Comedies of Menace

Here’s someone who really should have featured on this blog before now, but then the Corrupt Incestuous Shithouse is so big that I keep finding new residents. Introducing:

Francis Aungier Pakenham, 7th Earl of Longford, 1st Baron Pakenham (5 December 1905 – 3 August 2001), known to his family as Frank Longford and styled Lord Pakenham, 1945-61, was a member of the Labour Party and one of its longest serving politicians. He held a number of Cabinet positions between 1947 and 1968. Longford was politically active up until his death in 2001. A member of a landed Anglo-Irish family, Frank Longford was one of the few aristocratic hereditary peers to have ever served in senior capacity within a Labour government. Longford was known best for his devout Christianity and work as a penal reformer.

Longford was widely unpopular among Labour leaders, was criticised for his lack of Ministerial ability, yet was moved from Cabinet post to Cabinet post. Harold Wilson stated that Longford had the ‘mental capacity of a 12 yr old’. Yet people kept giving him yet more senior jobs. Even after Longford resigned from the Gov’t in 1968, he was invited onto committee after committee after committee. By the 1970s Lord Longford was a standing joke and continually attacked by journos and media outlets across the political spectrum. Yet he wasn’t ever blown out of public life or even simply ignored. I think that I know why…

 

Pakenham went to Eton, then to New College, Oxford, where he was a member of the Bullingdon Club. He spent a short time working for the ‘Daily Mail’, as a don at Christ Church, Oxford and he also worked as a stockbroker with disastrous results. Pakenham and his wife Elizabeth worked for the WEA at Stoke after they graduated and then in 1931 he joined the Conservative Research Dept, developing education policy for the Tories. By the early 1970s, the Conservative Research Dept was known to be a hotbed of predatory gay men, some of them targeting under-aged boys. As with the hubs of child abuse in certain locations such as north Wales and Lambeth, there are indications that the shenanigans at the Conservative Research Dept had been going on for a very long time. For years, new staff were employed who would ‘fit in’ and were of the same nature as the staff already there…

Frank Pakenham’s conservatism could not have been very deep because his wife Elizabeth ‘persuaded’ him to become a socialist. Elizabeth was from a socialist family – her brother was Harriet Harman’s father, John. The Harmans were a family with a good supply of Top Docs. Elizabeth’s father was the opthalmic surgeon Nathanial Bishop Harman, who also had a Harley Street practice. Nathanial Harman trained at the Middlesex Hospital, where Gwynne the lobotomist trained. Gwynne was afforded lifelong protection by the alumni network of the Middlesex. Harman became the Dean of West London Postgraduate College, an institution which disappeared a long time ago, I think because the Royal Postgraduate Medical School at Hammersmith Hospital squeezed it out of existence and took over its functions. My post ‘Interesting Facts’ detailed some of the shocking abuses and frauds which have taken place at RPMS in recent decades which have not received wide publicity. It seems that malpractice was the order of the day at that institution over decades. An article entitled ‘Human Guinea Pigs: A Warning’, published in 1962 in the journal Twentieth Century by Maurice Papworth, highlighted many unethical practices regarding human experimentation at RPMS. According to Papworth, experiments had been carried out without valid consent on vulnerable patients, such as children and the mentally ill.

Most of the people whom I witnessed participating in misconduct and research fraud when I was at RPMS (1986-87) are still working in research or medicine.

Nathanial Harman held a number of offices in the BMA and was a generous benefactor to that organisation. He was also a member of the GMC.

Harriet’s dad John Harman worked at Tommy’s as well as at his Harley Street practice and gave evidence for the defence during the trial of Dr John Bodkin Adams, the Top Doc who was almost certainly a serial killer and one on a bigger scale than Harold Shipman. Furthermore John Harman gave evidence on matters of which he had no experience. See post ‘An Appalling Vista’.

As well as having a general practice, Bodkin Adams worked at All Saints Hospital. The chaplain of All Saints Hospital, Eastbourne, at the time of Bodkin Adams’ arrest in 1956 was the Rev Hubert Brasier, the father of Theresa May. Before Theresa May was elected to the Commons, she was a Councillor for Merton, 1986-94. Merton was on the patch of St George’s Hospital Medical School, many of who’s staff when Theresa was a Councillor there were concealing the crimes of Dafydd and his gang in north Wales and a related gang in south London (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

 

Here’s a Socialist Feminist Who Supports the NHS who also sounds off on matters of which she has no experience:

Harriet HarmanHarriet HarmanHarriet HarmanHarriet Harman

Nanny Harriet wasn’t able to do the jobs in Gov’t to which she was repeatedly appointed, so eventually a Spad was sent to do her jobs for her, one Ed Miliband, who’s Uncle Harry was a consultant at er, Tommy’s.

Dafydd’s mate and umbrella Professor Jim Watson worked at Tommy’s as a ‘sex therapist’, after having worked as a ‘sex therapist’ at St George’s and the Maudsley (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

 

As well as being Harriet’s auntie, Lady Elizabeth Longford was a great-niece of the Tory radical Jospeh Chamberlain and a first cousin once removed of the British PM Neville Chamberlain. Elizabeth Longford made several unsuccessful attempts at becoming a Labour MP. She was an historian, a member of the Royal Society for Literature and a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery.

Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon, was a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery, 1953-88. Lord Kenyon was one of the biggest umbrellas for Dafydd and the gang in north Wales and Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was known to be sexually exploiting at least one boy in care in north Wales in the late 1970s. Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon faced no charges at any point, although the boy was sent to a detention centre after Thomas made a complaint that the boy had stolen off him after they had spent the night together. Part of Thomas’s complaint was that the boy had stolen pornographic photos of the two of them together which Thomas had taken using a Polaroid. The boy in question later gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry stating that Thomas had ‘used him for sex’ on numerous occasions. Thomas was not available to give evidence, having died of an HIV-related condition in 1993. See post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Both Elizabeth and Frank Pakenham were devout Roman Catholic converts, although Elizabeth found Frank’s embracing of the RC Church very difficult at first, having been brought up as a Unitarian.

Frank Pakenham joined the British Army but his career as a soldier proved to be a spectacular failure. He was completely unable to cope with life in the Army and the consequent psychological strain soon manifested itself in physical symptoms and in the spring of 1940 Frank was invalided out of the Army as a result of what was then referred to as a nervous breakdown. Subsequently however, Pakenham, together with Maurice Bowra, raised and commanded the South Company of the Oxford City Battalion of the Home Guard. The ridiculous supervened; Pakenham was shot in the foot by the only member of his company to possess any ammunition.

Sir Cecil Maurice Bowra was an English scholar who studied at New College, Oxford and was Warden of Wadham College, Oxford, 1938-70 and VC of Oxford University, 1951-54. Bowra was gay and as an undergraduate was known to cruise for sex. Quotes for which Bowra is well-known include: ‘Buggers can’t be choosers’ (explaining his engagement, later called off, to Audrey Beecham); ‘Buggery was invented to fill that awkward hour between Evensong and cocktails’ or was ‘useful for filling that awkward time between tea and cocktails’; and ‘Splendid couple — slept with both of them’ (on hearing of the engagement of a well-known literary pair).

As an undergrad Bowra was very sociable and his circle included the Tory politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and managed to have affairs with Harold Macmillan’s wife Dorothy as well as with a great many others including a range of rent boys and, it is alleged, Ronnie Kray (see previous posts). Bowra was a friend of and shared lodgings with Viscount Cyril Radcliffe, the Law Lord who was the first Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1965-77.

After being called to the Bar, Cyril Radcliffe joined the chambers of Wilfred Greene, later the Master Of The Rolls. During WWII Radcliffe joined the Ministry of Information, becoming DG by 1941. There he worked closely with Minister Brendan Bracken, who was Minister of Information, 1941-45. Viscount Bracken is best remembered for opposing the Bank of England’s co-operation with Hitler and for subsequently supporting Churchill’s prosecution of WWII against Hitler.

Bracken’s first career was as a newspaper publisher and magazine editor. Many of Bracken’s early magazine stories included a political flavour and he commissioned articles from a wide range of politicians such as Churchill and Mussolini. Business and politics permanently overlapped in his life, in a similar way to the career of his occasional friend Lord Beaverbrook. He needed politicians for stories and they needed the publicity given by his publications.

Bracken was PPS to PM Churchill, 1940-41 and then he was First Lord of the Admiralty, 25 May 1945-26 July 1945. Lord Louis Mountbatten was First Sea Lord, 1955-59 and had reached a senior level at the Admiralty by the time that Bracken was First Lord, so Bracken will have known about the allegations that Mountbatten was a molester of under-aged boys, as well as the other sex and spy scandals at the Admiralty of that era (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Bracken’s friend Cyril Radcliffe was involved in the Partition of India. Radcliffe was a man who had never been east of Paris, but nonetheless he was given the Chairmanship of the two boundary committees set up with the passing of the Indian Independence Act. Radcliffe was faced with the task of drawing the borders for the new nations of Pakistan and India in a way that would leave as many Hindus and Sikhs in India and Muslims in Pakistan as possible. Radcliffe submitted his partition map on 9 August 1947, which split Punjab and Bengal almost in half. The new boundaries were formally announced on 14 August 1947 – the day of Pakistan’s independence and the day before India became independent of the UK. Louis Mountbatten in his capacity as Viceroy and Governor-General of India was also involved in the Partition (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Radcliffe was born in Llanychan, Denbighshire. My post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’ details how in 1968 three students from Sussex University caused a sensation when they threw red paint over a visiting US official in a protest related to the Vietnam War. One of the students was Merfyn Jones, who later became VC of Bangor University and who grew up in Gwynedd. Asa Briggs, the VC of Sussex University at the time, was one of those with links to the security services who concealed the early organised abuse of those associated with Dafydd’s gang. Briggs bore a lifelong grudge against the three student protestors and contributed to the serious fire from Dafydd’s gang that was aimed at Merfyn when he became VC of Bangor University in 2003. After he graduated from Sussex, Merfyn undertook postgraduate work at Warwick University where he was involved in the student activism which revealed that Warwick was doing a few things that it probably should not have been doing. Radcliffe was Chancellor at the time. I had not realised that Radcliffe came from Denbighshire. The paedophiles’ friends being what they are, Radcliffe’s links to north Wales will have been used to maximum advantage.

Peeling Oniontown - VICE

In 1992 Wadham College named its Bowra Building in Maurice Bowra’s honour.

I know someone who studied at Wadham College while Bowra was Warden who always cheerily referred to his old college as ‘Wadham and Gomorrah’. I just thought that it was a nice little quip but I wonder if he was joking about matters of which I knew nothing.

Other high profile alumni of Wadham and Gomorrah include the former Archbishop of Canterbury who originated from Swansea, Rowan Williams, Melvyn Bragg the MIND Ambassador and Michael Foot. Not only was Michael Foot the Leader of the Labour Party while everyone in that Party sat on the barrel of crap which included George Thomas as well as Dafydd et al in north Wales (Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’), but Footie was Lord President of The Council, 1976-79. The Lord President of the Council doubles up as the visitor for Bangor University (UCNW). While Foot was Lord President of the Council, Shirl was asked by Dafydd Wigley if she would, in her capacity as Education Secretary, hold a public inquiry into the running of UCNW by Sir Charles Evans, such was the chaos and dysfunction within that institution. Shirl refused. The chaos and dysfunction were a result of Charles Evans allowing Dafydd et al to use the College to run their sex trafficking ring as Footie and Shirl were well aware. See post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’.

One other distinguished alumnus of Wadham and Gomorrah is Lord John Dyson who was a High Court judge, 1993-01; Lord Justice of Appeal, 2001-10; Justice of the Supreme Court, 2010-12; and Master of the Rolls, 2012-16. John Dyson was called to Bar at Middle Temple, as was Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. Dyson and Waterhouse knew each other well.

 

1940 was the year that Frank Pakenham became a Catholic as well as being invalided out of the Army because of his nervous breakdown. Elizabeth Pakenham joined the Church of Rome six years later. 

Frank Pakenham embarked upon a career in politics which had begun with his election as an Oxford City Councillor in the 1930s. Oxfordshire had a major problem with the abuse of kids in its children’s homes by the 1950s, which probably stretched much further back than that. This was concealed by Top Doc Dr Vladimir Kahan and his social worker wife Barbara, who became a social work adviser on children in care to successive Gov’ts from the early 1970s onward (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’).

In 1945 Pakenham stood for election in Oxford as the Labour candidate but was beaten by the Tory Quintin Hogg, who later became Lord Hailsham and who performed a valuable service himself concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al for decades. Pakenham’s obituaries maintained that Clement Attlee ‘admired’ Pakenham’s ‘passion for social outcasts and tried to harness it’. Pakenham himself stated that his nervous breakdown in 1940 gave him an understanding of people who had been rejected by society. Pakenham experienced a breakdown at a time when such an event was heavily stigmatised – I get the impression that it was particularly so among men, women were expected to go a bit mad at times by Top Docs and certain others – and I’d be interested to know how this was negotiated when Frank Pakenham entered politics, because a ‘nervous breakdown’ was quite a career-killer in 1940 and people were not allowed to forget that they’d had the temerity to have one.

Pakenham’s obituaries tell us that Attlee was ‘persuaded’ to give Pakenham a peerage, to bring a ‘youthful thinker’ to the sparsely populated Labour Lords benches. Pakenham had really only done one thing until he bagged that peerage, which was to act as William Beveridge’s right hand man when Beveridge compiled his report on the welfare state. Upon receiving a peerage, Longford was immediately appointed a Lords Whip by Attlee, which suggests that Attlee had confidence that Pakenham would be able to twist the arms of other Labour peers. I doubt that Pakenham would have built up sufficient muscle to do that as a result of his short stint working for the ‘Daily Mail’, his time as a stockbroker which resulted in him losing a great deal of money, him being the most hopeless soldier that the British Army had ever seen, having a nervous breakdown or even by his assistance with the Beveridge Report.

However, by the time that Attlee gave Frank Pakenham a peerage, Frank had been visiting prisons two to three times/week for more than 10 years, holding in-depth conversations with those inside. He will have learnt that some inside prison were innocent and that a great many others had knowledge of wrongdoing in high places rather more serious than the wrongdoing for which they had been sentenced. The language that is used to discuss sexual abuse has changed since the 1940s but many aspects of the problem have not changed. As at the present time, people in dominant positions in society were having sex with people in far more vulnerable positions and some of those people will have been having sex with children, including children of the same sex as them. The stakes were considerably higher for people doing this in the 1940s, because homosexuality was illegal and a prison sentence and total social ruin for one and even one’s family a la Oscar Wilde was still the order of the day. What if Frank had learnt a bit about such matters during all that prison visiting?

In 1947, Frank was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster aka Deputy Foreign Secretary with special responsibility for the British zone in occupied Germany. He made headlines by telling German audiences that the British people forgave them for what had happened during WWII and was later credited by the first West German Chancellor with being among his country’s founding fathers. In May 1948, Pakenham was moved to the lower-profile role of Minister of Civil Aviation and became a Privy Councillor. He continued in this post until May 1951. From May 1951 until the fall of Attlee’s administration in October 1951, Longford was First Lord of the Admiralty. We’re back to Mountbatten and his pals again…

After Labour lost the 1951 General Election, Pakenham became Chairman of the Society for the Mentally Handicapped. At the time the mentally handicapped were usually institutionalised – the parents of such children were nearly always advised to do this by Top Docs – and were frequently treated appallingly in long-stay hospitals whose staff were completely unaccountable. Sexual exploitation, as well as physical assault, was common. Pakenham will have been well-aware of that.

During the period of time that Labour was out of office between Attlee and Wilson, Hugh Gaitskell kept Pakenham  at the centre of Labour Party affairs. Gaitskell and Pakenham had shared rooms at Oxford and Gaitskell used to refer to Pakenham as his ‘oldest friend’. Pakenham remained at the centre of things even when he became Chairman of a City clearing bank, the Anglo-Irish Bank, in 1955, which caused a rumpus in the City because Pakenham had been blackballed from at least one financiers’ club. However during Pakenham’s nine years as Chairman, the Ango-Irish Bank grew more quickly than any other London clearing bank.

During this time, Pakenham also contributed to a series of ‘learned reports’ on penal reform. He Chaired a special Labour Party Committee – Harold Wilson appointed him – which in 1963 published its Report, ‘Crime – A Challenge’. It recommended the abolition of capital punishment, after-care for prisoners and was the basis for the introduction of the parole system in 1965 that remains substantially unchanged today.

In 1961, Pakenham inherited from his older brother Edward the earldom of Longford and from then onward was generally known to the public as Lord Longford.

When Labour returned to power in October 1964 under Harold Wilson, Longford was appointed Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the Lords, despite the fact that Wilson had little respect for him. It was presumed that these Cabinet positions were simply a sop to Gaitskellites. In December 1965 Longford became Secretary of State for the Colonies, continuing as Leader of the House of Lords. After four months at the Colonial Office, he was removed from the post for failing to master his brief and again became Lord Privy Seal in April 1966.

Longford spoke against the 1967 Bill to facilitate abortions which did not endear him to many on the left of the Labour Party.

Wilson often talked about sacking Longford from his Gov’t, which is believed to have led to Longford’s resignation as Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the House of Lords in January 1968, although Longford’s stated reason for resigning from the Gov’t was because of the abandonment of the commitment to increase the school leaving age. Tony Benn, Richard Crossman and Barbara Castle all recorded their relief at Longford’s departure from Gov’t in their diaries. However HM Queen Lilibet continued to hold Longford in high esteem.

After 1968, Lord Longford concentrated on his campaigns and publishing. In the Lords his two main interests were Ireland and prisons policy. Longford thought of Ireland as his home, although he didn’t live there. He was an old friend of Eamon de Valera, who was a Commandant in the 1916 Easter Uprising and later became Taoiseach, 1957-59 and President of Ireland, 1959-73. When in Wilson’s Cabinet, Longford caused a stir by attending the 50th anniversary celebrations of the Easter Rising and being  photographed next to de Valera.

In 1970 Longford became Chairman of Sidgwick and Jackson the publishers. As with his Chairmanship of the Anglo-Irish Bank, business boomed under this utter incompetent who had dirt on a great many in high places. Longford Chaired Sidgwick and Jackson for 10 years and the company benefited in particular from Ted Heath’s books on sailing.

In 1955/56, Longford set up New Bridge Foundation, an organisation that aimed to help prisoners stay in touch with society and integrate them back into it. New Bridge was the first organisation concerned with prisoners’ welfare. In 1990 New Bridge set up ‘Inside Time’ magazine, the only national newspaper for the UK’s prison population. Journalist Rachel Billington, Longford’s daughter, is involved with the title. Longford organised many debates on prison reform in the House of Lords from the 1950s onward.

In 1970, Longford established New Horizon, the first drop-in centre for homeless teenagers. Longford was a regular at New Horizon, dropping in until his death in 2002, chatting to the teenagers who were often rather confused by Longford’s interest in them. Longford could not have failed to have noticed that huge numbers of those homeless teenagers had run away from the care system because they were being grossly abused.

Longford was a leading figure in the National Festival Of Light of 1971, which protested against the commercial exploitation of sex and violence, while advocating the teaching of Christ as the key to recovering moral stability in the nation. Longford was advised against involvement with the National Festival Of Light by his friends, but was said to have been influenced by Mary Whitehouse.

Whitehouse was a ‘morality campaigner’, a former teacher from the West Midlands. Whitehouse was quite preoccupied with the sort of sex education that kids in schools were receiving and the alleged deleterious effects on them as a result of the ‘filth’ that Whitehouse believed that she was watching the BBC screen at the time. Whitehouse was keen on quoting the views of Top Docs and psychiatrists on such matters. These will of course have been those who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang. Whitehouse launched a one-woman campaign against Dr Martin Cole, a sex therapist who produced a sex education film for schools called ‘Growing Up’ (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Whitehouse alleged that Martin Cole’s clinic was a front for prostitution. Cole worked with Dr Philip Cauthery, a sexologist who was also the students’ doctor at Aston University. Cauthery was uncaring and lethal and was felt by many to be one of the key reasons for the high suicide rate among students at Aston. Cauthery sat on the Editorial Board of ‘Forum’ magazine, the small ads of which were being used by paedophiles. Cauthery was never placed under the spotlight in the way that Martin Cole was, almost certainly because Cauthery was a Top Doctor who enjoyed the protection of the medical establishment, whereas Cole was a non-clinical academic.

The National Festival Of Light was co-founded by the journalist and author Malcolm Muggeridge, who was named as a dreadful old groper after he died (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’) and Evangelical Christian missionaries Peter and Janet Hill were also involved. Cliff Richard was a key supporter of the NFOL from its onset and Archbishop Trevor Huddleston was also a supporter. Cliff was a close friend of Cilla, who was a personal friend of Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain of St George’s Hospital Medical School, during the years when Chamberlain and his colleagues were perpetrating research fraud as well as colluding with organised child abuse, including the crimes of Dafydd’s gang (see post ‘Now Then…’). Trevor Huddleston was the subject of allegations that he indecently assaulted children. Huddleston didn’t deny the allegations but simply packaged his behaviour as being harmless and ‘innocent’. See post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’.

Grassroots support for the NFOL came from Anglicans, Baptists, Plymouth Brethren and Pentecostal Church denominations. Dafydd has longstanding links with the Anglican Church (see post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’) and the Welsh Baptist Church (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’).

A working committee was established with Colonel Orde Dobbie (a Social Services administrator), Eddie Stride (a former shop steward and trade unionist, later the Rector of Christ Church Spitalfields), Gordon Landreth (General Secretary of the Evangelical Alliance), Rev. Jean Darnall (Pentecostal Evangelist), Nigel Goodwin (a professional Christian actor) and Steve Stevens (a missionary aviator). Additional input was received from a larger Council of Reference which included well-known politicians, lawyers, doctors, trades unionists, bishops, ministers and other public figures such as actors Dora Bryan and David Kossoff.

Dora Bryan hobnobbed with all the best luvvies who ended up in disgrace, including the cast of the Carry On films and when she was older, Michael Barrymore. David Kossoff became involved with the NFOL as a result of his anti-drugs campaigning which he took up when his son Paul developed drug problems. Paul Kossoff played with the rock band ‘Free’ and died from complications resulting from his drug use in 1976.

Prince Charles sent ‘every good wish for the success of the Festival’Książe Karol to pederasta powiązany z grupą wpływowych ...

  • Rolf Harris guilty: another pedophile friend of the Royal ...
  • Prince Charles' connections to pedophile Jimmy Savile

On 25 September, approximately 45,000 people assembled in Trafalgar Square for the NFOL rally. A number of statements and proclamations were read out and received with applause by the crowd. Some called for a halt to the commercial exploitation of sex and violence. They warned that the ‘positive values’ of love and respect for the individual and the family were under serious threat. At the conclusion of the speeches, the crowd began to wind through the streets to Hyde Park, singing Christian songs as they went. In Hyde Park they joined those unable to get into Trafalgar Square. The Hyde Park rally started at 4 pm, where a number of Christian music groups proclaimed the same message. Among the performers were Cliff Richard, Dana and Graham Kendrick. Rev. Jean Darnall led the rally. The main speaker in the park was Hollywood street evangelist Arthur Blessitt.

In the days that followed perhaps the warmest support came from Roman Catholic periodicals.

After 1971 the NFL committee continued to meet and gradually evolved into the Christian organisation Christian Action Research and Education (CARE), changing its name in 1983.

Longford’s anti-porn campaigning made him the subject of derision and he was labelled by the press as Lord Porn when he and former prison doctor Christine Temple-Saville set out on a wide-ranging tour of sex industry establishments in the early 1970s to compile a self-funded report, published in 1972.

Like Longford, Christine Temple-Saville will have known exactly who was sitting in prisons and how many of them had been framed with the assistance of her Top Doc colleagues (and possibly her as well) after they were witnesses to the abuse rings operating within children’s homes/other care settings. Temple-Saville will have known about Dafydd, if she didn’t actually know him personally. The press made much of Longford’s visits to strip clubs in Copenhagen and he was accused of enormous hypocrisy.

Despite the hilarity which Longford’s Report caused in so many quarters, in 1972 Lilibet made him a Knight of the Garter. That’s the Lilibet who’s Woman-of-the-Bedchamber Dame Mary Morrison was the sister of Sir Peter Morrison, who spent a lifetime molesting kids in care.

It was Lord Longford’s support for Myra Hindley to be released from prison on parole which made him a household name and led to the soubriquet Lord Wrongford from the tabloid press, which largely opposed Hindley being released. Longford’s contact with Hindley became public knowledge in 1972 and allegations of hypocrisy were frequently made against him. In 1977, 11 years after Hindley was convicted of two murders and being an accessory to a third murder, Longford appeared on television and spoke openly of his belief that Hindley should now be considered for parole as she had shown clear signs of progress in prison and now served long enough for the Parole Board to assess her suitability for release from prison. He also supported Hindley’s claims that her role in the Moors Murders was merely that of an accomplice and that she had only taken part due to Brady’s abuse and threats. There is considerable evidence to suggest that this was true but the facts concerning Hindley’s case were lost among the hysteria, the downright lies, the corrupt practices of the police officers and lawyers involved and of course the extreme distress of the parents of the dead children who were never given the support that they should have had.

In 1985, Longford condemned the Parole Board’s decision not to consider Hindley’s release for another five years as ‘barbaric’ and his campaign for Hindley continued even after ‘she admitted to two more murders in 1986’. Hindley’s ‘admission’ to two more murders in 1986 has become part of the mythology of Hindley. I don’t think that she did ‘admit’ to two more murders in 1986. The detectives who had worked on the case originally – some of whom were corrupt – visited Hindley out of the blue in prison at the end of 1986, told her that they ‘knew’ that Brady had murdered more children and asked her if she knew where those children were buried. Hindley explained that she did not, neither had she witnessed the further two alleged murders. However she agreed to accompany a police team onto  Saddleworth Moor to show the police the places that Brady used to enjoy visiting lest the police wanted to excavate.

Myra Hindley accompanied the police to Saddleworth Moor in appalling winter weather, in conditions that were  not conducive to a search for human remains. She told the police that it was so long since she was there that she did not recognise the landscape. The police ‘search’ was accompanied by full media coverage. At the same time, TV journos approached the father of one of the children murdered/thought to be murdered by Brady and/or Hindley and asked him if he wanted to kill Hindley. The distressed father obediently produced a kitchen knife from his bag for the cameras while the journos purchased him pints.

The sudden interest of Peter Topping, a clapped-out dodgy Greater Manchester policeman, in Myra Hindley and Ian Brady once more at the very end of 1986 has never been explained. Neither has it ever been explained why Topping had an overwhelming urge to conduct a police search of Saddleworth Moor at the one time of year when a search should not be conducted. No-one explained why the media were told what was happening and invited to the scene, particularly as much was made of the risk to Hindley’s life from well-wishers while she was on the moor.

The year before Topping had the overwhelming urge to visit Hindley in prison, tell her that she had helped Brady commit two more murders and ask her if she would agree to visit Saddleworth Moor in a blizzard, in front of TV cameras while people were asked to describe to journos how they were going to murder her, Brady had been transferred from Gartree Prison in Leicester to Ashworth Hospital on Merseyside. Dafydd’s mates were running Ashworth at the time and the place was full of witnesses to/victims of the wrongdoing of Dafydd and his accomplices (see post ‘Security, Security’). Dafydd’s mates also ran Gartree Prison and after many years spontaneously declared Brady insane rather than ‘wicked’ and had him transferred to Dafydd’s inner sanctum at Ashworth.

I can remember events very well at the time because Dafydd et al were fully engaged in their efforts to deal with another Evil Young Woman  – me. The very people who were busy ‘treating’ Ian Brady in Ashworth were fabricating evidence, perjuring themselves and holding ‘case conferences’ without my knowledge to which people whom I had never met were invited to tell the assembled company how dangerous I was. I had been illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in Dec 1986, just days before  Myra was in the news once more…

When this saga was being played out on TV – with all us patients in Denbigh watching it – I dared proffer my opinion that this was an unedifying spectacle and I was a little fed up of hearing corrupt Top Docs denouncing people as evil and dangerous. An Angel called Ingrid shouted at me that Myra was ‘evil’, that as a student Angel Ingrid had watched the trial of Brady and Hindley at Chester Assizes and that everyone in the court was in tears, including Ingrid. I am sure that listening to murder trials take its toll, but Ingrid was at the time of her histrionics in my direction overseeing a group of patients illegally imprisoned by people who were running a paedophile/trafficking ring. Some of those patients were held in a dungeon.

The lawyers involved in the trial of the Moors Murderers included Attorney General Lord Elwyn-Jones, Lord Emlyn Hooson and Sir Ronald Waterhouse. All three of these people were bent, knew about Jeremy Thorpe’s shenanigans but kept quiet and also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang in north Wales/Cheshire.

Why Brady and Hindley’s trial took place at Chester no-one has been able to explain. They didn’t live near Chester, neither did the murder victims and the murders were not committed near Chester. After the event Peter Topping maintained that it was to ensure that they received a ‘fair trial’. How that was supposed to happen when Topping and some of his colleagues were bent cops, when they were receiving and passing information on to people known to the accused before the trial and by the trial being held in a location known even then as being the hub of legal and judicial corruption as a result of a longstanding paedophile gang operating in the area was not clarified.

Dafydd and the gang had links with corrupt officers in Greater Manchester Police and other corrupt professionals in the Manchester region (see posts ‘Top Of The Cops’ and ‘A Stalker’s Network’.)

For the record: Ian Brady was a deeply unpleasant man. He freely admitted to a series of crimes, including the murders of three children but always denied any involvement in the murders of two others which were attributed to him. He expressed the view that the police and legal system were corrupt and that the Top Docs were a bunch of lying idiots who didn’t know their arses from their elbows. Myra Hindley was abused as a girl and experienced violence at Brady’s hands. Had her trial occurred these days, much would be made of Myra’s very difficult and abusive upbringing. Had I been Myra Hindley I don’t think that any of that would have caused me to assist in the abuse and murder of three children, but I’m not Myra Hindley, I don’t know what it was like to be her and because so many people involved in her ‘assessment’, the investigation of the crimes with which she was charged and the continued ‘assessment’ of her after she was convicted were corrupt as fuck and involved in serious crime as well as organised abuse themselves, I am not sure that much of what we read about Evil Myra was true.

I have in my possession 10,000 documents compiled by the associates of those involved with Brady and Hindley’s case which clearly demonstrate perjury, conspiracy and attempts to pervert the course of justice over a period of many years with regard to me because I had complained about Gwynne the lobotomist, Dafydd and Tony Francis. It was documented that I had stabbed people, strangled them, ‘served a prison sentence for attacking someone with a knife’, held an Angel hostage and sexually assaulted a psychiatrist. The documents are accompanied by other documents written by the same people admitting that none of these allegations are true but nonetheless contain detailed plans of how I will be framed for these offences. There are also letters to ‘witnesses’ instructing them with regard to what they need to say about me in court. There is even a letter signed by Patricia Gaskell, the former hospital solicitor for Ysbyty Gwynedd, asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to complain about [me] please’.

When Evil Myra was told that she had been involved in two more murders and was taken to Saddleworth Moor to identify the locations of the bodies, Alison Taylor had recently expressed repeated concerns about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales, Mary Wynch had made legal history by successfully suing Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’) and I had begun complaining and was refusing to go away as well.

In July 1986 Iain Muir, Deputy Headmaster of the Bryn Alyn Community School, was convicted in the Crown Court at Mold of unlawful sexual intercourse with a female under the age of 16, for which he received a sentence of six months imprisonment. The victim was resident at the school for just over three years and was 15 years old when she left.

In October 1986 DCS Gwynne Owen’s report to the Crown Prosecution Service following concerns raised by Alison Taylor and complaints of abuse from children criticised Alison Taylor and accused her of ‘manipulating’ people to make complaints.

In Dec 1986, Gwynedd County Council informally suspended Alison from her job as a social worker, Dafydd abducted and illegally imprisoned me on 13 Dec 1986, Evil Myra was taken to Saddleworth Moor on Dec 16 and was suddenly all over the media once more.

On 18 December 1986, Professor Oliver Brooke, Prof of Paediatrics at St George’s Hospital Medical School, pleaded guilty to six counts of procuring and distributing child pornography at Kingston Crown Court and was sentenced to one year in prison. Brooke was only charged with a small number of offences but was in reality a key player in a pan-European child abuse ring of which Dafydd’s gang in north Wales were a part.

 

Now perhaps Dafydd would like to tell us all why Peter Topping decided that the world had to be reminded of Evil Myra once again just when Ollie Brooke was up in court.

 

Lord Longford will have known of Evil Myra’s abusive childhood and he will have known that those involved with her case and shouting about Evil Myra were running a paedophile gang themselves. Longford remained schtum.

Evil Myra’s public appearance on Dec 16 1986 further strengthened media and public opinion that any reports of progress by Hindley in prison were ‘nothing more than a ploy to boost her chances of gaining release from prison’. Well she was Evil Myra who Manipulated wasn’t she. Just like Alison Taylor and I Manipulated.

Whilst all this was going on, Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary.

In 1990, David Waddington the Home Secretary ruled that ‘life should mean life’ for Evil Myra, who had been told by earlier Home Secretaries and High Court judges that she would have to serve a minimum of 25 and then 30 years before being considered for parole. These were the Waddington and the previous Home Secretaries and High Court judges who colluded with Dafydd’s gang as well as the linked gangs across the UK/Europe, including the gang in south London of which Brooke was a leading light.

Hindley was not informed of Waddington’s decision until December 1994, and Longford later expressed his ‘disgust’ at this ruling. The next three Home Secretaries all agreed with Waddington’s ruling. They also all colluded with Dafydd et al. Hindley appealed against her whole life tariff in the High Court in December 1997, November 1998 and March 2000, but each appeal was rejected. In Dec 1997 and Nov 1998 the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. The Waterhouse Report was published in Feb 2000, one month before Evil Myra had yet another appeal rejected. Longford maintained that Evil Myra was a changed woman who was no longer a threat to society and had qualified for parole. He regularly commented, along with several other supporters of Evil Myra, that she was a ‘political prisoner’ who was being kept in prison for votes, to serve the interests of a succession of Home Secretaries and their respective Gov’ts. This was true, although the general public would still have been utterly unsympathetic if they had known. But what would the general public have said if they had been made aware that scores of the lawyers, judges, Top Docs and police officers directly involved with decisions regarding Evil Myra were colluding with child abuse, including the murders of witnesses, themselves?

In March 1996, Longford backed up Evil Myra’s claim in an Oxford University magazine that she was still in prison so that the Conservative Gov’t – trailing in the opinion polls since the autumn of 1992 – would win more votes. This claim was met with anger by the mothers of two of the Moors Murders victims, including Ann West, who remained at the centre of the campaign to ensure that Evil Myra was never released and once again vowed to kill Evil Myra if she was set free. Longford regularly condemned the media for ‘manipulating’ West and feeding her desire for revenge and was particularly critical of ‘The Sun’ newspaper for its ‘exploitation’ of West – referring to her numerous television and newspaper interviews in which she argued against any suggestion of Evil Myra ever being paroled, often threatening to kill her if she was ever set free. In 1986, Longford reportedly told West that unless she forgave Evil Myra and Brady, she would not go to Heaven when she died. 

This is all deeply ironic. The tabloid press undoubtedly manipulated the parents of Brady’s and Hindley’s victims but then so did everyone involved in the cases, including Longford.  It would have been more sensible of Longford to have kept his thoughts to himself re the need for Ann West to forgive Hindley and Brady because his relationship with Ann West was nowhere near good enough for him to make such suggestions without causing great upset. Interestingly enough, for many years, staff of the mental health services stressed to me that I was in a bad way because I hadn’t ‘forgiven’ Dafydd et al for their oh so minor ‘misjudgements’ with regard to me. Not only were Dafydd et al guilty of a great deal more than a few ‘misjudgements’ but documents now in my possession show that while people were busy telling me that poor old Dafydd never meant any harm at all and gosh I really was over-reacting, those very people were at the time conspiring with Dafydd to lie and perjure themselves in order to have me banged up for a very long time because they were so worried at the prospect of Brown and me one day publishing all this. By that time, the main reason why I wasn’t ‘recovering’ was that I was constantly being arrested for ludicrous offences, I was being actively denied effective treatment for a mood disorder and my property (and occasionally me) was being attacked by meatheads who had been put up to this by Dafydd et al.

Every time that I was told that my ‘outbursts’ and ‘baseless accusations’ had ‘upset’ staff, I was happy to write and apologise. Those letters are among my documentation as well. Along with the documents detailing the lies that would then be told about me in Court, the gloating notes regarding which members of staff I ‘trusted’ and who could therefore be relied upon to persuade me or even people close to me to drop complaints about the ‘service’. I have seen the medical records of another mental health patient from north Wales who, like me, was repeatedly arrested after complaining about the ‘services’. He too wrote apologies to staff whom he was told were ‘terrified’ of him and whom he had ‘upset’. His letters of apology were attached to fabricated accounts of his ‘crimes’, giving the impression that he was apologising for committing serious offences. This man told me that one of his letters of apology was ‘virtually dictated’ to him by Dr Tony Francis.

Get over it world, these were not caring Top Docs and Angels who’s patience was being tried to the limits by dangerous patients, they were a criminal gang. Those in Gov’t throughout the many years that this criminal idiocy continued knew that.

Evil Myra died in November 2002, having never been paroled. Lord Longford had died the previous year.

 

Longford seemed to be very confused where homosexuality was concerned. In 1956, he launched the first Parliamentary debate in support of the Wolfenden Report, which recommended the decriminalisation of homosexuality. Longford had been a staunch public supporter of Lord Montagu and his lover Peter Wildeblood after the two were jailed for breaking anti-gay laws in the early 1950s and he visited them regularly in prison. In his later years however, Longford became a staunch opponent of gay rights and in the 1960s he stated that homosexuality was ‘nauseating’ and that, regardless of any change in the law, it was ‘utterly wrongful’.

But then Dafydd and Gwynne at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were subjecting gay patients to ‘aversion therapy’ to cure them of their homosexuality years after homosexuality was decriminalised, while they ran a paedophile/trafficking ring targeting boys in particular.

In the mid-1980s, Longford was a vocal supporter of the introduction of Section 28 by Thatcher’s Conservative Gov’t – despite Thatcher’s close friends Sir Peter Morrison and George Thomas being homosexual paedophiles –  and, during the Parliamentary debates, Longford famously stated his opinion that homosexuals are ‘handicapped people’. Section 28 became law in 1988, but Longford continued to support it and fought against its repeal when New Labour came to power in 1997. Section 28 was repealed in 2003.

Longford also opposed the Labour Gov’ts plans to equalise the age of consent for gay men (at that time 18) with that of heterosexual men (16), and in a 1998 Lords debate Longford remarked that:

…if someone seduced my daughter, it would be damaging and horrifying but not fatal. She would recover, marry and have lots of children… On the other hand, if some elderly, or not so elderly, schoolmaster seduced one of my sons and taught him to be a homosexual, he would ruin him for life. That is the fundamental distinction.

Is it any wonder that with this sort of inconsistency and confusion, Longford colluded with the crimes of Dafydd et al?

The age of consent for gay men was equalised at 16 in 2000. In the years before that, there were TV debates regarding the matter. The subject was discussed on daytime shows such as ‘Kilroy’. I was watching those shows in the mid-1990s because Dafydd was regularly turning up on them being touted as an ‘expert’. I saw the ‘Kilroy’ programme which discussed reducing the age of consent for homosexuality and it was bizarre. A collection of the truly bigoted had been invited including one Top Doctor – not Dafydd amazingly enough – who reassured Kilroy and the assembled company that homosexuality was a ‘mental illness’ and was not found in the animal kingdom (it is). There was one Tory MP who argued against reducing the age of consent – a young Nigel Evans, the Tory MP for the Ribble Valley, who grew up in Swansea. Years later Nigel Evans came out as gay and then famously stood trial in 2014 after a number of young men alleged that he had sexually assaulted them.

There was only one guest on the ‘Kilroy’ programme who dared support the reduction of the age of consent for gays to 16 and who faced the most dreadful hostility for doing so and that was Edwina Currie. I was so impressed with Edwina’s performance on the show that I wrote to her. I received a letter back from Edwina so quickly that I have never worked out how it happened. I posted the letter to Edwina at her Commons address from Bethesda and I received a reply as far as I can remember the next day. It was a complete mystery to me as to how that could have happened. I am now even more intrigued because I now know that when I was living at that address at that time I and my friends were under surveillance by the security services because of our challenges to and interest in Dafydd and the gang.

When that episode of ‘Kilroy’ was screened, Edwina, Nigel Evans and indeed Kilroy himself knew about at least some of Dafydd’s criminal activities in relation to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, which was in the news at the time.

 

Longford’s highly publicised condemnation of homosexuality in the late 1980s made him a regular target of the comedian Julian Clary, who often satirised Longford. When Julian Clary was much younger and a new face on the comedy circuit, he used to joke about the homosexual bullying which he maintained was endemic at his school. In one media interview he described his school as a living nightmare but stated that he felt unable to tell his parents what was happening to him because it was a prestigious school and they’d made sacrifices to send him there. More recently that school has been named as being part of a child abuse ring. Julian Clary has now gone very quiet about that school and after it was named in the media simply observed that he didn’t like it there very much. Clary’s mum was a probation officer and his dad was a policeman.

 

 

Frank Pakenham’s extended family are as interesting as he was. His elder brother Edward, from whom Frank inherited his earldom, was the 6th Earl Longford. Edward went to Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. At Eton he became an Irish Nationalist, taking inspiration from the Easter Rising in 1916 and the Russian Revolution of 1917. Edward learned Irish and adopted the name Eamon de Longphort. His political views made him unpopular at both Eton and Christ Church. Edward was an Anglo-Catholic who never left the Church of Ireland.

On 13 November 1946 Edward was nominated by the Taoiseach, Eamon de Valera, as a member of 5th Seanad Eireann, although he was not re-appointed to the 6th Seanad.

Lord Edward Longford became Chairman of the Gate Theatre in Dublin in 1930 and continued to work for the theatre until 1936, when he founded the Longford Players. He often collaborated with his wife, Christine, with whom he was also responsible for redecorating Pakenham Hall, now Tullynally Castle, in Chinese style. Pakenham Hall was often the scene of gatherings of Oxford-educated intellectuals such as John Betjeman, Evelyn Waugh and Maurice Bowra.

 

Frank and Edward’s dad Thomas Packenham, 5th Earl of Longford and his wife Lady Mary, had other children including Lady Julia, later Lady Julia Mount. Lady Julia Mount was the mother of Sir Ferdinand Mount, one of Thatcher’s favourite ‘thinkers’. Ferdinand Mount attended Eton and then Christ Church, Oxford. Mount worked at Conservative Party HQ as Head of the Number 10 Policy Unit, 1982–83, under Thatch and played a significant part in devising the 1983 General Election manifesto.

Mount was Editor of the TLS, 1991–2002 and then became a regular contributor to ‘Standpoint’ magazine. He wrote for ‘The Sunday Times’ and in 2005 joined The Daily Torygraph as a commentator. Sir Ferdinand serves as Chairman of the Friends of the British Library and was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature in 1991.

Ferdinand’s books include: ‘The Subversive Family: An Alternative History of Love and Marriage’ (1982); ‘Umbrella: A Pacific Tale’ (199); and ‘The Liquidator’ (1995).

 

The ‘Daily Mail’ coverage of Frank Longford’s death told us that Cardinal Cormac Murphy-O’Connor, the Archbishop of Westminster, paid tribute to Lord Longford’s loyalty to his faith: ‘I remember Lord Longford as a great friend and a man not afraid to be different. He was an outstanding Christian witness who devoted his entire life to the Catholic faith…’ Tony Benn, who served in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t with Lord Longford, 1964-68, remembered the peer as a ‘kindly and thoughtful’ man who served the nation for many decades: ‘He had a very long and distinguished career as a Catholic socialist statesman and a minister. His concern for people, and for prisoners in particular, was genuine. He simply did not believe that people should be allowed to rot in jail….He was a very kind and thoughtful man. I think he will be remembered as a very respected and well thought of man with a great conscience. He was just a very decent guy’. Juliet Lyon, Director of the Prison Reform Trust, said Lord Longford was a ‘remarkable’ man who was not afraid to stand up for his beliefs: ‘Lord Longford had a rare belief in humanity and a determination to stand up for people who could not stand up for themselves. Essentially, he refused to see people who had done terrible things as terrible people.’ Frances Crook, Director of the Howard League for Penal Reform, said she would miss Lord Longford both professionally and personally: ‘Firstly, he was one of the bravest people I have ever met because he would stand up and challenge what everybody else was saying. Secondly, he was compassionate and reminded people that nobody is beyond redemption. And thirdly he was also a wonderful lunch companion and could drink anyone under the table’.

Tony Blair said of Lord Longford after his death: ‘He was a great man of passionate integrity and humanity, and a great reformer committed to modernising the law, while also caring deeply for individuals’.

 

Longford had a big family and many of his children – Harriet Harman’s cousins – became well-known/influential or married well-known/influential people.

Lady Antonia Fraser is probably the most famous of Longford’s children. From 1956 until 1977, Antonia was married to Sir Hugh Fraser, the Roman Catholic Conservative Unionist MP for Stafford, who was a friend of the American Kennedy family. They had six children: three sons, Benjamin, Damian and Orlando; and three daughters, Rebecca Fitzgerald, wife of barrister Edward Fitzgerald QC, Flora Fraser and Natasha Fraser-Cavassoni. Edward Fitzgerald QC is joint Head of Doughty Street Chambers. Doughty Street Chambers contains Theo Huckle QC, the former Counsel-General of Wales, who had sight of the 10,000 documents in my possession detailing serious crime on the part of every agency with which I was involved over 25 years but did not act (see post ‘Theo Huckle QC’). Another leading light at Doughty Street Chambers is Helena Kennedy, who during her many years of working with Wimmin In Prison and Secure Hospitals has never uttered a word regarding the organised abuse of people in care settings (see post ‘Close Your Eyes And Make A WISH’), not even when she worked with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School, who was concealing the crimes of Dafydd, Oliver Brooke et al (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’).

Flora Fraser married Peter Soros, nephew of George Soros. Benjamin Fraser works for JP Morgan, Damian Fraser is the Managing Director of the investment banking firm UBS AG (formerly S.G. Warburg) in Mexico and Orlando Fraser is a barrister specialising in commercial law.

Lady Antonia’s husband Hugh Fraser was a younger son of the 14th Lord Lovat. He was educated at Ampleforth College – now the focus of a major abuse investigation – and Balliol College, Oxford, where he was President of the Oxford Union. He also attended the Sorbonne. Fraser was elected MP for Stone in 1945, which later became Stafford and Stone from 1950 until 1983 and then Stafford until his death. He served as an MP continuously from 1945 until 1984.

A paedophile ring operated in the Stafford area for many years and the abuse of children in care in that location finally became public in the 1980s as a result of the Pindown Scandal (see previous posts). At least one foster carer who had raised concerns about children in care in the Stafford area being abused by social work staff found himself arrested and framed for child abuse himself. Fraser had been a member of Harold Macmillans Gov’t at the time of the Profumo Affair (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’).

Hugh Fraser was the presumed target of an IRA car bomb on 23 October 1975. The bomb had been fitted to one of Fraser’s cars outside his home at Holland Park. A noted cancer researcher, Professor Gordon Hamilton Fairley, a neighbour of the Frasers, was walking past the car when the bomb exploded prematurely, killing him instantly. Fraser’s wife, Lady Antonia, and Caroline Kennedy – the daughter of John F. Kennedy – who was a guest of the Frasers and visiting London to complete an art course at Sotheby’s, would have been in the car when the bomb detonated had it not done so prematurely.

An article about the bomb blast was published in ‘The New York Times’, Oct 24 1974. It stated that ‘Miss Kennedy…was described by Mr. Fraser as “very shaken”… “I am fine,” she said. “I am sure this has nothing to do with me.” Prof. Gordon Hamilton Fairley…was killed…The leukemia specialist, who lived in the square, was professor in the department of medical oncology at St. Bartholomew’s Hospital in London…Recent work by Professor Fairley included treatment of acute myeloid leukemia… The work was performed with Prof. Peter Alexander, an expert in tumor immunology at Royal Marsden Hospital in London. “I can think of no greater catastrophe for clinical research than his loss,” said Professor Alexander….It was evident that Miss Kennedy and Mr. Fraser barely escaped serious injury. The bomb was planted under the front wheel of Mr. Fraser’s red Jaguar and exploded at 8:53. The 57‐year‐old M.P…was about to drive Miss Kennedy to her art course at Sotheby’s. He had stopped to telephone another Member of Parliament, Jonathan Aitken, when the bomb went off. “Normally I would have been in the car when this happened but I was on the telephone,” he said. “I normally leave the house between 8:15 and 8:30 each day.”…It was not immediately clear why Mr. Fraser was singled out. He is a well‐known member of the Roman Catholic community but has not taken a prominent role in the Irish question, except to condemn terrorism at various times. Mr. Fraser is also a stanch supporter of Israel.

Scotland Yard’s Deputy Assistant Commissioner, Ernest Bond, said: “We are convinced that Mr. Fraser was the target, not Caroline Kennedy. It is more than likely that the views Mr. Fraser has expressed from time to time against terrorism was the reason for this attack.”

Later in the day, Mr. Fraser received a standing ovation at the House of Commons and said in a voice choking with emotion: “We can all agree that every politician in this house is at risk, from whatever party – and all parties are determined to extirpate terrorism whatever the cost.”

He paid a special tribute to Professor Fairley, saying he had “probably done more for cancer research in this country than any other man.”

“It might be borne in mind by the public that this innocent victim in this case was a most distinguished man and has contributed perhaps more to the saving of human life than perhaps anyone in this House or in the whole medical profession.” Mr. Fraser said….

Tonight there was widespread reaction to Professor Fairley’s death. Dr. Nigel Kemp, honorary scientific secretary of the Cancer Research Campaign, said that the professor, who was in his mid‐forties, was virtually irreplaceable….’

In recent years, it has been suggested that some of those allegedly targeted by the IRA and other terrorist groups may have been targeted because of their involvement in child abuse and that those behind the attacks may not have always been the terrorist cells to whom the attacks were attributed. Hugh Fraser will have known about the child abuse ring in Stafford, his father-in-law Lord Longford definitely knew about it and John F. Kennedy and his associates have also been accused of involvement in some rather sordid activities. David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech met a sticky end after he served as Ambassador to the US while JFK was President, as did many members of his family. The Ormsby-Gores didn’t seem to have a habit of dying young and in suspicious circumstances until then. See post ’95 Glorious Years’ for details.

As for the innocent Top Doc who was accidentally killed when the bomb detonated ‘prematurely’ – he worked at Barts, which was also involved in the facilitating of an abuse/trafficking ring thanks to the presence of Dafydd’s mate Professor Linford Rees in that institution (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) and the previous presence of Lady Juliet Bingley (see previous posts’). Furthermore Gordon Fairley’s colleagues at the Cancer Research Campaign were involved in large scale research fraud (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’).

That bomb could have been targeting any number of people.

Sir Hugh Fraser remained in Parliament until his death in March 1984 and Bill Cash retained the seat for the Tories at the subsequent by-election.

 

In 1975, Lady Antonia began an affair with Top Swearer Harold Pinter, who was then married to the actress Vivien Merchant. In 1977, after Lady Antonia had been living with Pinter for two years, the Frasers’ union was legally dissolved. Merchant spoke about her distress publicly to the press, but she resisted divorcing Pinter. In 1980, after Merchant signed divorce papers, Lady Antonia and the Sweary One married.

Harold Pinter talked posh but famously originated from Hackney. He frequented leftie luvvie circles and the world was entertained when it became known back in the 1980s that Lady Antonia and Harold were planning the revolution over a series of dinner parties at their place in Holland Park. I wonder why that particular plan failed.Holland Park home | Holland Park Lifestyle | Pinterest

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Citizen Smith

Swearing Harold found time for an affair with Joan Bakewell in his busy timetable.

In a review published in 1958, borrowing from the subtitle of The Lunatic View: A Comedy of Menace, a play by David Crompton, critic Irving Wardle called Pinter’s early plays ‘comedy of menace’, a label that people have applied repeatedly to Pinter’s work. Such plays begin with an apparently innocent situation that becomes both threatening and ‘absurd’ as Pinter’s characters behave in ways often perceived as inexplicable by his audiences and one another.

The Earl of Longford
Lord Longford 4 Allan Warren.jpg

Harold Pinter was a friend of Tom Stoppard, who was married to Top Doctor Miriam Stoppard of ‘Dear Miriam’ fame, before Tom ran off with Felicity Kendal and then hit gold with Sabrina Guinness, Carlo’s old flame, whom it was alleged turned down Carlo’s offer of marriage. Probably because she was older and rather sharper than Lady Di and knew what she would be letting herself in for.

I always think of Miriam as being someone who answered the readers’ problems in the ‘TV Times’ magazine – I think that they took Miriam on when they got rid of Katie Boyle – and then the ‘Daily Mirror’ and who wrote owners’ manuals for menopausal women, dispensing bad advice in the process, but there are far more sinister aspects to Miriam’s CV.

Miriam was born in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Her father Sidney was a nurse and her mother Jenny worked for the Newcastle school dinners service. Male nurses were a rare thing in those days, except for in psychiatric nursing, so it is probable that this was the field in which Miriam’s father was employed. Newcastle and the surrounding area was the location of the paedophile/trafficking gang which supplied Dafydd’s gang with staff and children and the psychiatric services in Newcastle were a key part of the gang (see post ‘The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Connection?’).

Miriam trained as a nurse at the Newcastle General Hospital (Royal Free Medical School) and went on to study medicine at King’s College Durham (which became Newcastle University in 1963). It is unusual for nurses to subsequently train as Top Doctors, although these days it does sometimes happen. When Miriam did that it was virtually unheard of, not least because of the dreadful attitudes that Top Docs held and often still hold toward Angels. There were only a very, very small number of examples and in every case the Angel and/or her family knew of enormous wrongdoing in high places and quietly used that as leverage.

So Miriam, how did you or your dad or one of your close friends get to know the monster of the medical establishment who was based in Newcastle, Lord John Walton, who spent his entire career concealing the crimes of Dafydd and his associates in Newcastle (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’)?

It just got better and better for Miriam. After qualifying as a Top Doc, Miriam worked at the Newcastle’s Royal Victoria Infirmary and then as a senior registrar in dermatology at Bristol Royal Infirmary. Where Miriam will have got to know the Bristol contingent who propped up Dafydd’s partner-in-crime Dr D.G.E. Wood.

Miriam became Research Director and then Managing Director for Syntex, the drug company most well-known for producing the oral contraceptive pill. Syntex’s submission of a fraudulent toxicology analysis of naproxen largely led to the Food and Drug Administration’s uncovering of extensive scientific misconduct by  Industrial Bio-Test Laboratories in 1976. They never mentioned that in the ‘TV Times’ on the ‘Dear Miriam’ page.

Miriam became well known during the 1970s and 1980s as a television presenter on scientific and medical programmes such as ‘Don’t Ask Me’ and ‘Where There’s Life’.

‘Don’t Ask Me’ was a science show made by Yorkshire Television which ran from 1974 to 1978. It attempted to answer science-based questions and contributors included Magnus Pyke, Rob Buckman and David Bellamy. Those behind the scenes included Adam Hart-Davis. Buckman was one of those Top Docs who was a member of ‘Footlights’ in the late 1960s and worked with John Cleese and Graham Chapman (who had a penchant for picking up teenaged boys for sex as discussed in previous posts) and who starred in things like ‘The Pink Medicine Show’ in the 1970s.

Rob Buckman emigrated to Toronto, Canada, in 1985 and initially stayed with his cousin, journalist Barbara Amiel, who was married to Conrad Black, the press baron who at one time owned the Daily Torygraph. Black went to prison for fraud in 2007. In 1994 Buckman was named Canada’s Humanist of the Year and he was President of the Humanist Association of Canada and Chair of the Advisory Board on Bioethics of the International Humanist and Ethical UnionBuckman was a founding member of the Centre for Inquiry Canada. Buckman practiced medical oncology at the Princess Margaret Hospital, held a Chair in the Department of Medicine at the University of Toronto and held an adjunct Chair at the M.D. Anderson Cancer Center in the US state of Texas. Buckman died in his sleep while flying from London to Toronto on 9 October 2011. The cause was unknown, he was 63 and remarkably few questions were asked about that death. Buckman pegged out just as Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the Macur Review of the Waterhouse Inquiry approached.

Rob Buckman undoubtedly knew about much of the abuse and wrongdoing which has been discussed on this blog, but he kept quiet, which was just as well because his brother Laurence Buckman, a GP, was Chairman of the BMA’s GP’s Committee, 2007-13. Buckman was educated at University College School in Hampstead – Trumpers’ husband Alan Barker was Headmaster there. It was Trumpers who appointed Jimmy Savile to the management board of Broadmoor when she was a junior Health Minister (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Laurence Buckman studied medicine at UCH and is the London President of the Jewish Medical Association.

It was when Laurence Buckman was a ‘negotiator’ for the BMA that the GPs laughable contract leaving them far richer despite doing less work was ‘negotiated’. Buckman became very upset when it was alleged that it was he who had helped bag the GPs big bucks. Buckman sought to expel this notion in an interview with the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ in 2009. It was stated that ‘He is regarded as a tough negotiator at the Department of Health. It was no coincidence that he was once dubbed “Red Robbo in a white coat”, a description he did not enjoy any more than when the editor of ‘The Lancet ‘said his behaviour was “shameful” and that he was guilty of “insulting cynicism about politicians and their constituents”. To which he responds: “If you put your head above the parapet, you must expect to be shot at.” 

Well Laurence, I and my friends were threatened with guns and being shot at because we dared put our heads up above the parapet when we complained about your people-trafficking colleagues. I don’t like people threatening to kill me and then trying to do it, so now you’ve got this blog. Furthermore, you’ve been somewhat rash putting your own head above the parapet and mouthing off constantly about the nation’s hard-working and modestly paid GPs and stating in that interview with the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ that ‘there are 8000 fewer people dead’ as a result of that GPs contract. You had no evidence for such a statement and one look at what has happened to general practice since you gave that interview demonstrates that you are a lying bastard.Peeling Oniontown - VICE

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Laurence Buckman got his ‘first experience of NHS and Health Department bureaucracy in 1992 when he joined the BMA GPs committee’. In 1992, the Gov’t was doing all that it could to conceal Dafydd’s role in the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dafydd’s gang included Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was a leading light in the Royal College of GPs. Buckman will know him.

So how did the turd Buckman ever find himself in a position where he was able to order about a Gov’t who loathed him?

Since Buckman gave that interview to the ‘Jewish Chronicle’ in 2009, his brother died for no good reason in an aeroplane mid-transit. Buckman must be a worried man by now.

 

David Bellamy, Rob Buckman’s co-presenter on ‘Don’t Ask Me’, was a botanist based at Durham University. Bellamy was friendly with one of his colleagues who lectured at Durham who was the mother of a particularly dreadful forestry student at Bangor University, Louis Standen. I and my friends had the Standen Experience when he moved into our house in 1984, just as we found ourselves surrounded by so many difficult people, a number of whom I have now been told were gifts from the security services. Standen was an absolute bloody nightmare, was highly abusive, had a record of sexually aggressive behaviour towards girls before he ever arrived at Bangor and freely told us that it was his mum and her connections that secured him the place on the forestry degree at Bangor. After graduation, Louis was involved in a series of events bizarre even by his standards and years later hit the headlines when he was part of a spectacularly ineffective anti-nuclear protest while dressed as an elf or some such character. It was reported in the press that Louis was employed as David Bellamy’s chauffeur at the time. The last that I heard of Louis he was living in Glastonbury predicting the end of the world and touring festivals to dispense his wisdom regarding this matter.

Louis Standen’s parents were both involved with Radical Causes – his dad was the novelist and literary figure Michael Standen – and they hobnobbed with many of the activists previously named on this blog as having colluded with or concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al, such as Tony Benn (see post ‘No Cuts’).

Durham University was stuffed with people who knew about the organised abuse ring in the north east and its links with the gang in north Wales. Professor Eric Sunderland was appointed Principal of UCNW/Bangor University in 1984, after the paedophile gang in north Wales sent up a distress flare. Eric had spent most of his career at Durham University and proved a remarkably loyal friend to Dafydd’s gang, although Eric was heavily camouflaged (see previous posts). Eric Sunderland took up his post at Bangor the same year that Louis arrived at the University.

David Bellamy was well-known for fostering/adopting children.

Adam Hart-Davis, the behind the scenes mover and shaker for ‘Don’t Ask Me’ is linked to people who have kept quiet about research fraud, dodgy practice and abuse (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

 

Miriam has a company, Miriam Stoppard Lifetime, through which she flogs her books and health products. In August 2012, writing in the Daily Mirror, Stoppard supported UCL’s Institute of Child Health research which suggested reviewing the recommendation of exclusive breastfeeding until six months, adding that the appearance of teeth should signal the end of breastfeeding. I think that Miriam should probably stop telling other women what to do, it hasn’t been that helpful…

Nevertheless, Miriam was named Journalist of the Year at the Stonewall Awards on 6 November 2012.

Miriam was married to Tom Stoppard from 1972 to 1992; one of her sons is the actor Ed Stoppard and her sister is the ‘social justice activist’ Murreil Hazel Stern, mother of the Champion Of The Oppressed Baroness Oona King (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). Oona’s dad is the academic and African-American civil rights activist Preston Theodore King. Preston King has taught at a number of universities within and outside of the UK, including Keele University. Keele had a problem at the time that Preston King taught there, in so far as some staff were concealing organised abuse.

In 1997, as the Waterhouse Inquiry got underway, Miriam married the industrialist Sir Christopher Hogg.

Hogg began his career with Philip Hill Higginson Erlangers Ltd (now Hill Samuel & Co Ltd); from 1963–66 and then worked for Courtaulds from 1968 onwards, which at the time was Europe’s largest textile company. He became a Director in 1973, was appointed Chief Executive in 1979 and became Executive Chairman on 1 January 1980. He retired as Chief Executive in 1991. 

Courtaulds owned the British Cellophane factory in Bridgwater which for many years was Bridgwater’s biggest employer. Cellophane closed down in 2005 which caused much grief in Bridgwater. People were perplexed as to why the factory had closed. By then the Cellophane factory was owned by Innovia, who decided to close one of its two plants at either Bridgwater or Tecumseh, Kansas. British economic development officials offered a $120,000 tax break over three years to Innovia to preserve the Bridgwater plant, while Kansas offered $2 million if it kept the plant at Tecumseh open. As a result, the profit-making Bridgwater factory closed in the summer of 2005, while the loss-making factory in Tecumseh remained open.

By the time that the Cellophane factory was closed, the dreadful Ian Liddell-Grainger had succeeded Tom King as the Tory MP for Bridgwater. Liddell-Grainger’s claim to fame is that he is a great-great-great grandson of Queen Victoria. Before becoming an MP, Liddell-Grainger was commissioned as a Major in the TA with the 6th Battalion of the Royal Regiment of Fusiliers, commanding the machine-gun Platoon and then X Company of the Battalion in Newcastle-upon-Tyne. Liddell-Grainger served on Tynedale District Council, 1989-95. So he knew about the trafficking gang in the north east linked to Dafydd’s gang.

Liddell-Grainger succeeded Tom King as MP in 2001, after King was given a peerage. King picked up his peerage the year after the Waterhouse Report concealed the barrel of crap in north Wales/Cheshire which King knew about and knew that some of his constituents knew about as well (see posts ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ and ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

 

Christopher Hogg served as a member of the Dept of Industry’s Industrial Development Advisory Board from 1976-80. Hogg was a member of JP Morgan’s International Advisory Council, 1988-2003 and served as a Non-Executive Director of the Bank of England from March 1992 for a four-year term and as a Trustee of the Ford Foundation from 1987-99.

Hogg was appointed to the Bank of England when Robin Leigh-Pemberton was the Governor, 1983-93. My post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ describes how from the late 1980s onward, people known to me in Somerset who remained silent about what was happening to me in north Wales found themselves in possession of a great deal of money after their company was inexplicably cultivated by a bunch of over-privileged tossers who were members of the Dangerous Sports Club. A leading light in the DSC was Robin Leigh-Pemberton’s son Tommy. Tommy Leigh-Pemberton was shot dead in Nairobi when he was doing something that he should not have been, which would have resulted in much bad publicity for his father had it been widely known, so the circumstances of Tommy’s death were concealed (see post ‘The Village’).

Lord Kingsdown’s son – Tommy’s brother – the Hon. James Henry Leigh-Pemberton is a British banker and the incumbent Receiver-General for the Duchy of Cornwall. Robin Leigh-Pemberton was the Chancellor of the Duchy of Cornwall. James currently serves as the Executive Chairman of UK Financial Investments. James Leigh-Pemberton was educated at Eton and started his career at S.G. Warburg & Co before becoming a Managing Director at Credit Suisse Investment Banking in London. On 7 July 2008, James was appointed CEO of Credit Suisse’s businesses in the UK. He currently serves as the Executive Chairman of UK Financial Investments. James Leigh-Pemberton is also a Trustee of the Duke of Cornwall Benevolent fund and The Royal Collection Trust.

 

Christopher Hogg joined the board of Allied Domecq in 1995 and was Chairman, 1996-March 2002. He was a Non-Executive Director of Reuters Group from 1984 and its Chairman, 1985-2004 and later served as Chairman of the Financial Reporting Council, 2006-April 2010. Hogg was a Non-Executive Director of Air Liquide, 2000–05, and of SmithKline Beecham, 1993-2000. He was a Non-Executive Director of GlaxoSmithKline from 2000, and its Chairman, 2002-04. Hogg Chaired the National Theatre, 1995-2004.

Hogg attended Marlborough College and Trinity College, Oxford. He attended IMEDE Business School (Lausanne, 1962), before going to Harvard where he completed his MBA.

 

Frank Pakenham’s heir, Thomas Pakenham, the 8th Earl Longford, is a journo and historian. After graduating from Belvedere College and Magdalen College, Oxford in 1955, Thomas Pakenham travelled to Ethiopia. On returning to Britain, Thomas worked on the Editorial staff of ‘The Times’ and later for ‘The Sunday Telegraph’ and ‘The Observer’. He is the Chairman of the Irish Tree Society.

Patrick Pakenham, another of Frank Pakenham’s children, was a barrister who died in 2005. Patrick had a difficult life, particularly after he developed manic depression, which resulted in him being admitted to nursing homes on three occasions and prevented him from continuing his career. Even before Patrick became ill, he seemed to have had some very bad experiences. He was ‘treated badly’ – one presumes that it must have been very badly – as an Army cadet which resulted in him having a breakdown and then in 1963 he was involved in a boating accident in which two of his friends died. In 1982 Patrick and his father set up the Help Charitable Trust and Patrick began visiting mentally ill prisoners. So like his dad, Patrick knew just how grim the prevailing situation was/is. I presume that Patrick was admitted to ‘nursing homes’ during his periods of illness because no-one was going to risk his neck in NHS long term psychiatric care. Dafydd is of course for other people…

Patrick’s sister Judith is a poet. She formerly worked for Chelsea Labour Party but left the Party in 1999. Since 2001, Judith has helped campaign for Occupied Palestine. In 1963 she married Alexander John Kazantis; then in 1998 Judith married lawyer and writer Irving Weinman, who was active in Jews4Justice4Palestines. Judith and Irving lived in the Brighton area, but then Longford’s children – or at least some of them – were brought up in East Sussex.

John Allen owned brothels in Brighton and London to which he trafficked kids in care from north Wales. The firebomb which killed five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal in April 1992 was thrown into a building in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Another of Frank Longford’s daughters is Rachel Billington. She has written plays for BBC Television’s ‘Play for Today’ series and several radio plays and has contributed to film scripts. Rachel Billington also works as a journo for newspapers in both the UK and the US and worked for three years as a columnist for ‘The Sunday Telegraph’. Rachel Billington was President of English PEN, 1998-2001 and is now Honorary Vice-President. During her time as President Billington initiated PEN’s Readers & Writers programme which sends books and writers to meet readers in schools, prisons and other institutions which lack resources. Rachel is a Trustee of the Longford Trust which was set up in memory of her father. As well as being involved with the prisoners newspaper ‘Inside Time’, she is a Trustee of ‘The Tablet’ and of the Siobhan Dowd Trust, set up to encourage reading among disadvantaged children.

Rachel is married to the film, theatre and television director Kevin Billington. Kevin was educated at Bryanston School and Queen’s College, Cambridge. He worked for the BBC as a radio producer in Leeds, 1959–60 and then for television in Manchester, 1960–61, before working on the early evening ‘Tonight’ programme and on documentaries for the BBC and ATV until 1967. Billington’s theatre work includes several productions of plays by his brother-in-law Harold Pinter. His TV work includes ‘A Time to Dance’ (BBC 1992), adapted by Melvyn Bragg from his own work of fiction.

Another of Longford’s sons, Michael Aidan Pakenham, was educated at Ampleforth and Trinity College, Cambridge. Michael was briefly a reporter for the Washington Post before joining the Foreign Office to pursue a career as a diplomat in 1965. He served in Nairobi and Warsaw before being seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1971–74 as Assistant Private Secretary and then Private Secretary, to the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancashire, Geoffrey Rippon, then John Davies, who at that time had special responsibilities for the co-ordination of British policy towards the EC. Geoffrey Rippon was one of those who played a role in the unlawful arrest and imprisonment of Mary Wynch (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

In 1974 Michael Pakenham was at the CSCE in Geneva, then was posted to New Delhi, 1974–78 and Washington DC, 1978–1983. He was Head of the Arms Control and Disarmament Department at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, 1983–87; Counsellor (External Relations) to the UK Permanent Representative to the EC, Brussels, 1987–91; Ambassador and Counsel-General to Luxembourg, 1991–94; and Minister in Paris, 1994–97.

Pakenham was then seconded to the Cabinet Office again as Deputy Secretary for Defence and Overseas Affairs 1997–99, then Chairman of the Joint Intelligence Committee, 1997–2000 (also Intelligence Co-ordinator 1999–2000). Finally he was posted to Warsaw as Ambassador to Poland, 2001–03.

Since retiring from the Diplomatic Service, Pakenham has been Chairman of Pakenvest International; senior adviser to Access Industries; non-executive Director of the Westminster Group; a Trustee of Chevening House; and a lay member of the governing Council of King’s College, London and its Vice-Chairman since 2009.

Pakenham married Mimi Lavine (born Meta Doak) in 1980; they have two daughters. They also have two step daughters, Dr Lisa Nagy of Martha’s Vineyard and Lindsay Lavine Webster of Spartanburg, South Carolina.

Longford’s daughter Catherine Pakenham was a journo who died in car crash in 1969.

There is another son, Kevin Pakenham, who is a banker.

 

Now for a brief news round-up:

On Saturday morning on Radio 4 an Angel from north Wales rang a phone-in programme to tell Radio 4 about her hard life as an advanced practitioner in north Wales, how the patients don’t appreciate her and how she is doing the job of a GP because of ‘the crisis’. This Angel mentioned that among her many patients, there are people with mental health problems. The Angel failed to mention that she works for a Health Board that is in special measures as a result of staff being filmed undercover seriously abusing elderly mentally ill patients and that the regional NHS has such an atrocious reputation that no GPs will relocate there, which is why the Angel has been given the responsibilities of a GP. From what the Angel said on the radio, it sounded as if she works near Wrexham. She forgot to tell Radio 4 that many of her colleagues facilitated one of the biggest paedophile rings in the UK. The journo asked the Angel what her salary was and commiserated with her being ‘low paid’. The Angel giggled and said that she didn’t want to reveal her salary on air. That will be because as an advanced practitioner the Angel be on at least £40k which is rather more than most people in Wrexham – which has one of the biggest homelessness problems in Wales – will be earning, even if they’re commuting to Chester every day in pursuit of a higher salary.

BBC News Wales Online reported that the Welsh Ambulance Service are having yet another trauma, this time regarding the number of their staff who are so stressed out that they are all off sick. I was interested to note that the rep who was angrily spinning the latest sob story demanding that the Welsh Gov’t Act Now was exactly the same man who in 2017 was brimming over with praise for the Welsh Gov’t after they had awarded the staff of the Welsh Ambulance Service a generous pay increase.

There was a very much more interesting interview on Dominic Lawson’s Sunday morning Radio 4 programme ‘Why I Changed My Mind’. Lawson interviewed the paediatrician Dr Waney Squire. Dr Squire has suffered very badly at the hands of the medical establishment because she dared to challenge the notion of ‘shaken baby syndrome’. Waney Squire’s work was thorough and based on very sound science but because she challenged her colleagues and defended parents who stood accused of murdering their children, she was investigated by the GMC and struck off. Lawson concentrated on Squire moving from a position of accepting the notion of shaken baby syndrome to believing that it did not exist. It was an interesting interview, but Lawson missed the worst aspect of Dr Squire being struck off, which was that once she was put out of action, there was not one Top Doc in the UK who dared question shaken baby syndrome and give evidence in defence of accused people protesting their innocence. So if Dafydd accuses any readers of this blog of shaking a baby and killing him/her and they are had up for murder, they will find that there is not one Top Doc in the UK who will dare speak in their defence, because if they do, that Top Doc will probably be struck off.

Dafydd is still practising.

It was reported that a ‘doctors union’, the HCSA, is demanding the resignation of Charlie Massey, the Chief Exec of the GMC, in the wake of the saga involving Dr Bawa-Garba, the junior doctor who won her appeal against being struck off after a little boy died in her care following a string of errors (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’). The HCSA is the Hospitals Consultants and Specialists Association, which represents senior doctors. It was made very clear that in the case of Dr Bawa-Garba, her patient died because there was no consultant for her to seek advice from, the consultant on call ‘not realising’ that he was on call and was therefore moonlighting at another hospital elsewhere. Dr Bawa-Garba’s nursing colleagues told the media that the hospital involved, the Leicester Royal Infirmary, had been dangerous for years because there were never consultants available from whom junior staff could seek advice.

No wonder the HCSA is after Charlie Massey’s blood – the blame for the sacrificing of Dr Bawa-Garba has been placed very firmly on them. Are any of them now going to fulfil their legal obligations and ensure that they are available for their junior staff when they are on-call?

Charlie Massey should of course resign, but not because of Dr Bawa-Garba. Charlie Massey should go because Dafydd is STILL on the medical register.

Perhaps the HCSA would like to consider the following scene from An Everyday Story Of North Wales Folk. Some years ago two people known to me set up a community charity and one of the other people involved in the charity was a Top Doctor, a paediatrician from Ysbyty Gwynedd. The two people whom I knew became increasingly worried about this paediatrician as it became clear that he was a serial liar and seemed very exploitative towards vulnerable people. One evening he was at a meeting with others from the charity to discuss matters relating to the charity and his bleeper went off. The others at the meeting said ‘ooh do you need to go?’ The paediatrician said ‘no its OK, I’m on call but I’ll just switch this off and ignore it or I’ll be disturbed all evening’. He was as good as his word. He switched his bleeper off and did not bother to even find out who was trying to get hold of him or why. He was the consultant on call that night.

The paediatrics dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd was known to be so unsafe that local Top Doctors had an agreement that if their own children were taken ill, they would not be admitted to Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Would the HCSA like to let us know whether they would be happy for their kids to be treated by Dr Ali Bates of Tregarth, who could not be arsed to answer his bleep when he was on call? Ali Bates switched that bleep off because he had better things to do back in about 2003. If anyone was harmed or died as a result, Ysbyty Gwynedd will have lied, in the way that they lied after all the other patients had suffered at the hands of their dangerous, negligent staff and the Welsh Gov’t will have backed them up all the way.

Keep screaming and stamping your feet Top Docs, just keep it up. I worked at Hammersmith and St George’s and lived in north Wales for decades. I have many more anecdotes that I have not yet blogged about and I’ve only touched the surface of my 10,000 documents so far on this blog…

The other news item that caused a stir recently was the report that Vince Cable was going to put the Lib Dems on a firm footing and would then resign as Leader. Only the next day Vince stated that he would not be resigning after all.

Life In Cold Blood

Previous posts have described how the security services monitored what was happening in north Wales, as well as at other places such as St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital, but used their resources to protect Dafydd et al, not their victims. It was obvious to me that ‘national security’ was being defined in terms of avoiding reputational damage to institutions such as law and medicine, although the corruption was so serious many lives were undoubtedly at risk.

While reading Hugo Young’s biography of Thatcher, ‘One Of Us’, I was reminded of a landmark judgement during that Thatcher years, in which the interests of the Gov’t were defined as the interests of ‘national security’, no matter what the interests of the Gov’t was.

In 1984, Clive Ponting, a senior civil servant in the MoD, felt that the deception and misinformation on the part of the Cabinet regarding the sinking of the Belgrano during the Falklands conflict was so great that he leaked sensitive Gov’t documents to Parliament via the Labour MP for Linlithgow, Tam Dalyell. Clive Ponting had witnessed discussions between Michael Heseltine, the then Defence Secretary and Heseltine’s officials, who concluded that Parliament should continue to be misled regarding the sinking of the Belgrano.

When Ponting was identified as the source of the leaked documents, he was prosecuted under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act. The presiding judge at Ponting’s 1985 trial was Justice McCowan.

 

Ponting was subsequently acquitted by the jury, despite remarks in McCowan’s summing up which, as ‘The Daily Telegraph’ said in a leading article, ‘seemed to lean heavily towards the prosecution case’. Ponting’s defence had been that his actions were to save Parliament from being misled and were therefore in the interests of the State (a defence under the Act). McCowan ruled that the interests of the State must mean the interests of the Gov’t of the day, to which the Civil Service was bound by a relationship of trust. McCowan’s ruling meant that civil servants had no higher duty than their duty to carry out the instructions of Ministers.

So it was Justice McCowan who determined that if the Gov’t wished to conceal the crimes of a pan-European sex trafficking ring which was murdering witnesses, that was in the national interest.

 

Sir Anthony James Denys McCowan (12 January 1928 – 3 July 2003) was a British barrister and judge of the High Court of Justice and Court of Appeal. After attending Epsom College, McCowan studied at Brasenose College, Oxford, where he was a member of the University Conservative Association. McCowan was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. Sir William Mars-Jones, President of UCNW, 1982-95 and Ronnie Waterhouse’s friend, who acted as an umbrella for Dafydd and the trafficking gang for years, was a member of Gray’s Inn. After building up a practice in criminal, property and personal injury law, McCowan was made a QC in 1972 and was appointed a judge of the Queen’s Bench Division of the High Court of Justice in 1981. In 1989 McCowan became a judge of the Court of Appeal, but only sat for eight years until ill health forced him to retire in 1997.

McCowan was born in Georgetown, Guyana, the son of a magistrate. In 1951 he helped found the Bow Group, the first meeting of which was attended by, among others, William Rees-Mogg, Geoffrey Howe and Norman St John Stevas. Howe worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit and was a lifelong friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. When I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School, a member of staff who was well-acquainted with the gay scene told me that St John Stevas was known to be ‘holding spanking parties with little boys’ and that ‘no-one knows how he is getting away with it’.

McCowan’s pupillage was with Stanley Rees, at 1 Crown Office Row. Sir Stanley Rees was born in South Africa. His father was an English doctor of Welsh descent and Rees subsequently read law at University College, Oxford. After taking Silk in 1957, Rees defended in a series of high profile criminal trials at the Old Bailey, including the Brighton police corruption case, at which his client was acquitted. Rees was Recorder of Croydon, 1961-62 and the last Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions, 1964-71. When Rees was appointed a High Court judge in 1962, he went into the Family Division. His most famous case was the wardship proceedings concerning the three children of the 7th Earl and Countess of Lucan.

In the drawn-out first hearing in 1973, Rees – unimpressed with Lord Lucan’s character – gave custody to Lady Lucan, a decision that Lord Lucan’s friends later suggested had triggered the events of the following year. Although Lord Lucan had been granted ‘reasonable access’ to his children, his friend John Aspinall later said that the decision had been a ‘terrible blow’.

On the evening of November 7 1974, a year after the custody hearing, Lady Lucan ran into a Belgravia pub with blood on her face, saying that she had just escaped from a murderer. The police later found the body of the family nanny, Sandra Rivett, in a mailbag in the basement of Lady Lucan’s house.

Lady Lucan told police that she had gone downstairs to find the nanny when her estranged husband attacked her. When challenged by her, he said that he had mistaken the nanny for her and killed her. A warrant was soon issued for Lord Lucan’s arrest and a search was launched along the Sussex coast near Newhaven where it was believed he may have committed suicide; another theory was that he had fled overseas.

A week after Lucan’s disappearance, Rees presided at a further hearing concerning the children and after two and a half hours of secret consultation with Lady Lucan, he announced that the children would remain with their mother. Lord Lucan was never seen again.

After being attacked by her husband, Lady Lucan had the misfortune to end up in the hands of St George’s Hospital and her sanity was questioned. Lady Lucan always maintained that the various Top Doctors who pronounced on her alleged mental health problems were taking instructions from her husband.

The coroner who presided over the inquest of Sandra Rivett, Dr Paul Knapman, was a St George’s graduate himself and in his capacity as the coroner for Westminster presided over some of the highest profile inquests of the 20th century. When I worked in medical research in London I was told quite explicitly that Knapman was corrupt.

 

Sir Anthony McCowan practised in London and on the South Eastern Circuit. He became leader of the South Eastern Circuit in 1978, having been appointed Deputy Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions in 1969. McCowan was a member of the Parole Board for England and Wales, 1982-84 and of the Crown Court Rule Committee, 1982-88. In 1986, the year after the Ponting case, McCowan became Presiding Judge of the South Eastern Circuit. Throughout the 1970s and 80s, John Allen owned brothels in Brighton, Sussex, where kids from children’s homes in north Wales were trafficked.

On 3 Oct 1989 McCowan was appointed to the Court of Appeal of England and Wales and made a Privy Councillor. In 1991 McCowan was made Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales, a position he held until ill-health forced him to resign in 1995. He resigned from the Bench two years later.

1991 was the year of the Great Cover-Up; the year that I and my two friends who worked in the media and who wanted to make a film about north Wales had our careers ruined (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’); the year that there were two attempts to have me imprisoned by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales, one of those attempts taking place at the Royal Courts of Justice in the Strand (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); the year that the Somerset contingent who knew what was happening to me in north Wales really began raking in the money (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); and the year that Lilibet gave Sir Peter Morrison his knighthood and also handed out honours to a few others who were involved in the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

The Lord Chancellor when McCowan was appointed Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales was paedophiles’ friend Lord James Mackay (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

When he was young, Anthony McCowan had briefly featured on Conservative Central Office’s list of approved Parliamentary candidates, but soon decided to concentrate on the Bar.

During the 1980s McCowan presided in a number of highly publicised IRA trials. After his promotion to the Court of Appeal, McCowan was one of the judges on the appeal of the Maguire Seven in 1991; the appellants had spent 15 years in prison after being jailed at the Old Bailey for running an IRA bomb factory. Following an 18 day hearing, the judges allowed the appeal on the sole ground that traces of nitroglycerine found on their hands and gloves at their north London home, which formed the basis for their convictions, could have been the result of innocent contamination. They rejected five other grounds of appeal, in particular claims that the prosecution scientists had deliberately withheld relevant evidence.

The miscarriage of justice involving the Macguire Seven was quite extraordinary. There was no evidence against them, they had been horrifically brutalised while in police custody, including Anne McGuire – a middle aged lady who was a member of the local Conservative Club – and her 14 year old son Patrick. After she was released, Anne McGuire gave interviews in which she said that despite the brutality that she had suffered at the hands of the police, she never thought that she would be convicted because the allegations were so ludicrous. As with the Birmingham Six, virtually every professional involved in the Macguire Seven case had lied and lied and lied.

It was Anthony McCowan, in his capacity as Lord Justice McCowan, who in March 1993 rejected the application of the families of six victims of Hillsborough for a judicial review to quash the Hillsborough inquest verdict.

 

Clive Ponting was not the first civil servant under Thatcher’s Gov’t to have been prosecuted under the Official Secrets Act. In 1983, Sarah Tisdall, then an FCO clerical officer, leaked British Gov’t documents to ‘The Guardian’ and was subsequently jailed. in 1983. Tisdall anonymously sent ‘The Guardian’ photocopied documents detailing when American cruise missiles would be arriving in Britain. The documents set out the political tactics that Heseltine, then Defence Secretary, would use to present the matter in the Commons.

There did not appear to be any threat to national security in the revelation but the Gov’t nonetheless brought a legal action against ‘The Guardian’, seeking an order requiring the newspaper to reveal its source. Although ‘The Guardian’ successfully argued that it was protected by section 10 of the Contempt of Court Act 1981 from providing the information, the judgement by Justice Scott was almost immediately overturned. The appeal by the Attorney-General – paedophiles’ friend Michael Havers – was on the grounds that although the documents themselves were harmless, a civil servant capable of leaking them might leak other documents which could pose a threat to national security.

‘The Guardian’ complied with a court order to hand over the documents, which were identified as coming from a FCO photocopying machine. The machine led to Tisdall. In March 1984, Tisdall pleaded guilty to a charge under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act 1911. She was sentenced to six months in jail, but was released after four months.

‘The Guardian’ handed over the documents when the Editor Peter Preston realised that he might go to prison if they did not. So Sarah went to prison instead. There was much criticism of Preston from other journos at the time for failing to protect his source. But then Preston knew what was happening to kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales and he never published a word about it. Furthermore ‘The Guardian’ was accepting advertising revenue from Social Service Depts which they knew had been infiltrated by paedophiles. See post ‘Workers’ Play Time’.

 

The prosecutions of Tisdall and Ponting took place in an atmosphere of paranoia and panic on the part of Thatcher’s Gov’t re ‘national security’.

I cannot help wondering if Thatcher’s Gov’t were well aware that the wrongdoing of people like Peter Morrison and St John Stevas was so great that they were going into overdrive in order to ensure that it never became public. After all, whilst all this was happening, a bunch of benign students in Bangor had been placed under surveillance by the security services because of the fear that they were going to uncover the enormity of the crimes of Dafydd et al.

Heseltine: we were not terrorists, we were entirely harmless young people, with no money and no access to things like broadsheet editors. What on earth did you think that you were doing you mad old git? All I did was complain about an old pervert and people directly linked to your Gov’t tried to kill us and indeed did kill one of us.

 

My friend Anne Vernon was killed in the spring of 1986. Heseltine did not occupy any Ministerial position at the time of Anne’s death, because he had waltzed out of the Cabinet in Jan 1986, over the Westland row, another incident from which someone in Somerset who knew what was going on in north Wales did very well out of (see post ‘Those Who Wish To Serve’). Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary when Anne was murdered by the British state. Law-abiding harmless Anne, doing a PhD on noctuid moths, who’s mum was a teacher and who’s dad was an accountant. Because her closest friend in north Wales had complained about the people running the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

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Is it not extraordinary that Thatcher’s Gov’t set out to kill the young adult children of some solid Tory supporters?? I expect that Thatch thought that we were holding the country to ransom.

 

After completing my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School in June 1987, I spent a few months living with Brown and some others in Leicester. Brown was doing his PhD at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University. I have mentioned previously that although Brown was in receipt of an ESRC studentship which covered tuition fees paid to Leicester University, he was given absolutely no facilities or mentoring at all. Not even a desk, although other PhD students were accommodated. So Brown made himself an office in our house and worked from home. The only facilities that Leicester University provided for him were library facilities.

Leicestershire was the location of the paedophile ring which included social worker Frank Beck and Labour MP Greville Janner. Beck had not been jailed when we were living in Leicester and Greville Janner had not yet been investigated by the police, although many complaints had been made about Beck and Janner. As in the case of north Wales, the police, the local authorities, the criminal justice system and the NHS in Leicestershire were fully on board with the gang, as were huge swathes of Leicester University, particularly those members of staff in the medical school, education, law and the social sciences (see posts ‘An Expert From England’, ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’). Leicester University also had strong links to the BBC/media industry, as a result of the former Principal being the father of David and Richard Attenborough.

 

University of Leicester – view of the Attenborough tower.

 

David Attenborough’s bibliography includes: Zoo Quest to Guyana (1956); The Tribal Eye (1976); The Trials Of Life (1990); The Private Life Of Plants (1994); The Life Of Birds (1998); Amazing Rare Things (2007); Life In Cold Blood (2007).

David’s brother was the notorious luvvie dear, dear Dickie. Dickie starred in ‘I’m All Right Jack’ (1959). In the late 1950s, Attenborough formed a production company, Beaver Films and began to build a profile as a producer on projects including ‘The League Of Gentlemen’ (1959). His feature film directorial debut was the all-star screen version of the hit musical ‘Oh! What A Lovely War!’ (1969). Attenborough’s later films as Director and Producer include ‘Chaplin’ (1992).

After 33 years of service as President of the Muscular Dystrophy campaign, Attenborough became the charity’s Honorary Life President in 2004. In 2012, the charity established the Richard Attenborough Fellowship Fund to honour his lifelong commitment to the charity and to ensure the future of clinical research and training at leading UK neuromuscular centres.

Attenborough was also the Patron of the United World Colleges movement, whereby he contributed to the colleges that are part of the organisation. He was a frequent visitor to the Waterford Kamhlaba United World College of Southern Africa (UWCSA). The Baroness of Ely is involved with the United World Colleges movement, having attended Atlantic College, one of the United World Colleges, herself.

Attenborough was a longtime advocate of education that does not judge upon colour, race, creed or religion. His attachment to Waterford was his passion for non-racial education, which were the grounds on which Waterford Kamhlaba was founded. Waterford was one of his inspirations for directing the film ‘Cry Freedom’.

Attenborough founded the Richard Attenborough Arts Centre on the Leicester University campus in 1997, specifically designed to provide access for the disabled, in particular as practitioners.

Richard Attenborough was elected to the post of Chancellor of the University of Sussex in March 1998. He stood down as Chancellor of the University following graduation in July 2008. There now hangs a portrait of him in the newly opened Attenborough Centre for the Creative Arts on the university campus.

 

 

Attenborough was also head of the consortium Dragon International Film Studios, which was constructing a film and television studio complex in Llanilid, Wales, nicknamed ‘Valleywood’.

Now why would Dickie have been taking an interest in poor old Wales just as people began demanding that the criminal investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal should be re-opened?

In March 2008, the ‘Valleywood’ project was placed into administration with debts of £15 million and was considered for sale of the assets in 2011.

So which numpty in the Welsh Gov’t gave the green light to the nonsense in the first place?

Attenborough had a lifelong ambition to make a film about his hero the political theorist and revolutionary Thomas Paine, whom he called ‘one of the finest men that ever lived’. Attenborough said in an interview in 2006 that ‘I could understand him. He wrote in simple English. I found all his aspirations – the rights of women, the health service, universal education… Everything you can think of that we want is in Rights of Man or The Age of Reason or Common Sense’.

#Me Too Dickie!!

Sadly Dickie could not secure the funding for his feminist socialist blockbuster. Do you know Dickie, I too have found that if a bit of tenacity, sacrifice and God forbid cash is required for a Cause for the Oppressed, suddenly people become a great deal less enthusiastic.

The website ‘A Gift for Dickie’ was launched by two filmmakers from Luton in June 2008 with the aim of raising £40m in 400 days to help him make the film, but the target was not met and the money that had been raised was refunded. I would imagine that Dickie was a man who was very hard to buy for, so he probably just used to get socks and underpants for Christmas.

In Dec 2008, Dickie suffered a fall at his home after a stroke and was admitted to St George’s Hospital. He’ll have been OK there, they weren’t going to neglect or abuse Dickie, like Cilla he’ll have been useful for PR purposes. In Nov 2009, Dickie held a ‘house clearance’ sale and flogged off a few Lowries, Nevinsons and Sutherlands at Sotheby’s, generating £4.6 million. In Jan 2011, Dickie sold his estate on the Isle of Bute for £1.48 million.

In June 2012, shortly before her 90th birthday, Dickie’s wife Sheila Sim entered the professional actors’ retirement home Denville Hall, for which she and Dickie had helped raise funds. In Oct 2012, it was announced that Dickie was putting the family home, Old Friars, with its attached offices, Beaver Lodge, which come complete with a sound-proofed cinema in the garden, on the market for £11.5 million.

In Dec 2012, in light of his deteriorating health, Dickie moved into a nursing home in London to be with his wife. Dickie died on 24 August 2014, five days before his 91st birthday.

Lest anyone accuse me of being mean spirited and begrudging Dickie and his wife comfort in their later years, I honestly don’t. The reason why I ruthlessly take the piss out of people like Dickie and his extended clan is that they know something about the grim underbelly of the welfare services, yet they knowingly allow themselves to be used as a shameless PR vehicle if anyone dares to say ‘Oh Christ, look what happening here’.

 

After Frank Beck was given five life sentences and a further 24 years in prison in Nov 1991 at Leicester Crown Court for sexual and physical assaults, including rape, against more than one hundred children in his care, there was subsequently outrage in Parliament when Beck gave an interview to a local BBC radio station from inside prison. This was not only considered to have involved a huge misjudgement on the part of the BBC, but it transpired was also against Home Office rules. The BBC was colluding with abuse in high places, as was the Prison Service and the Home Office itself. All three institutions were endemically corrupt and were cravenly following instructions from Gov’t, even when those instructions were to conceal VIP traffickers. Justice McCowan had set the precedent. Concealing paedophiles with links to Gov’t was now in the interests of national security.

Why was anyone surprised that Greville Janner’s mate was allowed to address the nation from his prison cell?

 

I now realise that Brown and I – at that time with Dafydd and the gang in hot pursuit of us – probably could not have ended up living in a worse place than Leicester, if we were not going to live in north Wales, in the way that I could not have ended up working in a worse place than St George’s Hospital Medical School between 1989-91. Since beginning this blog I have been told that traps were laid for both of us to ensure that we ended up living and working on the manors of Dafydd’s mates. Dafydd’s gang had tentacles across Europe by the late 1980s, but Leicester and St George’s were hot spots, along with Haringey, Islington, Lambeth, Camden, Richmond-upon-Thames and Brighton.

Brown did his first degree at Aston University which was run by Sir Freddie Crawford, Thatcher’s mate who was a Freemason and at the heart of the corruption of civic life in Birmingham. Previous posts have explained how Brown and I were targeted by the gang when we were still undergrads. Brown wanted to do his PhD with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham University.

The CCCS was a cool n trendy place, but it was most definitely under fire from Thatcher’s Gov’t, they hated it because of the perception that it was a colony of leftists. The CCCS was founded in 1964 by Richard Hoggart and Stuart Hall was Director, 1968-79. Raymond Williams was also involved with the creation of the CCCS. The CCCS produced some very famous sociologists, such as Angela McRobbie, Paul Gilroy and Paul Willis.

Birmingham University closed the CCCS suddenly in 2002. There was much outrage and it was widely perceived to have been a political move and a backlash against the CCCS as a result of so many of their staff locking horns with the authorities at Birmingham University over the years. However the CCCS did have a track record of a relatively high proportion of PhD students not completing.

The CCCS produced some excellent work, but some of their associates were among those on the left who were colluding with the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Since researching for this blog I have come across quite a few such names linked with the CCCS. It is very sad that everyone on the left talked about bringing down Thatcher, but the thing that would have done that would have been to have exposed Sir Peter Morrison, Norman St John Stevas and other child molesting Tories with Royal connections, but the lefties wouldn’t do it because there was the matter of Greville Janner, George Thomas and all those Labour-run Councils who were supplying kids in care to the gangs…

Then there was the gay scene, which no self-respecting leftie could dare reveal overlapped with the rent boy scene, the rent boys coming from the children’s homes of north Wales and elsewhere. I have been told that the reason why Dafydd et al became so over-excited about me was that when we were undergrads, Brown and I had been clocked going to a club in Birmingham which had a gender-bending contingent in attendance. We also used to frequent a clothes shop/designers in Birmingham called Kahn and Bell to buy our gear. Kahn and Bell jointly occupied a premises with a vintage clothes shop run by a man called Whiskers – I don’t know what his real name was – who was pretty stereotypical, all handle-bar moustache and leather and he used to compere at the gay nightclub Heaven. The shop used to get raided by the corrupt West Midlands Police on a regular basis who would charge in searching for ‘drugs’, but only ever find a load of young people with interesting hair-styles.

It is quite funny to think of those old fools Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd steaming away at the thought of a young woman with coloured hair who dared visit such places – obviously it could only mean that I’d be more than happy to drop my knickers for elderly Top Docs liberally covered in Brylcreem – but I don’t think that they should have tried to murder my friends and I when I said no thanks. Indeed I did just say no thanks, a lot of people seem to believe that I must have inflicted a crippling kick to their cerregs. I wish I had, I just thought that they were horrid old perverts trying their luck, I didn’t realise that they were running a paedophile gang targeting kids as young as 10.

 

Brown applied to the CCCS, was interviewed but didn’t get the offer of funding. They were very nice about it, wrote him a friendly letter telling him that he had performed very well and that his work was of an excellent standard, but funding was tight and difficult decisions were having to be made. Brown later noted that some much weaker candidates had been offered funding, but he didn’t dwell on it. Instead he came to live in our shared house with us on Anglesey, while he built up his publication list and waited for the next round of studentships.

I have been told that the paedophiles’ friends were desperate to keep Brown out of the CCCS and to ensure that he ended up instead at the Centre for Mass Communication in Leicester (the only other place which was researching his chosen field), where the plan was to do everything possible to stop him getting a PhD.

When Brown was a student at Aston, he became very friendly with a lecturer called Guy Cumberbatch and began publishing with him. Guy came up to stay with us on Anglesey one summer and at one point Brown lodged with Guy and his wife at their house in Leicester  and in return did the housework and baby sitting. Guy had previously worked at the Centre for Mass Communications in Leicester. Guy never discussed Dafydd and the paedophiles with us, but Guy was no fool and he took an interest in the murky underworld of political life. He also personally knew some of the 1980s figures who were loud voices on the morality scene, such as dear old Mary Whitehouse and the Rev Brian Brown (not THE Brown, just a pillock with the same name), as well as a senior policeman in the Obscene Publications division who I think was later accused of corruption. These folk all knew about the organised abuse of young people and were keeping schtum.

Guy particularly hated Freddie Crawford and in the end left Aston for Worcester University.

People have been telling me for ages that Guy was knifing Brown without our knowledge, but I haven’t put anything about it on the blog yet, but Brown recently confirmed that yes, Guy had done and said a few things that one would not have expected from a friend and mentor.

I don’t know whether Guy was bribed or threatened, but I am told that the rot had begun when Brown was an undergrad. It would also have been crucially important for Dafydd et al to nobble Guy, because Guy’s area of research was, in the 1980s, ‘video nasties’ and the like and research into whether such material really did increase aggression in children who watched it. Guy’s research interest was dangerously close to other questionable material – John Allen was producing child porn as well as trafficking children and young people.

 

Brown’s first degree was in psychology and there were close links between the Psychology Dept at Aston and the Psychology Dept at UCNW (Bangor). Margaret Newton at Aston, a dyslexia specialist, was a big mate of Prof Tim Miles, the dyslexia specialist at UCNW. Tim Miles was a lovely old boy, but he must have known about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Dafydd was pulling the strings in the Psychology Dept at UCNW until Prof Fergus Lowe overthrew Dafydd in the late 1980s and then created his own toxic empire based upon lying, cheating and holding everyone who had colluded with Dafydd over a barrel (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Furthermore Tim Miles had built up his reputation as a result of his fieldwork with children on Anglesey in the mid-1960s. Not only had Dafydd conducted ‘mental health research’ on Anglesey, 1959-62, but Lucille Hughes had been a children’s social worker on Anglesey in the 1960s. Tim must have known that Dafydd and Lucille were running that gang, he couldn’t possibly have missed it.

One of the mature students on Brown’s course at Aston, Diane Underwood, after causing much grief to Brown and others before the end of the course, subsequently rocked up at UCNW, working for Fungus. Diane arrived at UCNW as the war against Brown and me really escalated. Oh and just to let us know that we were surrounded, Diane spotted us on the platform at Bangor Railway Station one day – now that was a coincidence – and made a point of coming up to Brown to make her presence known, but then refused to engage in conversation when I tried to talk to her. Diane now seems to have disappeared off the face of the planet.

Guy Cumberbatch knew about the murder threats that had been made to Brown and Guy knew that the man making them had previously violently assaulted someone. Dr D.G.E. Wood, the corrupt GP who worked in the Student Health Centre at UCNW, knew about the murder threats to Brown, as did Dr Adrian Bell, my tutor in the Dept of Plant Biology. There was no help or advice forthcoming from anyone.

Whether it was Guy who was responsible for Brown being rejected by the CCCS and subsequently ending up being ignored at Leicester University by Guy’s former colleagues, I do not know. But a few interesting things went on at the CCCS in those days.

 

Stuart Hall stood down as Director of the CCCS in 1979 to take up the position of Professor of Sociology at the Open University, but Hall remained a very powerful influence at the CCCS as well as in wider sociology as a whole and on the left.

Hall was born in Jamaica and in 1951 won a Rhodes Scholarship to Merton College, Oxford, becoming part of the Windrush generation. Hall continued his studies at Oxford by beginning a PhD but, galvanised particularly by the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary (which saw many thousands of members leave the Communist Party of Great Britain and look for alternatives to previous orthodoxies) and the Suez Crisis, abandoned this in 1957 or 1958 to focus on his political work. In 1957, Hall joined CND and it was on a CND march that he met his future wife, the feminist historian at UCL, Catherine Hall. From 1958 to 1960, Hall worked as a teacher in a London secondary modern school and in adult education.

After working on the ‘Universities and Left Review’ during his time at Oxford, Hall joined E.P. Thompson, Raymond Williams and others to merge it with ‘The New Reasoner’, launching the ‘New Left Review’ in 1960 with Hall as the founding Editor. In 1958, the same group, with the Marxist historian Raphael Samuel, launched the Partisan Coffee House in Soho as a meeting place for left-wingers. Hall left the board of the ‘New Left Review’ in 1961 or 1962.

E.P. Thompson was one of the radicals who had a second home at Croesor in north Wales, as did Eric Hobsbawm, who was also involved with the Partisan Coffee House. Thompson and Hobsbawm knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’). Raphael Samuel knew Hobsbawm and Thompson well – Raphael Samuel taught at Ruskin for decades (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Matt Arnold, who became the Head of Bryn Estyn in May 1973, taught at Ruskin in the mid-1960s and one of his students was Peter Howarth, to whom Arnold gave a job at Bryn Estyn in Nov 1973. Arnold bagged the job at Bryn Estyn after the previous Head, Peter Burton, his wife had their young son were killed in a car crash. The Deputy Head of Bryn Estyn was killed in the same crash. Peter Burton had only been in post for about a year when he was killed. His predecessor, David Ursell, had been suspended after only four years in post, after a complaint regarding the way in which he enforced discipline. Ursell’s predecessor Harold Bennett had retired in 1967 after 26 yrs.

As far as I can see, somebody badly wanted Matt Arnold in post as the Head of Bryn Estyn and that person could have been on manoeuvres by the late 1960s.

In 1969 John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community.

 

It was in the latter half of the 1960s that Leo Abse began working towards bringing about what became the Children Act 1975. Abse co-ordinated everything single-handedly, but received assistance from others in ensuring that the legislation was passed, others which included childcare experts such as Dafydd’s colleagues and helpful politicians like Jim Callaghan and Dr Death (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). The Children Act 1975 vastly increased the number of children finding themselves in the hands of the paedophiles of north Wales.

To spare the readers of this blog the confusion that I experienced for years, let me explain that when the police and others made comment about paedophiles being ‘very clever people’ who are working in professional positions ‘high up’ in society, I think that it was Dafydd and his mates that they were referring to. Police: next time, can you please not use the sort language that one uses if one is addressing primary school pupils? If you had simply mentioned an insane old idiot in north Wales, I would have realised immediately to whom you were referring.

 

There was abuse at Bryn Estyn before Arnold and Howarth arrived, but once those two took up positions there, business really boomed. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where there had been complaints of boys being abused.

Scores of Labour and trade union figures passed through Ruskin College, including John Prescott, who was a student there at the same time as Howarth and when Arnold was teaching at Ruskin. For details of Ruskin and those who taught or were students there, see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’.

 

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Stuart Hall was closely associated with the journal ‘Marxism Today’ and in 1995, he was a founding editor of ‘Soundings: A Journal of Politics and Culture’. I can’t complain about ‘Soundings’, they published an article that Brown, I and a colleague at Bangor wrote about the north Wales mental health system. 

Hall’s political influence extended to the Labour Party and had a profound impact on the Party under both the Windbag and Blair, although Hall was highly critical of New Labour. The Windbag – and his wife – knew all about Dafydd and the gang as well as of course George Thomas and Ron Davies’s penchant for moments of madness and looking for badgers. The Windbag had known Tony Francis, Dafydd’s partner in crime, when Francis was a student in Cardiff. When Brown applied to the CCCS, the Windbag was the leader of the Labour Party.

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Stuart Hall was linked to the Centre for Mass Communication Research in Leicester. Hall first presented his ‘encoding and decoding’ philosophy in the form of ‘Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse’ (1973), a paper he wrote for the Council of Europe Colloquy on ‘Training in the Critical Readings of Television Language’ organised by the Council & the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester. In 1974 the paper was presented at a symposium on Broadcasters and the Audience in Venice.

There was quite a degree of hostility between broadcasters and media academics and a lot of people in academia grumbled that a few academics such as Guy Cumberbatch and Alastair Hetherington were too close to broadcasters. Hetherington was the son of Hector Hetherington, a professor at University College Cardiff who later became Principal of Glasgow University. Alastair Hetherington served in the Intelligence Corps in WWII and then went into journalism. He was Editor of ‘The Guardian’ for nearly twenty years and then was appointed as Controller of BBC Scotland.

In 1982 Hetherington was given a Chair by Stirling University. There was much gnashing of teeth and my two friends who’s media careers were killed in the early 1990s and who found a gangster after them when they had wanted to make a film about north Wales (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’), were media students at Stirling at the time. My friends were among those who signed a letter to ‘The Scotsman’ in protest at Stirling appointing Hetherington – who had until then had no academic background – as a toadying gesture to the rich and famous (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). I have recently found that this did not go unnoticed by those who were protecting national security – my friends were already under surveillance because of their friendship with Brown and me.

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At one point, Polly was a fellow traveller with Dr Death.

 

One of my friends had that Jack McConnell in her bed once – without her permission either (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Now Jack would never have become First Minister of Scotland and then Lord Jack if he had not kept schtum about celebrity paedophiles (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’). You might be friends with Kirsty Wark Jack, but I’ve got 10,000 documents.

 

Stuart Hall’s colleague Richard Hoggart was the father of Simon Hoggart, the journo and Parliamentary sketch writer who knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

Raymond Williams, another pal of Hall et al, was a Marxist cultural theorist. Williams was Welsh, but investigated his Welsh identity from the perspective of someone who grew up on the Welsh-English border near Abergavenny. Williams was the son of a railway worker in a village where all of the railwaymen voted Labour while the local small farmers mostly voted Liberal. Williams’s writings on cultural theory are great, but his novel ‘Border Country’ sent me into such a sound sleep that I didn’t finish it. 

When Raymond Williams was at Trinity College, Cambridge, he joined the Communist Party of Great Britain and, along with Eric Hobsbawm, Williams was given the task of writing a Communist Party pamphlet about the Russo-Finnish War. Williams became part of the New Left in the 1950s, but by the 1970s he was a member of Plaid, which is why Leanne Wood, who styles herself as a Plaid Marxist, mentions him when she’s on ‘Any Questions’.  Raymond did ignore that paedophile gang though Leanne. But then so did you. When Leanne quoted Raymond Williams on ‘Any Questions’, she referred to ‘a man called Raymond Williams’. Dimbleby elaborated and said ‘you mean the sociologist Raymond Williams’. No Dimbleby, he was a cultural theorist. At least Leanne managed to get his gender right. I would have thought that the BBC could have dug up someone who knew who Raymond Williams was.

Williams retired from his post at Cambridge University in 1983 and spent his last years in Saffron Walden.

Raymond Williams, relaxing in that well-known Welsh working class community of Saffron Walden.
Raymond Williams At Saffron Walden.jpg

 

Saffron Walden market square in July 2012, with the half-timbered Guildhall. Indistinguishable from Methyr Tydfil.

Castle Street contains many historic buildings. It always reminds me of Llanfair­pwllgwyngyll­gogery­chwyrn­drobwll­llan­tysilio­gogo­goch.

 

Bridge End Gardens, a group of seven interlinked 19th-century gardens, including a maze, rose garden and walled garden. Just like the scree slopes of Snowdonia.

Saffron Walden’s MP, for its eponymous Westminster constituency, was Sir Alan Haselhurst, 1977-17. It has been considered a safe seat for the Conservative Party since 1922. I know a little bit about Saffron Walden, because one of my house mates from my undergrad days at UCNW came from there. He was one of those who knew what was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs and he was also a victim of the chaos that rained down upon us in 1983, when the gift from the security services that was Trishles came our way (see posts ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’ and ‘A Local Boy Made Good?’). My friend from Saffron Walden was driven out of his job with a drug company in 1991!

The security services will have heard all the phone calls that we were making to each other as we were all driven out of our jobs within weeks of each other.

 

Tony Blair was elected as MP for Sedgefield in June 1983. Sedgefield is a constituency just down the road from the territory of the paedophile gang in the north east, of which Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth were members, until they relocated to Bryn Estyn. During the 1970s and 80s, hundreds of children in care from the north east were sent to children’s homes in north Wales (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends…’).

Before he became an MP, Blair was a pupil barrister of George Carman QC. Carman knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles and he was retained by Greville Janner and Jimmy Savile, lest he was needed. Cherie also worked in Carman’s Chambers.

Ron Davies was elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly on the same day that Blair won Sedgefield. In 1998, Blair was just about to appoint Ron as First Secretary of the new National Assembly of Wales, but poor old Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common in the company of Boogie, a male prostitute. Of course, as Rhodri Morgan explained, Rhodri ‘didn’t know’ that Ron had such encounters because Ron cleverly covered his tracks. So carefully that Ron used to go cottaging at Cardiff’s most popular tourist attraction (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’):

A popular cottaging location for a potential FM:

 

Castles in Cardiff

A thick, lying pillock, whose family ran Swansea University:
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In 2007 a collection of Raymond Williams’ papers was deposited at Swansea University by his daughter Merryn, herself ‘a poet and author’. Merryn’s bio on her website tells us: ‘I went to grammar school in Hastings in eleven-plus days, studied English at Murray Edwards College, Cambridge, and got a doctorate for my thesis on Thomas Hardy’s novels. After that I taught adult students for the Open University and the W.E.A., living for several years near Cranfield University where my husband worked as a physicist. I am literary adviser to the Wilfred Owen Association, having a great interest in the poets of the First World War.’

There’s a down to earth Welsh girl for you!

This is Dai, he holds the Raymond Williams Research Chair in Cultural History at Swansea University. He is – or was – Chair of the Arts Council of Wales, so he decides who gets the dosh:

 

Professor Dai Smith

 

This is Oily, Dai’s offspring:

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Oily got his hopes up, but I think they’ve been dashed now. Oily didn’t live in Saffron Walden, Oily lived in Surrey, until he decided that he’d like to be a Cabinet Minister, preferably Chancellor of the Exchequer. Then he remembered his dad and the pits and the NHS and Nye Bevan and Oily moved to Pontypridd.

Oily’s dad wrote the 2008 volume, ‘Raymond Williams: a Warrior’s Tale’.

Warrier???? He pussy-footed around a gang of sex traffickers and lived in Saffron Walden after spending a few decades at Cambridge University.

The Raymond Williams Society was established in 1989 ‘to support and develop intellectual and political projects in areas broadly connected with Williams’s work.’ Presumably that includes banging on about peace, socialism and feminism while keeping schtum about a gang of paedophiles who are murdering witnesses. The Raymond Williams Centre for Recovery Research was opened at Nottingham Trent University in 1995. The Raymond Williams Foundation (RWF) supports activities in adult education. A collaborative research project building on Williams’s investigation of cultural keywords, called the ‘Keywords Project’, was established in 2006 and is supported by Jesus College, University of Cambridge and the University of Pittsburgh.

 

The person who interviewed Brown at CCCS was Professor Michael Green. Brown told me that Michael Green ‘came over as a bit of a twit despite the loving obituaries which he inspired’, but Brown presumed that he just hadn’t hit it off with Green. The other media specialist who was at CCCS when Brown wanted to do a PhD with them was Ann Gray, who ended up with a Chair at Lincoln University.

 

So after drawing a blank at the CCCS, Brown was offered a studentship at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University, which unbeknown to him was at the heart of a load of people concealing the activities of Lord Greville, Frank Beck et al, who had close links to Dafydd and the gang in north Wales.

The Centre for Mass Communication Research was established in 1966 under Prof Jim Halloran’s directorship, initially concentrating on delivering PhDs. In 1978 the Social Science Research Council (predecessor of the ESRC) invited Halloran to design and deliver the UK’s first Masters Degree in media and communications.

Brown’s supervisor at Leicester was Paul Hartmann ‘who was affable enough, but we mostly made small talk about his motorbike and building projects he was undertaking around his house, so there wasn’t much by way of solid academic advice’. So Brown did it by himself.

 

The backgrounds of the senior managers at Leicester University when Brown was a PhD student there and an account of an interesting game of musical chairs which took place at the very top of the institution can be read in my post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’.

 

As for my arrival at St George’s in 1989 as a result of an offer of a job opportunity which seemed to be a dream come true but turned out to be a living nightmare (see post ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990…’), I have been told that it was all stage-managed as carefully as Brown’s eventual arrival at Leicester was. D.G.E. Wood et al in north Wales knew that I was looking for a research post, preferably in the area of fertility studies, which would allow me to complete a PhD at the same time and I responded to an advert in ‘New Scientist’ placed by St George’s offering such an opportunity. Now for the really interesting bit. When I was interviewed, it was for a fixed term contract as a research assistant. St George’s then telephoned me that evening, told me that I hadn’t got the job that I’d applied for, but I was such a good candidate that they were prepared to create a job for me, a permanent one at that and could I start immediately…

I knew that Prof Oliver Brooke at St George’s had been imprisoned for child porn offences in 1986, but I had no idea that he was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring containing many professional people, with which Dafydd’s gang were directly linked (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Neither did I realise that many members of Brooke’s gang were still working at St George’s, Springfield Hospital and in Wandsworth Social Services, that I’d be surrounded by them and that the only reason why I was offered that job was to hound me out of medical research and ensure that I didn’t get back in again. After Brooke was jailed, Sir William Asscher was appointed as Dean of St George’s. Asscher had spent his whole career in Cardiff, he was a mate of Dafydd et al and he’d concealed their crimes as well as the offending of George Thomas, for years. Asscher was sent to St George’s for no other reason than to continue with the cover-up post-Brooke, he kept a home in Glamorgan and moved back there when he retired from St George’s. See post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’.

Here’s a man who knew what was going on but who’s desire to become PM was greater than his concern for the lives of the witnesses who’s corpses were regularly turning up in north Wales:

 

Neil Kinnock 1980s Stock Photos & Neil Kinnock 1980s Stock ...

 

It was just after I began the job at St George’s that Gwynedd Health Authority took me to the High Court in Cardiff in an attempt to obtain an injunction to prevent me even writing to them to pursue my complaints (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.  The legal advice was given by Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office. The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was Peter Walker.

The barrister who witnessed the extraordinary scenes in Chester Court on the occasion in 1990 when four members of the paedophile gang perjured themselves repeatedly and 14 charges against me had to be thrown out of Court – the barrister herself was deliberately sent to the wrong Court, leaving her no time to prepare my defence – was Suzanne Evans. Suzanne was friendly and courteous towards me, but she knew that four people had lied repeatedly on oath, she knew that the judge – Justice Roch – had simply ignored their perjury AND Suzanne witnessed Roch offer to give the four perjurers more time to rewrite their affidavits. Furthermore Suzanne knew that she had been sent to the wrong Court. I have documents in my possession written by a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council which not only make it clear that Gwynedd County Council were told about the change in Court and judge in advance but my team wasn’t, but also indicate that the four perjurers from the Arfon Community Mental Health Team had not actually previously seen the affidavits that they had allegedly sworn. See post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

Suzanne Evans is a graduate of St Anne’s College, Oxford and is now working as a Family Law barrister at Oriel Chambers in Liverpool and Preston.

‘In the Public Law arena she acts predominantly for parents, appearing in cases involving a wide range of key issues including neglect, addictions, non-accidental injury, domestic violence, mental health etc. In care proceedings she acts for parents, grandparents, Children’s Guardians and Local Authorities. In Private Law Children cases Suzanne acts for parents involved in the sometimes complex and distressing process of resolving the arrangements for their children post separation.’

Suzanne, you watched four members of a paedophile ring perjure themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned and you watched a judge collude with them. Didn’t you think that you should have followed this up, rather than just have walked out of the door when 14 allegations against me were demonstrated to be fallacious?

The Home Secretary at the time was David Waddington, the Lord Chancellor was Lord Mackay and the Attorney-General who had authorised the prosecution was Sir Patrick Mayhew.

 

By the time that I was working at St George’s, some of those in Somerset who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al had acquired a great deal of money and a few others had found their careers taking a sudden turn for the better (see posts ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ and ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’).

I have explained in previous posts how the Somerset contingent suddenly found themselves tripping over aristos with connections to the Gov’t. I am trying to work out when the odious David Kirke and the Dangerous Sports Club began to spend their time in the region of the Cottage Inn near Fiddington – it must have been in about late 1985. In Nov 1986, the BBC TV programme ‘The Late Late Breakfast Show’ which was presented by Noel Edmonds, set up a badly managed stunt involving a bungee jump which resulted in the death of the volunteer, Michael Lush. There was an almighty fuss and I can remember the twat Kirke pompousing away in the media (and in Somerset) explaining how the BBC should have taken advice from him and if they had done that no-one would have died. Two of Kirke’s mates from Somerset later succeeded in killing a Bulgarian student by firing him from a medieval catapult in Nov 2002. There was a prosecution for manslaughter in 2004 but the nice lady judge at Bristol directed the jury to acquit the two defendants.

By the time that Michael Lush died, I had heard a great deal about Kirke, he must have been hanging around in Somerset for a year or so by then. So the son of the Governor of the Bank of England and his mates found themselves in close proximity to people who knew me at the end of 1985 or so. I hadn’t yet encountered Dafydd by then, but I had encountered D.G.E. Wood, Gwynne the lobotomist and Tony Francis. I had contacted Keith Best, the MP for Anglesey, about the problems that I was having with the north Wales mental health services and he in turn had written to the paedophiles’ friend Lord Wyn Roberts. Best and Roberts were Ministers at the Welsh Office and at that time Nicholas Edwards was Secretary of State for Wales (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’). Everyone was concealing the trafficking gang.

The Lord Kingsdown aka Robin Leigh-Pemberton
Lord Kingsdown.jpg

 

The Secretary of State for the DHSS at the time was Norman Fowler, who is currently Lord Speaker:

The Lord Fowler looking rough
Official portrait of Lord Fowler crop 2.jpg

 

The Home Secretary at the time was Douglas Hurd, who assumed that office on 2 Sept 1985. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who knew Prof Greig-Smith, of the Plant Biology Dept at UCNW (see post ‘Additional Security Meaures’). Greig-Smith was a colleague of scores of people who were concealing the trafficking gang, including Chris Wood, who was the wife of D.G.E. Wood and Ralph Oxley, who’s wife Isabel Hargreaves worked as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services. One member of staff in Plant Biology, Dr John Wilson, was known to be picking up under-aged girls in Bangor for sex and Dr Adrian Bell and his wife Alison were worried that John Wilson was going to get himself arrested and cause a scandal. John’s conduct was widely known to staff in the Plant Biology Dept as well as to those in the Zoology Dept. Other people whom I heard directly commenting on it included John Farrar, who many years later became a PVC at Bangor University and his wife Stel. At the time Stel had just finished her PhD, but years later she worked as a lecturer in the Dept of Lifelong Learning, while the Head of Dept was Meri Huws. In the 1980s Meri Huws worked as a community social worker on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, the location of the Ty’r Felin children’s home, where the social workers trafficked the children for sex, including to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). David Roberts, a technician who worked in the Zoology Dept, also knew about John pursuing school girls.

By the way, is there anyone else out there who would like to continue passing the tittle tattle on about me which they know damn well was made up by a gang of sex offenders because I had found out some of what they were doing? Stel? Fancy refusing to speak to me at a party again? What about you Meri? Feel like giving me one of your ‘you are a piece of shit’ looks? I can’t ask Fungus because the old bastard’s dead, but one day I really must go for an extended tour through Caernarfon and Bangor and watch everybody’s expressions now that I’ve outed the whole bloody lot of you on the internet. Did you really think that I didn’t know what at least some of you were colluding with, although it would seem that even more of you were colluding with serious crime that I realised…

Whilst huge swathes of UCNW concealed a trafficking gang, Carlo was the Chancellor. Sir Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum. Then there was Carlo’s mate the Duke of Westminster, who was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association, who’s members were openly gossiping about their constituency MP Peter Morrison molesting young boys.

 

Now back in the mid 1980s, not only were some of the zoologists and plant biologists personal friends/relations of the Top Docs and the gang, but even biologists had to ensure that they grovelled with the best to big wigs lest they lost jobs or funding. So let’s have a look at some of those to whom the biologists had to toady.

A lot of funding for the research in the natural sciences at UCNW came from NERC, the Natural Environment Research Council. By the mid-1980s, people were getting worried about their ability to extract dosh from NERC, but up until just a few years previously, they didn’t have to work very hard for their dosh at all. They would just stick the grant applications in and everyone would be given funding for a few PhD students. The biological sciences at UCNW had established their reputation in the late 1960s as a result of the work of people like Prof Greig-Smith and Prof John Harper and their work was well-supported.

The Chief Exec of NERC, 1965-70, was mathematician and meteorologist Sir Graham Sutton. Sutton was Vice-President of what became Aberystwyth University, 1967-76, when Aber was hosting paedophiles’ friends en masse and churning out crooked lawyers who concealed the crimes of paedophile gang. Until the constituent colleges of the University of Wales became independent universities in the own right quite recently, Aber and Bangor were both part of the wider University of Wales. Carlo was Chancellor of the whole of the University and there was a close relationship between Aber and Bangor. Both colleges had Depts of Biological Sciences and Agriculture doing similar things and there was a bit of traffic between those Depts.

The son of one of Dafydd’s Angels – one of Dafydd’s key henchmen actually – has lectured for years in botany at Aberystwyth University. His sister was a children’s social worker who was employed by the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales.

  • Strange but true

 

Sutton was born in Monmouthshire and was educated at Pontywaun Grammar School, then Aberystwyth University and then at Jesus College, Oxford. The former Principal of Bangor Normal College, the teacher training institution which crawled with paedophiles’ friends, is Professor Gareth Roberts, a mathematician who went to Jesus College, Oxford. I think that Professor Roberts also held a senior role in Gwynedd Education Authority at some point in the past and I think that he also worked as a Schools Inspector in Gwynedd. Meri Huws was employed as a lecturer at the Normal College after her stint as a social worker, as was Aled Griffiths. Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer has a brother, Huw, who was a solicitor in Gwynedd who spent years sitting in Court watching the paedophile gang stitch people up. Aled’s sister Gwenan Carrington was the Director of Gwynedd Social Services whilst her staff abused and neglected their clients and Aled’s wife Joanna Griffiths fulfilled exactly the same role in Conwy Social Services. Back in the pre-Cambrian, the Buffet Slayer was President of the Students’ Union at UCNW.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh don’t be so bloody ridiculous, you were all working cheek by jowl with that gang of paedophiles.

  • Aled Griffiths | Bangor Law School | Bangor University
  • Meri Huws | Folly Farm | ZoomInfo.com

 

 

After a year teaching mathematics at Canton Secondary SchoolCardiff, between 1926-28 Sutton was a lecturer at University College, Aberystwyth before joining the Meteorological Office. He was seconded to Shoeburyness to work on the meteorological effects on gunnery practices and then transferred to Porton Down, best known as the Gov’t research establishment which among other things researches chemical and biological warfare. By the 1980s the only people who would work at Porton Down were those who would do anything for the comparatively high salaries on offer there.

Whilst working at Porton Down, Sutton was put in charge of the notorious 1942 trial which involved the release of anthrax spores over Gruinard Island as part of a biological warfare project. 

When WWII ended, Sutton was made Chief Superintendent of the Radar Research and Development Establishment, Malvern, a position he held until 1947, when he was appointed Professor of Mathematics at the Royal Military College of Science, Wiltshire. Sutton was Director-General of the Meteorological Office, 1953-65 and Vice-President of Aberystwyth University, 1967-76.

 

A previous post has mentioned that one of the botany students at UCNW, Peter Jackson, who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al landed a plum much sought after job with the RSPB after he graduated. He was an excellent naturalist but I have more recently been told that he was one of many who used his knowledge of what was being concealed in high places to secure his future.

The person who’s arm may have needed to be twisted at the time was Ian Prestt, Director General of the RSPB, 1975-91. Ian Prestt died in 1995 and his obituary in the Indie explains that after working as the Assistant Regional Officer (SW England), Nature Conservancy 1956-59, Prestt went to work for the RSPB, ‘appointed by the great Max Nicholson, doyen of international conservationists and then Head of the Nature Conservancy, as “his ornithologist”‘. Prestt worked at the Monks Wood Experimental Station, teasing out the relationships between ingested chlorinated hydrocarbons and the thin shells of birds’ eggs, leading to recognition of the threats to food chains and to humans.

Later Prestt worked at the Cabinet Office and in the Department of the Environment, under Secretaries of State Peter Walker and then Geoffrey Rippon, to wrestle with the pollution problems which were part of the roots of the subsequent Environment Bill. Walker was Secretary of State for the Environment, 1970-72, under Ted Heath. Peter Walker must have really had the dirt on Dafydd et al because this Tory wet who served in Heath’s Gov’t was retained by Thatch and served as Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87. Thatch put him in that post because she knew that Scargill and the NUM were gearing up for the mother of all battles and she trusted Peter Walker to organised the opposition to the miner’s strike, which finally came in 1984-85. Walker did it as well.
One south Wales son of a former miner really pissed everyone off by sitting on the fence throughout the strike:
  • BBC Radio 4 - Desert Island Discs, Neil Kinnock
Er, could either of these two people have been the reason why the Windbag was over a barrel:
Dr Dafydd Alun Jones
The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png
 This man won’t have helped either:
  • Welsh people by religion
 Leo Abse, Labour MP, Pontypool then Torfaen, 1958-87. Abse was a crooked lawyer who paid off people who had been sexually assaulted by Lord Tonypandy and if that didn’t work, Abse threatened to fit them up and have them imprisoned. It was Abse who was responsible for the Children Act 1975, which sent hundreds of young people into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. In 1984 Lord Tonypandy was hospitalised with the effects of an STI. Abse organised the cover story and fed it to the media.
 After Walker organised the crushing of the miners, he became Secretary of State for Wales, in which role he directly colluded with the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles.
Two policemen arresting a miner at Orgreave
I note that Walker was Minister of MAFF, 1979-83. Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dafydd in 1979. Immediately prior to that, Mary worked as a secretary in the dysfunctional Dept of Agriculture in UCNW. I don’t know what Mary found out what going on in that Dept, but something was going on that brought the wrath of the paedophile gang down upon her head. The President of UCNW, 1947-82, was Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon. Lord Kenyon was a land owner and his obituary claimed that he had done much to improve agriculture and health in north Wales. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in care in north Wales. Thomas was never charged, although one of his conquests was sent to a detention centre after Thomas made a complaint of theft against him. Among other things, Lord Kenyon was: the most senior Freemason in north Wales, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a magistrate and a Flintshire Councillor. He occupied numerous other public positions as well. Thomas died of an AIDS related illness in 1993. For further details see ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.
In that era, Agricultural Colleges and University Dept’s of Agriculture had a close relationship with the MAFF, because of the farming subsidy system, the role of the Gov’t organisation ADAS and legislation pertaining to  agriculture.
By the early 1980s, Richard Howarth, one of the members of staff in the Dept of Agriculture at UCNW, was an adviser to Thatch.
As for Ian Prestt’s other boss at the Dept of the Environment, Geoffrey Rippon, he played a role in the wrongful arrest and imprisonment of Mary Wynch. Mary circulated around the system run by the corrupt British state that she was still in the clutches of Dafydd in 1979. However, Mary was originally arrested in Oct 1977, when Jim Callaghan was PM, when Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary and when paedophiles’ friend and the man who was so closely involved with MIND for so many years, Lord David Ennals, was Secretary of State for the DHSS (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course’). David’s brother Martin led Amnesty for years and his son Sir Paul Ennals is involved with charidees, ‘safeguarding’ in Haringey and Tyneside and is the former Chief Exec of the National Children’s Bureau.
  • Strange but true

 

Mary was committed to prison and then released into the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital by one James Blackett-Ord, who enjoyed the title of ‘His Honour the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster’. James Blackett-Ord was actually a circuit judge. However his glorious title conferred upon him another role- to exercise general supervision over the conduct of the Chancery Division business in the north of England. The Chancery Division is a Division of the High Court of England and Wales and deals with business law, trust law, probate law, insolvency and land law in relation to issues of equity. So in Mary’s case, Blackett-Ord was effectively judging on a case that it was his role to oversee. Conflict of interest anyone? It gets much worse. The Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster is appointed by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after consultation with the Lord Chancellor. The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is a Ministerial Office of Government appointed by the Queen on the advice of, or by, the Prime Minister. Mary’s mother’s estate – the original source of the dispute – was administered by the Public Trustee (one of Mary’s later legal actions was against the Public Trustee). The Public Trustee is appointed by the Lord Chancellor – as well as Blackett-Ord! There was nothing impartial about this judge. But I haven’t finished. The Lord Chancellor was also in charge of the later investigation into Mary’s case in 1993 and 1995.

The Lord Chancellor when Mary was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned was Lord Elwyn-Jones, a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. The Windbag subsequently appointed Lord Elwyn-Jones as Shadow Lord Chancellor.

  • Neil Kinnock accuses George Osborne of behaving like ...
  • Neil Kinnock Quotes. QuotesGram

 

The Lord Chancellor when Mary’s case was ‘investigated’ was Lord Mackay of Clashfern.

Are we surprised that Mary was ruined?

After Blackett-Ord’s time as the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster ended in 1987 (he is described as ‘stepping down’), from then on the office was held by a High Court judge of the Chancery Division. Was this perchance related to the shit that hit the fan over Mary’s case? Blackett-Ord died a few years ago and his obituaries described him as a ‘churchman’ and a ‘landowner’ from Northumberland – they also remarked on how much he enjoyed being the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster. They do not explain why he completely shafted a respectable middle aged woman from north Wales who had been swindled by some local solicitors by having her arrested and then handed her over to man – who’s mistress was facilitating a paedophile ring – to be illegally banged up in an asylum for a year.

Blackett-Ord was appointed in 1972 – the year of Mary’s mother’s death and the original dispute. When Blackett-Ord was appointed, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was either Geoffrey Rippon or John Davies and the Lord Chancellor was Lord Hailsham, Quintin Hogg.

Walker and Rippon’s loyal lackey Ian Prestt became Deputy Head of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1974-75. In 1975, Prestt received an unexpected telephone call in his office at the NCC inviting him to dine. His hosts were the Chairman of the Council and Committees, four in all, of the RSPB. Eschewing head-hunters, they had decided that Prestt must be their man. He was Director General, 1975-91 and then President, 1991-95, of the RSPB.

The man who gave Ian Prestt his big break, Edward Max Nicholson, was President of the RSPB, 1980-85.

Max Nicholson was a naturalist and ornithologist who was educated at Sedburgh School and then Hertford College, Oxford. Nicholson was a founder member of the Oxford University Exploration Club.

In 1932 the British Trust for Ornithology was established and Nicholson was the first Treasurer and later Chairman (1947–1949). In 1947–1948, with the then Director General of the UN’s scientific and education organisation UNESCO, Julian Huxley, Nicholson was involved in forming the International Union for the Protection of Nature, now the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

Some members of Julian Huxley’s extended family and associates were friends with Bertrand Russell and the Welsh Bloomsbury set who used to spend their summers at Croesor in north Wales and who knew about Dafydd, Gwynne and their wrongdoing (see post ‘The Village’).

 

In 1949 Max Nicholson oversaw Part 3 of the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act 1949, which established the Nature Conservancy (later the Nature Conservancy Council). Nicholson was Director General of the Nature Conservancy, 1952-66. During his leadership, the Conservancy established itself as a research and management body which promoted ecology as having broad relevance and application to land use decision-making and management. Which will be why the weak botanists and zoologists didn’t dare upset him and why the tougher ones were able to thrash out dodgy deals with him.

In 1961 Nicholson, together with Sir Peter Scott (see post ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’) and others, formed the group that created the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) (now the World Wide Fund for Nature), with which Carlo’s dad was famously involved for years while he blasted various species to death with a shotgun. It was Max Nicholson who ‘was instrumental in directing the Duke of Edinburgh towards conservation. The Duke’s involvement with the World Wildlife Fund enabled him to travel the world, virtually as a head of state, allowing him to make valuable contributions without apparently straying into the fray of politics, since, as Nicholson enjoyed pointing out, the politicians of the early 1960s had little conception of environmental issues’.

So Max made friends with Lilibet’s husband and ensured that Phil the Greek got a few freebies under the guise of doing something useful.

Nicholson was also a founder of the International Institute for Environment and Development and in 1966 he set up and headed environmental firm Land Use Consultants, (LUC), remaining with them until 1989.

In 1976 Nicholson was an instrumental part of the setting up the Trust for Urban Ecology. In 1978 Nicholson was instrumental in founding the ENDS Report, a highly influential journal for environmental policy specialists. Nicholson helped set up the New Renaissance Group and was a Trustee of Earthwatch Europe.

Nicholson’s 1931 essay A National Plan for Britain led to the formation of the think tank Political and Economic Planning, now the Policy Studies Institute.

Max Nicholson joined the civil service in 1940 and during WWII he worked for the Ministry of Shipping, then the Ministry of War Transport and was with Churchill at the post-war peace conferences at Yalta and Potsdam. Nicholson was Private Secretary to Mandy’s granddad, Herbert Morrison, the Deputy PM, 1945-52. During those years, Herbert doubled up as Lord President of the Council – so he would have been the visitor for the University of Wales…

You kept that quiet Mandy! Here he is, desperately trying to make the Windbag electable:

 

Leader of the Opposition Neil Kinnock talks to Peter Mandelson the Labour Party's director of communications at the Labour Party Conference in...

Max Nicholson also Chaired the Committee for the 1951 Festival of Britain. During the war years he was in charge of organising shipping operations and convoys across the Atlantic. Max was involved in the planning of ‘Operation Overlord’, the invasion of Europe. For his services he was awarded the CVO and CB. So Max was a birder who worked for the security services then.

 

Max married Mary Crawford in 1932 and they had two children, Piers and Tom. The marriage was dissolved in 1964. Nicholson then married Marie Mauerhofer (known as Toni) in 1965; they had one child, a son, David.

Max Nicholson seemed to have believed that he should rightly have been President of the World. He wrote a number of publications regarding how the planet should be organised and run and when the Callaghan Gov’t showed no particular interest in celebrating the Queen’s first 25 years on the throne in 1977, Nicholson got together with Charles Wintour, then Editor of the London Evening Standard, and Illtyd Harrington, then the Deputy Leader of the GLC, to promote the celebration of the Silver Jubilee.

 

Illtyd Harrington knew about Dafydd and the trafficking gang. Illtyd was an ally of Ken Livingstone and served as Deputy Leader of the GLC, 1981–84 and then as Chairman, 1984–85.

Harrington was born in Merthyr Tydfil. His father was an atheist and Communist, who fought against the Fascists in the Spanish Civil War and mother, known as Sally, was also an anti-fascist. Harrington was educated at the Roman Catholic Dowlais School before going to Trinity University College, Carmarthen (now part of University of Wales Trinity St David). Illtyd became a friend of Dylan Thomas while he was there.

Harrington gained employment in Brixton, before becoming a geography teacher at Kennington Secondary school. Then he moved on to become Head of English at Daneford School in Bethnal Green. Illtyd’s friends in the East End included the Krays.

Harrington was openly gay and lived for fifty years with his partner, Christopher ‘Chris’ Downes, who worked as a theatrical dresser for Laurence Olivier and Maggie Smith. Downes became a Board Director of the National Theatre on the South Bank. Both men were active members of the Board of Trustees of the National Youth Theatre. They shared a house in London and later in Brighton, where they entertained the gliterati. Both were heavily involved as writers and editors of The Camden New Journal and West End Extra. Downes died in 2003. 

Harrington’s nephew is actor Richard Harrington.

Harrington’s political career started with election to the Borough Council in Paddington in 1959 and in 1964, he moved up to the Westminster City Council, where he was leader 1972-4 and the GLC. He represented Brent South in 1973 on the GLC, having been rejected as a potential Parliamentary candidate for Merthyr. He was also Chairman of the GLC’s Policy and Resources Committee. During the period he was also Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. Illtyd was a member of Wilson’s kitchen cabinet when Labour returned to power in 1974.

Illtyd’s wiki entry tells us that ‘It was promulgated that he might be offered a peerage, but both MI5 and MI6 were investigating the Cabinet for suspected incidents of Soviet espionage and he was refused’. Well someone with a sense of humour has written that. The Lords is full of people with links to espionage activities but as long as they concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles, they were in. Illtyd concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles as well, so if he was refused a peerage there must have been some other reason.

In 1980, after the leader of the GLC, Sir Reg Goodwin, retired Harrington became Deputy to Andrew McIntosh. The flood of hard left councillors elected in 1981 staged a coup and ousted McIntosh in favour of Red Ken. Ken told Harrington ‘Of course I am not going to oust you as Deputy Leader, you are the acceptable face of extremism’.

Illtyd became an adviser to Red Ken when Ken became Mayor in 2001.

Later in life, Illtyd was a regular contributor to Camden New Journal.

 

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour's victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour’s victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections. If Illtyd and his mates hadn’t have colluded with Dafydd and the traffickers, they might have been celebrating a General Election win over Thatcher.
 
If any of Illtyd’s mates who are still alive – John McDonnell perhaps? – would like to enlighten me, I’d be keen to know whether Illtyd and his crew were in any way related to the unpleasant things that happened to me and my friends when we lived on his manor (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).
Max Nicholson saw the Silver Jubilee as an opportunity to lift the celebrations into ‘the realm of inspiration and guidance for the future’. He developed a document called ‘The Seven Thrusts’ in which he declared he was not content to leave ‘a haphazard legacy of scattered unrelated Jubilee halls, gardens, fountains, seats and suchlike’ but intended to initiate an overall plan for ongoing projects in partnership with local authorities and voluntary bodies.

The first of Max’s thrusts was the Jubilee Walkway, which aimed to knit London more closely together, and in particular to lure the walker from Leicester Square across Lambeth Bridge and on to the South Bank.

Max’s second thrust was to knit north London together by the fuller use of Regent’s Canal and the Grand Union Canal. The other thrusts involved the cleaning up and development of the Covent Garden area, improvement schemes overseen by the Civic Trust to develop a London-wide heritage and amenity programme, an extensive tree-planting programme and the development of ‘meanwhile’ use of derelict land, which included the creation of an urban farm at Newham. Nicholson also masterminded the Clean Up London Campaign.

Max ‘was against the Establishment’, although a ‘dedicated monarchist’, and predicted that the monarchy would survive the 21st century, because ‘any sensible person would realise that the system was patently more honourable than a presidency of ambitious and self-serving politicians’.

The nature loving anarchist who was Max spent most of his time in Chelsea, in the home he had bought when he was still quite young.

In 1982 Max enjoyed a proud moment when he accepted the Gold Medal for the World Wildlife Fund from the Duke of Edinburgh, the man who’s work with the WWF was of course as result of the efforts of Max.

Before Anne Vernon was killed, she used to talk about the RSPB as not being an organisation for anyone who was genuinely interested in birding. She maintained that it was run by grandiose people with Royal connections. I think I might know who she was talking about.

 

Magnus Magnusson was President of the RSPB, 1985-90. Magnus went to Jesus College, Oxford, which educated quite a few paedophiles’ friends because it is a college with Welsh connections. Magnusson was a journalist and before he found his true home pompousing on ‘Mastermind’, he used to present a lot of those TV programmes in the 1970s which investigated ghosts, past lives and other such matters. I watched a programme in which Magnus swore blind that the people whom he was interviewing were presenting evidence that they’d lived before. As is customary, Magnus’s guests had all experienced quite eventful previous lives, one of them had even been someone who had been part of the massacre of the Jews in York in 1190. No-one had just worked on a small-holding and done the washing-up for their entire lives.

  • Strange but true

 

Magnus also wrote for the ‘New Statesman’, as did many paedophiles’ friends and it was through the small ads in the ‘New Statesman’ that Brown and I encountered some of the mad people who caused us grief whom I now know were presents from the security services.

Magnus was the founder Chairman of Scottish Natural Heritage upon its inception in 1992. He was Lord Rector of Edinburgh University, 1975-78 and later in 2002 Magnus became Chancellor of Glasgow Caledonian University.

Magnus’s daughter Sally and his son Jon work in the media.

None of the Magnussons ever blew the whistle on Jimmy Savile. Sally Magnusson has presented ‘Songs of Praise’. As did Aled Jones, the 1980s school boy singing sensation who lived at Llandegfan and was a neighbour of all those Top Doctors and staff at UCNW who were desperately in need of a distraction just when Aled became a superstar overnight because Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I would not shut up about the crimes of the Top Docs. Aled went to school with the children of D.G.E. Wood. Aled also went to school with at least five kids whom I know were being abused by those we know and love, but Aled’s school didn’t give a stuff about them and neither did anyone else.

More recently, Aled has presented ‘Cash In The Attic’.

  • Strange but true

 

Walking In The Air-The Snowman by BeautyAndStrength on ...

Jesus Christ, he’s grabbed a little boy in his pyjamas, the Abominable Snowman must be working for Gwynedd Social Services.

 

Lord Derek Barber, a civil servant and agriculturalist, was President of the RSPB, 1990-91. Barber was educated at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester and served in WWII. He farmed in Gloucestershire before serving in various posts at the MAFF, 1946-72. After that, Barber took various advisory roles on countryside and agricultural matters, including to the Gov’t and BBC. Derek Barber will have been networked into the landowning paedophiles’ friends, such as Lord Kenyon and the Duke of Westminster.

Barber was also President of the Gloucestershire Naturalists’ Society; President of the Royal Agricultural Society of England; President of the British Pig Association; and a Vice-President of the Nature in Art Trust.

Barber picked up his peerage in Aug 1992, four months after the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by the firebomb in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Barber sat as a crossbencher in the Lords.

 

The CEO of the RSPB, 1991-98, was Barbara Young aka Baroness Young of Old Scone. The Baroness of Old Scone is one of the breed of Labour peers who just go through life clocking up public appointments, anything will do, they’re not fussy, but the appointments do of course always include a few which involve keeping the lid on the barrel of crap which is the NHS.

Lady Old Scone is currently Chair of the Woodland Trust. She was the Chief Exec of Diabetes UK, 2010-15 and before that she was involved in the establishment of the CQC, Chairing that organisation between 2008-10. Lady Old Scone was Chief Exec of the Environment Agency, 2000-08 and other posts she has held include: Chair of English Nature; Vice Chairman of the BBC; Board member of AWG plc; and posts in a number of local health authorities, including Parkside Health Authority. In 2010 Barbara Young was appointed Chancellor of Cranfield University and was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 2017.

 

One other person to whom biologists will have grovelled is Professor Peter Bridgewater, an Australian conservationist, who was Chief Scientist of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1989–90. Peter Bridgewater was also Chief Executive of the Australian Nature Conservation Agency and Director of the National Parks and Wildlife Service, 1990–97 and Secretary of UNESCO’s Man and the Biosphere Programme and Director of its Division of Ecological Sciences 1999–03. Subsequently Bridgewater was Secretary General of the Ramsar Convention on the Protection of Wetlands of International Importance and from 2007 he has been Chairman of the UK’s statutory Joint Nature Conservation Committee. Among many international appointments, Bridgewater was Chair of the International Whaling Commission, 1995-97.

 

Another name from the past who knew some of what was happening in Bangor was Dr Dorian Moss. Dorian was a statistician who worked at the Institute for Terrestrial Ecology in Bangor in the 1980s. He was a member of Bangor Bird Group and knew Anne well. Anne had spent a summer working at the ITE with Dorian. After the gang killed Anne, it was Dorian’s wife who came over to help sort Anne’s things out…

 

 

There are bombs going off everywhere at the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. More patients have died unnecessarily and yet more notices have been issued by coroners with a view to ‘preventing further deaths’. Yet another damning report has been compiled re the mental health services in north Wales and Donna Ockenden, an independent investigator, appeared on camera saying that this cannot go on, the Board cannot simply continue to produce action plan after action plan after action plan, with no improvement in ‘services’.

Nothing will change. No-one in north Wales knows how to provide a mental health service, they never did know how to do that. They weren’t providing a mental health service, what they were doing was running a paedophile ring. Everyone knew it and everyone allowed it to continue. Patients’ complaints were ignored as were deaths, inspections were conducted by the paedophiles’ friends and subsequently described the traffickers as kind, compassionate and excellent. Research was faked and trumpeted as world leading by both Westminster and the Welsh Gov’t. The people at the Betsi are the very same people who ran that paedophile ring 20 yrs ago.

There is no mental health service in north Wales and very little NHS per se. The reason why people are finally squealing is that the situation is now so bad that better off people are dying as well. When it was just the dispossessed nobody minded. Now no-one is safe. It’s what happens when a cartel of Top Doctors are allowed to kill people who dare complain.

Everyone needs to stop the endless reports and reviews, the meaningless historical enquiries led by the paedophiles’ friends which are going to bring ‘closure’, the vacuous #Me Tooing and the promises to give Wales a ‘feminist Gov’t’ and they need to arrest those doctors who colluded with each other to refuse all care and treatment to anyone who complained. They also need to arrest the Health Ministers who were told repeatedly what those doctors were doing yet refused to act – Jane Hutt, Brian Gibbons, Edwina Hart, Lesley Griffiths and Mark Drakeford. People died. It was quite deliberate.

One person who might like to give evidence is Dr Gruff Penrhyn Jones, formerly of Waunfawr Surgery. Gruff was much more pleasant than his dysfunctional colleagues, but he knew what they were doing. For a period of years, Gruff knew that I was unlawfully refused all treatment by every single doctor in north Wales. There is at least one other patient living in Gwynedd who was in exactly the same position. Gruff looked on but did not act. But then no-one did. Gruff’s dad was a Top Doctor in north Wales and Gruff knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Gruff spent part of his career in Sweden and his son is in the Swedish police force. The last that I heard was that Gruff had left the UK, I think to live in Sweden. Gruff is not the only witness who emigrated, Dr Richard Tranter of the Hergest Unit and a number of his colleagues did as well.

The Top Docs watched an international paedophile ring in operation for years, said nothing and when Operation Pallial was launched they emigrated. Of course there is no mental health service in north Wales, how could there possibly be?

 

A Local Boy Made Good?

My post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ detailed the enormous quantity of money – some of it via a Coutts cheque – that fell into the hands of some people in Somerset in the late 1980s/1990s who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd and the trafficking gang. I have explained that the constituency MP of the Somerset contingent was Tom King, who was personally known to one of them. King was Secretary of State for Employment, Oct 1983-Sept 1985, overseeing his Minister for State, June 1983-Sept 1985, Sir Peter Morrison, who was a member of the paedophile gang who had opened fire on me, Brown and some of our friends. In Sept 1985, Thatch appointed King Secretary of State for N Ireland, a post that King retained until July 1989, when King was made Secretary of State for Defence.

It was when King was N Ireland Secretary that he concealed the horrors of the Kincora Boys’ Home, the associated serious crime and national security risks. The high society paedophiles using Kincora had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales and to the gang in south London which was facilitated by St George’s Hospital Medical School, Springfield Hospital and Wandsworth Social Services.

Previous posts have mentioned that some of the Somerset contingent also knew another of Thatcher’s Cabinet Ministers, John Biffen. John Biffen grew up on a farm near Combwich, about three miles away from where I lived before I left Somerset for university and he went to the village school at Combwich with one of the Somerset contingent. Biffen’s secondary school was Dr Morgan’s in Bridgwater, Biffen was there at the same time as my father.

I was always told that Biffen was a clever swotty kid who was horrifically bullied at school which didn’t do much for what would now be called his mental health. He won a scholarship to Jesus College, Cambridge from Dr Morgan’s, left Somerset and didn’t have any more contact with those who had made his life so miserable. However, Biffen did remain close to his mum and dad who carried on living at Combwich until I think they died. There were no doubt other people of whom Biffen had happier memories in Somerset with whom he did keep contact. His mum and dad knew many of the local farming families who knew me when I was a teenager.

After Cambridge, Biffen worked for Tube Investments Ltd and for a short time at the Economist Intelligence Unit.

In 1961 Biffen was elected as the Tory MP for Oswestry, later renamed Shropshire North. He succeeded David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech, who been appointed US ambassador. David Ormsby-Gore was US ambassador when JFK was assassinated and many of Ormsby-Gore’s family and descendants subsequently led difficult lives which ended in violent deaths. The family seat is in Oswestry but the Ormsby-Gores also own an estate in Gwynedd. The difficulties that the Ormsby-Gores have encountered in recent decades suggest to me that they were targeted by the paedophiles’ friends. See post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for further details.

 

Biffen was right wing and in the 1960s was a member of the Mont Pelerin Society, one of the monetarist think tanks on which Thatch based her policies. Unlike Thatch, Biffen was clever enough to actually understand the theories which were espoused. Biffen was a friend and disciple of Enoch Powell, but Biffen didn’t alienate people in the way that Powell did and was seen as the respectable embodiment of Powell’s ideas.

Before Thatch became PM, Biffen was in her Shadow Cabinet, along with Tom King and Michael Heseltine, who’s role in helping another person in Somerset who knew some of what was going on in north Wales was detailed in my post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’.

Biffen was one of those who enthusiastically backed Thatch for Tory leader in 1975. Another keen supporter of Thatch in that leadership election was Sir Peter Morrison.

Biffen was only one of three of Thatcher’s Cabinet Ministers who had not been part of Heath’s Gov’t. The other two were Nicholas Edwards, whom Thatch appointed Welsh Secretary (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’, ‘Corruption Bay’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’)  and Angus Maude. Thatch really liked John Biffen, Hugo Young’s book ‘One Of Us’ maintained that she viewed him as her guru.

As soon as Thatch became PM, Biffen was brought into the leadership circle out of nowhere. His first post in Thatcher’s Gov’t was as Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Hugo Young tells us that Thatch put Biffen in the Treasury to act as a restraining influence in the face of any dangerous tendencies towards Keynes’s theories that her Chancellor Geoffrey Howe might show. Young describes Biffen as being ‘the first authentic Thatcher political creation’. When Biffen was in the Treasury, Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of HM Treasury.  Geoffrey Howe had been concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years – Howe had worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Geoffrey Howe was a longstanding friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, they had first met at Cambridge.

In 1981, Thatch made Biffen Secretary of State for Trade and he remained there until April 1982, when Thatch appointed him Leader of the House and Lord President of the Council. At the time, George Thomas was Speaker and busied himself molesting boys.

The role of Lord President of the Council brought with it the role of visitor to UCNW (Bangor University). When Biffen was given that position, I was a student at UNCW. I hadn’t yet encountered the trafficking gang – that didn’t happen until early in 1983 – but Brown and I had already written to Sir Keith Joseph, the Secretary of State for Education, about student finance and received quite unpleasant replies. Our letters were written from our respective universities, but Joseph made mention of the fact that both of our ‘home addresses’ were near Bridgwater. He also seemed to know that Brown and I were friends, yet we had written to him separately, neither of us mentioning the other one. Joseph sent us a joint letter in reply.

I now know that UCNW was bugged by the security services at that time – I imagine because of the Irish Republican activity in the Students’ Union and the Welsh language activism in UCNW (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and I have been told that I was filmed when I volunteered at the worrying SU creche at UCNW in early 1982 (see posts ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’ and ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’). So Thatcher’s Cabinet knew that the daughter of people personally known to two of her Cabinet ministers was at UCNW, was of a leftie inclination and had begun observing a few things that should not have been happening but which were happening because of UCNW’s role in facilitating the trafficking ring of which Peter Morrison was a member.

In the autumn of 1982 I lodged in a house in Port Dinowic with a man who had grown up in care and had been the victim of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. I have given information that demonstrates that I was already under surveillance by the security services by then. The paedophile gang had also clocked me because they wondered who the English girl living in their victim’s house was. That led to the security services placing Brown under surveillance. Brown was at Aston University in Birmingham, which was run by Thatcher’s mate Sir Freddie Crawford, a Freemason who was part of the corruption of civic life in Birmingham. It was in early 1983 that Brown received the first murder threat from the man who later tried to fracture his skull.

It was in early 1983 when ‘T’ moved into our shared house on Anglesey and I and my house mates witnessed the complete dereliction of their duty of care on the part of UCNW and the Manpower Services Commission towards a 17 yr old girl who could not cope with living independently (see post ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’).

John Biffen remained Lord President of the Council until June 1983. By which time I was in the clutches of Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the trafficking gang.

Biffen became Lord Privy Seal in June 1983 and remained in that position, as well as Leader of the House, until June 1987. It was in June 1987 that Dafydd and the paedophiles, in collaboration with the Mental Health Act Commission and the Home Office – which was led by Douglas Hurd at the time – planned their co-ordinated attempt at fitting me up and imprisoning me for a serious crime, a plan which fell apart in July 1987 because of the refusal of a nursing officer and a police sergeant to not tell as many lies as were required (see posts ‘Workers’ Play Time’, ‘Security, Security’ and ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’).

Willie Whitelaw succeeded Biffen as Lord President of the Council in June 1983. Whitelaw was a paedophiles’ friend of many years standing and had protected Dafydd and the gang for decades, including of course by colluding with their criminality when Willie Whitelaw was busy giving young thugs a Short Sharp Shock in his capacity as Home Secretary, 1979-83. Well you can’t get much more of a shock than being gang raped in a children’s home, framed and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre where you’re beaten up by the screws and if you’re not found hanging ‘by suicide’ in Risley’s ‘hospital wing’ (see post ‘Include Me Out’), then unlawfully transported to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where you are never seen again.

Here is a particularly low form of life on earth:

The Viscount Whitelaw
William Whitelaw in 1963.jpg

 

In 1983, after his highly successful stint as Home Secretary, Thatch gave Willie an hereditary peerage. Very few of those were given out, although another lucky recipient was Thatcher’s friend George Thomas, again in 1983:

 

The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

Willie’s hereditary peerage died out because he only had daughters, whereas George Thomas’s died out because, being a paedophile who was only interested in young boys, he didn’t have any sons either. So one wonders why either of them actually wanted an hereditary peerage.

 

In 1981, whilst Trade Secretary, Biffen allowed Murdoch to buy ‘The Times’ without reference to the Monopolies Commission. According to Woodrow Wyatt, who helped persuade Thatcher to ensure this, the Commission ‘almost certainly would have blocked it.’

As Leader of the House, Biffen used the guillotine to cut short debate on the  European Communities (Amendment) Act 1986. The paedophile gang which Biffen concealed preferred to use firebombs to achieve their aims (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

 

Biffen’s image as an economic dry mellowed during his time in Gov’t and he made blunt public calls for greater moderation in Gov’t policy. In 1980 Biffen warned the country to prepare for ‘three years of unparalleled austerity’. In 1981 Biffen gave a speech to a fringe meeting at that year’s Conservative Party Conference in which he claimed that far from cutting public spending, the Gov’t had increased it by two per cent since 1979 and that the Gov’t was part of an all-party consensus in favour of the welfare state and public spending: ‘We are all social democrats now’, Biffen concluded in his speech.

Biffen’s comments regarding public spending were of course correct. Despite all the rhetoric, Thatcher’s Gov’t did not cut public spending. The austerity discourse was used to promote other agendas and to reconfigure the economy. Britain was the neoliberal experiment in Europe.

On 9 Feb 1986 Biffen claimed that Toryism was ‘not a raucous political faction’ and after the Conservative Party’s losses in the 1986 local government elections and poor performances in the two parliamentary by-elections held simultaneously, Biffen was interviewed on ‘Weekend World’ by Brian Walden on 11 May as the Gov’ts spokesman. He called the results ‘Black Thursday’, said the Conservatives needed to fight the next general election on a ‘balanced ticket’ and that ‘no-one seriously supposes that the Prime Minister would be Prime Minister throughout the entire period of the next Parliament’. This alienated him from Thatcher and resulted in his being dropped from the Cabinet after the 1987 General Election. This was no surprise, in that Thatcher’s Press Secretary Bernard Ingham had already famously called Biffen a ‘semi-detached’ member of the Cabinet. Thatcher in her memoirs described Biffen’s desire for a balanced ticket as ‘foolish’ and ‘a recipe for paralysis.’ In the month after his sacking, Biffen criticised Thatcher’s Gov’t as a ‘Stalinist regime’.

In June 1997 Biffen was given a peerage. By which time the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking evidence from the victims of Dafydd and the gang. The accounts of the most horrific abuses led Dafydd’s targets to be denounced as liars who were only seeking financial compensation.

Biffen remained unmarried until he was 48 yrs old, when he married Sarah Wood. He had one stepson, Nicholas Wood, a correspondent with the ‘New York Times’ and ‘International Herald Tribune’, as well as a stepdaughter, Lucy.

John Biffen was an anxious man who suffered from a number of health problems, including severe depression, for which he was treated by Top Doctors. So as was so often the case, this leading light in a Cabinet of absolute bastards who were prepared to see people die rather than admit to what Morrison and others were doing, had major vulnerabilities himself. No wonder John Biffen couldn’t stand up to a bunch of gangsters being facilitated by the Top Doctors. Biffen died in 2007, after suffering from kidney failure for many years.

 

Brian Walden noted that Biffen was the ‘most honest’ politician that he had interviewed. Biffen must have fessed up to Walden about the Westminster Paedophile Ring then and the murder of the house mate of the daughter of someone with whom he went to school.

Biffen’s obituary in ‘The Guardian’ stated that Biffen ‘was one of the cleverest politicians of his generation and one of the nicest. He was probably the best leader of the house (1982-87) in living memory during the most contentious and abrasive years of Margaret Thatcher. He was increasingly in temperamental and intellectual disagreement with her, but he managed to get Thatcherism’s business done with a humour that half-consoled an opposition which grew very fond of him. When he, most famously, opposed Thatcher’s plans for a poll tax, it was the fatal end to a career that he never greatly cherished…as leader of the House from 1982 to 1987, he gave Thatcher outstanding service and provided the government with an urgently needed human face. He once described himself in that office as “an unashamed boss’s nark”, but it is doubtful if she thought of him in such a light’.

Oh I’m sure that Thatch knew that she was dealing with a complete jelly, even if he was a very much more intelligent jelly than the other jellies with whom she surrounded herself.

‘Bunch of murderous sex traffickers? Anything you say and would you like me to take a large Coutts cheque down to Biffen’s parents’ neighbours in Somerset?’

 

‘The Guardian’ also observed that Biffen ‘was cooler about repeated tax cuts than might have been expected, and found himself in alliance with Peter Walker (minister of agriculture 1979-83 and energy secretary 1983-87) in resisting the public spending axe.’

Walker was Secretary of State for Wales, 1987-90, where he did of course provide Dafydd and the paedophile gang with outstanding service (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). It was while Walker was Welsh Secretary that those who lived down the road from Biffen’s parents found themselves bumping into members of the Oxford Dangerous Sports Club, who then gave them lots of money (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

Walker had been Minister for Agriculture when Dafydd unlawfully incarcerated Mary Wynch. Before Dafydd had her arrested and imprisoned, Mary had been working as a secretary in the Agriculture Dept at UCNW, which was run by Dafydd’s mates. Despite the laughably low academic standards in the Agri Dept, one of their staff, Richard Howarth, found himself as an advisor to Thatch. Howarth’s star dropped very suddenly out of the sky after Peter Morrison was found dead in 1995.

 

‘The Guardian’ believed that Biffen ‘had, indeed, considerable sympathy for working people, appropriate to a Baldwinian Tory. Indeed, as he grew older, he seemed at times to have more in common with middle-of-the-road Labour, at least in terms of ethics, than with the party whose radical rightwing roots he had watered. He had, interestingly, a high and affectionate regard for Neil Kinnock…’

Well as both Biffen and the Windbag were sitting in the corner wetting themselves in the face of the serious organised crime which had colonised the whole of Wales it is hardly surprising that they found so much in common.

My father was a high Tory who used to wonder why John Biffen went dangerously red. Gosh, if only I had known it was because Biffen was colluding with a bunch of paedophiles who were targeting Brown and me. Tom King knew that though. John Biffen is dead, but dear old Tom is still alive!

Baron King of Money Changing Hands In Return For Silence: as you gained your Commons seat partly on the back of the hard work that my grandpa – my HONEST grandpa who took the piss out of the Freemasons and told you that Edward Du Cann was a crook – put in on behalf of the Tories in Bridgwater, would you like to tell us all that you know, before you and the Lady Jane of One Sausage Roll To Last All Evening shuffle off this mortal coil?

When we were witnessing the extraordinary events involving ‘T’, King was Secretary of State for the Environment. So he will have had domain over many of the things which were central to the interests of the UCNW Depts of Zoology (who employed T) and Plant Biology (who ignored our pleas for help in the face of what she was doing).

I will do a bit more digging with regard to King’s responsibilities and decisions while he was in the Dept for the Environment and indeed why Tom King, who knew bugger all about the environment, was appointed to that post. King was appointed on Jan 6 1983. T moved into our house just weeks later.

I was told a few days ago that T was yet another gift to me and my friends from the security services, along with Leslie Gore, Naomi Grunfeld, Diane Foxhills, Donna Maria Morgan and Denise Baker-MacClearns (see previous posts), but I didn’t believe it. Looks like that once more, things were worse than I presumed.

Up until now I had believed that we encountered T, a crazy teenager who ran us ragged, stole from us and exhausted us just when we really didn’t need it, because we had a bit of bad luck. It seems not. So I won’t bother to protect her identity any longer. Patricia Margaret Edwards aka Trishles, you owe me your rent from many, many years ago. And the clothes of mine which you nicked. The Zoology Dept owes our house mate an apology for threatening to throw him out of the Dept because of Trishles’s crimes and Dr Adrian Bell is looking like a bigger and bigger dipstick with each day that passes. I told him about the chaos surrounding Trishles and aas ever my concerns were ignored. D.G.E. Wood knew about Trishles as well. When Adrian Bell seemed to think that it was fine that we were being robbed blind by a member of UCNW staff – Bell’s wife Alison was the rep on the UCNW Senate for the technical staff and Trishles was a trainee technician – I asked Wood for help. I didn’t realise that Wood was facilitating a sex trafficking gang, so it is hardly surprising that help or advice was not forthcoming.

So even in the wake of the security service’s own agent showing up the inadequacy of UCNW and the MSC, the paedophiles’ friends weren’t stopped. A house of students was just bled dry and subjected to much aggro.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh for God’s sake MI5, what did you think that you were doing? Can I have all the money that you have screwed out of me over the last 30 yrs please? Only please don’t pay me with a Coutts cheque, I don’t want to be associated with them.

 

John Biffen might have believed that Bernard Ingham was ‘the sewer not the sewage’, but I conclude that everyone involved was a complete turd.

I note that Biffen was sacked by Thatch in the post-election reshuffle of June 1987. Well he had served his purpose, as had his friend, the foolish old Windbag. They had all kept schtum about Dafydd and the paedophiles in the hope that it would win them the election. Thatch was the one who benefited.

Thatch won the election on 11 June 1987. On 11 May 1987 the Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal of Professor Oliver Brooke, the Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s Hospital Medical School, who in Dec 1986 had been imprisoned for the possession of child porn. Lane compared Brooke’s collection of child porn to a collection of cigarette cards and allowed his appeal. Brooke was released in June 1987. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring.

 

18 Nov 1987, the King’s Cross Fire, which I missed by a few hours, having been delayed:

301 Moved Permanently

 

Biffen was ‘a quietly convinced high Anglican’.

The Guardian’s obituarist told us that ‘John Biffen was not temperamentally suited to leadership, dominance or bitter partisan fights…He was a very good thing and is remembered with gratitude.’

When the manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies refused to investigate my complaints about Dafydd, before Davies bellowed at me to ‘put up and shut up’, he told me that a lot of people thought that Dafydd was ‘a very good thing’. Well a gang of old paedophiles at Westminster did and no doubt they were very grateful to the fat idiot Alun Davies as well.

 

The Torygraph’s obituary of Biffen reminded us that Biffen ‘admitted possessing a “keenly developed sense of meanness”‘.

I haven’t had time to research the backgrounds of those who wrote Biffen’s obits, but they will have known about the Westminster Paedophile Ring, all the journos did.

 

John Biffen was at various times a director of Glynwed International, J Bibby & Sons, the Rockware Group and Barlow International. He was a Trustee of the London Clinic, 1994-02 and was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Shropshire in 1993.

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

The Village

Recent posts have touched on how some of the paedophiles’ friends pride themselves on being Arty, in their capacities as collectors but also in terms of them occupying positions of responsibility in museums, galleries or in Gov’t roles relating to the Arts.

Dafydd’s mate Robert Bluglass excels in this field, he owns Compton Verney in Warwickshire, one of the finest galleries in Europe. In 1993, Compton Verney was purchased in a run-down state by the Peter Moores Foundation, a ‘charity supporting music and visual arts’, established by Littlewoods Chairman Peter Moores, who restored it to a gallery capable of housing international exhibitions. In 1993, my career had been destroyed, as had the media career of my friend who wanted to make a documentary about the mental health services in north Wales and the North Wales Police closed their investigation into the abuse of children in care, concluding that there was ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring. Thousands of statements had been taken, hundreds of complaints made and a file was sent to the CPS, yet there were no prosecutions.

In Oct 1993, John Smith, the leader of the Labour Party, appointed Ron Davies as Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron and his mates were cheerleaders for devolution and it was assumed by everyone that ‘when’ a Welsh Assembly was created, Ron would be First Secretary. It all fell apart when Ron had his moment of madness on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie, just before Blair was about to make Ron First Secretary in the newly established Welsh Assembly (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’).

Compton Verney Art Gallery is now run by Compton Verney House Trust, a registered charity no less. The charity in question is one Professor Robert Bluglass, who’s ‘Trust’ is ‘supported’ by the Peter Moores Foundation, after the Peter Moores Foundation transferred Compton Verney to the management of Bluglass’s blood-soaked, safe hands. In March 2004, the Compton Verney Art Gallery was opened by Prince Charles. That’s the Prince Charles who’s office told Alison Taylor that he ‘could not get involved’ when Alison Taylor wrote and told him that children in care in north Wales were being abused; the Prince Charles who was Chancellor of UCNW when Bluglass’s mate Dafydd and his colleagues were using their roles in the College to run a sex trafficking ring; the Prince Charles who’s friend Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster, was the President of the City of Chester Conservative Association whilst Peter Morrison, the constituency MP was abusing kids in care in north Wales; the Prince Charles who’s mater knighted Peter Morrison in Feb 1991, the month after I’d been forced out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School and was facing possible imprisonment after Dafydd’s colleagues Tony and Sadie Francis had perjured themselves.

Charles, what on earth are you doing mixed up in all this??? You’re the bloody heir to the throne, Bluglass has played a leading role in an international sex trafficking racket and the most probable explanation for Bluglass’s paws being on one of the finest art galleries in Europe is that it is the means by which he is laundering money. This is a very long way from the Duchy Organic range of expensive biscuits. It is, as you might say yourself, ‘sort of…um thingy…um appalling…’. Or if you are anything like the ‘Private Eye’ spoof of you in ‘Heir Of Sorrows’ you might. Heir of serious organised crime. It really is appalling. Pass me an oatcake, this is even more ridiculous than Jimmy Savile offering Charles and Di marriage guidance.

An online guide to ‘Greeting The Queen’ reassures readers that they mustn’t worry about what to say, they must just curtsy.

‘Have you come far?’ ‘Yes, I’ve fled north Wales because your son’s associates tried to kill me.’

It has recently been reported that Charles will be giving evidence to the IICSA relating to Bishop Peter Ball. Peter Ball was imprisoned for 32 months in 2015, for sex offences against children carried out between the 1970s and the 90s. The police received their first report in 1992. No charges were brought, but Ball resigned. It has been revealed that Charles had exchanged letters with Ball and that an independent inquiry found that Ball had ‘exploited his contact’ with members of the Royal Family, but there was ‘no evidence’ that Charles or any other Royals ‘sought to intervene at any point in order to protect or promote Ball’. Well that’s a relief, it’s simply that Charles is constantly rubbing noses with people who are involved with child abuse but can’t ‘get involved’ when he receives a letter telling him that someone has witnessed them abusing kids, it’s really nothing more sinister than that.

When Ball was reported for child abuse in 1992, the CPS received over 2000 letters of support for him, including letters from Cabinet Ministers and members of the Royal Family. It has not been made public who those Cabinet Ministers or Royals were. I was unaware that the CPS ever accepted ‘letters of support’. When I was prosecuted for ‘looking at a social worker in Safeways’ and for ‘calling Alun Davies a fat idiot’, no-one ever told me that I could get my mates to write to the CPS in support of me. I don’t know anyone else who was given that opportunity either.

Well it just goes to show that it’s one rule for molesting Bishops and another rule for the victims of sex trafficking gangs…

It has been admitted that Ball ‘tried to use his contact with with Charles to influence George Carey’, who was Archbishop of Canterbury at the time. I’m not sure that Ball will have needed to do that, George Carey used to be the Bishop of Bath and Wells and Somerset had one ‘dirty vicar’ known to me who molested the Brownies and Guides and another vicar who married a girl of about nineteen when he was nearly 50, who violently assaulted the kids in the local primary school and then nicked the money from the Church. Neither of them faced charges and ‘Bishop George’ – as Brown’s mum used to respectfully call him – did bugger all. All we ever heard about Bishop George were his fund-raising schemes such as the offer for the bereaved to sponsor a pipe of the organ in Wells Cathedral in memory of their loved one. Those pipes came at a very high price and it always sounded like a bit of a con to me.

Now that the paedophiles’ friends have bumped Brown’s dad off, I’ll reveal a state secret. When Col Brown organised HM Lilibet’s Silver Jubilee Celebrations in Bristol – for which Lilibet gave him an OBE – Col Brown wrote to the Palace to ask what to do about providing a bog for Lilibet, only not using that expression obviously. He received a letter back telling him that Lilibet ‘will not need to retire’. How Lilibet knew that she wouldn’t need to go for a piddle I do not know. Perhaps she’s had her pelvic floor tightened by Professor Stuart Stanton at St George’s Hospital Medical School, although she might not have risked going under his knife – his junior doctors all used to observe ‘God, I wouldn’t let him operate on me’.

 

I recommend that readers visit the Compton Verney website in order to see photos of the landscaped gardens (they were designed by Capability Brown no less) and the treasures that pack Bluglass’s house of ill-gotten gains. Meanwhile, here’s the spiel encouraging interested parties to join in the crime spree:

Corporate Sponsorship and Membership

Let’s all join in a chorus of ‘Delilah’ – ‘She stood there laughing’…

What a bunch of dickwits, even if they are serious criminals of dickwits.

 

Robert Bluglass is not the only paedophiles’ friend – indeed even Dafydd’s friend – who has an interest in art. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon, who’s son Thomas died of HIV/AIDS but before that was known to be abusing at least one boy in care in north Wales, was, among all his many other public positions (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’), Chairman of Gwasg Gregynog Press, 1978-91; President of the National Museum of Wales, 1952-57; a Trustee of the National Portrait Gallery, 1955-88 and a member of the Royal Commission on Historical Manuscripts, 1966-93. It was Lord Kenyon who was credited with transforming the National Portrait Gallery from a small specialist museum into ‘one of the great national galleries’.

 

Previous posts have noted how many paedophiles’ friends have been involved with the Arts Council of Great Britain. Harold Wilson’s friend and crooked solicitor Lord Arnold Goodman was Chair of the Arts Council, 1965-72 and had a symbiotic relationship with Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow, who was Minister of Arts, 1964-70, under Harold Wilson (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Goodman was succeeded by Lord Patrick Gibson who was Chair of the Arts Council, 1972-77. Gibson was the paedophiles’ friend who knew that the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were being contained in low paid seasonal jobs at Penrhyn Castle (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). Sir Kenneth Robinson was Chairman, 1977-82. Robinson did Dafydd and the paedophiles a great many favours when Robinson was Health Minister, 1964-68 under Wilson and then again in his capacity as the President of the National Institute for Mental Health (MIND) (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Sir William Rees-Mogg was Chairman of the Arts Council, 1982-89. Mystic Mogg was a political appointment of Thatcher’s – he was a Tory, the former Editor of ‘The Times’, 1967-81 and a BBC Governor. He was also Chairman of the publishers Pickering and Chatto and a columnist for The Indie and the ‘Daily Mail’. Mystic Mogg stated in his memoirs in 2011 that Murdoch had been excellent for ‘The Times’ and for Fleet Street.

In April 1986, ‘The Times’ reported the case of Ceryl Wyn Davies, the Gwynedd Headmaster who was imprisoned for abusing his pupils, after being allowed to return to teaching in spite of a previous prison sentence for abusing his pupils (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). ‘The Times’ had reported on a scandal involving the serious neglect of Dafydd’s patients at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh some 20 yrs previously, but remained silent about north Wales abuse horrors from 1986 onward. Rupert Murdoch bought ‘The Times’ in 1981 and Sir Simon Jenkins, who has a home in Gwynedd, was Editor of ‘The Times’, 1990-92 (see post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’). Simon must have missed that police investigation and all those deaths…

 

Rees-Mogg had a house in Somerset but spent most of his time in London, although he waved his Somerset credentials about a lot. He was High Sheriff of Somerset, 1975-78, so he would have known Brown’s father, who was Deputy Lieutenant at about the same time.

Mystic Mogg was of course the father of Jacob. When I was at school, Jacob featured in the ‘Western Daily Press’ and when he was about 10 yrs old he was promoted as a child prodigy with regard to his investments on the stock market. The ‘Western Daily Press’ was a sort of west country version of ‘The Sun’, a right wing newspaper which contained a lot of sex stories, although not pics of topless teenagers. The ‘Western Daily Press’ caught a whiff of sex everywhere, even when reporting serious harm or death. One memorable headline was ‘It’s Sex On Top Of The Cliff, Then Over We Go’, which was a report about quite a dangerous accident.

The ‘Western Daily Press’ also really maxed out on Diana Dors because she was from Swindon, but they had to keep remembering not to mention that her friends were gangsters and armed robbers. I think that Dors and her mates hung out at the Webbington Country Club near Bristol, which was viewed as a sort of Sodom and Gomorrah, the scene of gun fights and a venue for prostitution. The ‘Western Daily Press’ did manage to report it when Dors’ husband the actor Alan Lake was found shot dead. Lake’s death was always attributed to suicide but now I have a greater understanding of the circles in which he and Dors moved, I am wondering if questions were deliberately not asked about that death. As a young man, Lake went to prison after a particularly vicious pub brawl, which resulted in his mate Leapy Lee receiving an even longer sentence than Lake because he stabbed the pub’s relief manager. Leapy Lee was a rather lame pop singer who’s only hit was with the song ‘Little Arrows’. It would be a bit like Peter Noone of Herman’s Hermits being banged up for stabbing someone.

One of the Hergest Unit patients who derived such entertainment from Dafydd used to chunder on in a Dafydd-voice about Dafydd listening to Herman’s Hermits records. The joke arose from an incident in which Dafydd had tried to get down with the kids – the man in question had been sectioned and was telling Dafydd that he had gone up into the mountains and ‘I ate some grass’. To which Dafydd responded ‘do ewe mean mari-jew-ana?’ and the Hergest patient said ‘no, grass’. So Dafydd asked ‘why were ewe eating grass?’ The Hergest patient replied ‘because I was thirsty’. Dafydd diagnosed paranoid schizophrenia. I had no idea at the time that Dafydd’s gang were selling disadvantaged kids and young people to rock stars for sex, I just used to roll around laughing at Dafydd’s idea of the counter-culture. Who knows, perhaps Herman and his Hermits were buying underaged boys off Dafydd, along with everyone else.

‘There’s a Kind of Hush All Over the World’
Hushallover.jpg
 One track by Herman’s Hermits was ‘You Won’t Be Leaving’.
PROJ3CTM4YH3M Urban Exploration | Urbex: Denbigh Lunatic ...

After coming out of prison, Alan Lake had a serious riding accident which nearly paralysed him and then he became an alcoholic and experienced psychotic episodes. He was treated by a Top Doctor, but I don’t know who. Lake became seriously depressed after Dors’ died and in Oct 1984 he was found dead having been shot in the head after taking his son to the railway station. His body was found in his son’s bedroom.

Lake played parts in the TV programmes ‘The Underworld’, ‘Locate And Destroy’, ‘Dixon Of Dock Green’, ‘Crown Court’, ‘Angels’, ‘No Hiding Place’, ‘Paint Me A Murder’ and ‘Hart To Hart’. His films included ‘Catch Us If You Can’.

 

Mystic Mogg’s daughter Annunziata stood unsuccessfully for a Somerset constituency for the Tories in the 2010 General Election and caused much mirth by calling herself ‘Nancy Mogg’ for electioneering purposes. Not that it fooled anyone.

 

In 1989 Lord Peter Palumbo succeeded Mystic Mogg as Chairman of the Arts Council and remained in post until 1993. Tory peer Palumbo is the son of Randolph Palumbo, himself a major property developer. Peter Palumbo was educated at Eton and then studied at Worcester College, Oxford. In 1972 Palumbo bought Farnsworth House in the US, expanded and improved the house by adding furniture of the man who designed the house and by purchasing adjacent properties and placing in them the work of eminent sculptors. Palumbo sold the property at auction to the National Trust for historic preservation in 2003. Palumbo also owns other swish properties in the US and for a time owned a Le Corbusier in Paris. In 1994 Palumbo demolished the Mappin & Webb building in the City of London and replaced it with a building designed by Sir James Stirling, which was opened by the Governor of the Bank of England, Eddie George.

Palumbo was a Trustee of the Tate, 1978-85 and Chairman of its foundation, 1986-87. He served as a Trustee for the Whitechapel Art Gallery and of the Natural History Museum. He was Chairman of the Serpentine Gallery’s Board of Trustees. He was also the Chancellor of the University of Portsmouth and the Chairman of the Friends of Highgate Cemetery. He has been on the Board of Trustees of The Architecture Foundation. Palumbo is or was Chairman of the jury of the Pritzker Prize for Architecture.

Palumbo led the fundraising effort to resurrect and refurbish the Church of St Stephen Walbrook in London, a building by Sir Christopher Wren. Henry Moore was commissioned by Palumbo to build a stone altar for the church. The former rector of St Stephen Walbrook and founder of the Samaritans, Dr Chad Varah, was the family chaplain. 

There were considerable problems in Bangor after the Samaritans refused to help suicidal people if they were mental health patients because the Samaritans ‘weren’t trained’ and ‘people like that often kill themselves anyway’. What made it worse was that the Hergest Unit were refusing to treat many mental health patients and would simply give them the phone number of the Samaritans and then call the police to throw them out of the hospital.

Palumbo was a polo team mate of Prince Charles and the two were close until 1984 when Charles publicly criticised some of Palumbo’s architecture. Palumbo nevertheless still became godfather to Princess Beatrice.  

Palumbo was created a life peer by Thatch in Feb 1991 – the same month as Peter Morrison was knighted! 

 

Palumbo’s eldest son is Jamie Palumbo who in 2017 had an estimated fortune of £350 million. He was educated at Eton and Worcester College, Oxford. From 1984-92, Palumbo worked for Merrill Lynch and Morgan Grenfell. 

In Sept 1991 Jamie Palumbo, together with his school friend Humphrey Waterhouse and DJ Justin Berkmann, founded the Ministry of Sound nightclub in South London. Initially Palumbo lost control of the club to drug dealers and a fight to regain control ensued. One wonders to what extent Jamie Palumbo ‘regained control’. Ministry of Sound has expanded into a number of areas including recorded music, live events, digital media and merchandise. Ministry of Sound Recordings is the largest independent music company in the world. In 2016 Palumbo sold Ministry of Sound Recordings to the Sony Music Group for $104 million.

It was the Sony subsidiary Epic which gave the Super Furry Animals such a generous recording deal (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’). The leading light in the Super Furries was Gruff Rhys, the son of Ioan Bowen Rees who was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst the paedophile ring made merry within the Council’s children’s homes.

In 1994 Palumbo launched legal proceedings against his father with his sister, claiming that his father had mismanaged the family trust and subsequently his father resigned as a trustee. In 2010 new proceedings were launched relating to another family trust, his father also resigned from this trust and paid legal fees. I hate to think what Jamie will do when his dad dies, the notion of ‘where’s a will there’s a relative’ will be taken to a whole new level.

Jamie Palumbo is a major donor to the Lib Dems and in Oct 2013 received a peerage.

 

In 1993 Alexander Ruthven, Earl Gowrie aka Grey Gowrie, became Chairman of the Arts Council of Great Britain. Grey Gowrie’s grandfather was Governor General of Australia and Gowrie was educated at Eton, Balliol College and Harvard.

Grey Gowrie succeeded to the earldom of Gowrie on the death of his grandfather on 2 May 1955; at the same time he succeeded as 2nd Viscount Ruthven of Canberra and 2nd Baron Gowrie of Canberra and of Dirleton (East Lothian). In 1956, he further succeeded his great-uncle the 10th Lord Ruthven of Freeland as 3rd Baron Ruthven of Gowrie.

Lord Gowrie inherited his estate in County Kildare from his great-aunt Sheelagh Blacker in 1967 and later sold it to Tony O’Reilly, to whom he also sold his Dublin home on Fitzwilliam Square. Sir Anthony O’Reilly is the billionaire Irish former businessman and international rugby union player. O Reilly led the Independent News & Media Group, 1973-09 and is the former CEO and Chairman of the H.J. Heinz Company. He was the leading shareholder of Waterford Wedgwood.

Gowrie lived partly in Ireland until 1983 and then moved to the marches region of Wales, while also maintaining a London residence for much of the period.

Grey Gowrie joined the Tory frontbench under Ted Heath in 1972 as a Whip and remained in position until 1974. He served under Thatcher as Minister of State for Employment, 1979-81 and as Minister of State for N Ireland, 1981-83. So Gowrie served in Thatcher’s Gov’t with Peter Morrison and would have been party to what had gone on at the Kincora Boys’ Home. Thatch then appointed Gowrie as Minister for the Arts, 1983-85. He was also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster between 1984-85. Despite being offered the post of Secretary of State for Education and Science, Gowrie resigned from the Cabinet in 1985, stating that it was impossible for him to live in London on the salary provided for the post. Grey Gowrie is very rich and very posh, so ‘Private Eye’ made much of Gowrie’s low wages as a Cabinet Minister and there was comment about the need to stop the priceless work of art that was The Gowrie from leaving Britain.

Grey Gowrie was also Chairman of Sotheby’s, 1985–1994.

The Arts Council of Great Britain was divided in 1994 to form the Arts Council of England, Scottish Arts Council and Arts Council of Wales. At the same time the National Lottery was established and the Arts Council of England became one of the distribution bodies, thus The Gowrie was responsible for dishing out the dosh. The National Lottery was of course Thatcher’s big idea – Thatch maintained that it would provide an opportunity for the creation of more millionaires. If the old cow was still alive I’d remind her that it is quite difficult to make a living by gambling – even George Carman had to use his income as a corrupt barrister to subsidise his huge gaming debts – and contrary to the advert assuring us that it ‘could be you’, it was most unlikely to be. It’s called statistical probability, Thatch would have done well to have acquainted herself with the notion. However there have been a number of scandals when it has been revealed that Lottery money has been used for certain minority interests including gay and lesbian groups, some of which have not been what they pretended to be. The National Lottery looks kindly upon ‘mental health support groups’ and the like as well.

Now why would a filthy rich, multiply titled connoisseur of fine art and paedophiles’ friend like The Gowrie have been interested in causes like that? The Chairman of Sotheby’s was not going to be found sitting in the MIND ‘drop in’ in Bangor, being told that there was ‘nothing they could do’ when distressed Empowered Service Users recounted tales of serious crime on the part of the mental health services and others. There was someone who was banned from the Bangor MIND drop in – it was the Hergest patient who was a fine art graduate and who used to bang on about the World of Art and the filthy lucre and sexploitation involved. But Helen Milne, the inadequate, lame servant of Dafydd’s who ran the drop in, only banned him AFTER he’d given the lecture on art and the free lessons for the Empowered Service Users.

Helen’s colleague Alison Greenaway was the Bangor MIND co-ordinator for donkey’s years – then Alison trained as a psychiatric social worker and made her loyalties quite clear, as patients were found dead and went to prison – she didn’t say a word (see post ‘A Bit More About Those Very Muddy Waters’). Alison felt the call of social work at about the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Meanwhile Helen Milne also led Bangor Rape Crisis.

It was an absolutely joke, there was not one ‘helping agency’ in north Wales that Dafydd and the paedophiles did not control. It seems that they even had The Gowrie in their pocket.

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones:

News Photo : British poet and Arts Minister Alexander ...

 

Alexander Patrick Greysteil Hore-Ruthven, 2nd Earl of Gowrie:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

Now if Wingett’s the auctioneers near Wrexham had been involved in channelling dosh to the paedophiles’ friends, it would not surprise me. This is the Chairman of Sotheby’s that we are talking about.

 

Lucille Hughes

 

The Gowrie lectured at Harvard and UCL and was Provost of the Royal College of Art. He is a Patron of the Elton John AIDS Foundation. Together with Rowan Williams and Sir Daniel Day-Lewis, he is a Patron of the ‘Wilfred Owen Association’. In terms of the subject matter of my post ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’, The Gowrie is a substantial part. The Gowrie was a founding Director of the British Friends of the National Gallery of Ireland.

In the summer of 1999, having been diagnosed with a serious heart condition, The Gowrie checked into Harefield Hospital and, after a heart transplant and a long recovery, left hospital in 2000. He became friends with his principal surgeon, Sir Magdi Yacoub and now Chairs the institute named for him. 

Magdi Yacoub worked with Dame Julia Polak, the person who was alleged to have been the most unscrupulous liar and fraudster at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School when I was there in 1986-87. Some years later Polak and Yacoub claimed to have performed a life-saving medical miracle on Polak herself and then founded a research institute on the basis of that miracle. My post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ explains why I suspect that this was the most audacious of all Polak’s alleged research frauds.

In 2003 The Gowrie was elected a Fellow of the Royal Society of Literature. In Jan 2009, The Gowrie accepted Farad Azima’s invitation to Chair the Advisory Board of the Iran Heritage Foundation.

The Gowrie’s first wife was Alexandra Bingley, daughter of Colonel Robert Bingley. I’ve done a bit of digging to try and find out if Robert Bingley is any relation of the Bingley clan who colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles for so many years but surprise, surprise, the info doesn’t seem to be available.

 

 

The Arts Council dates back to the 1940s. In 1940, the Council for the Encouragement of Music and the Arts (CEMA), was appointed to help promote and maintain British culture. The Council was Gov’t funded and after WWII was renamed the Arts Council of Great Britain.

A  Royal Charter was granted on 9 Aug 1946, followed by another in 1967. The latter provided for functions in Scotland and Wales to be conducted by two almost autonomous committees known as the Scottish and Welsh Arts Councils – the basis for today’s Scottish Arts Council and Arts Council of Wales.

The Council’s first Chairman was John Maynard Keynes who used his influence in Gov’t to secure a high level of funding, despite Britain’s severe economic problems following WWII. The majority of this funding was directed to organisations with which Keynes had close ties such as the Royal Opera House and was restricted to Central London. Keynes used his political influence to ensure that the Arts Council reported directly to the Treasury, establishing the principle of an ‘arms length’ relationship between UK Arts policy and the Gov’t of the day.

After Keynes’ death, Gov’t funding was reduced, but the Arts Council received wide recognition for its contribution to the Festival of Britain thanks to the new Chairman Kenneth Clark. Kenneth Clark was the father of the odious sexual predator, the Tory MP Alan Clark. Alan Clark was constantly constructed as a bit of a character – he was actually someone who had sex with anything that moved, including non-consenting people who were below 16 yrs old. Clark regularly exposed himself to school girls and would follow young women around London whom he’d seen on public transport and had taken a shine to. Clark was a junior Minister in Thatcher’s Gov’t in the Depts of Employment, Trade and Defence. He worked at the Dept of Employment with Ken Clarke and Ken Clarke’s autobiography alleges that Alan Clark rarely made it into work and spent most of his time drunk. Alan Clark wrote about the quality of the ‘globes’ of the young women whom he saw on trains and remarked upon Thatch’s ‘very pretty ankles’. Which caused Ian Hislop to remark that Thatcher’s globes obviously weren’t worth a comment.

  • pilot

 

It really is quite unbelievable that someone allowed this lot to run a country.

Art works commissioned by the Council for the Festival of Britain were retained to form the basis of the Arts Council Collection. 

Under Wilson’s Gov’t of 1964-70, it is said that the Arts Council enjoyed a ‘golden age’, thanks to the close relationship between paedophiles’ friends Chairman Arnold Goodman and the Arts Minister Jennie Lee. This period saw the Arts Council establish a network of arts organisations across the country and a programme of touring exhibitions and performances.

During the 1970s and 1980s the Arts Council came under attack for being elitist and politically biased, in particular from Tebbit. It is clear from the Arts Council Chairs appointed by Thatcher that under the Tories it did not become less elitist or less politically biased in any way – instead of being run by paedophiles’ friends of a left wing bent, it was run by very rich paedophiles’ friends who were Tories. The Gov’t grant to the Council was capped, the idea being that the shortfall would be made up by increased sponsorship from the private sector.

The Secretary-General of the Arts Council from 1975–83 was Roy Shaw, the last Secretary-General to be knighted. Presumably after 1983, Lilibet had her hands full dishing the knighthoods out to Peter Morrison, Jimmy Savile and their ilk. Shaw faced the ‘difficult task’ of reconciling ‘the needs’ of arts organisations with the restricted funding. Mystic Mogg proposed slimming down the Council’s responsibilities. This led to a series of clashes with leading luvvies such as Peter Hall, who resigned from the Arts Council in protest. In 1987 the restructure inspired by Mystic Mogg cut by half the number of organisations receiving Arts Council funding. During the same period, the Arts Council began ‘encouraging a greater level of corporate sponsorship for the arts’, which I think means that Charles Saatchi was allowed to call the shots. Hence the elevation of Tracey Emin’s NHS-style disgusting bed and her ‘everyone whom I have ever shagged’ tent to the status of works of art.

Charles Saatchi became famous all over again in 2013, after he was photographed with his hands around the neck of his wife, Nigella Lawson, the daughter of former Chancellor Nigel Lawson. Charles maintained that it was a ‘playful tiff’. An acrimonious divorce followed with allegations and counter-allegations of unpleasant behaviour on the part of Saatchi and coke snorting on the part of Nigella. When Nigella Lawson was at Oxford, she was involved with the Dangerous Sports Club, a bunch of Top Tossers who routinely did some very dangerous and frequently unlawful things but who never faced many consequences.

A leading light in the Dangerous Sports Club was Tommy Leigh-Pemberton, the son of the Robin Leigh-Pemberton, the Governor of the Bank of England, 1983-93 . Tommy Leigh-Pemberton died in what is always described as a ‘tragic accident’, the details of which were not made public. I know the details. Tommy Leigh-Pemberton was shot dead, deliberately, by someone whom he had really pissed off. Leigh-Pemberton was a twat of the highest order and there was nothing that he liked more than driving dangerously, at speed, through built-up areas. He was living in Kenya and it was known that the staff of one of the embassies in Nairobi were trigger happy and that if someone drove past at speed, potshots would be taken at them. So the wanker Tommy and his mates dared each other to drive past and elicit the bullets. Which they did, repeatedly. Until one of the bullets hit Leigh-Pemberton and killed him. The truth behind Leigh-Pemberton’s death did not appear in any media report.

Leigh-Pemberton and his mates revelled in doing anything, anything at all, knowing that their Top Tory parents would get them off the hook, no matter how dangerous or illegal it had been.

The founder of the Dangerous Sports Club was David Kirke – although that was not  his real name – who lied and swindled his way around the world’s best hotels, spinning a yarn about being an Oxford Professor. After many years of fraud and deception, the world finally caught up with David Kirke in the early 1990s and he was imprisoned. His defence team stated that he was a ‘Walter Mitty’ character and was manic to boot. He wasn’t, he was a conman who targeted people whom he knew would be impressed with fuckwittery and a plummy accent. Graham Chapman of Monty Python was associated with the Dangerous Sports Club, as a consequence of Kirke wanting to ingratiate himself to someone affluent and famous to gain, as Kirke himself said, ‘some crumbs from the rich man’s table’.

Nigella’s association with the crook Kirke and his friends was never publicised. But then no-one mentioned that her father’s constituency was in Leicestershire, in the area of the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal with the associated serious criminality.

Now Nigella! Who ordered Kirke to contact people who knew me from years previously and pay them all that money to ensure that if – or indeed when – I was found dead, or was imprisoned, that a pack of lies would be told about me, by people ‘who really knew what she was like’? Because someone gave them a great deal of money, whilst I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School. Thousands and thousands of pounds, two Range Rovers were purchased, a country house, it was incredible. Furthermore Nigella, how did your daddy and his mates ensure that no-one went to prison when the man whom you paid to collaborate with you regarding my allegations re Dafydd and the paedophiles KILLED that young Bulgarian student? The whole of Somerset wanted to know why it was only a manslaughter charge, not murder and why the judge ordered them to be acquitted. Bristol Crown Court, 2004. What was going on exactly?

I think that the Angels of north Wales are going to have to give many more interviews about being attacked by Dangerous Patients to get out of this one. We’ll need a few more cures for cancer as well. And a ‘Save The NHS March’ through central London.

Robin Leigh-Pemberton was given a peerage – in 1992. Once those five other witnesses had been safely killed by that firebomb and once my career had been wrecked and the career of my friend who had been planning to make a documentary about north Wales.

Leigh-Pemberton is dead, as is Thatch who appointed him as Governor of the Bank of England. But the man who gave him a peerage is alive and kicking and has questions to answer.

Sir John Major
Major PM full.jpg

 

Here’s a close pal of some murdering bastards, at a photo shoot at Selfridge’s no less. Probably after a visit to the hairdresser and a quick snort. She needs to look her best! Not that Nigel Lawson would ever have allowed his own kids within a mile of Dafydd – it was other people’s children whom he preyed on. Particularly when there was an election to be won.

 

 

As for all that modern art that Charles Saatchi purchased, I cannot help but wonder if someone was having a laugh at his expense. Perhaps someone who knew that the World of Art was crawling with rich abusive people and fancied making it a laughing stock? Hence Viz magazine’s awards for the best modern art spotted on Newcastle-Upon-Tyne bus shelters – the prize winner was 14 yr old Jason with his piece of graffiti ‘My Penis Smells of Apples’. Had Jason been blonde and pretty, no doubt ‘My Penis Smells Of Apples’ would have found its way into Saatchi’s Chelsea gallery.

 

My post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ mentioned the art student turned Hergest Unit patient who told me that if he wanted, he could take the art world by storm with his construction ‘Turd Eclipsing The Sun’ in return for selling his bottom to the Big Beasts. I doubt that he could have at that point because he was in his 40s and had suffered from the ravages of Dafydd’s ‘help’, but when he was young I think it highly likely that his plan would have worked. This man supplied me with the names of many of the Great n Good, whom he assured me survived on a diet of cocaine, champagne and underaged kids. The names that I was given included Francis Bacon, Lucian Freud and David Hockney. The Hergest staff were far too bigoted to listen to a word that this man said, but I did and the reason why he was illegally imprisoned by Dafydd many years previously was that he objected to a North Wales Police Sergeant appearing at his side when he was in the loo and naked, after he had been fitted up for drugs offences. His objection to the police officer was met with a punch in the face, imprisonment in Risley Remand Centre and a lifetime in the ‘care’ of the paedophiles’ friends.

Ella Fisk, an Angel who worked at the Hergest Unit, once told me that I was ‘so much more intelligent’ than this man. No I was not, he did have a brain but it had been completely scrambled, initially by psychedelic drugs, but then it had then been finished off by the ‘medication’ that he was assured was absolutely necessary. I knew what he was being given – he didn’t because he knew bugger all about pharmacology – and I knew exactly what it was doing to him…Despite the best efforts of the paedophiles’ friends, some of his memories were crystal clear – of Denbigh, of Risley Remand Centre, of the rock scene in the 60s and 70s and of the art world. Dafydd knew what that man had witnessed and a decision was taken to ensure that – like everyone else who could name people in High Society who had done things that they shouldn’t have – this man disappeared in the criminal justice and mental health system of north Wales.

 

Mr Murdoch – there is more than one ageing Empowered Service User in north Wales who has named your wife’s ex as being part of a very sordid scene when he was younger. Before he was Sirred and sent his kids to Eton.

 

The Arts Council England’s website tells us that ‘We invest public money to make great art that has an impact on everyone’s lives’. It’s certainly had an impact on mine, they bankrolled the friends of a gang of sex traffickers who tried to kill me.

One of the websites ‘telling the story’ of the Arts Council features a splendid picture of Judi Dench and Ian McKellen doing their Shakespearean bit. Dame Judi is of course Robert Bluglass’s old mucker and Sir Ian is the man who campaigned long and hard to have gay people accepted into public life and polite society. I don’t have a problem with that, but an archive clip of an interview with Sir Ian on this subject shows him naming Michael Barrymore as a high profile Funnyman who to Sir Ian’s delighht had by then been taken into the nation’s hearts. Sir Ian gave that interview before a sexually injured corpse was found in Barrymore’s swimming pool, a sexually injured corpse who’s presence in that pool has never been explained.

Awight!

I know nuzzing…

Sir Ian only came out as gay in 1988, but his orientation was well-known in the acting world long before then. Sir Ian Bravely Spoke Out against Section 28, the insanity dreamt up by Thatcher’s Gov’t to prevent local authorities from ‘promoting homosexuality’ whilst kids in care in north Wales were imprisoned or killed lest anyone be in a position to testify that her mate Peter Morrison was abusing them. Section 28 was enacted in May 1988, which was after Alison Taylor and I had refused to keep quiet about Dafydd and the paedophiles and after Mary Wynch had done battle in court with them. So how about a grand gesture from a Gov’t of hypocrites who were knowingly colluding with the trafficking of kids in care for both heterosexual and homosexual tastes?

It was Jill Knight – now Baroness Knight – who introduced Section 28. Knight had some quaint ideas about gays – she was on record as stating that they were good with antiques – but she didn’t think that they should be promoted or indeed allowed to be parents. More importantly, Jill Knight was for years a member of the Monday Club, which was heaving with Tories who were concealing the abuse of children and contained a number who were actually abusing kids themselves. Jill was MP for Birmingham Edgbaston, 1966-97. Jill, having spent more than 30 years living cheek by jowl with the corrupt professionals who oiled the wheels of Dafydd’s trafficking gang and sent kids in care into his arms, I presume that you are well-acquainted with a man called Robert Bluglass, who virtually ran the NHS in Birmingham.

 

Sir Ian stated that he had to Do Something About Section 28, even if it ruined his career. Of course it did not ruin his career – everyone already knew that he was gay – in fact it did his career a great deal of good, he was hailed a Champ of the Oppressed. Which could have been very useful if there had been any service users knocking around who might have remembered Sir Ian or his mates utilising the services provided by Dafydd and Lucille.

In 2010 Sir Ian featured in TV adverts to support Age UK, which was formed from the merger of Age Concern and Help the Aged – Sir Ian gave his time free of charge. Paedophiles’ friend Margaret Hanson, the Vice-Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board, was formerly the Chief Exec of Age Concern in North East Wales. Before that, Margaret was a children’s and family social worker and a Councillor in Cheshire. Whilst Dafydd’s paedophile gang operated in that county. Margaret’s husband David Hanson is the Labour MP for Delyn and the former PPS To Tony Blair.

Sir Ian’s former partner is Sean Mathias, a theatre and film director. Sean Mathias is described as being ‘Welsh-born’ – whether he is any relation of William Mathias, the esteemed late Welsh composer who was Prof of Music at UCNW for many years as well as a paid-up paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’), I don’t know.

Sir Ian was knighted in the New Years Honours 1991 – just like Sir Peter Morrison!

 

  • Benny Hill - Wikiwand

 

Sir Ian at Manchester Pride 2010:

 

The Ass-headed Bottom:

 

Sir Roy Shaw – the Secretary General of the Arts Council, 1975-83 – also sat on Harold Wilson’s OU planning committee, along with a number of paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Shaw grew up in considerable hardship in Sheffield, but his schooling was terminated early as a result of Crohn’s disease. He left school young, worked first in a butcher’s shop and then at the ‘Sheffield Telegraph’ and for Sheffield Library. Shaw gained a place at the Quaker college at Woodbrooke, Birmingham, for a pre-university course in 1941. Previous posts have mentioned the involvement of a number of Quakers in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Shaw later went to Manchester University, graduating in 1946.

While at Manchester University Sir Roy was an editor of the journal, ‘Humanitas’, along with Herbert McCabe, who later became a Dominican priest. In 1946, Shaw married Gwenyth Baron. They had seven children, including the Sussex University sociologist Professor Martin Shaw and the journalist Phil Shaw. Martin Shaw is a member of the Labour Party, a former International Socialist and was active in E.N.D. and other leftist groups.

 

In 1946, Sir Roy Shaw was appointed a tutor for the WEA in the East Riding of Yorkshire. In 1947, Shaw became a Lecturer in the Department of Extra-Mural Studies at the University of Leeds and in 1958 he was appointed Director of the Leeds University Adult Education Centre in Bradford. Shaw organised art exhibitions, concerts, and visits by theatre and opera groups.

There was organised sex offending in the Leeds and Bradford areas as well as in the wider Yorkshire region as long  the late 1940s – the situation was considerably inflamed by Jimmy Savile just a few years later. People involved in adult education/sociology/community studies will have known about it.

In 1962 Shaw was appointed Head of Adult Education at the University of Keele, which had a long running problem with paedophiles and those who protected them working there. Keele gave Shaw a Chair in 1967. While at Keele Shaw became a BBC Governor and a Governor of the  British Film Institute and it was at that time that he became involved in the foundation of the OU.

Shaw was the theatre critic of ‘The Tablet’, 1990-2000. He remained concerned with political issues, for example visiting Israel in 1994 to press for the release of the nuclear whistle-blower Mordechai Vanunu. In 2006, at the age of 88, Shaw Chaired the Celebrating Age festival in Brighton and Hove.

Shaw converted to Catholicism in 1955, but left the RC Church in the late 1960s and returned in the 1970s.

Shaw’s Indie obituary states that ‘he built Keele University’s outreach work in the Potteries and the surrounding villages’, that ‘he also became a national figure in the movement for second-chance education’ and that ‘he championed theatre in the round at the Victoria Theatre in Stoke-on-Trent, and loved music hall and comedians (especially Ken Dodd) as much as the classics’.

A long standing network of abusers targeting children in care with the usual knock-on effect on the mental health services/NHS existed in the Staffordshire area and my post ‘My Arse – It’s Tatifilarious’ details Ken Dodd’s links with those involved in the abuse of vulnerable people, including in north Wales.

Shaw also had dealings with Ruskin College, which educated many future Labour MPs (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). In the mid-1960s, Matt Arnold taught at Ruskin and Peter Howarth was a student of his. Arnold later became the Headmaster of Bryn Estyn when it bloomed into a major centre of paedophile activity and Howarth was one of the few who did actually end up going to prison for abusing boys there. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked together at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where the boys had been abused…

 

Shaw had a ‘passionate conviction’ that funding the arts was the state’s job – not that of private benefactors or commercial sponsors. At Shaw’s retirement party in 1983 he asked the then Arts Minister The Gowrie whether he had read the paper Shaw prepared on developing wider access to the arts, which The Gowrie had not even acknowledged. The Gowrie replied ‘Oh, yes, but my main concern is to foster the growth of business sponsorship.’

So it was either state-funded sexual exploitation or sexual exploitation funded by corporate sponsorship. It was a win-win situation for Dafydd et al. What nobody would do was expose what was going on. Shaw’s obituary in the Torygraph illustrates the difficulties that anyone alleging the existence of organised Naughtiness In High Places will face:

 ‘[Shaw’s] showed his wide browsing on the matter — he was able to pose such questions as “Did Orson Welles read Bertrand Russell?” — and it also contained attacks on such Conservative enemies as Kingsley Amis, Alistair McAlpine and Norman St John-Stevas. Shaw had once been on first-name terms with St John-Stevas but, following the latter’s appointment as Arts Minister, was riled when he found himself required to address him as “Minister” and gratefully wait for meetings “like a papal audience”….Margaret Thatcher was keen that sponsorship should play as great a role as subsidy, and the Arts Council often struggled to justify its own existence. Yet the forces within it were frequently so politically opposed that there was little coherence in policy, and attempts to compensate for Conservative policies resulted sometimes in support for wildly self-indulgent work.

Shaw was sentimental about the arts and the status the Arts Council gave him. “Who can deny,” he wrote, “that to sit in a box at the Royal Opera is a delightful experience — diminished only by twinges of regret that so many of the people one had lived with in the North or the Midlands could not share the delight? Who could fail to be excited by those glamorous annual theatrical dinners and lunches where you saw most of the famous actors you could think of — and talked to several you knew personally?”

Literature, Shaw conceded, was “a problem area”. More specifically, he disliked the Director of Literature, Charles Osborne. “I felt it my duty to try and persuade him to resign and devote himself more fully to the writing and broadcasting from which I had the impression he earned almost as much as his Council salary.”

Reviewing ‘The Arts and the People’, Osborne hit back: “Of the four Secretaries General with whom I worked, he was the only one who tended to wave his politics about like an offensive weapon. If one stood up to his hectoring manner, he could be quite genial. If one did not have the temperament to defend oneself, he could behave like the worst kind of bully.”

Shaw angrily denied that he was Left-wing and obsessed with adult education. He pointed to the occasions when he had advocated the withdrawal of grants to various Left-wing theatre groups. None the less, as Secretary General, he gave his support to the cause of North-West Spanner, a Left-wing alternative theatre company that had its grant removed at the behest of a Right-wing local councillor in 1977.

The resulting furore brought together a coalition of actors, theatre groups and leading intellectuals, who complained of political censorship and succeeded in having the money restored. In a way, it was the political theatre’s only tangible victory of the decade; but it was also a caricature of militant aims.

They had won the right to be employed by their avowed enemies, thus arguing the case for a system they were wholly opposed to. Subsequently, some of Spanner’s actors researched a play set in a hospital and so enjoyed the experience of real work that they became hospital porters…

He also turned his mind to policies for the arts and became an unpaid adviser to Jenny Lee, who, under Wilson, was Britain’s first Arts Minister. When the Conservatives were returned to power, Jenny Lee was replaced by Lord Eccles, who retained Shaw and appointed him an unpaid member of the Arts Council in 1972. Three years later Shaw was appointed Secretary General. ‘Private Eye’ noted the appointment of a “provincial academic” to an “Establishment” position.’

It will not have been a coincidence that Shaw, the ‘provincial academic’ was appointed to an ‘establishment’ position. He was a provincial academic who had spent years working in a region that was the hub of organised sex abuse and had worked in the institutions and settings in which that abuse was a substantial problem. Every Gov’t was concealing the same criminality as it snowballed – Shaw will have proved useful to all of them.

Lord Eccles was the Arts Minister, 1970-73, under Ted Heath. Lord Jack Donaldson succeeded Eccles as Arts Minister and remained there throughout Wilson’s and then Callaghan’s administrations. Jack Donaldson is described as, among other things, a ‘prison reformer’ and an ‘Approved School manager’. Abuse of children in Approved Schools was endemic and I don’t think that Jack was very effective where reforming prisons was concerned. Donaldson was a junior Minister at the N Ireland Office, 1974-76, so he’ll also have been in on the shagfest that was the Kincora Boys’ Home and the lengths that everyone went to in order to conceal that. Donaldson was Chairman of the National Consumer Council, 1968-71. He left the Labour Party to join Dr Death and the gang in 1981.

Donaldson was succeeded as Arts Minister by Norman St John Stevas, (1979-81), who was indulging in the very same activities with under-aged boys as Sir Peter Morrison. St John Stevas was succeeded by Paul Channon, 1981-83, (see post ‘Is The Party Over Yet?’), who was succeeded by Earl Gowrie, 1983-85, who was succeeded by Richard Luce, 1985-90, (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’), who was succeeded by David Mellor, 1989-90 – who had previously worked in the Home Office and the Dept of Health – and so it continued.

Every one of these Arts Ministers had previously held responsibilities in which they had concealed serious organised sexual abuse. Which set them up very nicely for presiding over a Ministerial Dept responsible for theatre, arts and music, areas in which the sexual exploitation of young people was rife.

 

So organised sexual exploitation was being concealed across the political spectrum, by people involved in the Arts from a range of backgrounds with different notions of what the Arts should be, who they should serve and who should fund them. Most ludicrously, on a broader societal scale, sex offending was being concealed by the nations’s moralists as well as by the sexual liberators. Mary Whitehouse or Sir Ian McKellen? Neither was going to help the victims of Dafydd et al.

 

I enjoy using the phrase ‘Naughtiness In High Places’ because when Thatcher was in Gov’t, Brown’s brother and I read an old Monty Python book which detailed their spoof general election campaign involving the Silly Party, who’s manifesto was ‘destroying industry, raising unemployment and encouraging naughtiness in high places’. We were reading it just after the Cecil Parkinson scandal broke and Brown’s brother observed that the Tories had managed to implement the Silly Party’s manifesto, which left us rolling around laughing for a very long time. ‘Vote Wisely – Vote Silly. You Know It Makes Nonsense’. At that time, Graham Chapman’s penchant for having sex with under-aged boys was known, but no-one in showbiz mentioned a word… Graham was just gay and a zany Python. It might have helped that John Cleese was very friendly with a number of analysts and Top Docs who were concealing child abuse, some of whom were personally known to Dafydd. The John Cleese who featured in a 1987 party political broadcast for the SDP-Liberal Alliance.

This man was mates with some of those who’s signatures are on documents in my possession, detailing serious criminal activity on their own part:

The Lord Owen
Official portrait of Lord Owen crop 2.jpg

 

Dr Death knew exactly what was happening and he knew that witnesses were locked up in Risley Remand Centre, the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and high security hospitals. You, Dr Death, need to cough and now. Dr Death’s former place of employment, St Thomas’s Hospital, served as the home of choice for those at the top of the pyramid of people who were ensuring that Dafydd et al never ever were held to account. Why Peter Hennessey gives Dr Death the time of day even when Hennessey trots around the Lords interviewing clapped out old farts who have caused so much damage I cannot imagine.

 

From 1977-83 Sir Roy Shaw was Visiting Professor at the Centre for Arts, City University London. Shaw died in Brighton, the location of John Allen’s brothels to which he trafficked kids in care from north Wales and the site of the firebombing which killed the five witnesses in April 1992.

The Guardian’s obituary of Shaw provides us with a bit more information regarding the reach of his tentacles and his self-interest:
As a member of the British delegation to the first world conference of culture ministers, in Venice in 1970, he greatly impressed Lord (David) Eccles… Preserving the integrity of bodies such as the Royal Shakespeare Company, capable of box-office successes but needing public support for their core work, was a continual concern. Opera brought out even more vividly what was important to Shaw. After he persuaded local government to match Arts Council funding, English National Opera North opened in Leeds with Saint-Saëns’s Samson et Dalila in 1978; since 1981 it has continued as Opera North. On the other hand, in 1990, after he had left the council, he criticised the Royal Opera House in London as “the least accessible arts institution in Britain”…

Again, he met opposition from the more artistically haughty among the staff and council members, and had at first to turn to the Gulbenkian Foundation for funding. However, the highly successful initiative was soon imitated by other arts organisations and the education department became a valued part of the council’s activities.

Shaw became an organising tutor for the North Yorkshire district of the Workers’ Educational Association. Within a year, Sidney Raybould, who was building a formidably committed extra-mural department at Leeds University, offered him a staff tutorship; he stayed for 13 years. The WEA district secretary, Fred Sedgwick, thought Shaw the best tutor in Yorkshire….[Whilst at Keele University] Shaw set up a fine, wide system, made some notable experiments in workers’ education, as with miners’ families in the village of Silverdale, and vigorously encouraged film and related studies.

‘The Guardian’ mentioned that Sir Roy, despite his Catholicism and his long service on ‘The Tablet’, ‘in the new century’, had ‘his faith’ was ‘shaken by events within the Catholic Church and after a brief period of attending Anglican services he finally ceased his lifelong quest and declared himself agnostic.’

I’m wondering if it might have been the tidal wave of allegations of child abuse that emerged from the Catholic Church ‘in the new century’ that shook Shaw’s faith so much, so he got the hell out of there before investigations began, nipped over to join the Anglicans, who then found themselves under fire in exactly the same way. At which point Sir Roy became an agnostic. I’m sure that there’ll be a group of agnostics somewhere abusing kids, Dafydd caters for a great many people, he’s all things to all men, no-one’s left out.

‘The Times’ also paid tribute to Sir Roy when he died: He arrived with a mission to open up the arts to working-class people, one that almost caused a deputation from the art form directors to the then chairman, Lord Gibson, though not for its socialist principles. Shaw had told them that they were too close to their clients, that they operated too much of an old boys’ network and that they needed to be more “clinically detached”. He avoided the threatened confrontation by talking his new colleagues through his intentions, but for some weeks they sported lapel badges reading, “I am clinically detached”.

I notice that Sir Roy borrowed a Top Docs notion. Top Docs are of course supposed to be ‘clinically detached’, it is supposed to protect them from becoming traumatised in the face of their patients’ suffering and it is also supposed to protect patients from things like sexual exploitation. Dafydd and his mates used the concept to dump patients after they had shagged them and then used it as an umbrella for ever after to refuse to answer questions or complaints etc.

Graham Ovenden was born in Hampshire, into a Fabian household and was taught music privately by Albert Ketelbey. He was a student at the Royal College of Music, before taking up painting around 1962. Ovenden was tutored by Lord David Cecil and John Betjeman. He attended the Southampton School of Art and graduated from the Royal College of Art in 1968.

Ovenden moved to Cornwall from Richmond-Upon-Thames in 1973 with painter Annie Ovenden and their family. He bought a cottage on Bodmin Moor with 22 acres of land and began constructing ‘Barley Splatt’, a neo-Gothic building.  

Ovenden was a founder of the Brotherhood of Ruralists in 1975, along with Graham Arnold, Ann Arnold, Sir Peter Blake, David Inshaw, Annie Ovenden and Jann Haworth. The Brotherhood is no longer extant, although in 2005 it had a major London exhibition at the Leicester Galleries. Ovenden’s daughter, Emily, is a writer and singer with the Mediaeval Baebes and Pythia.

Ovenden’s nude and semi-nude photographic portraits of young girls were published, as were his photographs of the children’s street culture in London taken in the late 1950s and early 1960s when Ovenden was a teenager. His book ‘Aspects of Lolita contains prints inspired by Vladimir Nabokov’s novel ‘Lolita’. A general monograph of his paintings, drawings, prints and photographs was published. Many other publications also contain his work . Ovenden’s work has also graced the covers of record albums and books. His work is in numerous collections, including the Victoria and Albert Museum, The Tate and the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York.

In addition, Ovenden has curated numerous exhibitions, many featuring his extensive collection of antiquarian photographs. Ovenden and his work have been the subject of broadcasts and films, including ‘Lolita Unclothed’ for the series ‘World without Walls’ (ITV, Channel 4, 1993), ‘Stop The Week’ (BBC Radio 4, 1989), ‘Curious Houses with Lucinda Lambton’ (BBC-TV, 1987), ‘Bats in the Belfy – Home Sweet Home’ (ITV, 1987), ‘Robinson Country: The Painter’ (ITV, 1987), ‘Figures in a Landscape: The Brotherhood of Ruralists (BBC Radio 3, 1983) and ‘Summer With the Ruralists, a film produced and directed by John Read for the BBC (1978–79). In 2000, the British Library funded a formal interview with Ovenden as part of its ‘Oral History of British Photography’ series.

In 1980 Ovenden was prosecuted but found not guilty of fraud pertaining to his involvement in the production of hoax calotypes, purportedly images of Victorian street children by a photographer ‘Francis Hetling’. The images were actually taken by Ovenden’s friend, Howard Grey, and re-photographed and printed by Ovenden. Some of the images had been shown at the National Portrait Gallery.

Ovenden’s work has long been been controversial for its depiction of prepubescent girls. In 1991, as ‘States of Grace’ was being published, a set of proofs and a photograph for the book were seized by U.S. Customs and held for over seven months. In Feb 1992, the U.S. Department of Justice claimed that the work depicted ‘sexually explicit conduct’ and therefore was illegal to import, sell or own. During a court hearing one month later in the United States District Court, Eastern District of New York, a federal prosecutor identified page 54 as containing the sole offending image in the book, a substantial retreat from the initial position.

A hearing before Magistrate Zachary Carter was held on 28 May 1992. The hearing was attended by the subject depicted in the allegedly offending image, who was then 18 years of age, as well as the eminent photo-historian and critic, A.D. Coleman. Both witnesses were prepared to testify and gave written statements. The subject of the image on page 54 said:

I have known Graham Ovenden as a family friend for fourteen years – since I was four years old. I have modelled for Graham on numerous occasions – in fact, too numerous to count – for both his photographs and paintings. I have modeled for him both clothed and fully nude, both alone and with other children…. The portrait which the United States has charged as indecent is a portrait of me as I was eight years ago. I am not acting in a sexual way in the picture and Graham never asked me to sexual or treated me as a sexual object. The accusation that the image is ‘obscene’ is, to me, an accusation that I am ‘obscene,’ something to which I take offence.

A.D. Coleman’s prepared statement noted the many artistic qualities of the image which were inconsistent with their being labelled ‘lascivious’. Representatives of the American Civil Liberties Union were also in court to offer their brief and were joined by artists, art critics, administrators and various organizations, in opposition to the Gov’ts attempt to censor ‘States of Grace’.

Ovenden himself attested in writing as follows: ‘Symbolically speaking, we are dealing with feelings of the heart and the human yearning for Edenic simplicity – a state of grace, as it were, where there is neither sin nor corruption. The apple has yet to be eaten. The subject, of course, symbolizes this state in the photograph. At the same time, we see that the attainment of Eden is no easy task: the vulnerability of the child suggests, or rather confirms, the fragility of Eden, as well as its fleeting nature in the face of the concerns of the adult world and the demands of modernity’.

Ovenden may well have believed all this, but it reads curiously like Viz magazine’s art critic’s judgement when 14 yr old Jason hit the big time with ‘My Penis Smells Of Apples’.

 

In the face of the subject’s account of her experience of being photographed by Ovenden, the statements proffered by Ovenden and Coleman and the support of the ACLU and others, the government acknowledged defeat and returned the photograph and the proofs. Two months later the book was imported into the US.

On 21 May 1998, censors in New Zealand classified ‘States of Grace’ as UNRESTRICTED, ie. deemed suitable for all audiences. 

On 5 May 2000, the San Diego Public Library announced that it did not consider ‘States of Grace’ (as well as David Hamilton’s ‘Twenty Five Years of an Artist’) to contain child pornography and stated that both Ovenden and Hamilton are ‘contemporary and historically important photographers’ whose work is ‘culturally and artistically significant’. The determination was made in response to a ruling by a San Diego Superior Court judge that a man had photocopied images from those books ‘not for art’s sake but for sexual purposes’. In late Oct 2009, British customs permitted entry of Ovenden’s book, ‘States of Grace’, sent to a customer who purchased it at auction in the US on eBay. The auction price was $350.00.

A year later, in England, some of Ovenden’s photographs were confiscated by the Obscene Publications Squad from Scotland Yard but were returned after a campaign by Lord Jeremy Hutchison, Sir Hugh Casson and David Hockney.

Ovenden’s work ‘Five Girls’ and 29 other images in the permanent collection of the Tate were accessible online until Oct 2009, following the scandal that erupted over a photograph of Brooke Shields as part of the Tate Modern’s 2009 ‘Pop Life’ exhibit.

In 2009 Ovenden was charged with 16 counts of creating ‘indecent’ photographs or pseudo-photographs of children and two counts of possessing 121 ‘indecent’ photographs or pseudo-photographs of children. The 121 images are all versions or stages of the 16 works and had been deleted from Ovenden’s computer at the time his home was raided in 2006. The images were subsequently undeleted by police. The prosecution argued that these images were ‘indecent’. The defence argued that the works 121 images were temporary stages toward the creation of the 16 works, that those works constitute art and in no event were any of the works created with criminal intent. The Crown did not alleged that the images at issue depict any actual children.

On 22 Oct 2009, after less than two days of trial, the jury was discharged and a new trial date set. On 9 April 2010, after a five-minute hearing, the case was thrown out by the judge as two key prosecution witnesses – police officers who had searched his home three and a half years earlier – failed to appear in court. The police declined to comment and the CPS refused to disclose how much the investigation had cost the taxpayer. Graham Ovenden described the police as ‘totally and utterly transfixed by childhood sexuality’ and himself as ‘a controversial figure and, at the moment, a very angry old man’. The prosecution declined to launch an appeal.

On 19 April 2010, it was reported that the Child Abuse Investigation Team of the Metropolitan Police, the force which had carried out the three and a half-year investigation for the trial, was investigating Ovenden over allegations of child sex abuse. Ovenden said such allegations had been made at the start of the previous investigation and dropped, and that ‘the Metropolitan Police are being very vindictive about this’.

In March 2013, Ovenden went on trial at Truro Crown Court, accused with nine charges of indecency with a child and indecent assault on victims aged between six and 14. He denied the claims. On 2 April, Ovenden was found guilty of six charges of indecency with a child and one charge of indecent assault against a child. The charges came from adults who claimed they had been abused by Ovenden as children. Some of them involved claims that he abused children while they were posing for his pictures. The abuse charges related to incidents between 1972 and 1985. Ovenden was sentenced to 12 months imprisonment, suspended for two years. On 9 Oct 2013 the Appeal Court increased his sentence to an immediate prison term of 27 months.

Following Ovenden’s conviction, the Victoria and Albert Museum removed half of their 14 Ovenden images from its website and the Tate removed 34 of his images from its online collection. In 2015, District Judge Elizabeth Roscoe ordered that Ovenden’s personal collection of paintings and photographs, created by him and others, be destroyed, stating: ‘I have very little doubt that sexual gratification is, at the very least, part of Mr Ovenden’s reasons for making these images’. Ovenden responded to the press, saying: ‘I am a famous artist. I am an equally famous photographer and they are destroying material which has been in the public domain for over 40 years.’

 

The arguments over whether Ovenden’s images were obscene or not are fascinating, although no-one actually grappled with the fact that one cannot control the imaginations and fantasies of other people and that some people might actually have gained ‘sexual gratification’ from Ovenden’s work – as well as other people’s work – that definitely did not fall within any definition of ‘obscenity’. As a quip in Viz magazine said ‘If I sold nude photos of myself as a baby to paedophiles, would I be prosecuted?’ It is widely believed that Lewis Carroll had quite a thing about pre-pubescent girls, although his illustrations and photos were of children fully clothed. No-one has subjected his work to the purifying flames and I don’t think that they should. The real issue is that Graham Ovenden did abuse at least some children. He might not have abused all the kids who modelled for him and the former child model who gave evidence on his behalf may well have been quite correct that he never abused her and that she never felt abused. But he did abuse some children and there will have been people close to him who knew that his conduct was worrying. None of them spoke up and a lot of very big guns were prepared to do everything possible to ensure that Ovenden’s reputation remained unsullied.

Ovenden lived in Richmond-Upon-Thames until 1973. So he was there whilst the paedophile gang based in Richmond-Upon-Thames with links to Westminster and Whitehall which stretched right across London, to north Wales and to Europe was in operation, a paedophile ring which it is now admitted was protected by the very highest authorities (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). It is believed that some victims and witnesses were killed by that gang.

Graham Ovenden was almost certainly acting in the context of a wider group of child abusers.

Every time that a concern was raised about Ovenden, people’s defence of him was predicated entirely on stressing that he was a Very Important Person and Famous with it. He even said that himself. Then lots of other VIPs and Famous People would be wheeled out to testify to the quality of Ovenden’s work. What no-one did was to concern themselves with whether he was actually abusing children. He was.

Very Important People with Famous Friends seem to be very good at ensuring that the obvious is not asked about their conduct. Should those people be Top Doctors, the sound of other Top Docs screaming ‘but he is a very eminent man’ will drown out all other noise for the next few months. Won’t it Bluglass?

Cilla Black was a ‘star’. She was also a personal friend of a man who, along with his Top Doctor colleagues, was without doubt concealing a pan-European trafficking ring which killed some of the witnesses, the ring which included the Richmond-Upon-Thames contingent. Cilla Black may well not have known that, but we really should never be so naive as to believe that someone with famous friends or in possession of a medical degree cannot be a sex offender, because they can and I can name a few who are.

The state has now entrusted the IICSA – which is supposedly going to uncover the truth about organised child abuse – to the very people who caused the problem: social workers, Top Docs and lawyers. Of course not every member of these professions was actively abusing young people, but those professions have become institutionally corrupt and as a whole they concealed serious organised crime involving the mass sexploitation of vulnerable young people. The extent of the abuse that has been inflicted on people in the care of the state could never have happened if the state had not actively helped the abusers.

There is no point in the IICSA and there is no point in all the Me Tooing and the reassurances of the police that the paedos will be caught and ooh we’re building prisons for elderly sex offenders. You’re all bloody guilty, you knew what Dafydd and co were doing and you let them do it. You haven’t got the answers and all that you are doing is adding insult to injury. Excavate those bodies from the grounds of Denbigh, admit what went on so that people like me and Brown no longer have to be smeared and insulted by a gang of paedophiles and their friends and then bugger off and take Buck House and the House of Lords with you. Particularly Dr Death, the world has had quite enough of him.

 

Let us take a look at those who so robustly defended Graham Ovenden in 2001.

Jeremy Hutchinson QC was a barrister who stood as the unsuccessful Labour candidate in the 1945 General Election, when he received assistance in his campaign from Tony Benn.  Hutchison finally entered Parliament as a life peer in 1978 and eventually voted with the Lib Dems in the years after the SDP broke away from the Labour Party. Hutchison went to Stowe School and then Magdalen College Oxford. He was called to the bar at Middle Temple. So he will have known Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. Hutchison was in the Royal Navy Volunteer Reserve during WWII and served on the destroyer commanded by Lord Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). Hutchison became a recorder of Bath and then a Crown Court judge, 1963-88. Jeremy Hutchison was Vice-Chair of the Arts Council of Great Britain; Trustee and then Chairman of the Tate; Chairman of the London Historic Museum Trust; and Professor of Law at the Royal Academy of Arts.

Hutchison was born into the heart of the Bloomsbury set, his parents were friends of Virginia Woolf et al. He was involved in some of the most memorable trials of the 20th century. He was a member of the defence team in the 1950 Lady Chatterley trial and he defended ‘Fanny Hill’. He led the defence at the 1965 trial of the art thief Kempton Bunton. Hutchison defended Christine Keeler and the spies George Blake and John Vassall; he defended Brian Roberts, the then Editor of the Torygraph and he defended Duncan Cambell in the ABC trial which was presented as a triumph over the vetting of juries by the security services. Hutchison also succeeded in getting Howard Marks acquitted after he was charged with drug trafficking and successfully led the defence for Michael Bogdanov in the 1982 ‘Romans In Britain’ trial.

The Guardian’s review of Thomas Grant’s 2015 book ‘Jeremy Hutchison’s Case Histories’ commented that Hutchison ‘cherished clients’ who were ‘amiable rogues’. Jeremy Hutchison was a highly entertaining performer in court and he had a following because of his challenges to what was perceived as establishment hypocrisy. However there was a high price paid by some for Jeremy having a laugh in court and some of his rogues were not that amiable. He succeeded in having Christine Keeler cleared on some charges – which in itself sounds great, Christine was a teenaged girl who was being eaten alive by friends of the Royal Family and those in Gov’t – but Hutchison did it by defaming Stephen Ward, who was the ultimate scapegoat in the Profumo Affair (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Hutchison described Ward as ‘a perverted Professor Higgins’ and demolished his character in court. Yet privately Hutchison admitted that he knew that Ward was not what Hutchison portrayed him to be. Ward died as a result of the fall-out from that court case, allegedly by suicide – there are indications that if Ward did kill himself, he was he was given a good push by someone. ‘The Guardian’ review observed that Hutchison ‘had a job to do and he was very well paid’.

In the early 1990s I remember challenging a CPS prosecutor in Bangor Magistrates Court who knew that she was prosecuting me on the basis of the lies of the Top Doctors. She became very angry and told me not to ‘start on’ her, that ‘she was just doing her job’. Had her job been making cakes and I didn’t like the flavour of her cakes, she’d have had good grounds to tell me where to get off. But she wasn’t – she knew that she was smearing someone who was at the centre of a fit-up attempt by some very serious criminals. There must be SOMETHING in a lawyers code of conduct that allows them in such circumstances to refuse to act, even if they are a jobbing solicitor for the CPS. That was the CPS who did not mount one prosecution even when, after the 1991-93 police investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, a file of hundreds of complaints was sent to the CP