Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

Today We Have Naming Of Parts

My post ‘Include Me Out’ detailed some facts and figures relating to the inmates of Risley Remand Centre from 1968 onward and other related information which I suggest made it so obvious that so many victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were ending up there via unlawful processes that it was a nonsense for people to have claimed that they ‘didn’t know’ that a major sex trafficking ring was operating in north Wales through the mental health services and the children’s homes. I named some of the politicians, lawyers, Prison Service staff and others who must have known what was happening.

In this post I will provide details of a few on the ground in north Wales who not only knew but played key roles in the supply chain.

My post ‘That’s Entertainment’ described how in the 1980s, victims of Dafydd et al were given summer jobs at Penrhyn Castle, under the supervision of Wing Commander I.H. Panton. Wing Commander Panton was remembered fondly by Dafydd’s targets, but those dispossessed people had not clicked that that the Wing Commander knew what had happened to them but did nothing to help them. The Wing Commander regularly heard first hand accounts of beatings and suicides/murders in Risley Remand Centre, he knew that some of his employees had been abused sexually by those paid to care for them and that some of them in turn were behaving in a highly sexualised way themselves. The Wing Commander had a great deal of knowledge about Dafydd’s activities and the abuses at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Wing Commander Panton was so keen to help the victims of Dafydd and the paedophile gang that he employed them in casual low paid jobs every summer season. He joined in the work parties, he chatted to them and he knew exactly who remembered what and who was naming who.

Wing Commander Panton left north Wales years ago. He told his charges at Penrhyn Castle that he was moving to the west country to ‘write children’s books’, although a google search does not reveal that he either moved to the west country or wrote children’s books.

Penrhyn Castle was given to the National Trust in 1951, so it had been in their hands for decades by the time that Wing Commander Panton opened his arms to the victims of Dafydd et al.

I received an e mail from someone the other day telling me that Lucille Hughes was working for the National Trust at Penrhyn Castle. Lucille ‘retired’ from Gwynedd County Council immediately that the Waterhouse Report was published. Even Ronnie Waterhouse had to admit that Lucille, whilst she was Director of Gwynedd Social Services, knew that a paedophile gang was operating in the children’s homes that she was responsible for but she had not acted. My correspondent – like so many others – expressed astonishment that Lucille continues with her charity work at CAIS, with the CAB, with the Soroptomists and that her grubby fingers are also in the National Trust pie (or should that be PIE?) at Penrhyn Castle.

I know of another victim of Dafydd and the paedophiles who volunteered at Plas Newydd. Like those working at Penrhyn Castle – who in the 1980s weren’t volunteers but were employed on Thatcher’s ‘job creation’ schemes so were paid a benefit level wage – she was friendly and chatty and anyone spending any length of time with her could not have failed to notice that she was not being cared for in the way that the ‘services’ should have caring for her, even if they did not believe her stories of frankly abusive experiences (some at least of which I knew to be true).

The President of the National Trust is Prince Charles. One of the many people to whom Alison Taylor wrote in the 1980s regarding her concerns that there was widespread, serious abuse of children in care happening in north Wales was Prince Charles. I am told that ‘his office’ replied, stating that he really couldn’t get involved in this matter.

The Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor – Prince Charles’s friend and the father of the Princess of Wales’s goddaughter and also the father of one of Prince George’s godparents –  was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association whilst Sir Peter Morrison was the constituency MP. Morrison was abusing children in care in north Wales as well as at other locations. Morrison’s conduct was openly gossiped about by constituents and other politicians. Boys from Bryn Estyn were taken to Grosvenor’s estate for ‘work opportunities’ and would refuse to return there but didn’t explain why. Gerald Grosvenor was the lucky man who purchased the former St George’s Hospital building at Hyde Park Corner for £6ooo from the Tory Gov’t – the building was worth millions (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). Staff at George’s Hospital Medical School were concealing the criminality of Dafydd et al in north Wales, as well as a linked paedophile gang in south London, of which their Professor of Paediatrics Oliver Brooke was a member. Staff at St George’s had personal links to Dafydd and Lucille.

As for Plas Newydd, that is the seat of the Marquesses of Anglesey and is also in the hands of the National Trust. The family have strong links to the Tory Party and the Anglesey Conservative Association. The Anglesey Conservative Association were very fond of Anne Widdecombe, begged her to be their Tory candidate and retained links with her although she jumped ship and tried her luck with another constituency. Before Doris Karloff became an MP, she worked as a senior administrator for the University of London. Doris was responsible for driving through the highly unpopular merger of Guy’s and Tommy’s. Despite being given such an onerous responsibility, Doris was allowed substantial time off work – whilst still being paid – and was given the use of a member of London University admin staff to help her campaign for election. London University also covertly supported Doris in her political project with Lady Olga Maitland, ‘Women and Families for Defence’ which the Tory Gov’t mounted in 1983 as a response to the growing support for CND. Details of all this can be read in my post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’.

The University of London not only used their resources to covertly support a Tory Party pressure group, but they were helping Doris achieve her political ambitions it would seem before Thatcher’s election victory in 1979. The VCs of London University who presided over all this were Lords Noel Annan and Randolph Quirk.

 

Noel Annan had a background in the security services – he had the distinction of joining Churchill in the bunker during WWII – and furthermore had been a member of the Cambridge Apostles when he was at university, along with Guy Burgess and Michael Straight, who were members of the Cambridge spy ring. Annan Chaired the Annan Committee – the Royal Commission on Broadcasting – which numbered a few other paedophiles’ friends as members. For more details on Noel Annan and the Annan Committee, see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’.

Randolph Quirk was a ‘supporter of the Labour Party’ – despite leading an institution which secretly allowed Anne Widdecombe to do Thatcher’s Gov’t a favour in mounting opposition to CND – who sat as a cross-bencher when he received a peerage. Quirk was a linguist who worked with David Crystal. David Crystal is a linguist who spent his career at UCL, but has an honorary Chair at Bangor University. Crystal grew up in Holyhead and Liverpool and now lives in Holyhead once more.

In the 1980s there was a problem in the Dept of Linguistics in UCNW (Bangor University). It went under the name of Professor Andrew Radford. Radford was appointed in 1980 and when I arrived at UCNW in 1981, a lot of people were already complaining bitterly about Radford. He was, essentially, a wally. Radford’s notions of getting down with the kids were rather patronising to students with a brain, but the more gullible students thought that he was great. He had disco lights and pictures of Debbie Harry in his office and joined students on pub crawls and crashed their parties. So far so lame. But Radford was also shagging students on a grand scale. Better than that, after a few years, other staff noticed a strong correlation between the linguistics students who were getting Firsts and the students who had shagged Radford. Neither was the correlation based on speculation – I know one now retired lecturer from Bangor who said that Radford was so ruthlessly exploitative that he boasted of his encounters and supplied details to his colleagues. Radford did eventually depart from UCNW – under a huge cloud – but not until 1989, when he returned to his old home of the University of Essex.

I knew a linguistics student who didn’t shag Radford, but who was very, very distressed by what he was doing. I don’t know whether he had tried it on with her, or whether she just found his activities too unsavoury to cope with, but towards the end of her first year she had a breakdown. She asked for help at the Student Health Centre and was referred to Gwynne the lobotomist. Gwynne told her that she had a personality disorder and that he ‘could do nothing for her’. Within two days she attempted suicide. She ended up in the North Wales Hospital. No, she didn’t get Dafydd – for once he was kept well out of the way because this young woman’s mum was a nurse from Shrewsbury who hit the roof when she found out what had gone on and made a formal complaint about Gwynne.

After the disaster with Gwynne, this student was referred to a nice young doctor who had just arrived in north Wales – Tony Francis. Francis did what he did in so many other cases – he did an excellent impersonation of a caring competent man, apologised to the student and her mum and assured them that Gwynne had been dealt with and that no other student would ever have this experience. Gwynne remained in the Student Health Centre and some eighteen months later I encountered him… As did at least two students who attempted suicide within days of meeting him.

When the student of Radford’s returned to UNCW, she told everyone that she would not return to the Linguistics Dept. Radford wrote to Tony Francis and told him that there was no reason why she should not continue on the linguistics course. The student’s mum told Francis that she was not going near Andrew Radford again. Francis was the hero of the hour – or so it seemed – and told the student and her mother that he had sorted it with the university authorities for the student to transfer to a joint honours in Italian and Latin. Which is what happened.

The young woman then found it very difficult to access services at the Student Health Centre. Dr D.G.E. Wood told a third party that she was ‘wet’ and Francis told a third party that she was ‘weak’. Francis’s assessment of the fragility of this student was interesting in the light of his decision a few weeks later to discharge her from his clinic with no aftercare, in the wake of her telling him and a number of other people that she was feeling suicidal.

I knew this student well and we remained in contact after graduation. She did graduate despite being refused healthcare and she then went to Manchester to do an MA. Her problems continued and she was diagnosed with bipolar disorder. She made a number of serious suicide attempts and after each one returned to the family home where she was cared for by her mum and her sisters, although she continued to live in Manchester.

I met up with her last in about 2000. She had recently made a suicide attempt so serious that it was very nearly successful. She had been prescribed huge quantities of anti-depressants which are lethal in overdose, after telling her Top Doctor that she felt suicidal. She took an overdose, was in a coma for three days and ended up with kidney damage. Her mum accompanied her to the psychiatrist after she recovered and expressed her concerns that if her daughter was prescribed the same toxic-in-overdose medication again, the next suicide attempt would work. The former UCNW student was prescribed the same medication again.

She was taking that medication when I met up with her. She told me that the mental health services in Manchester were terrible, that she was simply being given repeat prescriptions with appointments at lengthy intervals and that it was nearly impossible to see a Top Doctor anyway. She had recently been to Australia to visit her sister who had emigrated there and had been given a massive quantity of another ‘medication’ to ‘calm her down’ for the flight. She collapsed at an airport in the Far East whilst changing planes and other passengers assisted her. The Top Doctor had prescribed her a massive dose of haloperidol just before the flight, so it was entirely predictable that she would collapse on her way over to Australia.

That was the last time that I saw my former college mate. She committed suicide a few years ago.

I don’t think that she or her mum knew that the lethal bastards who were neglecting her so badly in Manchester were the former colleagues of Tony Francis, whom he had worked with immediately prior to his move to north Wales (see posts ‘A Stalker’s Network’ and ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). They had been ‘trained’ by Dafydd’s old mate Dr Bob Hobson and were facilitating and concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales (see post ‘The Mentor’).

So that was another witness to the clinical skills of Gwynne dealt with.

 

Professor David Crystal’s mate Randolph Quirk was succeeded as VC of London University by Lord Brian Flowers, who concealed as much – if not even more – crap than Annan and Quirk did. Flowers came from Swansea and was the man who presided over wrongdoing and crime at Imperial College before he was let loose on the University of London as a whole (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’). There was an elderly academic who died a few years ago who was involved with Bangor University – particularly fundraising – who when he was younger had been a Professor and I think a senior manager at Imperial College. He seemed such a lovely old boy, but he was probably a paedophiles’ friend, the urge to toady to serious criminals just seems to be far too much for a lot of people to resist.

 

Professor David Crystal has advised on the original pronunciation of a number of Shakespeare productions, including ‘A Midsummer Night’s Dream’. Which of course featured a character called Bottom. In his essay ‘Preposterous Pleasures: Queer Theories and A Midsummer Night’s Dream,’ Douglas E. Green explores possible interpretations of alternative sexuality that he finds within the text of the play, in juxtaposition to the proscribed social mores of the culture at the time the play was written. He writes that his essay ‘does not (seek to) rewrite A Midsummer Night’s Dream as a gay play but rather explores some of its ‘homoerotic significations’ … moments of ‘queer’ disruption and eruption in this Shakespearean comedy.’

Get your head around that Dafydd.

 ‘Titania adoring the Ass-headed Bottom’. Oil on canvas by Henry Fuseli, c. 1790.

 

David Crystal was influential in a campaign which resulted in the creation of the Ucheldre Centre at Holyhead. I don’t know who is on the governing body of the Ucheldre Centre – although I could have a good guess – but it describes itself as a ‘community arts venue’ (the premier one no less) in north Wales. In reality, the Ucheldre Centre is a magnet for the Mafia of Drips and provides a venue for things such as International Wimmin’s Day celebrations and Service Users Empowerment activities. It has hosted exhibitions of art work by Michael Mansfield’s mate Kyffin Williams and has won a Prince of Wales Award. The Ucheldre Centre was formerly a convent and I suspect that it saw rather more meaningful action when the Sisters occupied the building, because some of them did some quite exciting things, as a result of the convent belonging to a French Order with links to the southern hemisphere. As opposed to links with Jane Hutt or MIND.

 

To return to the National Trust, who employed so many of those victims of Dafydd and Gwynne who didn’t get as far as UCNW. Whilst Wing Commander Panton was keeping a lid on it all down at Penrhyn Castle, the DG of the NT was Sir Jack Boles.

Sir Jack Boles was DG of the NT, 1975-83. So it will have been Jack who established the arrangement for Dafydd’s victims to arrive en masse at Penrhyn Castle every summer. It will really have been Jack as well – he was a very hands-on (so to speak) DG, he visited the regions regularly and he was also responsible for a big PR offensive for the NT. It was while Sir Jack was DG that the NT acquired a number of very valuable properties, including Erddig, the country house near Wrexham.

Sir Jack’s father had been in the Royal Navy until the early 1940s when for some unspecified reason he ‘was allowed to retire’. Sir Jack’s dad was in the Royal Navy at the same time as Lord Mountbatten, Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and others who knew a lot about the organised abuse of children and other naughtiness in high places (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Jack served in the British Army, including in North Borneo and then joined the Colonial Service. He was the Secretary to the last British Governor of Malaysia, Sir William Goode. Sir Jack could not have done the jobs that he did throughout those years without working with the security services.

Sir Jack’s son is the Tory MP for Grantham and Stamford, Nick Boles. Before he became an MP, Nick Boles was a member of the disgrace that was Westminster City Council, which did many unlawful and gerrymandering things when Shirley Porter the Tesco heiress was leader. Shirley escaped justice for a very long time, but eventually she was fined a huge quantity of money. Instead of paying the fine, Shirley went to live in Israel and returned to the UK some years later when it seemed she felt confident that she wasn’t going to end up behind bars. Comments from a reader of this blog left in response to my post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ suggest that Shirley had information about the Westminster Paedophile Ring, which was how she got away with so much for so long.

In 2002 Nick Boles was the founder of the think tank Policy Exchange and remained its Director until 2007. Policy Exchange has provided a home for a number of paedophiles’ friends with a penchant for right wing politics (see post ‘Disgusting Of Tunbridge Wells And A Few Equally Disgusting Others’).

Nick Boles is gay.

Sir Jack’s second wife was Anne, daughter of the 12th Earl Waldegrave. The 12th Earl – Geoffrey Waldegrave – had strong links to the west country. He became a member of Somerset County Council in 1937 and later worked as a MAFF official with responsibilities in Somerset, Wiltshire and Gloucestershire. He was President of the Somerset Trust for Nature Conservation, 1964-80. It is likely that Geoffrey Waldegrave had links with some of those in Somerset who were involved with concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al as detailed in my post ‘Include Me Out’. He was a member of the BBC Advisory Council, 1963-66 and he was a Director of Lloyds Bank, 1964-76. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the paedophiles’ friend from north Wales who had numerous links to Dafydd and who’s son Thomas was sexually abusing boys in care in north Wales with the knowledge of the Social Services, police and magistrates but was never prosecuted and later died of an HIV related condition, was a Director of Lloyd’s Bank. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon was also a magistrate, a member of the North Wales Police Authority, President of UCNW, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, 1974-78, the most senior Freemason in north Wales and much more besides (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Anne’s brother was the Tory politician William Waldegrave – who was, among other things, Secretary of State for Health, 1990-92, under Thatcher and then Major. William was one of the Health Secretaries who colluded with the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

William and Anne’s sister Susan married Marmaduke Hussey, the man whom Thatcher ensured was installed as Chairman of the BBC, although when he was appointed he didn’t even know where the BBC HQ was located and he was a disaster for those glorious years when he was in post. One of my friends worked at the Commissioning Dept at the BBC whilst Hussey was Chairman and my friend was forced out because he refused to accept a bribe (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Susan Hussey is one of Prince William’s godparents.

The Chair of the Betsi Board Dr Peter Higson – who was a clinical psychologist at and then the manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh throughout the paedophile years and has spent his entire career concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al – is the brother of Dr Ruth Hussey, who was the Chief Medical Officer of Wales, April 2012 -16. Ruth Hussey’s previous includes being the Director of Public Health for Liverpool, a senior lecturer in public health at Liverpool University and from 2006, the Regional Director of Public Health at NHS North West, when she was seconded to the Public Health England Transition Team at the Dept of Health during the New Labour horrors.

I have no idea whether Ruth Hussey is an in-law of Susan and Marmaduke, but this corrupt incestuous shithouse is so big that it really wouldn’t surprise me if she was. I’m beginning to think that Brown and me are the only people who haven’t been tempted into this luxurious, ever-embracing public convenience which exists solely to protect Dafydd and a paedophile gang.

 

The Chairman of the NT whilst it made arrangements for the victims of serious crime to be herded into the sheep pen at Penrhyn Castle was Lord Patrick Gibson, who became Chairman of the NT, 1977-86. Gibson had been a council member of the NT since 1963 and continued to ‘take an interest in it’ after his retirement. There was trouble for the NT in 1983 when the MoD wanted to expand its operations on NT land and many NT members objected. An angry meeting resulted at which Gibson gave everyone a bollocking and their objections were subsequently ignored.

Lord Gibson served in the war – you’ve guessed it, he was in SOE and then worked in political intelligence with the Foreign Office. As with so many others who assisted Dafydd and the paedophiles for so many decades, Lord Gibson and Sir Jack Boles did some very impressive things during their time with the forces and risked life and limb to escape from dangerous unpleasant situations. It really is very sad to think that they thought that Dafydd, Lucille and a gang of paedophiles were worth their time and effort protecting. For God’s sake, one of those employed at Penrhyn Castle in the 1980s summers used to have gay sex with people in the clock tower – I can remember his name as well, but he might still be alive and in Bethesda, so I won’t publish it here, I don’t want to hear that he’s been found dead as nearly all witnesses now have.

Should anyone make the point that ‘oh but they were spies, they could have been undercover and gathering info.’ Yes, I’ve considered that. If they were, they have been gathering info on Dafydd et al since the early 1960s. Dafydd is still a free man Chairing CAIS. North Wales is wrecked, the statutory services don’t function and nearly all the witnesses to the north Wales paedophile gang are now dead. The Lords is choc full of those who knew what Dafydd et al were doing but who concealed it. Whatever those spies were doing, it benefited Dafydd and Lucille, not their victims. If they could fight Hitler and sat in the bunker alongside Churchill, why did they have so much trouble dealing with an insane old idiot who’s ham acting was so bad that no-one could have been fooled?

People who like to believe that there was no such thing as a Westminster Paedophile Ring and who harrumph and point to the fact that the ‘fantasies’ of nutters are only appearing online, never in the mainstream media, might like to ponder on who Lord Gibson was. He was married to a member of the family who owned Pearson plc, a newspaper and publishing business. Patrick Gibson was Chairman of the Pearson Group, 1978-83. The Pearson Group included the Westminster Press Group, which owned 46 provincial newspapers, including the ‘Northern Echo’ and the ‘Oxford Mail’. From 1967 Gibson was also Chair of the book publication arm of Pearson, Pearson Longman, which included Penguin. Gibson began working as a journo with the Pearson group in the late 1940s and was soon an Editorial Director. He was on the Board of the ‘Financial Times’ and became its Chairman in 1975. He was also on the Board of ‘The Economist’.

Gibson was Chairman of the Arts Council of GB, 1972-77. He succeeded paedophiles’ friend – and Harold Wilson’s friend and solicitor – Lord Arnold Goodman as Chair of the Arts Council. He preceded paedophiles’ friend and Wilson’s Health Minister Kenneth Robinson as Chair (see post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’).

Did Gibson find out about the Westminster Paedophile Gang and that was how he ended up Chairing the Arts Council and the NT? Or was he given those positions because he was a stooge who could be relied upon not to blow the gaffe when he found out that those organisations were full of people who had concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al?

Many of those who colluded with Dafydd and the gang occupied senior roles in organisations concerned with the arts and heritage. Again and again when I research them, they are involved with opera, with galleries, with theatre and with museums. The lucky few sit at the top of those organisations.

 

Previous posts, such as ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ and ‘Include Me Out’, have noted how many people at senior levels in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t covered up the organised abuse of vulnerable people, often under the guise of providing services for the less advantaged. Harold Wilson rivalled Tony Blair in that regard. I have been watching some old documentaries about Wilson’s administrations which speculate on why he resigned suddenly and unexpectedly. There is much discussion of old favourites, such as Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender throwing hissy fits and allegations that Wilson was working for the KGB. No-one mentioned that his toadies were using the welfare state to run a paedophile ring who murdered witnesses, which was probably as much of a problem as his alleged chumminess with the KGB.

I’ll be blogging about a few more of those close to Harold who helped Dafydd et al very soon, there are some whom I have not yet mentioned.

 

One of the undergrads in the Dept of Plant Biology at UCNW, 1981-83, was a mature student called Gaye Kennaway. Her husband Ian was Director of the Regions for the National Trust. Gaye became a personal friend of many of the lecturers at UCNW and at the time I just thought that was because she was older than the rest of us, but now I’m sure that there was something more going on. Gaye was very friendly with Prof Greig-Smith, the ecologist who knew Prof Edred Henry Corner, the Cambridge botanist who was Douglas Hurd’s uncle. Hurd was Home Secretary, 1985-89, whilst the Home Office ignored the havoc and criminality in north Wales and at Risley Remand Centre (see post ‘Security, Security’). Gaye ended up with a First and a number of lecturers openly remarked that she only received one because of the help that she had received from her pal Greig-Smith. Then Gaye was offered a PhD studentship with Chris Wood, who was married to the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the trafficking ring (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’ for more about Gaye and Ian Kennaway).

Gaye pushed the boat out to befriend the lecturers from the very beginning of the course, even the lecturers who were notoriously difficult and unfriendly. I was gobsmacked when in the first term I heard Gaye inviting Tony Jones to the opera. Tony Jones snapped that he didn’t have time to go to the opera. Gaye told him that he could stay over at her house and go straight into work the next day. Dr Tony Jones was the last person whom one would invite to the opera. He was a rather butch South African earth scientist who spent his time climbing or working with the Ogwen Mountain Rescue Team and who revelled in referring to ‘niggers’ in the presence of black students. He lived alone and had close relationships with some of the male undergrads which caused comment but never direct accusations. Tony Jones was mates with some of the North Wales Police and for a laugh one day he got them to arrest a student whom he had fallen out with. The student was wrongfully arrested and banged up in the cells in Bangor Police Station overnight and released without charge the next day. Tony Jones would not blend in at Glyndebourne.

So imagine my surprise when as investigations and inquiries into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal began and the paedophiles’ friends launched their huge PR effort to remind everyone that Wales was a musical nation – Praise the Lord – and a literary nation and an arty nation and when Gruff Rhys from Llanllechid, the son of Gwynedd County Council Chief Exec Ioan Bowen Rees, became an international rock star (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’), Tony Jones popped up on ‘This Is Your Life’ with Michael Aspel (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’). Tony Jones! He’d never done ‘Saturday Night At The London Palladium’ or a Royal Variety Performance. He hadn’t even appeared with Bernard Manning on  ‘The Wheel Tappers and Shunters Social Club’ on tele. Tony Jones was a racist old geologist from Bangor and before that he was at Aberystwyth University. I’d like to know who was responsible for getting him onto prime time TV.

There are more than a few paedophiles’ friends with media links…

One person who would have been finished if the scale of the crime in north Wales had been admitted at that time would have been Lord K.O. Morgan, Principal of Aberystwyth University, the institution which was churning out crooked lawyers. Lord Ken was Mr Big in the Welsh Labour Party. He was married to the late Jane Morgan, a criminologist who grew up in Wrexham and later worked at Oxford. Jane did her PhD at Leicester University when scores of people there were concealing the activities of Frank Beck and Greville Janner. David and Richard Attenborough’s dad was Principal of what became Leicester University. See posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’ for details of those involved in the cover-up. But Jane was also mates with Prof Dick Hobbs, who is a good mate of Laurie Taylor. Laurie’s son Matthew was Blair’s adviser – Matthew was and might still be Chief Exec of the RSA. Full details re Lord Ken and Jane can be found in my post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Shortly after I’d watched Gaye do her best to introduce Tony Jones to the world of La Scala, Gaye told me that she was ‘very fond’ of another one of the staff – Ralph Oxley. Ralph was married to Isobel Hargreaves, who worked as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services. Isobel’s name later appeared on some of Prof Mark Williams’s Mindfulness publications, the enormous research fraud that Williams perpetrated whilst the mental health patients died at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’.)

Gaye knew how to choose her friends.

 

The Chairman of the National Trust, 2008-14, was Sir Simon Jenkins. Simon is best known for being the Editor of ‘The Times’, 1990-92. Before that he worked on ‘The Sunday Times’ – as did Top Doctor’s wife, Lord Snowdon’s mistress and one of the paedophiles’ greatest friends Marjorie Wallace (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’). Jenkins has written for many other newspapers as well and currently writes for ‘The Guardian’. Sir Simon was on the Board of British Rail, 1979-90. Which was famously atrocious, even though Jimmy Savile kept reassuring us that ‘this is the age of the train’. Which is a bit odd, because Savile boasted about his Rolls Royce, which it was later revealed he used to tempt teenaged girls into who were then sexually assaulted and his caravan, which was parked in the grounds of Broadmoor and was the site of a number of rapes. Perhaps Savile was just doing his bit for British Rail to drum up business for Harold Wilson’s mate George Thomas, who was known to be sexually molesting boys on the trains between London and south Wales.

Sir Simon has a second home at Aberdyfi in north Wales and he pissed everyone off by writing an article maintaining that people do not have the right to live near their families or where they grew up. Aberdyfi is absolutely lovely and is one of those places in north Wales that is completely beyond the price range of most local people because it has become such a popular destination for people from England who want a second home.

Simon’s other home is – or was – in Piccadilly. There are allegations that Simon has a third home as well.

Simon has campaigned against the building of affordable housing. Simon’s predecessor at the NT Sir Jack Boles hit the roof when he discovered that there was a plan to build near his home in Devon. Simon’s other predecessor at the NT, Lord Patrick Gibson, used his estate in Sussex as his main home but also had a villa north of Venice.

Sir Simon knew Sir Robin Day, who was one of Ronald Waterhouse’s closest friends.

Sir Simon’s first wife was the American actress Gayle Hunnicutt. Films in which Gayle starred included: ‘The Wild Angels’ (1966); ‘The Legend Of Hell House’ (1973); ‘The Sell Out’ (1976); ‘Target’ (1985). Gayle’s appeared on TV in: ‘Thriller – K Is For Killing’ (1974); ‘Dylan’ (1978); ‘Strong Medicine’ (1986). Gayle also appeared in ‘Dallas’ (1989-91), which starred some of Joan Collins’s mates. Joan Collins was friends with Christopher Cazenove and his wife Angharad Rees. Angharad’s dad was the Welsh Top Doctor Prof Linford Rees, who spent many decades concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd and his associates and who according to legend died peacefully in his chair after a paned and a Welsh cake. Linford also enjoyed showing people photos of his female patients whilst they were in the bath, but that was always taken as a sign that he was a high calibre wag (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

Titania Adoring Sir Simon Jenkins:

The Ass-headed Bottom:
Simon Jenkins at Policy Fight Club.jpg

 

Sir Simon and his mates were at the top of the food chain. Let me introduce a few more of Dafydd’s henchmen.

It was the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor where children were severely abused and then trafficked for sex, including to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). The manager of Ty’r Felin was Nefyn Dodd – he was assisted in the abuse of the kids by his wife June Dodd and his Deputy, Mari Roberts. I have detailed Dodd’s activities in previous posts. Dodd used to boast that he was a friend of Dafydd – Dodd presumably thought that an association with Dafydd was worth boasting about. The Waterhouse Inquiry was told by ex-residents of the brutality and repeated assaults on children by Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as by Mari Roberts. Ronnie dismissed the allegations and constantly made excuses for these three thugs.

One of the bottom feeders at Ty’r Felin was Peter Gadd. Gadd was employed by Gwynedd County Council for years on a temporary contract, in much the same way that Martin Jones, in his capacity as CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, staffed Ysbyty Gwynedd substantially by using agency or bank nurses. Anyone who dared mention the neglect and abuse of patients found that they ‘didn’t get their hours’ any longer. Martin didn’t even have to worry about bullying them out of their jobs or dismissing them on trumped up charges.

Gadd was a member of the Ogwen Mountain Rescue Team, as were other paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘No-One Is Innocent’) and frequently disappeared from work to go out with the Mountain Rescue Team.

There were many complaints against Gadd of bullying and assault on children and I am told that none of them were properly investigated. I have received an e mail stating that Gadd ‘provoked conflict between children so that he could wade in violently to restore order’. This was a favourite technique of the paedophiles’ friends in the mental health services as well. Patients would also be baited by staff until even the most even-tempered or mild-mannered of them raised their voice or stood up from their chair, at which point they’d be met with ‘restraint’ ie. an Angel landing on top of them needlessly, after which a few more Angels would pitch in. In the event of a complaint from the patient, a counter-allegation of assault on an Angel would be made and the patient would be hauled off down to the police station – even if they were sectioned – to be charged. Male patients were on occasions tasered by the police who were called into the hospital. In the events of patients taking their complaints to Ministers, or other witnesses expressing concern, somehow a piece would appear in the local paper concerning the serious problem of Dangerous Psychiatric Patients and how many hundreds of assaults the Angels had sustained recently at their hands.

I witnessed Gadd-like conduct in the North Wales Hospital and I understood immediately what the game being played was, which some other patients didn’t. After I left Denbigh, on one occasion when I rang Bryn Golau Ward in an attempt to get some answers because none of my letters of complaint had received a response, an Angel answered and I could hear what was very clearly the baiting of a distressed patient in the background. The patient then started screaming in distress – I knew damn well what was going on and I challenged the Angel who had answered the phone. I heard them say something in Welsh – which I did not understand – to the patient and then they gave the phone to the patient who of course screamed at me down the phone. No doubt the paedophiles’ victim had been told that I was a Top Doctor or a police officer or something. The phone was then snatched away from the patient and slammed down on me. Had I been there in person, no doubt a situation would have been engineered in which I would have been thumped.

Bryn Golau Ward, 1987. Dr Peter Higson in a management position in the North Wales Hospital, the Welsh Office ignoring all complaints. That was what was going on at ground level.

In Nov 1987, Peter Gadd gave evidence at the disciplinary investigation held by Gwynedd County Council against the whistleblower Alison Taylor. Alison had been Gadd’s supervisor, but he hadn’t worked for her since 1984. Gadd gave absolutely damning evidence against Taylor, maintaining that it was Alison that was the problem, not Nefyn Dodd.

In 1987, Gwynedd County Council were planning to take over Cartref Bontnewydd, a by then disused children’s home that was previously run by the Methodist Church. Gadd was promised the post of officer-in-charge at Cartref Bontnewydd in return for giving evidence against Alison. Gadd did not know that someone in Gwynedd County Council – I don’t know who – had also promised the post to Mari Roberts. Mari was appointed and an angry Gadd later told people that he’d ‘lied for Dodd’, in order to have Alison sacked.

Mari Roberts never worked with Alison but she also gave evidence against her at the Gwynedd County Council disciplinary panel – in support of Dodd, maintaining that Alison should be dismissed. Alison was dismissed in Nov 1987.

Gadd’s wife Patricia worked as a supply teacher – I presume for Gwynedd Education Authority. I understand that she subsequently was employed as a care officer by Gwynedd, although Patricia doesn’t seem to have any social work qualification.

It has been suggested to me that this was either compensation for Gadd not being given the post at Cartref Bontnewydd, or that Gadd threatened to go public on the fact that he had lied at Alison’s disciplinary hearing.

There were numerous complaints against Mari Roberts as well as against Gadd and the Dodds. There were complaints before the North Wales Police investigation of 1991-93.

By Nov 1987 when Dodd was organising Alison’s dismissal, the CPS were still considering a number of serious complaints against Nefyn Dodd. The CPS did not respond until Jan 1988. By Nov 1987 I had made repeated complaints about the mental health services in north Wales about the most serious matters. Dafydd had told me that if I didn’t drop my complaints he’d have me arrested and detained in Risley Remand Centre and he did try and do this in the summer of 1987, after a junior doctor perjured himself (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). He had also told me that if I did drop my complaints, he would ensure that I would be given a place at Liverpool Medical School. He had contacted my solicitor and told him not to act for me and had tried to find out which patients I might name as witnesses to the wrongdoing. Brown had written to Gwynedd Health Authority stating that he had heard Dafydd trying to threaten and bribe me but received no response. The Welsh Office knew about all of these matters, as did Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services. As did the North Wales Police.

The DPP at that time was Sir Thomas Hetherington QC and then Sir Allan Green QC.

As a result of the North Wales Police investigation, 1991-93, over 100 complaints about Nefyn Dodd were referred to the CPS. There was no prosecution of Dodd. By the time that the investigation had finished, I had been prosecuted for ‘staring a social worker’ in Safeways in Bangor (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). The social worker was Jackie Brandt, who had illegally detained me in the psychiatric ward in Ysbyty Gwynedd, where I had the pleasure of Dafydd trying to discuss sex with me and then, after I challenged him, telling me to get out of north Wales and never come back or I’d be arrested (see post ‘Include Me Out’). Statements had been made about me by Tony Francis – without my knowledge – to Hempsons, the MDU solicitors, alleging that I had tried to strangle a Top Doctor, tried to throttle a Top Doctor and had attempted to stab a Top Doctor with ‘a dagger’. Both Hempsons and Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who worked for the Welsh Office, wrote to Francis and others admitting that there was no evidence for any of these allegations.

The 1991-93 police investigation also resulted in numerous complaints against Mari, but no prosecutions resulted.

The DPP throughout all this was Sir Allan Green QC and then Dame Barbara Mills QC.

 

At the Waterhouse Inquiry Mari Roberts was however highly critical of Nefyn Dodd and his regime. She didn’t mention her key role in Alison’s dismissal, neither did the Counsel for the Inquiry and neither did Ronnie Waterhouse. Mari Roberts is discussed in the Waterhouse Report because witnesses described Mari in rather damning terms. She was described as deeply unpleasant and indeed violent, as Nefyn Dodd’s ‘henchwoman’. Ronnie was told that Mari had slapped children across the face and around the head, that she had kicked them, dragged them by their hair, forced them to strip and taken away their clothes after they had run away following her previous assaults and that on one occasion she had tried to smother a boy. Waterhouse observed that Mari was a caring woman who was dealing with some very difficult young people. When she was asked to explain the accusation that she had tried to smother a boy, Mari explained to Ronnie that she was ‘just being playful’.

And when they say no they mean yes don’t they Dafydd?

Like so many paedophiles’ friends in north Wales who do not have secure or well-paid employment, Peter and Patricia Gadd certainly live well. The Gadd’s live at Llanllechid, at Cysgod-y-Coed. They live in quite a nice converted barn/farmhouse place, with a fleet of 4 wheel drive vehicles parked outside. Their house is not in the main part of the village, it’s down a lane. As the crow flies, they must live very near to where Ioan Bowen Rees lived in his Plas. Since Ioan died, Mrs Bowen Rees has moved into the square in Rachub, but still in one of the best houses in the village. The Gadd’s and the Bowen Rees’s must have just been across the fields from each other.

The Gadd’s and the Bowen Rees’s lived there when someone made repeated attempts to set fire to my house, which was just down the road from them. That would have been in the early 1990s.

Peter and Pat Gadd are no longer involved in child care, but they have a new source of revenue. They’re doing Air B&B! If you look them up on Air B&B, they don’t mention their previous careers in sex trafficking. There’s a little photo of them cuddled up together looking like a comfy middle-aged couple.

‘Will you be wanting a Welsh cake, bach? I’ve got some in the oven. Ooh, I’ve got some bara brith on as well, that’ll be ready tonight. The beatings and the buggery are extras. We do overnight trips to Dolphin Square as well if you’re interested.’

This is what you get if you look up Peter n Pat on Air B&B:

The Gadd Barn, Cysgod y Coed.

Llanllechid
Patricia
6 guests
2 bedrooms
6 beds
1 bath

1830s Barn converted into basic holiday accommodation. Can sleep 6+.
Fully fitted open plan kitchen with cooker. fridge and microwave. Lounge area with woodburner, TV, freeview box. Quiet rural area 2 miles from Bethesda. Well behaved pets welcome.

More Information

The space

1830s Barn conversion with beams, stone walls and wood-burning stove. 1 kingsized and 2 single beds in one bedroom an 2 single beds in another Bedroom but room for a couple of mattresses if required. Fully fitted open plan kitchen with cooker, fridge/freezer and microwave. Bathroom with shower. Lounge with TV, Freeview and internet access.
Set in a secluded, rural area 6 miles from the city of Bangor and 2 miles from the small town of Bethesda where there are pubs, supermarkets, takeaways, and of course the famous Zipwire at Penrhyn Quarry

Guest access

Guests and their children have access to a small field with swings and a play area. The yard area is also suitable for BBQs and sitting in the evenings.
Arrangements can be made to use a washing machine if needed.

Interaction with guests

We live across the yard in another converted barn. We are there if you need any help or directions but we will not intrude.We have 3 very friendly chocolate labradors who love a fuss but that is up to you.

Other things to note

Our home is called Cysgod y Coed and the Barn is part of the basic budget accommodation with comfortable beds and fully equipped kitchen for self-catering.

 

If any readers fancy spending a night with the people traffickers, it’ll cost you £50.

 

Mari Roberts is now known as Mari Roberts-Jones. Mari was the creme de la creme in Ty’r Felin, she had a degree from UCNW (like Lucille Hughes). I think that Mari Roberts was probably taught at UCNW by the notorious Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. Like the former Bangor criminologist Prof Roy King, Glyn Patagonia had left UCNW by the time that I began post-doc work there, but he was still remembered as a vindictive bully. Glyn Patagonia went down in history at Bangor because the university brought a disciplinary case against him for systematically marking up Welsh language students and marking down English language students. He was represented by a very grand lawyer as well as by the AUT and he was cleared. When I first heard about this I thought well he probably wasn’t routinely doing it, it could have been one of those civil wars as a result of the strife which prevailed in the Dept at the time. I was later told by a number of people who are positive about the Welsh language, ‘no, he was guilty as charged, the marks were systematically fiddled’.

Like all good paedophiles’ friends, Glyn Williams was a greedy hypocrite and owned a second home in France.

Duw it’s hard. Pass the bara brith, put on Dafydd Iwan and we’ll have a sing song to keep up our spirits.

 

A lot of the paedophiles and their colleagues working in the children’s homes in north Wales did certificates in social work at Cartrefle College of Education (formerly Cartrefle  Training College) in Wrexham. Cartrefle became NEWI (North East Wales Institute) in 1975; in 1993 Cartrefle became an associate member of the University of Wales; in 2004 it became a full member of the University of Wales and in 2008 it became Glyndwr University.

In the early 80s Cartrefle College had a hotline to Nefyn Dodd and Lucille. The paedophiles’ friends at Cartrefle reported back to Dodd and Lucille on students, but not through any official channels. It was the usual MO of the paedophiles’ friends, gossip and rumour, targeting potential whistleblowers.

The MP for the constituency in which Ty’r Felin was located at the time was paedophiles’ friend and Welsh Office Minister Wyn – later Lord Wyn – Roberts (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Dafydd Wigley was told of concerns about events at Ty’r Felin, but as it wasn’t in his constituency, he passed the concerns on to Wyn (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Ty’r Felin wasn’t in Dafydd Wigley’s constituency but the HQ of Gwynedd County Council was just around the corner from his constituency office. I’m fairly sure that Dafydd Wigley lives – or lived – in Bontnewydd. In the same village as Cartref Bontnewydd, where Mari Roberts playfully suffocated children and dragged them around by their hair. Cartref Newydd was in Dafydd Wigley’s constituency. Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, was an adviser to Dafydd Wigley.

 

I am told that the standards at Cartrefle College were very, very poor. My post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University’ discusses the many paedophiles’ friends who have governed and staffed that very troubled institution. Many of them date back to its time as Cartrefle College. In 2001, whilst the institution was still NEWI, Prof Mike Scott was appointed Principal. It mystified a great many people. Not just because when Mike Scott had done his PhD many moons ago at the University of Wales he had been ordered to rewrite and resubmit and there were people in the region who could remember this happening, but because a great many people maintained that Mike Scott was a completely unsuitable person to have been given that job. Including Brown.

Mike Scott had previously been a PVC at De Montfort University in Leicester and he virtually destroyed the place. He was a key figure in a disastrous senior management team who screwed up so badly that the institution had to be raised from the ashes by the present VC, who seems to have done a very good job. After Scott left De Montfort smouldering on the pavement, everyone at DMU presumed that he’d never work again. Then he turned up at NEWI, presided over events as extraordinary as he presided over at DMU and bugger me, someone then agreed to call his house of dysfunction a University.

In view of the fact that Scott did his PhD at the University of Wales in the days when the paedophiles largely controlled the institution, I cannot help but wonder if Mike Scott played the same old north Wales game – I know what you all did and where the bodies are buried… Gissa job as VC.

Leicester was the location of a paedophile gang which was linked to Dafydd et al…

Mike Scott took up his appointment at DMU in 1989. He had previously worked at Sunderland Poly. There was a paedophile gang located in the Sunderland area with links to Dafydd et al…

Mike Scott stood down from Glyndwr University in 2015. He announced that he would be departing in 2014, after the Home Office withdrew Glyndwr’s right to sponsor international students following allegations of visa fraud. The University’s Chancellor Sir Jon Shortridge praised Mike Scott’s ‘outstanding achievements’ as VC. Sir Jon Shortridge is a former civil servant who joined the hub of corruption that was the Welsh Office in 1984 and rose to the very top (see post ‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’).

Since devolution, Higher Education has been the responsibility of the Welsh Gov’t. When Scott was appointed Principal of NEWI in 2001, Rhodri Morgan was FM, as he was in 2008 when Glyndwr was granted university status.

The University of Salford validated degrees from Cartrefle College. Cartrefle College evolved into NEWI, which offered social work training, as does Glyndwr University. The University of Salford knew that children in care were being abused in north Wales because the Waterhouse Report discusses a student on placement from the University of Salford who was so horrified by what he saw in north Wales that he reported it to the University. As a result he was withdrawn from his placement after a matter of days. This student followed all appropriate guidelines after he witnessed child abuse. Waterhouse dismissed his evidence because he’d only been on placement for a few days so he didn’t really know what the care of children in north Wales was like.

The authorities responsible for Cartrefle College were the Welsh Dept at the Ministry of Education and the Dept of Education and Science. It was in the early 1980s when my correspondent told me that they had witnessed appalling standards and when staff at Cartrefle College had a hotline to Lucille and Dodd. The Secretary of State for Education and Science, 1981-86, was Sir Keith Joseph – who’s adviser was Barbara Kahan, who colluded with organised child abuse throughout her career (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). Barbara Kahan was one of the people to whom Alison Taylor wrote regarding her concerns about child abuse in north Wales. Alison did not receive a reply. Kahan, along with Allan Levy QC, conducted the Inquiry into the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal in the 1980s and published the resultant Report in 1991. They underplayed the seriousness of the abuse and for how long people had ignored it. Brown and I wrote to Keith Joseph, when we were undergrads, about student finance. The old bastard probably had us targeted then. The Secretary of State for the DES, 1979-81, was Mark Carlisle, who in 1973 had reassured the Commons that he had no concerns about the stream of deaths and the overcrowding at Risley Remand Centre (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

Previous Secretaries of State for the DES who were responsible for Cartrefle as qualifications were handed out to sex offenders were: Shirley Williams (under PM Jim Callaghan) – Shirl was asked by Dafydd Wigley to hold an Inquiry into the paedophiles’ friend Sir Charles Evans’s management of UCNW but she refused; Fred Mulley, under Wilson and Callaghan – Mulley was a barrister and like paedophiles’ friend Robert Bluglass, an Old Warwickian! (see ref ‘Enter Professor Bluglass CBE). The Warwick School website has a little quip about the Old Warwickians ‘growing old disgracefully’. Presumably they’ve heard about Bluglass facilitating an international sex trafficking ring. Someone ought to seize Compton Verney under the proceeds of crime legislation.

Cheers!

 

 

 

Before Fred, the Secretary of State for the DES was Reg Prentice, under PM Wilson. Prentice was a barrel of laughs, he left the Labour Party in 1977 and in 1979 was elected as a Tory MP. Thatcher made him Minister for the Disabled! Prentice died in 2001, but in the last few years before his death he was President of the Devizes Conservative Association. Sir Peter Morrison’s family seat was near Devizes and the locality had become completely corrupted as a result. No wonder Reg went and parked himself down there during the Waterhouse Inquiry (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Prior to Reg, the Secretary of State for the DES was a Margaret Hilda Thatcher. She was so busy withdrawing the free school milk from primary school kids that she took her eye off a gang of paedophiles giving out certificates in social work to other members of the gang. Furthermore her critics were so busy yelling ‘Thatcher the Snatcher’ that they forgot to mention that Cartrefle was training sex traffickers.

It’s all a bit Julian Tudor Hart isn’t it (see post ‘The Human Stain’).

That takes us as far back as 1970. Cartrefle was dishing out the qualifications to the paedophiles’ friends even before then. It feels as if it’s been going on since the Pre-Cambrian era…

 

There was a children’s home in Llanfairpwll on Anglesey, called Y Gwyngyll, which was the focus of complaints such that in 1981 the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, Ioan Bowen Rees, was obliged to launch an investigation. Bowen Rees called in  ‘senior officers’ of Dyfed County Council who of course found nothing seriously amiss. Ioan Bowen Rees had been the County Secretary of Dyfed County Council before he became Chief Exec of Gwynedd. There was a paedophile ring in Dyfed at the time which had links to Dafydd et al.

 

An Orthodox priest – yes, north Wales has one – called Father Deiniol who lived in Blaenau Ffestiniog used to have boys from Y Gwyngyll staying over at his house for the weekend. I have been told that on one occasion, one boy returned from Father Deiniol’s place highly distressed with, for some inexplicable reason, his toenails painted purple. Alison Taylor stored up yet more trouble for herself when she raised concerns regarding the arrangement between Father Deiniol and the children from Y Gwyngyll. Her concerns were silenced. Nefyn Dodd, David Bailey (the officer-in-charge of Y Gwyngyll) and Gethin Evans all maintained that Father Deiniol was the best thing since sliced bread and that he was providing welcome opportunities for disadvantaged kids to have a weekend break.

I was always intrigued by Father Deiniol’s presence in north Wales. The first time that I saw him I was an undergrad and in a Chinese takeaway in Bangor. I was quite surprised when an Orthodox priest came in and ordered some food. I used to see him around Upper Bangor (the part of Bangor where the University arts depts are and the residential quarter where students and in those days many University staff used to live) in the company of a variety of people. Upper Bangor was host to a selection of characters in those days. There was a left-wing bookshop called the Information Centre which was the centre of CND activity; there was a whole food restaurant called Methusala’s; there was a load of Bahai people;  there was a house covered in activist stickers which housed a crowd of people – some of whom were involved with the domestic violence shelter – including a little boy who used to always sport a ‘boys against sexism’ badge; there was a man who called himself Brother Dai who, when he heard that I lived on Anglesey, told me that Anglesey was ‘the island of free love’. Shortly after encountering Brother Dai, I saw an advert in an alternative newsletter inviting people to come along for a session of ‘European Rolfing’. I asked Brown if he knew what on earth European Rolfing was, but he’d never heard of such a practice either. I had the feeling that it might involve Brother Dai.

The people who owned Methusula’s were readily identifiable because they seemed to have a great deal of money by Bangor standards. They drove a Porsche, which was unique for alternative people hanging out in Upper Bangor. The restaurant was very small, the prices were reasonable and the customers were mostly students. A lot of businesses in Bangor or Menai Bridge in those days were obviously hobby shops, owned by people who didn’t make enough from their shop to live on but who had another source of income (often a spouse who worked in the university or as a Top Doctor) which subsidised the shop. Methusula’s struck me as being that sort of business, but the couple who owned it worked in there themselves every night and then drove home in the Porsche which was parked just down the road. They did chat to the students and customers, but their goodwill was a bit forced. They sold up and left Bangor in about 1983 and told me that they were buying a pub and restaurant in Devon. They were so frosty when I asked them what their future plans were – which was weird because I’d been a regular in Methusula’s for ages – that I wondered if they had had some sort of bad experience and that’s why they were going.

So Father Deiniol used to be seen around Bangor amongst this crowd. Father Deiniol used to turn up to freshers’ events at UCNW and he was still doing this when I left Bangor in 2012. I was manning a stall at the postgrad fair and who rolled up but Father Deiniol. I had no idea that he was a paedophiles’ friend and hosted the kids from Y Gwyngwyll, I only received information about this after I began this blog.

Father Deiniol has a heavy internet presence. He features on a Facebook page, ‘Past Times of Blaenau Ffestiniog’ and under the title ‘Father Deiniol, Respected Member of Blaenau Ffestiniog’ one can read about Father Deiniol’s ‘journey’. Father Deiniol certainly gets around, he’s travelled the world and although he speaks Welsh, English and Greek, it would appear that Father Deiniol originally came from Wrexham. The coverage of Father Deiniol’s adventures tell us that he became involved in the Orthodox Church when he was a teenager in Wrexham and subsequently founded the Wales Orthodox Mission in the mid-1980s. Father Deiniol is of the generation who were young men when that paedophile ring based in the children’s homes in Wrexham really began expanding their business.

Praise the Lord, we’re a musical nation. Paedophile ring you say? Bechod, we’ve got harps and Elinor Bennett, we’ve got literature and Kate Roberts, we’ve got art and Kyffin and we’ve also got an Orthodox priest with a penchant for purple nail varnish on the toes of young boys…

In 2008, Father Deiniol – Tad Deiniol in Welsh – starred in a TV series, ‘Taith Tad Deiniol’. The series was narrated by Twm Morys who did so because he has ‘an interest in the Orthodox Church’. Twm is a media-friendly Bard who has featured on this blog recently (see post ‘Heart Of Darkness’). Twm’s dad/mum is Jan Morris, who when she was James Morris, was a member of the 1953 Everest expedition – the team leader was Sir Charles Evans, the Top Doctor who was Principal of UCNW for all those years when the paedophiles’ friends ran the place. Twm and Jan are big fans of paedophiles’ friend and colleague Dr Chris Evans.

The TV series starring Father Deiniol was made by Peter Telfer of mid-Wales production company Pixel Foundry, who it is said ‘was a pupil of Father Deiniol’s at Ysgol Ardudwy’.

Pixel Foundry was dissolved in 2013 but used a number of addresses at Machynlleth as well as one at Abersytwyth Arts Centre. Peter Telfer was the Creative Director and a Suzanne Kemp was the Company Secretary. Peter Telfer used an address in Ceinws for a long time. Ceinws hit the media for all the wrong reasons in 2012, when five yr old April Jones from Machynlleth was murdered by Mark Bridger, who lived at Ceinws, having moved there from Birmingham.

One newspaper article stated that Father Deiniol was the Chaplain at Aberystwyth and Bangor Universities.

 

Another correspondent has told me that a teacher from Anglesey known to the kids as ‘Seagull’ who was ‘hated and feared’ by the children was also a regular at Y Gwyngwyll. I have not been given Seagull’s real name.

 

There was quite a bit of action at Blaenau Ffestiniog other than Father Deiniol and his Orthodox Church. Blaenau hosted Ceryl Wyn Davies, who I am told still lives there. Ceryl Wyn Davies was the Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School (a primary school near Blaenau) who in 1986, whilst Bowen Rees was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, was jailed for 18 months at Mold Crown Court after pleading guilty to three charges of indecent assault on girls under thirteen. Ceryl Wyn was 47 yrs old at the time of his imprisonment and had been Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School for seven years.

Had Ioan Bowen Rees operated on the same level as the rest of us, Ceryl Wyn’s conviction might have left him a little red-faced, but being Ioan it won’t have. Ceryl Wyn had previous. In 1964, after being convicted at Holyhead Magistrates Court for indecently assaulting schoolgirls whilst being employed as a teacher, Ceryl Wyn was sentenced to nine months in prison. Ioan Bowen Rees stated that Ceryl Wyn’s 1964 conviction had been spent and ‘had to be ignored’. It was true that Ceryl Wyn’s conviction had been spent, but with regard to spent convictions, potential employers are obliged to exercise judgement not ignore the conviction under all circumstances. If the spent conviction is relevant to the job for which the offender is applying, the potential employer is required to take the spent conviction into account. Ceryl Wyn was a child sex offender who had applied for a job as a Headmaster of a primary school.

This was in the days before CRB/DBS checks, so Ceryl Wyn would not have been obliged to mention his 1964 conviction on his application when he threw his hat in the ring for the job as Headmaster of Tanygrisiau School. However, Gwynedd Education Authority were well aware that there was Something About Ceryl Wyn when he became Head of Tanygrisiau. He was already in the employ of Gwynedd County Council as a teacher and was promoted to Headmaster of Tanygrisiau – shortly after he had appeared before Blaenau Ffestiniog Magistrates in 1978 for, er, indecently assaulting school children.

Ceryl Wyn was acquitted. He was defended by the best – Emlyn Hooson QC, the then Liberal MP for Montgomeryshire! Emlyn was a pretty big hitter to bring in for an appearance in Blaenau Ffestiniog Magistrates Court.

Emlyn Hooson was a close mate of Ronnie Waterhouse. Hooson had been part of the Liberal Party panel which investigated Jeremy Thorpe regarding Norman Scott’s allegations years before Jeremy stood trial for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman. The inquiry had finished by Lord Frank Byers – Lisa Nandy’s grandfather – hurling insults at Norman and Norman giving up and leaving the room in despair (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

It was the year in which Hooson successfully defended Ceryl Wyn for indecent assault that Jeremy Thorpe was charged with conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman. The year after Ceryl Wyn was acquitted, so was Thorpe.

It must have been really great being a friend of Emlyn Hooson.

Glyn Davies, the Tory MP for Montgomeryshire recently appeared in the Welsh media complaining that the recent TV drama about Jeremy Thorpe cast Emlyn Hooson in a very negative light, which according to Davies, was unfair. Glyn Davies spent years sitting on Montgomery District Council alongside Hooson’s wife Shirley, who died very recently (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

After Ceryl’s second imprisonment – in 1986 – Ioan Bowen Rees maintained that the 1978 panel who promoted Ceryl Wyn to the post of Headmaster was ‘not negligent’ and  ‘did not show favouritism’. Bowen Rees made the point that after his 1964 conviction and prison sentence, Ceryl Wyn was reinstated as a teacher by the Dept of Education in 1970. That was when Thatch was Education Secretary and whilst Cartrefle College was busy distributing qualifications to members of a paedophile gang. A great many of whom ended up working for Ioan Bowen Rees. Bowen Rees himself partly blamed Thatch for that business of Ceryl finding himself working as a Headmaster – ‘with hindsight we can see that the Dept of Education and the local LEA put too much trust in the individual in question’.

The ‘local LEA’ will have been Gwynedd, under the then Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, David Alun Jones, Ioan’s predecessor. Ioan wasn’t the Chief Exec when Ceryl Wyn was given a job as Headmaster, but Ioan almost certainly knew Ceryl Wyn back in 1964, when Ceryl Wyn was first jailed for sex offences against children. Because Ioan grew up in north Wales and for years worked as a solicitor for the old Denbighshire County Council. Ioan – and his parents – were well-known locally and in 1955 Ioan stood as the Plaid candidate for Conwy.

Ceryl Wyn may have been only reinstated as a teacher in 1970 out of the kindness of Thatch’s heart, but the folk of Blaenau obviously had no worries regarding his conduct with young people very soon after he was released from prison following his 1964 conviction, because in 1968 Ceryl Wyn was a member of the Council which oversaw the Youth Eisteddfod in Blaenau Ffestiniog. I have been sent a nice photo of Ceryl Wyn, along with the other members of the Council – Maldwyn Parry, Gareth Jones, Elwyn Hughes, Morwen Davies, Pegi Lloyd Williams and Geraint Vaughan Jones.

Ceryl Wyn Davies grew up in Blaenau and trained as a teacher at Coleg Normal in Bangor. He has been a member of a number of local choirs, including Cor Meibion y Moelwyn, of which he was the leader. Ceryl Wyn has also been the Chair of Blaenau Ffestiniog Town Council. He is a keen Eistedfoddwr and is a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards. I am told that he still preaches locally.

 

Anyone who knows Blaenau Ffestiniog will know that there is absolutely no way that people didn’t know about Ceryl Wyn’s 1964 conviction when he became Head of Tanygrisiau School in 1978. Most of the town will have been to school with Ceryl Wyn and a good few will have been at Coleg Normal with him, EVERYONE will have known.

I am not suggesting that Ceryl Wyn should have been cast into the outer darkness after his 1964 conviction. It says a lot for Blaenau that he wasn’t followed by a baying mob demanding his testicles on a platter. But they did know that a very close eye should have been kept on him where children were concerned. Many people will have been well aware of that and may have had great reservations about Ceryl Wyn turning up as the local primary school Headmaster. I suspect that it was the usual story – we don’t like it, we are very worried but we don’t feel that we can even raise concerns because his mates are bigger than we are and we live here and everyone knows where we live. Neither do we fancy being framed for crimes or being carted off to the North Wales Hospital by the Welsh speaking psychiatric social worker (see post ‘No-One Is Innocent’) on the grounds that we have some serious delusions about a child molesting Headmaster and his friends.

I really don’t have a problem with north Wales accepting Ceryl Wyn back into the fold after he had been to prison. What I have a problem with is the shit that was flung at Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch, me and many others, because we did not have the same mates as Ceryl Wyn, yet we had not serially molested children over decades.

It was in April 1986 when Ceryl Wyn Did It Again and was sent back to prison. Which was about about the time when the threats and aggro towards me from Dr D.G.E. Wood, Tony Francis and other paedophiles’ friends began to escalate. I didn’t know, but at the time Tony Francis was sending furious letters to the BMA and the MDU stressing how dangerous and twisted I was on the basis of my allegations about Gwynne the lobotomist. Gwynne was almost dead by then, they all knew that he wasn’t long for this world, but I was mouthing off and Mary Wynch had put her case before the Master of the Rolls and that had been reported in the London-based broadsheets. I notice that Ceryl Wyn’s case received widespread publicity and was even reported in ‘The Times’. It was mentioned that Ceryl Wyn had indecently assaulted pupils as he marked their work…

Unlike Ceryl Wyn, I, along with others, were hounded out of jobs and nearly ended up in prison – indeed some people did go to prison – without having committed any offences at all. One of the barristers and judges who led the field in such prosecutions was the fat fool Huw Daniel. Who’s father, J.E. Daniel, was an inspector of schools in north Wales and worked at the Bala Theological College, along with the father of Dafydd Iwan – one time leader of Gwynedd County Council – and Alun Ffred, one time member of Gwynedd County Council and subsequently AM for Caernarfon and then Arfon.

Yma O Hyd! Indeed you are – and look at the bloody mess.

After Ceryl Wyn stood accused once more but was acquitted in 1978, Gwynedd County Council assembled a disciplinary panel which met twice to ‘review the position’. The panel decided that it was ‘unreasonable’ to ‘force the children who gave evidence during a lengthy court case to be questioned again’. There is a great deal of sense in that conclusion. I can only stand by and gawp as I witness the damage and distress inflicted upon victims of sexual assault as complete fuckwit after complete fuckwit demand that they ‘talk about it because it helps’. Does it? When was that demonstrated then? I’m not sure that there is much evidence pointing to that. There is however a great deal of evidence that suggests that sexual predators target people whom they think may have been victims of sexual assault previously. Anyone for Dafydd’s sex therapy?

The disciplinary panel would not have needed to have forced traumatised children to give evidence again. The children’s evidence had already been heard in open court. It was publicly available. What the panel should not have done was given Ceryl Wyn a job as a Headmaster shortly after the kids had given evidence, thus giving him unsupervised access to primary school children. Perhaps even the siblings and friends of the kids who had given the evidence…

I suspect that the kids of Blaenau Ffestiniog were fully aware of Ceryl Wyn, kids tend to be quite sharp with regard to adults who have a penchant to Fiddle About. It’s the adults who can’t cope if the Fiddler in question is a Headmaster to whom they are related or are friends with, or a Top Doctor who is good at getting the guilty out of Risley Remand Centre, putting the innocent in there or securing one’s relatives jobs as social workers or places at Liverpool Medical School.

But we didn’t know!

Jokes, cartoons, songs, nicknames…

We didn’t know.

Serious complaints followed by suicides and deaths, houses going up in flames…

 

A few other stars were and no doubt still are based in Blaenau, along with Father Deiniol and Ceryl Wyn.

In July 2010 Gwilym Euros Roberts was jailed for four and a half years after attacking his estranged wife Catrin with two knives. In April 2010 he broke into Catrin’s house in Blaenau – Roberts was also living in Blaenau but in a different house – armed himself with two knives from the kitchen, burst into a bedroom where Catrin was watching TV yelling ‘I’m going to kill you, fucking bitch’, pushed her onto the bed and tried to stab her in the head and neck. Catrin had been living in fear of Roberts and had dialled 999 when she heard someone breaking in, assuming that it was him. Catrin fought Roberts off, sustaining a broken nose and serious defence wounds to her hands and arms. Catrin stated that Roberts had attempted to murder her.

After Catrin fought back, Roberts ‘fled’ to the house of ‘a friend’ – media reports did not mention their name – and stated ‘I’ve lost it, I’ve tried to stab Catrin’. Roberts made a full admission to the police.

At the time that Gwilym Roberts knifed Catrin, he was on police bail following a brawl in March at the Oakeley Arms at Maentwrog – near to Blaenau – during which it was alleged that Roberts assaulted Catrin and another man, after he found them in a bedroom at the Oakeley Arms. Roberts’s bail conditions had stated that he was not to contact Catrin. Several complaints had been made to the police regarding Roberts breaching his bail conditions before he stabbed Catrin and a few days prior to attacking her, Roberts had been arrested on suspicion of criminal damage.

At the time of the attack on Catrin, much was made of broken-hearted Gwilym committing a crime of passion after the slapper Catrin was found with another man. There was no comment regarding why Catrin might have sought comfort in the arms of someone else. Catrin’s family simply released photos of a narrowly escaping death Catrin and starkly said ‘this is what he did to her’.

Gwilym Roberts was the Councillor for Diffwys and Maenofferen Ward in Blaenau on Gwynedd County Council. Roberts was a Councillor for Llais Gwynedd (Voice of Gwynedd), a breakaway group from Plaid. His conviction and imprisonment caused a by-election.

Roberts stood trial in July 2010. Some reports stated that it was at Mold Crown Court, but others said Caernarfon. He was charged with unlawfully and maliciously wounding or causing grievous bodily harm with intent, rather than attempted murder. Roberts was defended by barrister John Wyn Williams, who stressed that Roberts was ‘genuinely ashamed’ of his actions.

John Wyn Williams was based at Linenhall Chambers in Cheshire. Lord Alex Carlile was based at the same Chambers. John Wyn Williams is married to an Angel who works – or used to work – at the Ablett Unit, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. One of her colleagues there was Dr Neil Davies, a mate of Dafydd’s. Neil Davies was the RMO for Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital when I and so many other people were unlawfully imprisoned there in 1986/87. Copies of medical records in my possession show that when one – brave – Angel – told Neil Davies that I had been unlawfully arrested and detained as a result of a ‘deal’ between Dafydd and a Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station and she was most unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’, Neil Davies told her that she wasn’t really involved, all she had to do was to refuse to let me go.

John Wyn Williams was one of the barristers from whom I sought a legal opinion regarding a possible negligence case against the NHS in about 2004-05. I had a conference with him and received a legal opinion that didn’t actually say ‘no hope on this one’, but somehow it all fizzled out without John Wyn Williams explaining why.

Recorder Winston Roddick QC presided over Gwilym Euros Roberts’s trial. Roddick is a longstanding paedophiles’ friend and was the former Counsel General for Wales when the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘Have The Lambs Stopped Screaming?’). Roddick stated that Roberts had  ‘shown genuine remorse’ and of course was ‘ashamed’. Roddick commented that Roberts had ‘an outstanding record of public service. The sentence is the shortest time the law permits’.

The record for Roberts’s case mentions that his ‘good character’, ‘remorse’ and a ‘character reference/witness’ were taken into account re sentencing. I do not know who the character reference was.

‘Call Dr DA Jones, he’s needed in court…’

Gwilym’s good luck just went on and on. In March 2011, whilst Gwilym was serving the shortest sentence possible for wounding rather than a massive sentence for attempted murder following two assaults, criminal damage and repeatedly breaking bail conditions, it was reported that Gwilym had been ‘wrongly assessed’ as being a future risk to the general public and that the condition imposed upon him to be subject to a period of four years on extended licence following his release from prison was overturned. The decision was made in the London Court of Appeal by Mrs – now Dame – Kathryn Thirlwall.

Kathryn Thirlwall went to school at St Anthony’s Girls’ Catholic Academy in Sunderland, then to Bristol University, then to Newcastle Poly.

Readers will remember the paedophile gang which operated in the north east with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales, who were protected by politicians, civil servants, Top Docs etc. Readers might need reminding that Lord David Hunt, who spent so many years concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al, is a Bristol University alumnus. As is D.G.E. Wood.

I am told that the MDU are now using the lawyers DAC Beachcroft. A company led by Lord David Hunt.

Grace Dent, the journo who is relentlessly talked up by ‘Woman’s Hour’ and has her own Radio 4 series which involves Grace giving voyeuristic accounts of the troubles of the members of what Blair called the underclass whilst she talks in a hushed northern voice, praised Mrs Justice Thirlwall to the skies after her judgement in the Mick Philpott case, which involved the scrounger with dozens of kids who perished in a house fire whilst the family lived high on the hog on benefits. Grace was particularly impressed with Kathryn Thirlwall being in possession of ovaries and related this to Kathryn’s firm line on male violence towards women.

In that case Grace, perhaps you’d like to move to Blaenau Ffestiniog where you too will be able to reap the benefit of Kathryn Thirlwall’s Wimmin’s Wisdom. There’ll be a spare house for you, because I imagine that when Gwilym Roberts was released, Catrin and anyone who dared support her relocated to another planet. There would have been a spare house anyway, Blaenau is on its knees after years of fuckwittery and it didn’t even have a cashpoint until a few weeks ago after a campaign led by the local MP Liz Saville Roberts. There’s no work and not many buses to get to work if anyone is lucky enough to find a job, so the houses are among the cheapest in the UK. If you’re retired or have a private income you’ll be OK and the countryside around Blaenau is lovely. But unfortunately you’ve got Gwilym on your doorstep and he’s untouchable.

The high profile Wimmin’s Champs in Wales such as Jane Hutt and Val Feld remained totally silent in the wake of Catrin nearly being murdered. Jane Hutt was the driver behind the vomit-inducing plaque commemorating Val Feld which now shines from the wall of the Senedd. Jane was the founder of Welsh Wimmin’s Aid. Whilst I was under attack by the paedophiles’ friends, a Wimmin’s Aid worker lived right opposite my house. She stood next to me at the bus stop, she passed me in the street and on one occasion she was in Bangor Magistrates Court when the paedophiles’ friends were trying to fit me up yet again. It was about five years before she even spoke to me and that was after I had left the village. I doubt if she is wicked through and through, she was probably just terrified of the paedophiles’ friends, as many people are when you get to know them.

Welcome To The Jones’ Motel

 

Dare You Have A Shower?

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Somebody has told me that years ago I and other young women were filmed a la Psycho without our knowledge and the footage flogged and circulated. I can only presume that the scene of the crime was at dear old Denbigh. It was suggested that I should be in the throes of some sort of #Me Too trauma. Well I’m not. It doesn’t surprise me in the least, everyone knew what was happening to us and no-one, no-one at all helped us. At least I am still alive. I am far more interested in sociology and history and writing this blog and naming the people who were involved in this foulness, many of whom are still popping up in the media or in Parliament to give us the benefit of their wisdom.  I heard wimmin’s wisdom on the radio the other day, but I only caught a bit of it. An American feminist who is busy in the UK yelled at the interviewer that the only way of stopping male sexual violence was by making prostitution illegal. Well that worked so well in north Wales didn’t it. By the way Ms Wimmin’s Wisdom, things were so bad in north Wales that Dafydd and co abducted boys and sold them across Europe. No-one gave a stuff but Jane and Val did bang on about being strong wimmin and chwarae teg at length.

 

Before Gwilym Roberts was banged up, he was a Director of Tourism Partnership Mid-Wales; Prime Cymru; Gwynfryn Cymuneddol Cyf; and Secretary of Tan y Maen Ltd.

I may have got this wrong, but I am fairly sure that Gwilym used to be a children’s/young person’s social worker with Gwynedd County Council, although all references to this have disappeared from the internet. After Catrin nearly left for the next world, I remember noting the unique combination of a broken heart, a passion for the community, a record of outstanding public service and a near brutal slaying that was to be found within Gwilym, because I remembered Gwilym from some years previously.

Gwilym had been a leading light in a group which was established in Wales in about 2000 called Cymuned, in response to the perceived crisis in rural Wales. The concerns were the dying of the Welsh language, closures of rural schools and other services, houses being beyond the price of many local people’s pockets and the lack of employment which paid well enough to actually enable one to support oneself. Some of my friends were involved in Cymuned and invited me along, so I went to some meetings. The English press were keen to portray Cymuned as a cottage-burning Nazi-style anti-English group – someone cheerily asked me why I was hanging out with the Welsh Nazis – but there were people in Cymuned who were definitely not of that ilk. I met some very genuine people who were nothing but welcoming to me and who were tearing their hair out over what was happening in rural Wales. But then the usual phenomenon emerged. The nutters and the in-fighting.

I knew one member of Cymuned who was forced out of her job at Coleg Menai as a teacher of Welsh to English speakers by a Plaid Councillor on the grounds that Cymuned might damage Plaid at the polls. This teacher was so enthusiastic that in her spare time she and a group of her friends had offered free Welsh lessons to anyone who was interested. Which is surely the sort of Welsh teacher that one needs. Then the ‘Daily Mirror’ began launching attacks on Cymuned, particularly Llais Councillor Seimon Glyn. The Mirror had a go at Seimon Glyn because he had been making public speeches about the cost of housing in rural Gwynedd – which was a very real problem.

The Cymuned battles took place just before and just after the publication of the Waterhouse Report. The Mirror could have mentioned that Seimon was a young person’s social worker in Gwynedd and asked him how he managed to miss the presence of a vicious paedophile gang which was facilitated by his managers and his colleagues. But The Mirror didn’t. They got cross because Seimon spoke Welsh and was raising concerns about the dire state of the economy in north west Wales. Call me naive but I can’t see anything wrong with that.

I remember seeing Gwilym Roberts at Cymuned meetings. I didn’t know him but he wasn’t one of the welcoming ones. He reminded me rather of Martin Webster of the National Front in the mid-70s. Gwilym was articulating concerns that people had brought to him and was welcomed by some as a people’s champ, but there was a sort of aura of serious aggression which surrounded Gwilym. I thought perhaps that I was being a poncy Guardian reader and detecting something that wasn’t there, but years later some residents of Blaenau told me that Gwilym had upset and alienated some people in Cymuned by his hostility and aggression. Then some other people in Blaenau told me that Gwilym was not a nice man and had been doing some very unacceptable things for a long time but was well-protected by his mates.

Including the Court of Appeal in London it would seem.

Gwilym was mates with another Llais Councillor from Blaenau, Dafydd Williams, a man known locally as Black Dafydd, which always upset newly arrived English people because they immediately presumed it to be a racist insult. It wasn’t. Black Dafydd is Welsh, but grew up in the Methodist orphanage in Bontnewydd – he was the only black person around and he ended up being called Black Dafydd by his mates and people close to him.  He didn’t have a problem with it – I suspect that he did experience racism but his mate’s nickname for him wasn’t a manifestation of that. One thing that really did irritate him was being called a Taffy when he went to train as an Angel in the north of England.

Anyone for lecturing Welsh people on the evils of racism?

Black Dafydd worked as a mental health nurse in north Wales. He had also previously been a police officer, in Wales and elsewhere. I have never discussed the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal with Black Dafydd, but he must have known what another Dafydd who was white was doing, he absolutely must have.

A paedophiles’ friend of the highest order lives in Blaenau – Hefin Davies, the lying crook and Freemason who was the Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority and then the Chairman of the NW Wales NHS Trust. The Hefin who’s signature is on documents in my possession showing that after I continued to raise concerns regarding Dafydd Alun Jones, Hefin’s response was not to investigate but to consult a number of lawyers and ask them how I could be prosecuted.

Can you explain your response Hefin? Particularly as you had also received a letter from Brown – which was ignored and which your lapdog Ian Rickard claimed not to have received – telling you that he had heard Dafydd trying to bribe and threaten me into dropping my complaint against him?

I think that the whole lot of you should probably get down to Bangor pier and chuck yourselves off the end, I think that you’ve been rumbled.

The voice of Gwynedd??? The voice of a paedophile ring who supplied Thatcher’s friends with children for sex I think.

 

People who have followed this blog for a while might remember my references to the havoc in Blaenau some years ago when a war allegedly between ‘the Welsh’ and ‘the English’ took place, including in the local MIND drop in centre. A leading light in Blaenau MIND appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ alleging appalling anti-English feeling in Blaenau. Which is a bit weird, because Blaenau is a bit like Bethesda, it’s a former quarrying town where a lot of hippyish English people moved in ages ago, with a lot of mixing between the two groups. What there is in Blaenau, as with Bethesda, are paedophiles’ friends inflaming every situation possible. MIND is run by Dafydd and the paedophiles and has been for years.

Subsequent media coverage alleged that the aggro at MIND was not the result of anti-English feeling. According to the people who had been accused of racism, it was the result of a load of absolute bastards who had recently moved into Blaenau and colonised the MIND centre there. Further media coverage – and conversations that I had with people – revealed that Manchester City Council had purchased a whole lot of cheap houses in Blaenau and had literally dumped a group of problem tenants in them because Manchester didn’t want them any longer and it was these tenants who had been at the centre of the aggro. There was understandably outrage that Manchester had decided to give Wales the citizens that it didn’t want, but I did not ever hear any explanation as to how and why Manchester decided to use Blaenau as a dustbin. Someone sold Manchester City Council that job lot of houses and someone – indeed quite a lot of people – will have known that a penal colony of Mancunians was to be established in Blaenau.

Gwynedd County Councillors will have been among those who knew that this was going to happen. The North Wales Police will have known. The regional NHS will have known. The regional Social Services will have known.

Gwilym! Hefin! When did you find out that it was going to happen? Who flogged – and indeed advertised – that housing to Manchester City Council? Who INVITED them to dump their needy, expensive, rather difficult citizens into one of the most disadvantaged towns in Gwynedd? I think we should be told.

 

I mentioned that there was an English speaking contingent in Blaenau involved with radical causes. I used to hear about them years ago when I was a student at UCNW, but I didn’t know them. I later found out that some of them at least ended up living in the area because the presence of Bertrand Russell nearby made it a bit of a Mecca for people interested in radical causes. The Bertrand Russell who had so many friends and associates who knew, even back then, that there was organised abuse of vulnerable people in the region but that Top Docs and asylums could provide a helpful solution should anyone start making too much of a fuss (see posts ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’ and ‘No-One Is Innocent’).

 

The Hergest Unit patients who enjoyed themselves so much in the 1990s by ringing up Dafydd and pretending to be people as corrupt as him who had got themselves involved with ridiculous tangles as a result of their wrongdoing fell about laughing every time that Dafydd fell for the bait and would say ‘how can I help, how I help?’. Dafydd was always ready with a place in a nursing home for an awkward relative or a bed in a detox unit or an Army pension. Dafydd might be interested to know that on one occasion a distraught gentleman rang Dafydd’s ‘private secretary’ at his wit’s end because of his father-in-law, who had begun to develop dementia and repeatedly groped all the private nurses who had been employed to look after him. The problem was so bad that five nurses had walked out and word had got around and now no nurses would come to the house. Dafydd’s secretary was ever so sympathetic and said that perhaps a bed in one of Dafydd’s nursing homes was indeed the answer. The distraught gentleman asked of he should leave his details and his father-in-law’s name – it was of course ‘Dafydd Alun Jones’. The secretary screamed with laughter, sounded as though she had nearly fallen off her chair and then put the phone down.

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‘We didn’t know.’

You all knew and the reason why you all joined in the bellyaching about ‘dangerous patients’ was that the patients had begin to discover the extent of Dafydd’s criminality and were finding out who was helping him.

 

An e mail that I received some time ago suggested that in a region like north Wales, a major trafficking ring would have needed the collusion of the ‘police surgeons’ – which was the grandiose term for local GPs who would attend the police station if the police thought that it was necessary. The police surgeons were undoubtedly colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles. My post ‘Hippocratic Oath Or Hypocritic Oaf?’ detailed the conduct of a police surgeon, Dr K. Shah, who, after what must have been the only honest social worker in Gwynedd refused to section me just because Dafydd told her to do so, told Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station to unlawfully keep me in the cells whilst Shah rang around and found a social worker that would do what they were told. Shah was a GP in Menai Bridge who was in a GP practice with Dr P.W. White, another paedophiles’ friend. On another occasion on which Dafydd and the paedophiles had me arrested, another police surgeon turned up. As usual I was not given his name, no-one was ever given anyone’s names. He didn’t conduct himself like Shah, he was quite pleasant and good-humoured, but he certainly knew all about Dafydd’s less reputable activities because he sat there joking about them. He didn’t section me, but left the police station. Yet no-one let me go. Once more I was held illegally for hours ‘because Dr DA is coming to see you’. Dafydd turned up at about midnight, crashed through the doors and said to me ‘I think ewe should be in prisssson’. Why, he did not explain. I didn’t end up in prison, Dafydd’s Cunning Plan was foiled, although I was kept at the police station overnight and kicked out the next day. The police surgeon who had joked about Dafydd’s idiocy did not raise any concerns regarding what was happening.

Dr D.G.E. Wood was one of the police surgeons. So of course police surgeons were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles, Wood was one of them.

My correspondent – who is a Top Doctor himself – made the point that much of the police surgeons’ work is related to the use of alcohol and drugs. Which hadn’t occurred to me. Corrupt Top Doctors working in that domain would certainly be able to cause havoc for patients in custody. Furthermore Dafydd was north Wales’s ‘substance abuse consultant’.

On one occasion, in Caernarfon Police Station in about 2003, a police surgeon was called – after the mental health services had once again had me arrested on the basis of the perjury of their own staff – who seemed incredibly nice. He talked to me at length, stated his opinion frankly that the Hergest Unit was so unsafe that patients should not be there. As he left he told me that he was so unhappy at ‘what has happened to you today’ that he would be leaving a log of his concerns on the police record. It was another three years or so before my lawyers extracted my records, but although I’ve found the paperwork and the police records relating to that occasion, there is no record of this GP having seen me. Whether he was yet another person who was frightened and just told me a lie or whether he did make a record and it disappeared I don’t know.

The other service which was fully on board with the sex trafficking ring in north Wales was the Ambulance Service. I have mentioned before that the abducted always arrived at Denbigh under cover of darkness, in the middle of the night. Everyone ended up there after being unlawfully arrested, but they were never taken to Denbigh by the police, it was always by ambulance. Furthermore, although the abducted were usually arrested during daylight hours, for some reason an ambulance was never available until after about 10 pm. Well police cars would have  been noticed wouldn’t they. And as with Angels and Top Doctors who are vital cogs in a people trafficking gang, Ambulances can be wrapped up as part of a ‘caring’ NHS, rather than a punitive police response. It was of course Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who wrote that splendid letter and CC’d it to other managers and Top Docs, explaining that it was helpful that I had agreed to see Tony Francis because that would give Gwynedd Health Authority the appearance of taking a ‘caring’ attitude to me, which would stand them in good stead with the magistrates the ‘next time that we prosecute her’. I wasn’t facing any charges when Davies wrote that letter, but it wasn’t long before I was.

In north Wales I knew of a violent wife-beating ambulanceman who was abusive to one of his neighbours who was a Hergest patient and was also very abusive to his own step-daughter who was a mental health patient. His long suffering second wife finally escaped from him and told me that she suspected that he might well have killed his first wife. His first wife ‘had a breakdown’, was taken to Denbigh and on the day that she was released was later found drowned on Denbigh moors. The ambulanceman had collected her – in his ambulance no less, not in the family car – and on the way home, she had ‘gone mad’, overpowered him, run away and must have drowned herself.

I knew of other people who became paramedics in north Wales who I certainly would not have wanted to be in the back of an ambulance with, but north Wales doesn’t seem to be alone where dangerous ambulancemen are concerned. In 1978 a 13 yr old newspaper boy in the West Midlands, Carl Bridgewater, was shot dead on an isolated farm. Four men were subsequently imprisoned for Carl’s murder, but it was admitted in the end that they had been framed by the notoriously corrupt West Midlands Serious Crime Squad and after many years languishing in prison they were released. Subsequent investigations suggested that Carl’s murderer was suspected to have been an ambulanceman who was allowed to do pretty much anything that he wanted when ‘on duty’ and who also had a supply of caring NHS colleagues who lied to the police and fabricated documentation when questioned (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

At the time that Carl was killed, nearby in Staffordshire, there was serious child abuse. An Inquiry was subsequently held, Chaired by paedophiles’ friends Barbara Khan and Allen Levy QC, which admitted serious abuse but not as serious as it was. The most high-profile figure in the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal was a social worker called Tony Latham, who sounded remarkably like Gwynedd’s own Keith Fearns. Latham was a poorly qualified ‘team leader’, aggressive and intimidating to both clients and colleagues and the focus of complaints that were not investigated. Latham also ran a number of businesses which were completely unrelated to social work and were rather odd. As did Keith Fearns. Fearns ran a B&B which is not a weird thing to do, but Fearns hated the human race, it’s not as if he would want to entertain strangers, but most intriguingly, Fearns for years ran a fancy dress hire company. I never worked out what it was all about, but at the bottom of Fearns’s drive was a big sign advertising fancy dress hire. If anyone can think of any reason why a perjuring people trafficker would be hiring out fancy dress, please let me know. It was fancy dress, rather than disguises or plastic surgery to change Fearns’s appearance when he escaped to South America, he could hardly escape justice dressed up as Marie-Antoinette.

 

Recent comments left on this blog mentioned that Greville Janner seemed to have used Jewish networks to protect himself. Janner and Leo Abse both certainly did this, but I don’t think that it can therefore be concluded that there is a particular problem with child abuse in the Jewish community. Abusive people utilise whatever networks to which they have access in order to use as umbrellas. In north Wales, Dafydd and co used political parties, the National Eisteddfod, the International Eisteddfod, the various churches and chapels, the choirs, Welsh language groups, indeed just about everything. Then there were the charidees and wimmin’s groups who were concealing Dafydd and the paedophiles. English people tended to point at ‘Welsh’ things and scream, but sadly Dafydd et al had such a grip on the region that the whole of society had been corrupted.

The paedophiles’ friends in the Bangor area congregated at the Bangor Golf Club. There was a contingent of people in the area who made a point of playing at the Beaumaris Golf Club rather than Bangor and I did wonder if it might have been because they felt so uncomfortable at Bangor Golf Club. Or of course they might have had their own scam going over at Beaumaris. Bob Ingham, Keith Fearns’s henchman in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, could be found playing golf at Bangor Golf Club when he was supposed to be on duty, a number of members of the clique who hung around the NHS managers in Gwynedd also spent their leisure time at Bangor Golf Club, as did Elwyn Jones, the corrupt Bangor solicitor who was a paedophiles’ friend and who doubled up as Treasurer of Bangor University. Elwyn Jones was so enthusiastic about Bangor Golf Club that I would see him in Bangor Magistrates Court – he always gave the impression of being completely uninterested in his clients and not very competent either – and he would be doing nothing but telling the other solicitors and court officials how he was looking forward to getting onto the golf course after court. I would watch Elwyn Jones do the absolute bare minimum for his clients – even those in a state who were facing a possible prison sentence – and the minute that the case had finished, he’d shoot out of the door and head for the golf course.

I used to think that Elwyn Jones must have been the most boring old fart in Bangor, but I didn’t realise that Bangor Golf Club was one of the prime networking sites for the paedophiles’ friends. Which made a syndrome that I noticed in the mid-1990s very worrying. Golf became very popular among boys of about 10-12 yrs old in the Bangor area. Someone was vigorously promoting golf as a nice thing that dads could do with their sons if the boys were approaching adolescence. Obviously, the dads went to the golf club with their sons, but then as the boys got more confident on the course and became keener and keener and the poor old dads needed a rest, the boys were told that of course they could come and play golf by themselves. I used to chat to a boy at the Bethesda bus stop who would tell me all about it. I was a bit surprised that a boy of 11 or 12 would want to spend his time with Elwyn Jones and the old farts of Bangor, but now I know what that golf club was being used for I find it horrifying.

 

So let’s name another in hiding who knew what Dafydd and the paedophile gang were up to.

Here’s a surprise for everyone – as it was for me when I realised: Dr Lyndon Miles, a GP in Bangor who arrived in Gwynedd in about 1983-84. Dr Miles was the Vice-Chair of the Betsi Board when it was led by Mary Burrows who was doing her best to challenge the paedophiles friends and the BMA in north Wales – or at least I think that she was. I knew damn well that the paedophiles’ friends were trying to sabotage the new Board and there were knives going into people’s backs all over the place. What I didn’t know at the time was that Edwina Hart, the Health Minister, who loathed the paedophiles’ friends herself, was of course deeply compromised because of her previous in the TUC – and as a member of the Swansea Mafia – where she had spent many years doing deals with the paedophiles’ friends to advance herself. She did exactly the same thing when she was appointed Health Minister, so she couldn’t actually get rid of them let alone arrest them, in spite of me having given her enough evidence to put some of them on trial. The rotten core remained intact, with the usual NHS solution – new job titles and new logos everywhere.

Dr Lyndon Miles was a friend of Edwina’s. It was Lyndon’s resignation as Vice-Chair that precipitated the collapse of the newly appointed Betsi Board, which led to the return of Peter Higson, Margaret Hanson and the bestest vintage paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed Lyndon address a baying mob of paedophiles’ friends at a public meeting – the baying mob was organised by an NHS trade union rep, I arrived early, heard the plan and watched it unfold. The mob had been bussed in from Blaenau Ffestiniog no less. The baying mob were going apeshit about the proposal that newborns needing intensive care should be treated at Arrowe Park near Liverpool, rather than in north Wales. Lyndon made an excellent speech explaining that the best care was available at Arrowe Park and if he had a critically ill baby, he would want the best care for the baby. I was in agreement, because I knew that the maternity units in north Wales were dangerous, that babies and even on occasion mothers had died needlessly and that Edwina was not coming clean about this. What I didn’t know was that Dafydd and the paedophiles controlled most of the Liverpool NHS as well, including I expect Arrowe Park.

Lyndon’s resignation came as quite a surprise, especially to me. Because just two weeks previously, Lyndon had bumped into me in a cafe and told me how good it was that someone at least understood the Board’s dilemma. I told him that I thought the threats that had been made in public to the Board were very unacceptable and that I noted that no-one, not even the politicians or the media who witnessed it, had called for calm. Lyndon responded by saying that it was becoming very difficult, that the press were in full cry and were being led by Trinity Mirror group, but the Board were determined and would not crumble. It can only have been two weeks later that Lyndon resigned, causing a crisis.

So it seems that Lyndon was yet another person who was not being honest and transparent. So I’ll give Lyndon a surprise. Because I am not the sort to join a baying mob, I’ll remind Lyndon of a few things that I was keeping politely quiet about when he told me that honestly, he really had never heard anything at all about the abuse of mental health patients in north Wales. I knew Lyndon many, many years ago. As the crisis caused by the sex traffickers running the Student Health Centre reached catastrophic proportions, a lovely young doctor arrived to join the Student Health Centre and he came highly recommended to all those who had heard about the lobotomist and Wood and said ‘Christ I’m not going there’. A Dr Lyndon Miles. I never heard anyone allege that Lyndon had groped them, propositioned them or treated them so brutally that they attempted suicide. Lyndon was always charm itself and his patients liked him. But Lyndon knew what Wood and Gwynne Williams were doing and he let them carry on doing it. Even when one of his patients was murdered by the gang. It was my housemate Anne. Anne and I had many conversations, she knew what had happened to me and I heard a lot about her consultations with Lyndon. They murdered her Lyndon and I bet that you realised that.

Lyndon had another patient who was ruined by the gang as well. A Bangor student who developed mental health problems who was literally passed around the junior gynaecologists at Ysbyty Gwynedd. She became pregnant by two different junior doctors and she was coerced into an abortion by them each time. They arranged the abortion – in a area of the UK which prided itself at that time on having so many Top Docs and others who were anti-abortion that they had made it virtually impossible for women to access abortions on the NHS – and when she told them that she didn’t want an abortion, on both occasions the solution was the same. She was found a bed in the psych ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd, by her very helpful GP, Dr Lyndon Miles, where she was left alone and distressed whilst pressure was applied from all staff to have a termination because how would a girl like her ever look after a baby? Within two days of having the terminations, she was discharged by Tony Francis with no aftercare. Other staff and patients were told not to have anything to do with her because she really was a dreadful character (see post ‘Another Case Of ‘Not Knowing’?).

Terrible girl actually – with a First, who was winning national poetry competitions, kind-hearted, sensitive and who could have had a few people in prison if anyone had ever treated her complaints as they should have.

Happy memories Dr Miles! Take a hint – don’t ever be so fucking stupid as to do a deal with a paedophile ring and a Health Minister who isn’t as savvy as she thinks that she is again.

Dr Miles is Chair of the Board of Trustees at St David’s Hospice in Llandudno, an institution governed and managed by the paedophiles’ friends since it’s inception.

 

Spot The Difference – It Might Not Be As Obvious As It Appears

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Meanwhile, back at the ranch, someone has made a complaint about Dafydd et al. Cue the NHS Independent Professional Review, Chaired by Professor Robert Bluglass:

 Diagnosis: ‘She’s A Witch!’

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