-ridden, semi-colonial, Tory past…’ Rhodri was opposed to the barrage and preferred City Hall as the location for the Assembly. Jac wonders whether it was this that caused London to prevent Rhodri from leading the Labour Party in Wales – Blair famously did all he could to prevent Rhodri Morgan becoming First Minister although it backfired on Blair and Rhodri did end up eventually becoming First Minister. Jac speculates that perhaps Blair et al feared that Rhodri would have taken the Assembly to City Hall.

Jac describes powerful influences at work to keep the location of the Assembly in the Bay. He notes that although there had been much Tory sleaze behind this – Edwardes et al were desperate to have a big prestigious building located in the Bay – the incoming New Labour Gov’t showed no sign of exposing or even undoing the sleaze. Jac speculates that Blair’s 1997 administration allowed the scam because the greed of the ABP-CBDC and the cliques and cabals in Cardiff resulted in Welsh political life being sucked into Cardiff – which suited the control freakery of the New Labour Gov’t, who viewed Wales as dangerously red and dangerously insubordinate and it would be easier for London Labour to manage the sheepshaggers if they were reduced to one city. Jac wonders whether Edwardes told the holders of the purse strings in London that the Cardiff Bay project was too far gone to call back and that the project would fail without a prestigious centrepiece to attract investors. If Cardiff Bay failed, London Labour would look as bad as the Tories. Who would benefit? Plaid – whom London Labour and the Tories perceived to be beyond the pale.

Jac supplies details of an HTV ‘Wales this Week’ episode from July 1999. The programme exposed a secret deal involving extending the lease of Crickhowell House and Alun Michael AM who was then First Secretary (First Minister) – Blair’s choice of First Secretary who had been forced upon a Wales that did not want him as First Secretary – denying the deal, but then admitting it. The programme also exposed the lies that were told regarding the cost of the land that was allocated for the Assembly building. Jac believes that the programme was designed to embarrass the Labour Party, as many questions relating to the Tories’ part in the corruption and the cock-ups went unasked. The Chairman of the HTV Group was one Nicholas Edwardes – who, along with the Tories, was not mentioned during the programme.

The Civil Service mandarin who was instrumental in the machinations to locate the Assembly in Cardiff Bay was Rachel Lomax. Lomax left a prestigious job with the World Bank in 1996 to take up her appointment as Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office. Jac questions the machinations engineered by Lomax and suspects that the ‘official’ version of events is untrue. Lomax was moved to the DSS (DWP) in Feb 1999.

Jac sums up by mentioning that Alun Michael was the MP for Cardiff South and Penarth, that his constituency included Cardiff Bay and that prior to becoming an MP Michael was a Councillor in Cardiff. So he wanted the Assembly in the Bay. Cynog Dafis (Plaid) also supported the location of the Assembly in the Bay, although Dafis’s own constituency in west Wales didn’t benefit from the Cardiff Bay development. Jac notes that the Welsh media were also robustly in support of the Assembly being in the Bay. At one point Rhodri Morgan announced that the building of the new Assembly had been put on hold – in response to this announcement, Grosvenor Waterside sent a letter threatening legal action if building was not commenced. Jac wonders why Rhodri didn’t call their bluff, as the grounds for legal action was shaky and the threatened exposure of what that company had actually done would have soon shut them up – Jac believes that although Edwardes and his Tory friends weren’t at all supportive of devolution, they were desperate for the Assembly to be located in the Bay to ensure that the development was a success.

Jac has researched and published all of this because he is outraged that millions of pounds of public money has made Nicholas Edwardes and his mates very rich through bank-rolling a project that has been of very little benefit to the rest of Wales, much of which is still desperately poor.

Jac’s research re the details of Edwardes’s massive scam cannot be faulted. However, with regard to Jac’s speculation as to why politicians who would have benefited greatly from exposing Edwardes kept quiet – Jac has missed something of major importance that tied Edwardes and the Tories, Blair and co, Rhodri and even Plaid all up together, although they hated each other. That was the paedophile ring in north Wales and the associated cover-up.

As explained in previous posts, Nicholas Edwardes was Secretary of State for Wales during the years covering Mary Wynch’s unlawful arrest and incarceration by the paedophiles’ friends, he was in post when the paedophile ring was running riot and when Alison Taylor first started blowing the whistle on what was going on, he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens was running his campaign to expose the Westminster Paedophile Ring and named Sir Peter Hayman in the House, he was in post when child care staff in north Wales were being convicted in court of serious offences against children yet the Welsh Office was failing to inspect the children’s homes and he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens handed his dossier with details and names of Westminster paedophiles to Home Secretary Leon Brittan – who then ‘lost’ the dossier. He was in post when Margaret Thatcher was told that Sir Peter Morrison was molesting boys. And on a minor note, he was in post when I first made representation about the criminal activities of the paedophiles’ friends as well. Under Edwardes, the Welsh Office concealed the whole lot.

As detailed in previous posts, the cover-up at the Welsh Office continued under successive Secretaries of State for Wales – including David Hunt, who was also named in Jac’s account. Jac mentions the arrival of Rachel Lomax at the Welsh Office in 1996, after her removal from a high-flying job with the World Bank after just a few months. Rachel Lomax was mentioned in my post ‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?’. She was the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office once the Waterhouse Report got underway and she remained there until Ronnie Waterhouse had heard the evidence and discredited the witnesses. Lomax then buggered off when that had all been dealt with, whilst Ronnie set about writing the Report and reassuring everyone that no political figures had been involved in the abuse of children. Lomax was a very big hitter – she had been dragged back from the World Bank, obviously for something important.

Lomax began her career with the Civil Service in 1968 in the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer 1985-86. She was Deputy Chief Economic Advisor in the early 1990s. In 1994-95 she was Head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office. Then she was Vice-President and Chief of Staff to the President of the World Bank.

This was a woman who was part of the Tories’ inner circle and who was completely trusted by them. She got them out of one hell of a tight spot – and not just one that resulted from the development of Corruption Bay. Remember, by the time that Lomax had arrived in the Welsh Office, scores of victims of and witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been found dead. There was no danger of Blair’s lot saying a word either, because as explained previously scores of Blair’s buddies in the New Labour Gov’t had been running the London Councils who had sent children in their care to north Wales where they were abused or whose own children’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles (see post ‘The London Connection’). Alun Michael was born and went to school in north Wales and had previously been employed as a ‘youth worker’. He was one of the people who signed the Early Day Motion opposing the proposed closure of Garth Angharad, a hospital for ‘mentally ill criminals’ where a number of those who had been victims of the paedophile gang had ended up. Neither were Plaid going to blow the gaffe – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones had been a Plaid candidate and other Plaid politicians, especially in north Wales, were representing constituencies where the paedophile ring was operating in the local social services, who were loudly proclaiming their defence of all things Welsh eg. in Gwynedd. Cynog Dafis had previously participated in some fancy footwork with the Green Party in order to successfully unseat a Lib Dem who signed an Early Day Motion calling for an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch (see post ‘A Few of the Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

The whole lot of them were over a barrel. They must have all begged Lomax to help them out of that mess, not one of them could have exposed Edwardes’s money-making scheme because they’d all helpfully not asked any awkward questions whilst he and his successors at the Welsh Office had covered up a paedophile ring and the associated serious corruption in medicine and the law. As for Rhodri – well when the Jillings Report was withheld he had made furious comments about Welsh politicians not being allowed to know the details of a paedophile ring operating on their own patch. But I suspect that Rhodri knew what would happen if he exposed Edwardes and Corruption Bay – the whole thing would explode and the presence of a gang of murdering paedophiles on Welsh soil would be blamed on the Welsh sheepshaggers in the Assembly. So he went and appointed Brian fucking Gibbons as Health Minister who did his bit by covering up the criminality of the paedophiles’ friends the Top Doctors.

One further point. Edwardes was MP for Pembrokeshire. Long after reports of the paedophile gang in north Wales became public, there was a huge trial in Swansea – of a long-standing paedophile gang in Pembrokeshire.

So what became of the lovely Rachel Lomax, who allowed Nicholas Edwardes to get away with milking the taxpayer of millions and kept the lid on child rapes, prostitution, trafficking and a few murders, as well as institutional corruption in medicine and the law? Well after leaving Wales completely wrecked in the wake of all that, Rachel became Permanent Secretary at the DWP (formerly the DSS). In 2002 she moved to the post of Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Transport,along with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling. She then joined the Bank of England – and left there in 2008, just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers, to ‘pursue other interests’. So unlike her dozy git of a boss Alistair Darling, Lomax knew that she had assisted in crashing the global economy and got the hell out of there. Regarding her ‘other interests’ – in Dec 2008 Lomax became a non-executive director of HSBC holdings and a member of their audit and risk committees and in Dec 2010 she joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive director.

 

So for what should Rachel Lomax stand trial first then? Concealing a massive swindle on the part of a Gov’t Minister, concealing a paedophile gang who killed a number of people or crashing the economy? If you’re reading this Rachel, Inspector Knacker would no doubt like to hear from you.

 

 

A Few of the Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case

My previous post ‘Those Lawyers and Judges Involved In The Mary Wynch Case’ gave some details about the various judges and lawyers who were getting their hands dirty where Mary was concerned. But what about the puppet-masters and of course those (very few) politicians who had supported her as the scandal became public? Mary’s shafting at the hands of the British state began when her mother died in 1972. Mary was finally spat out, ruined, in 1994/5 (please see previous posts ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’ and ‘Post-Script: The Mary Wynch Case – The Details’). So the Great Stuffing Over spanned the premierships of Ted Heath, Jim Callaghan, Margaret Thatcher and John Major. Political historians maintain that these administrations were all very different – yet the Ministers and Government Departments of all of them played a part in the ruination of a lady who had demonstrated serious wrongdoing on the part of the Home Office, the Public Trustee and the NHS.

Ted Heath was Conservative PM between 1970 and 1974 and leader of the Tories between 1965 and 1975. He remained a Tory MP until 2001. My post about the lawyers and judges who wrecked Mary’s life mentioned that Blackett-Ord, the deeply compromised judge riddled with conflicts of interests, had been appointed to the post of Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of the County of Lancaster by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster appointed by Heath in 1972. For most of 1972 the Lord Chancellor was Geoffrey Rippon, although in November, John Davies took over. So it is probable that it was Geoffrey Rippon who appointed Blackett-Ord. Geoffrey Rippon was Tory MP for Hexham between 1966 and 1987 and was a member of the far-right Monday Club. Blackett-Ord was a landowner who came from the Hexham area. Geoffrey Rippon stood down as an MP in 1987 – at the same time that Blackett-Ord stood down as Vice-Chancellor, which was pretty much at the same time that everyone involved in imprisoning Mary in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh admitted negligence! Geoffrey did alright for himself though – in the same year he became Lord Rippon of Hexham. The Lord Chancellor under Heath who was also involved in appointing Blackett-Ord was the notorious Quintin Hogg aka Lord Hailsham, whose father had been also been a Lord Hailsham and Lord Chancellor. Quintin Hogg equated to a caricature of a batty old judge from a previous era and maintained that God had helped Thatcher win the Falklands conflict. Of course, when all this was happening to Mary, devolution had not happened and matters Welsh were handled by the Welsh Office (please see my previous posts for details of the evidence of corruption in the Welsh Office’s legal and medical departments that I have in my possession regarding my own case). The Secretary of State for Wales throughout Heath’s time as PM was Peter Thomas. He was also Chairman of the Party between 1970 and 1972. Thomas was MP for Conway between 1951 and 1966, but was returned as the MP for Hendon South in 1970, retiring in 1987 – like a few other people did! As with Geoffrey Rippon however, Thomas fell on his feet – in 1987 he too was given a peerage, becoming Lord Thomas of Gwydir. Readers will remember that Mary’s original problem was her allegation that a number of local solicitors had been guilty of malpractice and had all been networked together. Peter Thomas was from Llanwrst – his father had been a solicitor. Thomas himself was a barrister who practiced on the Chester and Wales Circuit – the circuit where there were allegations of serious corruption and where so many very odd things happened in Court cases – and worked as a Crown Court Recorder between 1974 and 1988. Mary’s arrest and imprisonment occurred during that time. Thomas remained as the Tories Welsh spokesman after Heath lost the election in 1974, but returned to the backbenches when Thatcher took over as leader of the party. Peter Thomas was a member of the Gorsedd – as was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and many people in his network.

At the time of Mary’s arrest and imprisonment, Jim Callaghan was the Labour Prime Minister. Callaghan was PM between 1976 and 1979 and leader of the Labour Party between 1976 and 1980. Callaghan held a seat in the Cardiff area continuously between 1945 and 1987. (A lot of people clearly decided to step down from their jobs in 1987. Which was not only the year that Dafydd et al admitted negligence in relation to Mary but was the year that Dafydd and his colleagues started telling everyone who would listen that I was ‘dangerous’. It was also of course the year that Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the north Wales paedophile ring told Margaret Thatcher in person that she had witnessed children being abused in north Wales and was then sacked by Gwynedd County Council.) Shortly after stepping down from the Commons, Callaghan became Lord Callaghan of Cardiff.  Callaghan had a connection with the Top Doctors as well – his wife Audrey was Chair of the Governors of Great Ormond Street Hospital between 1969 and 1982. At the time of Mary’s arrest and imprisonment, the Lord Chancellor was Elwyn Jones. Jones was a barrister who came from Llanelli and was a Recorder at Merthyr. He led the prosecution of the Moors Murderers in 1966 at Chester. He was a Labour MP and Attorney General between 1964 and 1970, later becoming Lord Chancellor between 1974 and 1979. Harold Lever was Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster between 1974 and 1979. He was a barrister and Labour MP, later becoming Lord Lever of Manchester.

By the time that Mary’s appeal was heard – and granted – by Lord Donaldson and Lords Justice Parker and Balcombe, Margaret Thatcher was Prime Minister. I have written a lot in previous posts about events in north Wales relating to the mental health services and the north Wales child abuse scandal during Margaret Thatcher’s time as PM, particularly the corruption at the Welsh Office and I have discussed various Ministers and their aides. However the person that I am interested in for the purposes of this post is the Home Secretary at that time – remember, Mary was suing the Home Office as well as Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Paul Bishop and Clwyd Health Authority.  That Home Secretary was Leon Brittan. Brittan was Home Secretary between 1983 and 1985 and had been Minister of State at the Home Office between 1979 and 1981. He stood down as Home Secretary two months after Mary won her appeal. Brittan was first elected as MP for Cleveland and Whitby in 1974. In 1983 he was elected MP for Richmond and remained there until he resigned in 1989 when he became a European Commissioner. Like so many others who have featured on this blog, Brittan was a lawyer. Brittan’s time as Home Secretary was controversial – he was in post during the Miners’ Strike and took many of the very questionable decisions in relation to that dispute (the consequences of which the present Conservative Government are still not willing to discuss openly let alone submit to a public inquiry). Brittan personally suppressed a TV programme about the Troubles in Northern Ireland – he wrote to Stuart Young, the Chair of the BBC, asking him not to broadcast it. An emergency meeting of the Governors was called and the programme was cancelled, causing industrial action at the BBC. Another very unpleasant series of events occurred when Brittan was Home Secretary that seem to have faded from everyone’s memory. Brittan visited the University of Manchester in about 1984 and was met by a student protest. The students were violently attacked by the police and students were injured. The police continued to maintain that there had been no wrongdoing on their part, but some students spoke to the press and provided photos of their injuries. Over the following few weeks two students in particular claimed that they were followed around Manchester and constantly threatened with serious harm by unidentified police officers. One student was so terrified that he fled to mainland Europe and went into hiding. Another student was a medical student who refused not to be intimidated and continued giving interviews to the media. The police harassment of her became so serious that it was alleged that police were going into the hospital where she was on placement threatening to injure her. She stopped appearing in the media, but whether that was because Leon had ordered everyone to stop publicising what was happening or whether the student decided to keep quiet out of self-preservation I do not know. There was never an appropriate investigation into the police’s actions regarding those events. However, Leon certainly had a powerful effect on media folk. In 1984 or it might have been 1985, one of my friends worked as Box Office manager at the Edinburgh Festival. Very near to the opening of the Festival, my friend received an incredibly rude letter from one Samuel Brittan, a journalist on the Financial Times and brother of Leon. This letter consisted of only three lines or so and demanded tickets and accommodation for the Festival. The letter ended with the line ‘Anyone at the Financial Times can vouch for me’. Of course tickets for the festival had sold out weeks previously and accommodation in Edinburgh during the Festival is impossible to find, that gets booked up months in advance, so my friend wrote back to Samuel Brittan apologising but saying that she was unable to help him because both tickets and accommodation had sold out. Within days there was uproar. My friend was pulled up by her manager and shown an exchange of letters that had been precipitated by her inability to meet Samuel’s unreasonable demands. Samuel had been so incensed by my friend’s failure to produce tickets and accommodation at the last minute that he had sent a photocopy of her letter to one Michael Grade to show Grade just how mortally wounded he had been. Grade had then written back telling Samuel that he was ‘appalled’ at the Festival’s ‘rudeness’ and that Grade would definitely ensure that Samuel got into the Festival, even if Grade had to give Samuel his own ticket. My friend was given a Grade A bollocking and was reminded that Samuel was Leon’s brother and one had to do what he requested. Shortly after Grade shamelessly grovelled to Samuel Brittan, Grade was let loose on Channel 4. More recently Grade was Chairman of the BBC Board of Governors – at the time he banged on about his ‘independence’ and senior people at the BBC penned toadying articles about his ‘charisma’ and ‘energy’ and his penchant for red braces no less. Well I’ll put on a pair of red braces and someone can give me a job as Chair of the BBC and I won’t have to grovel to the likes of Samuel Brittan to show my charisma or energy. Grade has now been given a peerage and ‘came out’ as a Tory. No doubt if he thought that ingratiating himself to the Labour Party – or even to my friend – would have got him into the Lords he’d have done that.

By March 1991, when David Bellotti, LibDem MP for Eastbourne, tabled an Early Day Motion asking for a full investigation into Mary’s case, Thatcher had resigned and John Major had become PM. Before John Major had become an MP he had been a Councillor in Lambeth – he was elected in 1968 and lost his seat in 1971. He was elected as MP for Huntingdon in 1979. John Major’s administration memorably became mired in allegations of ‘sleaze’ and it was also on his watch that the ‘Cash For Questions’ scandal involving Neil Hamilton and others occurred. Of course there was no investigation into Mary’s case. So how did those MPs who signed the Early Day Motion asking for one fare? With the exception of Dafydd Wigley they were all Liberal Democrats. But not very well-known ones, except for Alan Beith. David Belotti, who led the charge, lost his seat the next year. He didn’t reappear as an MP again, although he did continue in local politics at Council level. He died a couple of years ago. Yet all the others – even the most obscure – were given peerages: Lord Beith of Berwick-Upon-Tweed (he became Deputy Leader of the LibDems, Shadow Home Secretary, Shadow spokesman for the Lord Chancellor’s Department and Chaired the Commons Justice Committee), Lord Bruce of Bennachie, Lord Fearn of Southport, Lord Taylor of Goss Moor, Lord Geraint Howells. Now something interesting happened to Lord Howells. He had been a leading Welsh LibDem and had been his party’s spokesman on Welsh affairs between 1979 and 1987. Yet the year after signing the Early Day Motion he unexpectedly lost his seat to Plaid Cymru. In the 1992 election when they they won the seat, Plaid moved from their previous position of fourth place to first. They did this by forming an alliance with the Welsh Green Party and thus picked up a lot of non-Welsh speakers votes. (The alliance broke down in 1995 – the year of the last mention of Mary’s case in the House or indeed anywhere else.) The man who won the seat for Plaid was Cynog Dafis, who served as the Plaid MP until 2000, as well as an AM in the National Assembly of Wales between 1999 and 2003. Interestingly enough, although he was elected in an alliance with the Wales Green Party, Cynog Dafis is on record as saying that he did not consider himself the ‘first Green MP’ – although he remained a robust campaigner on matters relating to the Welsh language. Ieuan Wyn Jones (who has featured on this blog previously) asked Dafis not to step down from the National Assembly in 2003. Dafis stood for the Party’s Presidency but lost to Dafydd Iwan – that’s the Dafydd Iwan who was one-time leader of Gwynedd County Council and who supported Leanne Wood’s bid for the Plaid leadership. Dafydd Wigley now also has a peerage. There is no mention of any of the people who signed the Early Day Motion asking for an investigation into Mary’s case doing anything further in support of her. Mary was mentioned in the House again by the LibDem MP for Montgomeryshire, Alex Carlile, in 1993 when he asked the Lord Chancellor’s Dept for an investigation into Mary’s case and asked when there was going to be a reply to a number of letters written about the case. In 1995 there was the last mention of Mary in the House, again in response to a question asked by Alex Carlile. There are no further indications of anyone fighting on behalf of Mary. What of Alex Carlile? Well he grew up in Rossett near Wrexham and Lancashire and worked as a barrister. After the 1992 election he was the sole LibDem MP in Wales. He was given a peerage in 1999 and is now Lord Carlile of Berriew. In 2001 he was appointed the Independent Reviewer of Terrorism Legislation. He became President of the Howard League for Penal Reform in 2006 and Chaired a 2006 Inquiry into children in prisons, secure training centres and children’s homes regarding practices such as restraint and strip searches. He Chaired a follow on inquiry in 2011. He is also a Deputy High Court Judge. He is co-director and co-owner of a consultancy, along with Sir John Scarlett, the former chief of MI6. So if anyone could have done a bit more digging re Mary’s case I reckon that Carlile could have. But he didn’t.

The Home Secretary whilst Mary’s name was being mentioned in the House re the request for an investigation was Kenneth Baker. He was born in Newport but represented a Surrey constituency. He was Party Chairman between 1989 and 1990. After the 1992 election he left the Government rather than accept the post of Welsh Secretary. He is now Lord Baker of Dorking.

So who was Home Secretary when the paltry payment to Mary in full and final settlement of her action against the Public Trustee was authorised before she was told to get lost and ignored for ever? It was Michael Howard, who was Home Secretary between 1993 and 1997. Howard was born Michael Hecht, in Swansea and was a lawyer – yet another one! He was obsessed with the need to imprison increasing numbers of people and coined the slogan ‘prison works’. Well it was certainly an effective way of preventing Mary from ever achieving her rightful inheritance or indeed any sort of justice at all. Howard is now Lord Howard of Lympne.

So somehow, somewhere, among all those peerages, Mary disappeared and was never heard of again. As with my previous posts, I’d just like to make a few links between a few of those mentioned above and the various child abuse scandals that have occurred in the UK – after all, previous posts have explained very clearly how the north Wales mental health services and Dafydd proved very useful in facilitating and concealing the paedophile ring which it is now admitted operated in north Wales during the 70s, 80s and 90s, which seemed to be the reason why a lot of people didn’t want the practices of Dafydd et al scrutinised too closely.

So back to Ted Heath. Heath has of course been the subject of some very lurid allegations regarding child sex abuse. Heath was the subject of Operation Conifer, an investigation by the Wiltshire Police. The evidence provided by some alleged victims to Conifer was described as ‘fantastical’ eg. it involved allegations of Satanic abuse via recovered memory therapy. Operation Midland, the Metropolitan Police investigation into the alleged child abuse and associated homicides by Heath and others centring around Dolphin Square in Pimlico after allegations made by a man called ‘Nick’ were discredited, was stopped on the orders of Justice Richard                    Henriques. Henriques has featured on this blog previously – along with Sir John Kay (the judge who issued a High Court Injunction against me at the request of Gwynedd County Council that was based on the affidavits of two people who perjured themselves, one who had never met me at all and one who had met me twice), Henriques dismissed the 2002 appeal against conviction of Jeremy Bamber. There is a growing body of opinion that Jeremy Bamber is the victim of a very big miscarriage of justice that is thought to have involved misleading ‘expert psychiatric testimony’ (please see post ‘Family Annihilation’). There have been a number of other police investigations into possible child abuse offences by Health conducted by other Forces. Of course there were allegations made by someone that Harvey Proctor, the former Tory MP, along with Ted Heath, abused him. Proctor angrily denied such allegations reminding everyone of just how much Heath and he hated each other. Proctor was a member of the Monday Club along with Geoffrey Rippon. I have no idea whether Ted Heath was a child molester or not and I too am very sceptical both about the notion of widespread ‘Satanic abuse’ and the value of ‘recovered memory therapy’. But the process by which Mary was imprisoned and destroyed by people personally appointed by Heath was shocking, both in terms of the laws broken and the conflicts of interest involved. Somebody clearly knew that if someone had been screwed over by the Public Trustee and needed silencing and unlawfully banging up, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital would serve this purpose. However Mary being subsequently treated fairly by Lord Donaldson et al seemed to precipitate a bit of anxiety with a lot of people deciding to ‘step down’ at that point.

Like Ted Heath, Leon Brittan has in recent years been the centre of allegations of child sexual abuse, although the allegations swirling around Brittan are not so easy to dismiss as those regarding Heath. It is known that in 1984 Brittan was given a dossier by the Tory MP Geoffrey Dickens which detailed paedophile activity in Westminster in the 1980s. Its whereabouts is unknown, along with other files on organised child abuse previously held by the Home Office. Brittan denied all knowledge of this in 2013, yet in 2014 declared that Dickens had met him at the Home Office and that he’d written to Dickens on 20 March 1984 explaining what he’d done in relation to the files. A review by Mark Sedwill, a Home Office civil servant, in 2013 found that copies of Dickens’s material ‘hadn’t been retained’, but that Brittan ‘acted appropriately’ in dealing with the allegations. A November 2014 review by Peter Wanless concluded that it was ‘impossible’ to say whether the files had been removed to cover up abuse. Keith Vaz MP, Chair of the Home Office Select Committee, stated that files had been lost on ‘an industrial scale’. Sedwill found that 114 files ‘potentially relevant’ to child abuse were known to have been lost or destroyed by the Home Office. At least four specific allegations relating to child abuse were not passed to the police for 35 years. In June 2014, Brittan was interviewed under caution about the rape of a 19 year old in 1967. He denied the claims and the CPS advised that there was insufficient evidence to charge him. After Tom Watson MP (Labour) lobbied Alison Saunders the DPP to investigate further, the police reopened the investigation. It was concluded that there would not have been enough evidence to charge Brittan even if he was still alive. It was slip-ups by the CPS and Alison Saunders that resulted in Greville Janner never being prosecuted for child abuse although it is now acknowledged that he should have faced charges… In October 2014, Jim Hood MP (Labour) used Parliamentary privilege to refer to Brittan being linked to child abuse. After his death in Jan 2015 Brittan was accused of multiple child rape. Tom Watson claimed to have spoken to male victims and the Independent On Sunday reported claims that Brittan had abused a pre-pubescent boy at the notorious Elm Guest House in 1982. It was also reported that he’d been photographed attending a rent boy orgy in 1986. The boys were allegedly picked up in Kings Cross and dropped off at a location in north London were they were repeatedly raped. The day before the planned arrest of Brittan and others including Cyril Smith, the investigation was inexplicably abandoned. In 2015 the Telegraph reported that Operation Midland detectives investigating sexual abuse by Westminster politicians and other ‘VIPs’ visited and searched two houses in London and Yorkshire, formerly owned by Brittan. Government documents in 2015 named Brittan as one of four senior Westminster figures named regarding child sex abuse, the context of the references being unknown. Along with Brittan, Sir Peter Hayman a former British Diplomat and former Ministers William van Straubenzee and Sir Peter Morrison (please see previous posts) were named in Government files after a review into historical child sexual abuse. In July 2015 it was reported that Brittan and Sir Peter Hayman were among suspects in an alleged Westminster paedophile ring in the 1980s, according to an Australian current affairs series, 60 Minutes. Brittan was accused by an alleged victim of the ring of abusing children at Dolphin Square – there were allegations that the ring involved politicians, police and high profile names. In March 2016 the Metropolitan Police confirmed that Operation Midland had been closed without any charges being brought – after Richard Henriques ordered it.

In the aftermath of the allegations against Brittan, his friends and former colleagues fumed at length about the outrage that it was that he had died with these allegations hanging over him and how distressing it must have been for his wife. It no doubt was – but Brittan oversaw a Home Office that ‘lost’ evidence of criminal activities and stood by whilst a woman from north Wales whom it was admitted had been wronged had her life destroyed completely, by a psychiatrist whose mistress was Director of a Social Services Dept which had a paedophile ring operating in it and who helped her facilitate this paedophile gang. In comparison to the lives of Mary Wynch and the scores of people in the ‘care’ of the children’s services or mental health services in north Wales, Leon ‘multiple homes’ and ‘seat in the Lords’ Brittan and his wife had a pretty comfortable existence. The least that he could have done was run his bloody department properly. Of course Fiona Woolfe, the second Chair of the National Inquiry Into Child Abuse, stepped down when it was revealed that she had links with Brittan. She didn’t remember at first – it only came back to her that he was one of her neighbours and had been to a few of her dinner parties when someone else mentioned it. I often forget who I’ve had over to mine for dinner regularly. Particularly when they’re the Home Secretary.

Regarding John Major and his stint as a Councillor in Lambeth – Lambeth Council has now paid out millions in damages to children in it’s care who were abused after it admitted that paedophiles were active in it’s children’s homes. It has ear-marked many more millions for future damages settlements. Further details can be read in my post ‘The London Connection’.

So The Great Stuffing Over was never mentioned again after 1995, what with David Bellotti safely out of Parliament and virtually everybody else involved having been given a peerage to buy their silence, or should I say ‘in recognition of their service to the nation’, even those whom nobody had ever heard of such was their great contribution. But there was still much trouble in north Wales. It was completely bloody obvious even to those most desperate to play it down that child abuse was endemic in children’s homes in north Wales and there had been an embarrassing number of allegations of a paedophile gang operating in the region and even a few convictions. In 1994 – the year in which Mary had received her final pathetic sum – an inquiry into abuse in north Wales children’s homes was ordered, which resulted in the Jillings Report in 1996. It’s results were so damning that it wasn’t published and an order was sent out that all copies should be destroyed. The team who conducted the inquiry were met with so much aggro that they nearly ended up resigning in despair and the North Wales Police refused to co-operate with the inquiry at all. So a full judicial inquiry was ordered, to be led by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a High Court Judge. A man who had previously worked on the Chester and Wales Circuit – the Circuit alleged to be riddled with corruption. Waterhouse had been the junior prosecuting counsel at the Moors Murders trial in Chester – so he worked with Elwyn Jones, who as previously mentioned was Callaghan’s Lord Chancellor at the time that Mary was arrested and imprisoned. Waterhouse had grown up in Holywell and north Wales being what it is probably personally knew many of those featured on this blog such as Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital and dear old Dafydd. Waterhouse did find evidence of a paedophile ring operating in the Chester and Wrexham area but stated that there were no ‘prominent national figures’ involved. Which was just as well because had he found otherwise some very difficult questions might have been asked – like what on earth were the police, the lawyers, the judiciary and health and welfare services let alone the Government doing that allowed it to happen? He also might have had to name and shame a few of his mates. The inquiry was ordered by the Secretary of State for Wales, one William Hague. That was the William Hague who took over as MP for Richmond when Leon Brittan stood down. Hague was leader of the Tory Party between 1997 and 2001 and was then First Secretary of State and Foreign Secretary in the Coalition Government formed in 2010. David Cameron described him as ‘de facto political deputy’. Hague was given a peerage in 2015 and recently purchased a 2.5 million mansion in Powys – one can only hope that he is not swindled out of it by the Public Trustee. Until just before he became Tory leader Hague was single and was plagued by rumours that he was gay and was receiving grief from a certain sort of Tory about the undesirability of a man without a wife. Two weeks before the general election, Hague suddenly acquired a woman who wanted to marry him and announced his engagement which surprised everyone because no-one had realised that there was a lady on the scene. She was one Ffion Jenkins who had been Hague’s private secretary at the Welsh Office. Ffion’s father was Chief Exec of the Arts Council of Wales, her mother was a magistrate and her elder sister, at the time of Ffion’s wedding, was the assistant private secretary to Prince Charles. It was explained in the London based press that Ffion was a member of the ‘Crachach’ aka the Tafia, the Welsh speaking elite who wield much influence in Wales. However the notion of the crachach is rather in the eye of the beholder and I know of one woman from Caernarfon who has been seriously harmed by the mental health services who uses this term to describe social workers and teachers. However, one thing on which I think that everyone is agreed is that it isn’t the members of any crachach who get raped in children’s homes and then sectioned when they complain about it. Now that William Hague has retired he has been writing political biographies. Unlike a lot of his colleagues Hague is a genuinely clever man who no doubt is a very competent researcher and writer. With abilities like that and his Government experience, one wonders why he couldn’t see through the holes in the Waterhouse Report. Or indeed why he thought that appointing a judge who had worked on a notoriously corrupt circuit and who had grown up and gone to school in the heart of an area where a long-standing paedophile ring was operating which was being facilitated by corrupt professional people in the region was a good idea.

After Waterhouse, allegations of a cover up and whitewash would not go away, so in 2012 the then Home Secretary Theresa May, a member of David Cameron’s Government, ordered Lady Justice Macur to conduct a Review of the Waterhouse Report. That was the same David Cameron who when he was younger had been a special advisor to Michael Howard who had authorised the pittance to Mary in order to ensure that she shut up and died in penury. The Macur Review found that there had been no cover up at all on the part of the Waterhouse Report. Which was a jolly good thing considering how many political careers have been built on the basis of No Important People being involved. But just to make doubly sure, when the police began a reinvestigation into the north Wales paedophile ring, Leanne Wood attempted to derail it before it had even got off the ground. And as for Lord Carlile’s close business relationship with Sir John Scarlett – it has been consistently alleged that the security services have been involved in concealing organised child abuse.