The Banality Of Evil

I have previously detailed how bare-faced lies were documented about me and other patients by the mental health services in north Wales and a perusal of our records demonstrated quite clearly that on numerous occasions the staff were well aware that they were documenting fallacies, just as they cheerfully perjured themselves in attempts to secure convictions against patients who had made serious complaints. My recent posts ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ provided accounts of how serious complaints that I made were simply never investigated yet various managers then wrote to me telling me that their investigations had not upheld my complaints; how managers either ignored correspondence from the Mental Health Act Commission or lied to Commissioners; how patients were repeatedly lied to when they attempted to follow up complaints and were told that accounts provided by third parties who had witnessed wrongdoing had not been received whilst those accounts were lying in files with instructions not to reply to the witnesses; how the solution for dealing with patients who produced evidence of serious wrongdoing was to serve them with High Court injunctions preventing them from writing repeatedly to follow up complaints and then to prosecute them and declare that representation from those patients could be ignored because they were, after all, lying criminals.

In ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ I provided details of documentation in my medical records that was fairly obviously forged, amended at a later date or at the very least not compiled on the dates given.

The staff of the mental health services in north Wales were characterised not only by their callous, brutal treatment of patients but by their callous, brutal treatment of each other – I have given previous examples of staff being unfairly dismissed, having nervous breakdowns, committing suicide and the claims of one female member of staff who worked with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team leaving the area after she was sexually assaulted by one of her male colleagues following her complaint of workplace bullying. The culture within the health and welfare sector in north Wales was – and remains -toxic.

So here are a few more gems from the records that my lawyers managed to obtain after the mental health services unlawfully witheld them for the best part of 25 years and a few more names of people who knew just how serious the criminality was and who should now be speaking to the police.

 

On 7 Jan 1991 a Debra Lewis made a note regarding me phoning Gwynedd Health Authority and telling her that I had been told by my colleagues in London that a sleazy looking person had turned up saying that he had come to serve court papers on me. I remember this well – I was working in London but had gone away for a few days and my colleagues and my house mates in London contacted me to say that a rather dodgy man in possession of a stack of papers was looking for me. I presumed that it would be something to do with Gwynedd Health Authority – the bailiffs used by the courts often looked as though they were on their uppers – so I rang in order to find out what was happening. Gwynedd Health Authority told me that they had no idea what I was talking about so I rang Hempsons, the MDU solicitors. Hempsons refused to discuss anything at all with me. Debra Lewis’s note explained that the seedy looking man was indeed in pursuit of me after Gwynedd Health Authority had ordered him to serve papers on me, but she explained in her note how everybody was to lie to me and profess complete ignorance of what was happening. So what was the outcome of this stupidity? Well the sleazy man tracked me down to where I was staying – with relatives in the west country, so I presume that once more someone had unlawfully accessed a confidential database in order to find those details, because I hadn’t given them to anyone – and the sleazebag served the papers on a relative of mine. Unlawfully. When the seedy old bailiff realised that the person to whom he’d just handed the bundle wasn’t me, he panicked…

Why everybody felt obliged to lie to me about this I do not know. I wasn’t trying to escape the country, I was trying to find out what on earth was going on. But it was business as usual – a stream of lies, the telling of which was faithfully recorded in the records that these people unlawfully refused to hand over every time that I or my lawyers requested them.

In the early months of 1991 I finally got so fed up of the threats, the harassment and being bullied out of jobs when it was discovered that I had dared take on Dafydd and the paedophiles that I sought a barrister’s opinion. I was told that I had a case against the NHS for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. What happened over the next few months was exactly what happened on the two occasions since when I have tried to begin legal action against the mental health services – crucial papers disappeared and then even the lawyers did as well. One barrister in north Wales who provided his opinion but after which everything inexplicably fizzled out – Wyn Williams – was married to a psychiatric nurse in the Ablett Unit. The senior psychiatrist in the Ablett Unit at the time was Dr Neil Davies. Who was Dafydd’s colleague at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and was involved in falsely imprisoning me….

On 22 March 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones, a lawyer employed by AJ Beale – the legal firm in the Welsh Office who also employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park who documented that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Tony Francis (Dr X) were lying about my alleged assaults on people but was happy to begin proceedings against me nonetheless – re my proposed action against Gwynedd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. Davies explained to Tracey Jones that Gwynedd could not be held responsible because it was Clwyd Health Authority who managed the North Wales Hospital and held Dafydd’s contract. Davies had failed to explain that although Dafydd was employed by Clwyd, he held clinics in Gwynedd and had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd – and that I had been unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd and told by Tony Francis that Dafydd was now my doctor. It was indeed in Ysbyty Gwynedd where I first encountered Dafydd. Furthermore, I had been unlawfully arrested in Ysbyty Gwynedd no less – on the orders of Dafydd – and then been taken to the North Wales Hospital, where I had been held illegally. The North Wales Hospital was used for patients from Gwynedd and Clwyd. So Gwynedd were pretty bloody culpable but began wriggling desperately when I mentioned legal action.

On 23 April 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones to confirm that Dr Neil Davies was the RMO for Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, where I had been illegally imprisoned. Davies also admitted that Dafydd  ‘still provides a service to Gwynedd’.

On 20 May 1991 Alun Davies writes to Mrs T.L. Jones – who as far as I can work out is the Tracey Jones to whom Davies had written just days previously in AJ Beale’s firm, but who was now working for DG Lambert, Solicitor, Crown Buildings, Cathays Park. DG Lambert was obviously another legal firm working for the Welsh Office, but I don’t know why they were involved at that point, particularly as Andrew Park of AJ Beale’s company had not gone anywhere. Park continued to send me threatening letters and ‘advise’ the paedophiles’ friends as to how to secure convictions against me. Davies explained to Tracey Jones the latest problem that he had with me – that I had now written to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority. Tracey came up with the usual solution and wrote back to Davies telling him that she would write to me and threaten me with court action if I did not stop writing to Gwynedd Health Authority.

In spring 1991, under John Major’s NHS modelled on business principles, the idiot Davies was no longer styled as ‘Priority Services Administrator’, but was now ‘Business, Planning and Contracts Manager’. Such was the fuckwittery of every NHS reorganisation – the same old crooks and fools were left in place and given new job titles. Older readers will remember the Tories ‘internal market’ which they imposed upon the NHS. Ooh yes, GPs and managers would be able to buy services from the best provider, thereby increasing patient choice and enabling patients to ‘shop around’ for the best care. What happened in north Wales? Hilarious, Gwynedd Health Authority took out full page adverts in the local papers explaining that they would be buying mental health services from – Dafydd and the North Wales Hospital! How Brown and me laughed. Here’s your choice under the Tories’ internal market – Dafydd and the paedophiles. Again.

When I mentioned this to the fat fool Davies, he snapped at me that in north Wales there wasn’t any choice. Yes, I had noticed – I escaped to London and was still told that Dafydd was my doctor. Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School told me to go back to north Wales for ‘care’, even though Eastman had been told by his colleague Dr Robin Jacobson that Dafydd had described me as ‘attractive and seductive’, that Dafydd ‘had a soft spot for me’ and that Jacobson had noticed that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Escaping from Dafydd trying to get his leg over? We’ll say nothing about the perjury taking place in an attempt to imprison you and when the case collapses we’ll send you back to Dafydd whilst telling everyone that you’re the dangerous one…

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy in north Wales with people outside of the region in order to conceal sexual abuse.’

The criminal conspiracy of course had begun back in 1987, when Dr James Earp of the Towers Hospital Leicester had colluded with Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services after the first time that I had been unlawfully detained and exposed to Dafydd’s highly inappropriate conduct (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

What else happened in the early months of 1991? My friend who worked at the Royal Television Society who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a documentary about it was unlawfully dismissed and blacklisted – her husband who worked at the BBC was told by his boss that they would make sure that he ‘never worked in this town again’. He was transferred to Manchester and made redundant some months later. Another friend of mine from our Bangor days who was working for a pharmaceutical company in Kent found that he was driven  out of his job as well. Brown discovered that his colleagues had been told by someone that ‘he could not be trusted around children’. Then the workplace harassment of Brown at Aston University began in earnest.

The other thing that happened in early 1991 was that my solicitor – who was amazingly supportive – had done his best to secure what he thought would be an independent second opinion in the face of the constant charges brought against me by the north Wales mental health services. My solicitor found someone called David Mawson who was certainly pleasant and friendly and didn’t conduct himself in the manner of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Doctors Who Disappeared From The Medical Register’), but I have now found out that Dr Mawson knew all about Dafydd and the paedophiles and like absolutely everybody else he was not going to say a word about their criminal activities. Everyone took the same view – the solution here is to stress that it is the patients who are the problem not a bunch of professionally qualified gangsters who are into serious organised crime. Documents in my possession show that Alun Davies and Tony Francis (Dr X) made it their business to contact David Mawson without my or my solicitor’s knowledge or consent and ask him what he was going to say in his report….

 

Documents in my possession show that after they feared that I was going to sue, Gwynedd and Clwyd simply sent letters back and forth to the lawyers in the Welsh Office in which everybody claimed that it wasn’t them who had been responsible for my unlawful arrest and detention. The Welsh Office’s solution? Threaten me with legal action to stop me writing to anyone. Meanwhile, crucial evidence – such as the identity of Ann Williams, the one honest social worker who was a key witness (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and documentation – was witheld.

I suspect that it might have been at about this time that Alun Davies et al forged the documentation that I detailed in my post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’. Gwynedd Health Authority knew that if I began legal action against them at some point, documentation could be extracted by a High Court order – as indeed it was many years later – and all would be revealed. So a load of paperwork was compiled to make it look as though legal procedures had been followed in 1988-89 when Professor Robert Owen (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) at the Welsh Office conspired with Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to conceal the wrongdoing of Dr Tony Francis, Gwynedd Social Services and Dafydd (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).

 

By the spring of 1991 the authorities were having great trouble convincing everyone that something terrible was not happening in north Wales. Former residents of children’s homes were being found dead at an alarming frequency and some members of staff of the children’s homes had been convicted of violent and/or sexual assaults on children. There had been many more allegations of abuse which had been dismissed as untrue. From spring 1991 matters snowballed.

In May-June 1991, the by now sacked Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor took her allegations that children in care were being abused to Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry. On 10th June 1991 Wrexham Labour Councillors Dennis Parry and Malcolm King held a crisis meeting with John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd County Council. On 17th July 1991 a letter was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales stating that there were allegations circulating that a paedophile ring was in operation in the children’s homes of north Wales. On 30th July 1991 yet another member of staff of the children’s homes in north Wales was convicted of rape and indecent assault.

On 2nd August 1991 the North Wales Police launched an investigation into Clwyd children’s homes. In Sept Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry contacted ‘The Independent’ newspaper, alleging a North Wales Police ‘cover up’. On 19 Sept 1991 Dennis Parry met journalist Dean Nelson at a London hotel and on 26 Sept 1991 HTV screened a film outlining complaints about Nefyn Dodd, the manager of the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor. On 12 Oct Dean Nelson met Alison Taylor at her home in Bangor and on 7 Nov 1991 ‘The Independent’ newspaper formally commissioned Dean to report on the North Wales allegations.

On 14 Nov 1991 police warned Alison Taylor about ‘contacting witnesses’. On 30 Nov Frank Beck, the Leicester social worker and associate of Greville Janner, received three life sentences for the abuse of children in his care. There were links between the Leicester gang and the gang in north Wales… On 1 Dec 1991 the ‘The Independent on Sunday’ published an article about child abuse in North Wales. North Wales Police merged the Clwyd and Gwynedd child abuse inquiries on 2 Dec 1991 and on 6 Dec two former kids in care in north Wales launched a joint compensation claim against Clwyd County Council.

 

So who in high office presided over this carnage? The Secretary of State for Wales during this time was none other than this blog’s friend David Hunt who had already loyally served the paedophiles’ friends for years (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

The Secretary of State for Health was William Waldegrave and the Secretary of State for Social Security was Tony Newton. Alison Taylor had previously written to Newton on 28 Feb 1988 and described a brutal assault that she had witnessed on a child in care.

 

The havoc and concerns in north Wales continued throughout 1992. Two former residents of north Wales children’s homes Heath Kelvin Jones and Barry Williams were found dead in their bedsits/flats. In Jan and Feb Dean Nelson continued seeking evidence regarding the paedophile gang in north Wales.

On 15 March 1992 police arrested sixteen men and one woman in dawn raids in and around Wrexham. All but one of these had once worked at Bryn Estyn. ‘No child pornography’ was found and there was ‘no evidence’ of any paedophile ring. By the end of that day the police had no alternative but to release twelve of the sixteen without bringing any charges. Of the four that remained – Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth, Paul Wilson and David Birch – only Norris made any admissions.

On 9 April 1992 John Major won the General Election. Just days later, Adrian Johns died along with Mabel Roberts, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, Tim Sharpe and Andrew Manners when a firebomb was thrown into a building where a party was taking place in Brighton. Two people – AIDS counsellor Mabel Roberts and Andrew Manners – died from multiple injuries trying to jump to safety. Seven people managed to escape by clambering down a drainpipe at the back of the building. One, Tim Sharpe, fell to his death after losing his grip. Several people were impaled on the spiked railings as they jumped to safety from the upstairs windows. Adrian Johns, 32, and another man, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, 33, remained trapped in the flat and died of smoke inhalation. Their bodies were so badly charred that they had to be identified by dental records. A number of those caught in the fire had been in care in north Wales. Days later the man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead. One survivor claimed that witnesses to the abuse of children in north Wales were being murdered. This man was later found dead after giving evidence at one of the trials of John Allen. For full details of the fire and its aftermath, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

On 13 Sept 1992 a story about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales was published by ‘The Observer’. On 17 Sept Mark Humphreys and Steven Messham appeared on TV and accused Gordon Anglesea of abusing them whilst they had been in care in north Wales. Carl Holden watched them at home on television and then telephoned the BBC. During Oct-Nov 1992 Carl Holden was visited by BBC journos and on 30 Nov the BBC filmed Carl Holden accusing Gordon Anglesea of abuse.

Anglesea subsequently sued HTV, ‘Private Eye’, ‘The Observer’ and the Indie on Sunday for libel and in 1994 was awarded nearly £400k damages (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). Shortly after giving evidence at the trial, Mark Humphreys was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in which he lived in Wrexham. In 2016 Gordon Anglesea was jailed for the historical abuse of children in care in north Wales.

 

So I was interested to discover from my medical files that on 12 Nov 1992 Alun Davies wrote to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services, demanding that an approved social worker should be allocated for the specific purpose of being on hand to ‘assess’ me, because they never knew when I might require sectioning under the Mental Health Act. Who did Davies ask to perform this service? A Terence James, as recommended by Tony Francis.

Terence James was one of Dafydd’s mates. Whilst I was in the North Wales Hospital being unlawfully imprisoned and threatened, Dafydd called upon the services of Terence James to section me – after I had been unlawfully arrested and held for three weeks. So why did Dafydd need to do this? Because the next day I was due to appear at Bangor Magistrates Court on a charge of assaulting a junior doctor. I was pleading not guilty because I hadn’t assaulted him – unbeknown to me, the doctor himself had admitted this and the charges were going to be formally withdrawn but no-one told me that. Dafydd and the paedophiles’ knew though and thus sectioned me the day before I was due to appear in court. So I was taken in the clutches of Angels across to Bangor Magistrates Court, told when I arrived that the charges had been dropped – and was taken straight back to the North Wales Hospital because Terence James had sectioned me the night before. James had sectioned me on the grounds that I was suicidal – he agreed with the charge nurse Mike Williams that the atmosphere on Bryn Golau Ward was ‘difficult and oppressive’ and that was why I had become suicidal. So there was only one answer – I had to stay in the ‘oppressive’ atmosphere which had made me suicidal….Just to emphasise how important it was for me to stay banged up, Dafydd contributed his ha’porth – I was ‘excitable and potentially dangerous’. Which is hardly consistent with being depressed and suicidal, but when did coherent thought ever have a role to play with this lot? For details of the conflicting evidence, the lies and the fuckwittery, see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE ‘.

When I was in Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, because the paedophiles’ friends were indulging in their usual practice of refusing to identify themselves, every time that I found out who one of them actually was, I made a note of it. I had a list of the guilty parties on a sheet of paper on my pillow. One day it disappeared. Just like that. However, I’ve found it! It turned up in my medical files! So a helpful Angel must have swiped that when they realised that I was identifying the culprits. One of the names on my list was ‘Terence James, social worker’.

I had no idea in Nov 1992 that Davies and Francis were trying to persuade one of the paedophiles’ friends to be on stand by until they gave him the signal to bang me up again. However I note from my records that Terence James was ‘unwilling to make himself available’. I wonder if Terence was a bit shaken by the police investigations and newspaper exposes regarding matters in north Wales?

Terence would have good reason to be. I have discovered that Terence was a member of the Aberconwy social work team. The Aberconwy team were rather heavily implicated in the abuse of children. From 1987, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – whilst the paedophile gang carried out business unhindered – responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner were busy and were being concealed by a number of people in Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) in Gwynedd.

No wonder Terence didn’t introduce himself when he imprisoned me in Bryn Golau Ward – and no wonder my piece of paper with Terence’s name on disappeared.

‘We didn’t know.’

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy.’

Some witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry were not considered credible because they consistently misidentified staff whom they claimed had assaulted them.

It was all a pack of lies to claim compensation!!!!

 

In April 1992 Virginia Bottomley took over as Secretary of State for Health and Peter Lilley took over as Secretary of State for Social Security. Anyone remember Peter Lilley’s ‘little list’ of all the social security scroungers whom he wanted to eliminate? You bloody idiot Lilley, just look at what was happening to the ‘scroungers’ at the hands of a bunch of white collar serious criminals.

 

Now here’s the name of someone else who has info for the police – Bethan Jones, who was working as Dafydd’s secretary in March 1993. Dafydd’s secretaries didn’t hang around for long because he used to do things like ask them to dress up and come to work wearing ‘a brief mini skirt and smokey grey stockings because that’s my favourite’.

#ME TOO!!

Except in wasn’t a case of #Me Too, these snivelling invertebrates freely admitted to each other that they were leaving because they couldn’t bear Dafydd propositioning them – and worse – but on every occasion that a patient described similarly offensive conduct from Dafydd, the same invertebrates were happy to do as they were told and complain about these dangerous patients making ‘wild allegations’ about Dr DA Jones and oooh they were ever so frightened and they thought that the deranged patient in question was probably going to ‘attack’ them. If any patient ever attacked a member of staff it will have been in self-defence.

Another man who might have been up to no good with the patients at the North Wales Hospital was Frank Riley. He was some sort of occupational therapist. I didn’t have the pleasure of the Frank Riley Experience myself, but I did hear about him. From female patients. I was told by a male Angel that Frank Riley was ‘a sex symbol for the over 60s’ in Denbigh. Frank could have been innocent – Dr David Healy used to have a following when he was younger and I don’t think that he was indulging in Dafydd-like pursuits – but in my experience, much of the ‘harassment’ that staff in north Wales were alleged to be receiving from patients was actually sparked off by the conduct of the staff themselves.  If Frank Riley wasn’t sexually exploiting patients himself he knew people who were.

 

Previous posts have mentioned Bob Ingham, a thug of a CPN employed in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. In 1988 Slob Ingham dragged me along a corridor and injured me. Whilst telling me that he was Keith Fearns. I only found out that Slob had misidentified himself after I tried to make a complaint about him assaulting me. I told Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, that Keith Fearns had just assaulted me and Jeff told me that I was lying because ‘Keith Fearns isn’t in work today’. I later found out that my assailant had been Slob.

My medical records reveal exactly why Keith Fearns wasn’t in work that day – he was on strike. Along with the rest of the social workers in Gwynedd. Whilst it is tempting to observe that for once the patients would have been safe if the paedophiles and their friends were on strike, they weren’t because Slob assaulted them instead.

The notes that Slob made on that day refer to a Mrs Nancy Jones and a Mrs Crowley being the only other people in the building. Perhaps Mrs Nancy Jones and Mrs Crowley would like to make a statement re Slob assaulting me, they could hardly have missed it. I don’t know Mrs Crowley, but I do remember Nancy. Nancy was an utter incompetent who for a long while worked as Tony Francis’s receptionist in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Nancy was rude to patients and she kept screwing up the appointments – so people wouldn’t receive their appointment through the post until after the salient date had come and gone. Francis knew that Nancy was doing this because so many people complained about her. So he did what he seemed to have done a great deal of – he was charm itself to the patients and their relatives, told them that it would never happen again and then fumed and planned revenge. The first bit of ‘evidence’ that Francis sent to the MDU solicitors Hempsons regarding my irrationality and dangerousness was a complaint that I had made about Nancy – after the fouth time that I received a little yellow card through the post telling me that my appointment had been the day before the card arrived.

Being dragged along a corridor was not my only encounter with Slob Ingham. Following that incident, I was partaking of my usual habit ie. reading the newspapers in the supermarket – namely Safeways in Bangor – when I felt a drunken thuggish presence next to me. Then the presence elbowed me and I realised that it was Slob. I asked him what he thought that he was doing and Slob insulted me and walked off. So unsurprisingly I followed him. Slob then told me that he would be calling the police to report me for ‘harassment’. It got better. Slob then supplied a statement to the police explaining that he knew that I was in Safeways (how?? ESP???) and he also knew that his colleague Jackie Brandt was shopping in Safeways at the same time. So in order to stop me ‘attacking Mrs Brandt’, he ‘distracted me’. How I was supposed to have even known that Brandt was shopping in Safeways let alone be getting ready to attack her whilst I was reading ‘The Guardian’ I cannot fathom. Furthermore, if danger was really imminent the most sensible course would have been for Brandt to do her shopping somewhere else. This incident was faithfully logged as yet another occasion on which a paedophiles’ friend narrowly escaped with their lives after a chance encounter with me.

Brandt appeared in court on several occasions and perjured herself in an attempt to secure convictions against me, on one occasion with Slob, Keith Fearns and their partner in crime Maggie Fookes, on another with Keith Fearns and in 1993 by herself (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). On one occasion Brandt started crying after my solicitor demonstrated that I had not – as she alleged – screamed and yelled at her, indeed I hadn’t even spoken to her. I was fined £60 quid for looking at her. Yes, honestly – Gwynfor Evans, the Chairman of Bangor Magistrates Bench, claimed that by looking at Brandt I had caused her to feel fear and distress as defined under the Public Order Act. Gwynfor was a retired bank manager from Holyhead. God knows what sort of decisions Gwynfor was making when he managed the bank. He also deported an overseas student at Bangor University who nicked a credit card from another student. Gwynfor was quoted in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ as saying ‘this is what we call organised crime and we will not tolerate that in Bangor’. I showed the article to Brown’s brother and he pissed himself laughing and said ‘organised crime, that’s the Mafia isn’t it?’

Well Gwynfor, I’ve got news for you – there was organised crime in Bangor, Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes were running a paedophile ring with interests in drug dealing and child porn. But Gwynfor almost certainly knew that at the time, which was why he was fining the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles £60 for looking at them in Safeways. I don’t know whether Gwynfor simply just worked in Holyhead or whether he lived there as well, but the children in the children’s home in Holyhead were being abused.

In May 1993 John Redwood took over as Secretary of State for Wales.

In the summer of 1993 an exceptional cousin of mine who had a place to do a PhD with Stephen Hawking found that his career was unexpectedly derailed (see comments following my post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’).

In Oct 1993 Ron Davies – of moments of madness and looking for badgers fame (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) – was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Wales.

 

Just weeks after I was find £60 for looking at Jackie Brandt, I had yet another encounter with Slob Ingham. I was standing in a corridor at Ysbyty Gwynedd chatting to an Angel, when Slob advanced towards us and stood right next to me glowering at me. He didn’t move until I finished the conversation and I had walked away. I – and other patients – had by then had such a bellyful of the constant aggro from Slob and the gang that we agreed that if we could be fined for looking at them whilst they continued to conduct themselves like this, it left us in a very vulnerable position. So I made representation about Slob and two other patients backed me up, having witnessed his intimidation.

My medical records contain a fascinating account of what happened behind the scenes after we complained about Slob. On 30 Nov 1993 Alun Davies wrote a letter about it all. Davies’s letter explained that ‘a member of staff, Mrs Penny Phillips’ witnessed everything and that Penny barely noticed Slob’s presence let alone any silent intimidation.

Penny Phillips was married to another Hergest Unit nurse, Gareth. Gareth Phillips developed back problems a few years later and was unable to continue working as an Angel. I was told by a former member of staff that the North West Wales NHS Trust had ‘looked after Gareth’. This looking after of Gareth consisted of the Trust giving Gareth a job as the RCN rep and in this capacity Gareth obediently gave interviews to the local papers explaining how many psychiatric patients were carrying out violent attacks on Angels after every allegation that there was abuse of patients happening in the Hergest Unit. I never saw Gareth or Penny abuse patients themselves but they certainly knew that some of their colleagues were doing so.

But then Gareth and Penny had an idyllic existence on their smallholding on Ynys Mon with their horses and horses don’t come cheap. What would have happened if the Phillips’s had to live in poverty like the patients?

Alun Davies had certainly prepared for all eventualities after he received representation about Slob. Before he even asked the tame Angel Penny for her opinion, Davies had written to Tony Francis – for his opinion on my ‘mental state’ no less, immediately after Davies received my complaint about Slob. I could see the logic in such a course of action if, for example, an acutely ill patient had complained that there was a spaceship parked in the hospital grounds and he wanted someone to remove it. Even so, the opinion about someone’s ‘mental state’ should be sought with the complainant’s knowledge and consent and in tandem with – or following – an appropriate investigation.

Well if Davies was hoping that Francis was simply going to declare me insane and he could therefore ignore my complaint as the rantings of a lunatic, he was to be disappointed. Francis – for a man, who without my knowledge spent much time and energy sending letters to the BMA, Hempsons and the MDU demanding that I be prosecuted and locked up on the grounds of the enormous imminent danger that I presented to the world – had an interesting response.

On 25 Nov 1993 Francis replied to Davies, but Francis refused to comment on my ‘mental state’. Because it would have been thoroughly unethical? Er, no. Because Francis noted that a member of staff had witnessed the incident – so Francis knew that Penny was on hand to lie – and that it was important ‘therapeutically’ for people to view this situation sensitively and ‘through [my] eyes’.

I suspect that the reason why Francis had not done the usual – put on his jackboots and told Davies that I should be ignored because I was nuts – was because they had already been stung after using this approach. After I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist’s lechery at the Student Health Centre at UCNW (Bangor University), the corrupt GP Dr DGE Wood had tried the ‘you’re mad and we’re right’ approach and it backfired. Brown was livid and wrote to them as well, we gained evidence of complaints by other students against Gwynne the lobotomist, we contacted the Students Union so they all began crapping themselves up there (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and eventually we wrote to the Vice-Chancellor.

So obviously a different approach had to be adopted – particularly, as with the students at Bangor University a few years before, there was no shortage of people ready to testify as to Slob’s previous.

 

The police investigation into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales ended in 1993. The North Wales Police claimed to have found ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring, just a ‘few evil men’. Which is odd because I found absolutely scores of evil men and as many evil women as well, so obviously the North Wales Police weren’t looking in the right places. They obviously were just searching behind the cushions instead of in the NHS, the BMA, the GMC, the MDU, Hempsons, the social services, MIND, the Samaritans, the County Councils, the Houses of Parliament, the Magistrates Courts, the Crown Courts, the High Courts and their own police stations. Easy to miss I suppose.

 

My records show that on 20 Jan 1994, Alun Davies sent a memo to Rob Evans, Slob, Ella Fisk (the nurse who ran the very popular day centre), Jeff Crowther (a nurse manager), Keith Fearns (the thug who was leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team), Jackie Brandt and Bruce Napier (a clinical psychologist who had a much nicer manner with the patients than did most of his colleagues and who for a while had a management role at the Hergest Unit). The memo purports to have been sent by Alun Davies but it is signed D. Parsons. The memo states that there is a ‘need to discuss the issues’ raised in Jackie Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier of 23 Dec 1993 and Brandt’s solicitor’s letter to me.

There is no copy of any letter from Brandt to Bruce Napier in my files, but Brandt did send me a solicitor’s letter at about this time. I had been in Bangor on a Saturday morning and had walked past her and her husband in Bangor High Street, near the clock which is in the main thoroughfare through Bangor town centre. About 30 mins later I passed them again in the shopping centre. Brandt’s solicitor accused me of following her – although it was Brandt’s husband who breached the peace by shaking his fist at me and shouting. Bangor is a small town and if one is in town at the same time as someone else, it is highly likely that you’ll see that person – particularly near the clock where you have to pass to get from one end of the town to the other or in the shopping centre. There is only one shopping centre and it doesn’t have that many shops in it.  It would be possible to miss someone if one of you was visiting the cathedral because that’s at the other end of town, but go to Bangor on a Saturday morning in a car or on the bus to do some shopping and you’ll all end up in pretty much the same place. As my solicitor explained to Brandt when she threw a hissy fit and her husband shook his fist at me.

As for Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier, I never saw it, but I was told that Brandt hit the roof because I walked past her in a corridor in the Hergest Unit. Brandt explained to Bruce that she had been with ‘a reluctant paranoid client’ – yes, that was Jackie Brandt being nice about a client – and just the sight of me could have had a deleterious effect on this ‘reluctant paranoid client’. As opposed to her mate Slob dragging them down a corridor or Brandt illegally detaining them in Ysbyty Gwynedd where Dafydd then shuts himself in a room with them and talks about sex with no prompting. After seeing me in the corridor, Jackie Brandt declared that she would no longer be prepared to attend Ysbyty Gwynedd lest she see me there again.

Brandt clearly pushed the boat out on this occasion. Not only had she sent me a solicitor’s letter and banged on to Bruce Napier about a reluctant paranoid client, but Brandt had also made contact with Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept – the legal dept that employed the crooked lawyer Ron Evans, who’s assistance not only kept a lot of people out of prison after the Jillings Report caused everything to hit the fan and was then followed by the Waterhouse Inquiry, but who was also involved in the rigged court case in Chester in July 1990 when Lucille, Fearns, Brandt, Slob and Maggie Fookes tried to have me imprisoned by perjury par excellence (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

 

Brandt ‘advised’ Ron Evans and Gwynedd’s legal dept that Slob was ‘subject to a spurious complaint’ from me and referred to my ‘abusive behaviour’  which, according to Brandt, was interfering with Slob’s ‘clinical work’ no less.

The correspondence regarding the terrible threat that I presented to Jackie and Slob and the need to have a meeting to discuss it – on Jan 24 1994 – was CC’d to Mrs J. Hughes, legal dept and to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services.

I presume that Mrs J Hughes was Janet Hughes, of Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept. Although Gwynedd County Council was a separate body from the various incarnations that the NHS in north Wales passed through, they were always happy to put their heads together in their efforts to shaft patients. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer employed by the Welsh Office – who’s lawyers the NHS used – wrote to Gwynedd County Council and asked them to ‘share information’ with him because he thought that the injunction which Gwynedd County Council obtained against me was ‘more favourable in its terms’ than the injunction that Gwynedd Health Authority obtained.

It certainly was – the reason why I was a punchbag for Fearns and Brandt was that after my second letter of complaint to Gwynedd Social Services about Brandt unlawfully detaining me, Lucille Hughes asked Ron Evans to obtain an injunction against me preventing me from writing to anyone in Gwynedd Social Services or visiting any of their properties. Park wanted to know how they obtained such a wonderful and far reaching injunction. Easy. Brandt and Fearns lied their arses off on oath and Ron Evans took the request before a judge in Leeds, a paedophiles’ friend called Sir John Kay (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). So Brandt and Fearns did whatever they wanted and I could not even make written representation, unless I splashed out for a lawyer and paid them to write to Gwynedd Social Services on my behalf.

Ron Evans seems to have been on tap quite regularly. Ron had a trademark signature, a distinctive R which was underlined – it appears on a number of NHS documents concerning me to which Ron should had not have had access. Ron was also on hand to advise when Alun Davies and Tony Francis tried to entrap me over the phone – Ron was advising them on which recording equipment to invest in.

It was Ron’s wife who told me that Ron kept the paedophile gang out of prison – I worked with her at Bangor University. She had no idea that he had tried to have me imprisoned and it was a while before I realised that her husband was the Ron who had caused me such problems.  She told me that Ron was the best and they all used to go to him for advice. Well he was not as daft as the rest of them, I’ll give him that. I’ve got documents that were forged by Ron and they are far superior to Alun Davies’s efforts at forgery (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). Ron remembered to sign them, he was careful to get the date right when he pre or post dated them AND he forged the Gwynedd Health Authority stamp with the appropriate date on. So how do I know that Ron forged them? Because unlike Ron, the silly fuckers who were finally forced to hand my records over to my lawyer in 2005 or see Keith Thomson – the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust – go to prison for contempt of court, handed the whole lot over without sifting through them when my lawyer sent the bailiffs in to search all the Trust buildings and seize everything relating to me. So all the documents that Ron would have had the brains to remove were handed over as well – the original copies, the plans and the instructions to people to lie in court.

I’ve got the lot Ron!

 

Following Penny Phillips’ bearing false witness and Alun Davies writing to me telling me that Slob Ingham had not tried to hassle me in any way whatever, I and another patient decided to take this further in the light of the number of patients who had told us about the naked abuse and aggression that they had experienced from Slob. One family told us how on a ‘home visit’ Slob threatened to hit a member of the family, his ‘client’. The family were so frightened of Slob that they were locking themselves in their house. We had all had years of getting absolutely nowhere with the mental health services no matter what had happened to us, so I suggested that we should go outside of the mental health services, above their heads. I discovered that there was a Director of Nursing for the Gwynedd Community Health Trust, a Nerys Owen, who was probably not a psychiatric nurse and I wrote to her.

Nerys wrote back and met both I and another patient. She actually seemed to take the matter very seriously and we noticed that none of the Hergest Unit staff tried their usual fuckwittery in front of Nerys. They were incredibly polite to her, even Slob Ingham kept a civil tongue in his head which I had never seen before or saw since. We had a private meeting with Nerys and told her just how serious some of the allegations against Slob were. She gave us a supply of her business cards and virtually begged the other people who had been threatened and hassled by Slob to get in touch with her. (They wouldn’t – they simply pointed out to us that he knew where they lived, he knew confidential information about them and that he or Fearns and/or another member of the gang could turn up at any point and section them and that would be it. Which is a fair point – someone said to me two years ago ‘you complained about them and look what happened to you’.)

Although our meeting with Nerys left both I and the other patient with the firm impression that Nerys really was doing her best, the truce was short-lived, as I shall explain.

When I obtained my records, I found a copy of the letter that Nerys wrote to Slob after I and the other patient contacted her. On 16 Feb 1994 Nerys wrote to Slob ordering him to a meeting with her on 21 Feb 1994, ‘to discuss in detail comments and complaints that [my name] has made in relation to your behaviour…the areas to discuss with you will be limited to your attitude and behaviour in a professional capacity…my intention is to address issues raised by [my name] and then to move forward endeavouring to create an atmosphere of understanding rather than confrontation which the current situation appears to be’. The letter was CC’d to Alun Davies.

My perception is that Nerys’s letter was excellent. Slob was rude, aggressive and threatening and this was well-known. His attitude towards patients was dreadful and he was also very unpleasant and confrontational with a lot of other staff. Slob, Fearns and the alcoholic alcohol counsellor Tom Harney –  who was another totally abusive member of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – could be seen every day in Safeways in Bangor between 9-30 am and 11-30 am enjoying a cooked breakfast in the cafe. They were supposed to be in their office on duty and incredulous patients who had been told that the Arfon Team were ‘too busy’ to fulfil various simple basic functions would watch this every morning. Then other people would see Slob enjoying a round of golf on the golf course in Bangor on many a weekday afternoon.

The Hergest patients gained the impression that Slob backed off after Nerys intervened. Then came the backlash. Slob did back off, but the other paedophiles’ friends advanced fully armed.

Meanwhile, on 12 May 1994 Labour leader John Smith died unexpectedly after the Top Doctors at Barts just could not revive him after a heart attack. When Smith had his first heart attack, he was absolutely reassured by Top Doctors that the problem was not his heart. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ for details of how the Top Doctors just didn’t seem to get it right with John Smith.

Tony Francis was most interested when he heard me telling everyone at Hergest that I’d just heard on the radio that John Smith had died.

 

Dafydd led the post-Slob charge. He was making constant representations about my very presence in the day centre – where I used to go to meet my friends and for appointments with my key worker, who was by then the Hergest whistleblower and was always very, very helpful. Dafydd made constant demands that I should be legally prevented from going to the Hergest Unit. He put in a complaint literally every time he saw me. Even on the occasion when Dafydd walked through the front door and was traumatised because he saw me sitting on a chair talking to an Angel. Not even Penny Phillips’ witness testimony managed to cause any problems on that occasion.

At about this time the Mental Health Act Commission paid a visit to the Hergest Unit. I and another patient made an appointment to see them. We told them of the suicides, the constant aggression from certain members of staff, the fact that complaints were never investigated – and we also told them about Dafydd’s conduct towards female patients. One of the Commissioners laughed. We asked him what he was laughing at and he told us that he was laughing in despair because he’d heard this so many times.  Jeff Crowther, the nursing manager, sat in on the meeting. He told us later that the second Commissioner, an older lady, had spoken to him after our meeting and had commented that she had been involved in inspections of North Wales Hospital in the 1960s ‘and it was exactly the same story then’.

To remind readers of just a bit of Dafydd’s previous in relation to patients: in 1987 a worker for MIND had collected statements from five female patients all independently stating that they had had a sexual relationship with Dafydd. He cohabited with a number of female patients, at one time with two at once. Dafydd’s conduct towards women, including patients, was the subject of jokes among the staff and many years later I was told by a former social worker who had given up with Gwynedd and walked away that it was an ‘open secret’ that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients. In 1991 Dr Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital documented that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ after Dafydd told Jacobson that I was ‘attractive and seductive’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Jacobson did not tell me that Dafydd had made these comments. In the mid 1990s Alun Davies received a series of anonymous letters about Dafydd and after what was said to me (Davies thought that I was behind the letters) I suspect that Dafydd’s sexual relationships with patients were the topic.

Any comment or a complaint from patients about such matters resulted in it being diligently recorded but not as a complaint. My post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ mentions how even documenting the numerous complaints about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct was said to be ‘publishing libellous material’. Instead comments from patients were recorded and used to demonstrate how mad the patients were.

One the first occasion on which I mentioned Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients Tony Francis was so livid that he documented that I was a ‘very disturbed individual’ and whoever had given me information about Dafydd’s ‘private life’ should be hunted down and sacked. After I raised the subject of Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients with two different members of admin staff at the North Wales Hospital, they passed on my comments ‘behind the scenes’ and Andrew Park made a written note that I was making a nuisance of myself again and that I had to be stopped. My files reveal that on 23 July 1990 Lilian Roberts, a temporary secretary to Dafydd, wrote to Alun Davies after I mentioned Dafydd’s conduct with female patients; that on 23 July 1990 an A. Howells, another secretary or administrator, took a phone call from me about the matter and that on 29 July 1990 a Dr Fear, ‘registrar, psychiatry’, made a note that I had mentioned it to him as well.

What did not happen at any time was any sort of investigation. Finally in about 1995 after I dared raise the subject of Dafydd again, Alun Davies bellowed at me that I should ‘put up and shut up’.

 

The situation was so widely known that it was the subject of piss-taking among patients. One person quipped that when the first female patient tried to report Dafydd they probably refused to document the complaint because she didn’t know the Welsh for ‘rape’. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if someone really had used that excuse.

English immigrants to north Wales who have learnt Welsh will be very familiar with the conversational Welsh course which is taught absolutely everywhere, WLPAN. WLPAN comes highly recommended and is good fun, but you don’t always get the vocabulary that you need to deal with Dafydd. So here’s a quick guide to learning Welsh the Dafydd way. Vocabulary which could be needed includes –

paedophile – pedoffilydd

rape – trais rhywiol

hooker – putain (plural = puteindra)

brothel – putaindy

testicles – carreg gwr (this is a nice one, it translates as ‘men’s stones’)

People who live in Caernarfon will be familiar with ‘Wenglish’, the slang Welsh which contains many English words which many younger people speak. Hence the reference to the need to ‘kick him in the carregs’ as explained to me by one of the bar staff in Wetherspoons one day.

Should pigs ever fly and Dafydd ends up under investigation but tries the Max Clifford excuse as to why he cannot possibly be a sexual predator, the Welsh for ‘small penis’ is ‘pidyn bach’. Just so that everyone understands Dafydd’s excuse of last resort.

Sadly there is a catch for anyone who even learns the appropriate vocab in an attempt to make a complaint about Dafydd. Welsh grammar is complex and difficult (but not as complex and difficult as English grammar) and no doubt if someone arrives at the office of Andrew Park/Alun Davies/Ian Rickard or indeed anyone else and makes their complaint in Welsh, they’ll be told that they haven’t mutated properly and dear oh dear we cannot possibly take down this complaint.

 

I did not hear any more from the Mental Health Act Commissioners, so I presumed that once more complaints about the most serious misconduct had been ignored.

 

On 9 June 1994 the head of Bryn Estyn, Matt Arnold, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June the trial of Peter Howarth – Arnold’s colleague and long time friend – and Paul Wilson on sexual abuse charges began. Howarth was found guilty at Chester Crown Court on 8 July 1994 and was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. Paul Wilson was acquitted of all charges, although on 28 Nov 1994 Wilson pleaded guilty to three counts of physical assault.

My files show that on 13 June 1994, Ian Rickard replied to a letter from Dafydd re Dafydd’s ‘extreme concern’ regarding the safety of him (Dafydd), his colleagues and patients ‘in relation to the above woman’ (ie. me). This letter was rather different in tone to the letter from Francis a few months earlier, regarding the need to see things through my eyes and show sensitivity to patients’ anxieties. Rickard finished the letter by offering to discuss me with Dafydd any time at Dafydd’s convenience…

On 4 July 1994 Ian Rickard wrote to Francis regarding me bothering Dafydd and the possibility of banning me from the hospital, although here were no examples given of whatever I was supposed to be doing that was causing such distress. Rickard also asks Francis if I should be assessed by a forensic psychiatrist. At this time Rickard’s job description was that of a ‘mental health advisor’ for Gwynedd Community Health Trust.

 

My files contain a copy of a letter from Mrs Joyce Kaye of the Mental Health Act Commission (Maid Marian House, Nottingham) written to Alun Davies on 7 July 1994, reminding Davies that on a visit to Ysbyty Gwynedd the Commissioners had spoken to him about me and asking Davies for an update re his investigation of my concerns.

On 4 Aug 1994, Joyce Kaye from the MHAC wrote to Alun Davies again. This letter was from Joyce on behalf of the Chief Exec of the MHAC and mentioned that it was further to her letters of 7 July 1994 and 12 July 1994 wanting an update on Davies’s investigation of my concerns.

 

In the wider world, on 21 July 1994 Tony Blair became leader of the Opposition. The Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who is married to a lawyer who was mates with and indeed mentor to so many of those ‘radical lawyers’ who ignored the plight of kids in care and psych patients who were being so seriously abused. Tony and Cherie know many lawyers who are personal injury specialists – who undoubtedly know folk who have worked for the MDU and/or Hempsons.

 

On 26 Aug 1994 Alun Davies wrote a memo which was circulated to Rob Evans, Tony Francis, Keith Fearns, Ella Fisk and Jackie Brandt confirming a meeting on the same day to discuss my ‘present needs’ and to formulate a response to the Mental Health Act Commission.

The one really helpful person – my keyworker, the Hergest whistleblower – was not invited to the meeting to discuss my ‘needs’. Yet Fearns and Brandt – who had made it crystal clear that they hated me and had even lied on oath a few times in their attempts to have me imprisoned – had been invited to discuss my ‘needs’.  Fearns and Brandt had no part in my ‘care’ – although they were invited to nearly every meeting and CC’d into confidential letters about me.

On 1 Sept 1994 Alun Davies wrote to Joyce Kaye, giving details of my ‘care’ – presumably on a separate sheet, because I do not have those details. Alun Davies also told Mrs Kaye that Rob Evans – the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – would meet with me.

Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner was concealed by a number of people at Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services (Mental Health).

I was told that my meeting with Rob Evans was to discuss the constant aggro between Brandt, Fearns and me. However Rob didn’t discuss that. Instead Rob gave me a tutorial on ‘changing social work practice’. He explained that what was once acceptable is not any more. As an example, Rob Evans explained that when he used to take children into care, he would take their shoes away because if he didn’t they would run off. (People who had been in care in north Wales explained when they were adults that they had tried to run away from the beatings and the buggery but social workers took their shoes away so they couldn’t escape.) Rob told me that he knew some people in north Wales hated him but he didn’t care because he knew that he had done the right thing by taking their kids into care because they didn’t know how to look after them. I spent a long while wondering whether Rob Evans was just stupid, but I have come to the conclusion that he is pure bloody evil.

I last saw Rob Evans just before I left Bangor, in Tesco no less. When he saw me he told me that if ‘arrassed him he’d call the police.

Rob Evans made a record of his meeting with me and what happened afterwards. After meeting me, Evans held a meeting with Keith Fearns and asked Fearns what he wanted him (Evans) to do with me. Fearns replied ‘lock her up’. Evans documented that he told Fearns that wasn’t possible. Fearns repeated ‘lock her up’. Evans recorded that there was no solution to this situation and because he was being transferred to a new role the following day the matter would no longer be his responsibility.

When Rob Evans gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry he explained that after running the children’s services in Gwynedd, he transferred to mental health. Rob told Waterhouse that the mental health services in north west Wales had been recognised as being among the best in Europe. But then Dafydd kept appearing in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ describing himself as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’.

For the details on Rob and his child molesting colleagues, see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’.

 

In the autumn of 1994 Dafydd was writing to the MDU making ludicrous allegations, such as that I had thrown a rock through the glass door of his house at 3 am one morning, for which he did not have a shred of evidence (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). When Dafydd described events that had actually taken place as opposed to those events he described which had simply never happened at all, it was the actions of people other than me that Dafydd detailed. But nonetheless, Dafydd knew that I was the wicked genius behind it all. It was certainly true that Dafydd was the subject of much piss-taking and the butt of many jokes, but I didn’t need to encourage anyone to do that, Dafydd himself was quite sufficient. One example of ‘criminal damage’ to Dafydd’s Range Rover with which the MDU was supplied occurred when a Hergest patient drew a cartoon and carefully tucked it under one of the windscreen wipers. The incident had arisen because a group of patients had watched Dafydd arrive at the hospital, park illegally, ignore the pleas of the parking attendant – who was actually one of the patients, a man called Emlyn (one of those who died shortly after the day centre was shut and scores of patients became destitute) – and had started exchanging Dafydd anecdotes. One woman said ‘well he says the most dreadful things to you, but I think he’s trying to shock you into getting better’. Whereupon someone else said ‘what do you think he is, a Zen master??’ and drew a cartoon of a Buddha with Dafydd’s face under the slogan ‘prepare for Nirvana’ and placed it under Dafydd’s wiper. Not only did Dafydd attribute the incident to me – no I wasn’t responsible, but I did think that it was quite entertaining – but Dafydd maintained that his windscreen wiper had been wrenched back, buckled and needed repairing at the garage.

The MDU did not ask Dafydd to produce any evidence for any of his allegations. They presented them all in court as uncontested matters of fact.

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to John Mullen, the CEO of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, telling Mullen that he’d ordered the MDU to raise an injunction against me. Dafydd CC’d this letter to Keith Thomson. I don’t know what Thomson’s job title was at the time, but Keith Thomson eventually became the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. Thomson refused to investigate serious complaints and also refused to co-operate with external NHS investigations. He declared me and a number of other people to be ‘vexatious complainants’ and on those grounds refused to answer our correspondence. On Keith Thomson’s watch, north west Wales had the second highest suicide rate among women of any area in England and Wales. It was Thomson who was summoned before the High Court in Cardiff in 2005 and ordered to hand over all documentation relating to me or face imprisonment for contempt of court. Hours later Thomson resigned. An article subsequently appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ entitled ‘Ten Years At The Top For Keith’ waxing lyrical about Thomson’s glorious career and how he was now retiring. Thomson was then awarded an OBE. He didn’t retire. Thomson went down to Pembrokeshire and became CEO of the NHS Trust there. Where there was havoc in the NHS and a paedophile ring in operation.

Rhodri Morgan was FM when Thomson was let loose on the NHS in west Wales. There was a paedophile gang in operation in west Wales which had links to the one in north Wales – Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council who was in post whilst the paedophile gang in were busy on his turf, had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, whilst a paedophile gang were busy there (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Rhodri’s wife Julie is a former social worker who was Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. Some Barnardo’s staff were involved with the abuse of children in north Wales.

 

More recently I heard that Barry Shingles had always expected to become CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, but Thomson knifed him and usurped. Shingles committed suicide.

 

On 3 Nov 1994 Dafydd obtained a High Court injunction against me on the basis of a truly extraordinary affidavit in which he discussed his anus of all things (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). The official who served the injunction on me had read it and was laughing, I was later told that the Bangor police heard about the contents and were having a good laugh and I took it into the Hergest Unit to show everyone. Tony Francis was attempting to section one patient on that day for unclear reasons and interestingly enough when this man recited the contents of the injunction and told the assessing ‘second opinions’ that it had been passed around the day centre to great amusement, all talk of sectioning him was quietly dropped. This man was yet another person who disappeared without trace after the day centre closed. He was a lecturer from Bangor University who had experienced a breakdown. Bright, well-read and someone who would have been in a position to witness just how outrageous and crazy Dafydd’s conduct was if there was ever any sort of inquiry into the abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales.

So is Dave Nunn now dead along with all the rest of the witnesses then Dafydd?

 

Someone who will be in a position to give the police information concerning the mistreatment of patients during this time is Sharon Thomas  who worked as Tony Francis’s secretary in 1994.

 

An injunction wasn’t enough for Dafydd. He also demanded that an alarm system be installed in the Hergest Unit – because of the danger that I represented to him. On 1 Nov 1994 Alun Davies wrote a letter to John Mullen regarding the alarm system as required by Dafydd. Alun Davies estimated the cost at 25k and told Mullen in his letter that he wanted to discuss the funding with Mullen.

Meanwhile, I had made representation about Dafydd’s injunction. Not about the fact that Dafydd had discussed his anus in the affidavit or the crazed allegations that another patient losing his temper with Dafydd and telling Dafydd that he was going to stick a hand-grenade up Dafydd’s bum was evidence that I was about to murder Dafydd using a rectal method. I had made representation because among the gossip, speculation and mad fantasy in Dafydd’s injunction, he had breached confidence. He had provided clinical details of a matter involving me many years previously which had no relevance to the injunction or to any of Dafydd’s claims re the danger that I presented to him. I remembered how many times people had told me that they wouldn’t complain about Dafydd ‘because he knows things about me and he’ll tell people’. I knew enough to know that Dafydd was not on sound ground including some of the comments that he had in his affidavit. So I wrote to the NHS authorities in north Wales making it clear that Dafydd had now done what he was constantly alleged to do in the face of challenge – he had breached confidence and this time in the High Court in Liverpool.

On 11 Nov 1994 John Mullen wrote to the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Jeremy Corson, asking him to investigate my complaint re Dafydd and the breach of confidence.

On 16 Jan 1995 Ian Rickard, now styled as the ‘Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager’, wrote to me concerning my complaint re Dafydd’s injunction. Rickard stated that ‘any personal information about you was likely only to have been read out in open court in Liverpool, I feel that this is sufficiently far enough away to offer you anonymity…I conclude therefore that in this case confidence has not been breached’.

However Ian Rickard didn’t actually send the letter to me.

On the same day –  16 Jan 1995 – Rickard also wrote to Tony Francis saying ‘perhaps you will be kind enough to show my letter to Dr DA Jones when you next see him. I am not sure of the appropriateness of sending him a copy.’ Rickard also stated that I ‘may become quite upset by the outcome of my deliberations’ and thus he had sent the letter to me to Ella – the nurse who ran the day centre – ‘to discuss with me’.

So Ian Rickard didn’t actually carry out an investigation – his response was a result of his ‘deliberations’. He had sought no advice at all, let alone legal advice and had just written back telling me that because Dafydd only breached confidence in OPEN COURT in Liverpool and I lived near Bethesda, that wasn’t really breaching confidence. Furthermore Ian Rickard knew that he shouldn’t have sent a copy of his letter to me to Jones – so he sent a copy of it to Tony Francis, so that Francis could give a copy to Jones. Rickard also knew that I was likely to be highly unsatisfied with his response – so he was sending the letter to Ella. Perhaps to stop me from picking up a phone and calling a lawyer?

Ian Rickard, soon after doing all this, was appointed Head of Mental Health for Gwynedd Community Health Trust. Is it surprising that the Hergest Unit was in crisis and the suicide rate in north west Wales was one of the highest in the UK?

 

Dafydd, Rickard and Francis had their arses fully covered. On 24 Jan 1995  Tony Francis wrote to Dr Chris Jones, consultant forensic psychiatrist for the North Wales Forensic Service, Unit 2, Clwydian House, Wrexham Technology Park, asking for a forensic opinion regarding the danger that I posed to Dafydd. Francis told Chris Jones that there are ‘extensive notes available about her…which I refer you to’. These were of course the notes that Francis, Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends had written about me. Detailing assaults on Top Doctors and Angels that I had not carried out, rocks that I had not thrown through Dafydd’s door, Top Doctors that I had not tried to stab or throttle and people whom I had not tried to kill. Except that Dafydd, Francis et al forgot to mention that although they had lovingly documented all of these crimes there was absolutely no evidence at all that the crimes had even been committed let alone that it was me who had committed them.  Francis CC’d his letter to Jeremy Corson and to Dr Madelin Osborn.

 

Madelin Osborn – her name is spelt thus on my documents, although it is probable that the correct spelling is different, this lot did not know how to spell the names of their own colleagues or their patients – is someone else who needs to make a police statement. Madelin Osborn was a Top Doctor at the Hergest Unit who joined the exodus as the publication of the Waterhouse Report drew near. Madelin Osborn was the doctor of the female patient who was unlawfully sectioned by Jackie Brandt and kept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for three days with no clothes or access to her relatives. When the young woman’s parents complained, they claimed to have been told ‘lie after lie after lie’. Then the young woman was evicted from her rented house after she locked the door to try to stop Brandt coming in – Brandt called the police who broke the door down and Brandt then sectioned the young woman. This young woman used to appear to make a good recovery on a number of occasions and would begin new jobs and undertake postgrad courses – whereupon Tony Francis would state that she was becoming ill, alter her medication and within a month she’d be sectioned again. Before this patient ended up in the Hergest Unit she’d been leading a rather yuppyish life in London working for Marco Pierre White when a number of things happened to her that she found very upsetting. She was ‘sent home’ (she came from Gwynedd) by a Top Doctor in London and ended up in Ysbyty Gwynedd after her encounter with Brandt. Her only wish was to recover and resume her life in London but she kept being told by mental health staff in north Wales that ‘people in London don’t want to see you again’. I wonder why that was? Then there was the occasion on which she was sectioned in Ysbyty Gwynedd and she swore blind that Tony Francis had tried to get into her room and had exposed himself to her. Well she was completely bonkers, how could anyone ever believe such a thing. Her complaint was not upheld.

Step forward Madelin Osborn, you are needed in north Wales – to tell the truth for once in your life.

 

I’m not sure what a forensic psychiatry service was doing on a technology park in Wrexham, such services are usually in hospitals. However the two children homes where very serious abuse of children was happening in north Wales – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn – were located close to Wrexham and forensic psychiatrists were constantly being called upon to assess the kids. Whilst Chris Jones was in business on the Wrexham Technology Park, a full police investigation into the possibility of a paedophile ring in north Wales had been undertaken, the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council was well underway and Nicola Davies QC was conducting a review of the documentation concerning child abuse in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was justified. Dead former kids in care and psych patients were turning up everywhere.

Not that the police had found any evidence at all of a paedophile ring, despite a number of ‘care’ staff and teachers going to prison for abusing the children in their care. The month before Francis wrote to Chris Jones asking for a ‘forensic opinion’ on me, Gordon Anglesea won his libel case…

 

On 9 Feb 1995 John Allen, the owner and manager of the Bryn Alyn Community, was convicted of indecent assault against six former residents and received six years imprisonment.

 

On 13 Feb 1995 Gwynedd Community Health Trust’s solicitor Tony Lane wrote to John Mullen re Dafydd’s breach of confidence in Court in Liverpool. Lane mentioned that Hempsons – the MDU solicitors – had acted for Dafydd.

On 27 Feb 1995 Hefin Davies, the Chairman of Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote to Tony Lane requesting his advice. Was Hefin’s letter seeking legal guidance re Dafydd and the breach of confidence? No. Hefin was asking Tony Lane if there was any more that they could do to have me prosecuted.

On 9 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to me maintaining that Dafydd’s affidavit was not read out in open court, it was presented to a judge ‘in High Court chambers in a private hearing’. Mullen knew that Rickard had previously written to me stating that there was no breach of confidence because the case had only been heard in open court in Liverpool because Mullin mentioned Rickard’s letter.

So either Ian Rickard was lying or John Mullen was.

On 16 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to Dafydd. Mullen refers to Dafydd sharing my complaint regarding the breach of confidence with Jeremy Corson and makes a reference to the MDU’s ‘latest letter’. Mullen asks Dafydd to ask the solicitors who dealt with the injunction – Hempsons – whether they considered a breach of confidence likely to occur.

I suppose that is an advance on Ian Rickard spouting lies as he thought of them, telling Ella to break the bad news to me and then giving Francis a copy of a letter to give to Dafydd when he knew damn well that Dafydd should not have been given access to the letter, but nonetheless I doubt that John Mullen made much headway asking Hempsons – who had breached confidence – whether they thought that they had breached confidence.

The issue of the breach of confidence on the part of Dafydd was never resolved. Neither did anyone ever explain why so many lies were told about the ‘investigation’ of the complaint.

The merry go round continued after this date – there were further attempts to have me declared dangerous and to prosecute me…

As for Chris Jones, the forensic psychiatrist most conveniently placed near to Wrexham. Well he came up trumps amazingly enough – Chris Jones effectively told Francis that he thought that he was making a fuss about nothing and that the chance of me launching a murderous attack on Dafydd was really rather low. So Francis just made another referral for me to see Chris Jones after a decent interval had passed, stressing to Chris Jones that I really was potentially very dangerous.

The one thing that I remember discussing with Dr Chris Jones was the abuse of vulnerable people in institutional care. Chris Jones agreed that it was a substantial problem – he commented that the abuse of elderly people in care homes was a major problem and he thought that it would soon break as a major scandal.

I heard years later that Chris Jones was one of the mental health professionals from north Wales who had a nervous breakdown and left the area. Chris Jones didn’t seem to be quite so mad and sadistic as many of his colleagues, which was probably why he didn’t survive working with that bunch of lunatics. Take it as a compliment Dr Jones, you weren’t barking mad and you wouldn’t lie about me. At least you’re not looking at a prison sentence for being an accessory.

Not being mad and abusive certainly took a high toll on mental health staff in north Wales. My post ‘The Blog Post Which Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’ detailed Dafydd’s missile that he fired at Don Campbell the Assistant Director of Nursing Services (Psych), in July 1988 after Campbell refused to break the law and lock me in a room. Dafydd went absolutely wild and wrote to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority, accusing Campbell of ‘gross impertinence’ and demanding his head on a plate.

Bruce Napier, the very pleasant clinical psychologist who didn’t hate the patients, left Hergest and took up a mental health research job at Bangor University. I was told that before long Bruce Napier announced his desire to ‘get out of the NHS’ and he went to England to live on a canal boat. I don’t know for sure but I suspect that Bruce Napier was hounded out. He crossed the path of Dafydd. When Gwynedd Health Authority were not doing a very good job of trying to persuade Dafydd to retire, it was left to Bruce Napier to tell Dafydd that Dafydd didn’t have an office in the Hergest Unit. Dafydd did of course have a room in which to work for the one day a week that he spent at the Hergest, but it didn’t have a brass name plate on the door and Dafydd was fuming. The others were too frightened to tell Dafydd, so they got Bruce Napier to do it. Then Bruce Napier had to go on Welsh news and defend the Gwynedd Community Health Trust when Dafydd was making guest appearances on Kilroy, the Kane Debates, Welsh news, S4C and telling everyone that in making him retire the Trust was ensuring a certain death for the many patients whom depended upon Dafydd. The matter would have been settled had anyone just gone on tele and said ‘look he’s sexually exploiting the patients, running a paedophile gang, flogging drugs and dishonest expert witness reports and what’s more he’s got a load of people shut in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital’. But no-one did, not even Bruce Napier, even later on from the safety of his barge. He probably feared being torpedoed.

I also wondered if Nerys Owen might have been ‘dealt with’ after challenging Slob Ingham. On our last meeting with Nerys, Nerys told me and the other patient who complained about Slob with me that if ever we needed her again we should not hesitate to get in touch because she would not tolerate the mistreatment of patients. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ described how in 1997 I and another person – the same person who made representation with me about Slob Ingham – were arrested and prosecuted after Bridget Lloyd, one of Slob’s colleagues, told a pack of lies about us threatening her. The case collapsed – but not until after we had both been banned from the hospital and yes, referred to Dr Chris Jones and the forensic team again as dangerous nutters – and there was a flat refusal to apologise to us. We contacted Nerys but only received a weak frosty letter saying that the law had taken its course. There is a document in my collection signed by Nerys during that period of time which demonstrates that she obediently went along with the general insanity of the paedophiles’ friends, signing off records of meetings as ‘fair and accurate’ when the meetings were held by people who never made fair and accurate records of anything.

I presume that Nerys Owen was probably a wolf in sheep’s clothing all along. She reached a senior position in a totally corrupt organisation and was in that position between 1994-1999 and possibly for much longer. It’s unlikely that she’ll have been able to do that without being complicit with some dreadful things. I don’t think that she was a psych nurse, so she’ll have been a general nurse or a midwife and someone knew about those psych patients at the North Wales Hospital being sterilised in order to stop them becoming pregnant because the staff were having sex with them, the theft of the babies of the female patients who had not been sterilised, the disappearance of the girls in the children’s homes who had become pregnant after being raped by the ‘care staff’ and the horrors of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’).

Nerys Owen must also have been complicit with the running down and then the closing of the day centre at the Hergest Unit during the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry, which ensured that a considerable number of psych patients became destitute and died.

Let’s have a chorus of that old favourite by The Jam, ‘A Town Called Malice’…

 

In May 1995 it was announced that the Welsh Office had appointed Nicola Davies QC to conduct a review of the documentary evidence related to the abuse of children in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was warranted. Nicola subsequently discovered that all the paperwork from 1989 onwards was missing!

On 26 June David Hunt returned as Secretary of State for Wales until 5 July 1995. Just for a few days – whilst the deal to pretend that Dafydd was being retired off was completed (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) and the public were told that the North Wales Hospital had been shut (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). It hadn’t. Gwynfryn Ward remained open and there are allegations that it remained open until 2000. But no-one can be sure, because no-one will come clean about when the hospital did eventually close, why so many lies were told about it and what happened to the patients whom were imprisoned out there illegally when it closed. Or failed to close.

So what was Gwynfryn Ward? It was a mother and baby unit. A mother and baby unit is usually a cause for ‘ah’, but it bloody well wasn’t at Denbigh. If anyone knows why an institution which was notorious for brutally warehousing women – often under-aged girls – whose pregnancies were inconvenient to other people, continued to provide that service after the rest of the building was literally falling down, please do let me know.

On 5 July 1995 Stephen Dorrell was appointed as Secretary of State for Health, succeeding Virginia Bottomley. William Hague became Secretary of State for Wales on the same day.

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his house. Brown was sacked from his job at Aston University in the same month.

Hansard records that in April 1995, Julia Lomas of the Lord Chancellor’s Department replied by letter to a question from Alex Carlile confirming that at some point in 1994 Mary Wynch had been paid a paltry sum of money in full and final settlement regarding her litigation against the Public Trustee (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Mary had been unlawfully arrested by Dafydd, had been illegally imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year. She had won her case against Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority et al but they then simply refused to pay Mary her compensation unless Mary returned to court to enforce payment. Mary continued with the case, as well as with the case against the crooked cartel of lawyers and the Public Trustee who had, in collaboration with Dafydd, fleeced her of her money and property in the first place. The Home Office under Michael Howard dealt the final blow in 1994 – without any public announcement – and ruined Mary. Mary was by then an old lady who had been screwed by a bunch of rural gangsters who had enjoyed the full backing of every Gov’t since she had been unlawfully arrested in 1979 by Dafydd. But the real problem went back to the early 1970s – when Mary’s mother died in the ‘care’ of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes. Mary told me that she was convinced that her mother had been killed. But Mary was nuts wasn’t she. Ooh – except that no, she wasn’t, as was admitted when she won her case against Dafydd.

The patients in the Hergest Unit used to openly talk about how Dafydd had killed Mary Wynch’s mother. It was just a standard topic of conversation, in much the same way that everybody else’s other extraordinary Dafydd-related anecdotes were. Mary always maintained that her mother had been killed by an overdose of barbiturates. One Hergest patient had the measure of Dafydd’s bare-faced lies and used to do a Dafydd voice and rant on about how he only told the nurses to give Mary Wynch’s mother half a Kalm before bedtime and of course that was nothing like an overdose of barbiturates. In fact the patients got so used to the staff just closing their ears to terrible Dafydd-horrors that dares would be undertaken to see if staff could be moved. One such dare involved one patient carrying a rubber plant and walking up to a senior nurse in Ysbyty Gwynedd and saying ‘I did not murder Mary Wynch’s mother and this plant was not the murder weapon. It was Dr DA Jones wot dun it and he used an overdose of barbiturates’. And the nurse said ‘yes dear’ and walked off, leaving a gang of Hergest patients rolling around laughing.

‘We didn’t know’.

The same patient was accused by Dafydd of lying on one occasion, so he responded by saying ‘I lied, you murdered’.

DAVID HUNT WAS SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WALES WHILST MUCH OF THIS WAS HAPPENING. THE MAN IS A FUCKING LAWYER.

In Dec 1995 Secretary of State for Wales William Hague announced that Nicola Davies QC’s review had concluded that a public inquiry into the abuse of children in north Wales was not justified. William changed his mind a few months later and orchestrated the Waterhouse cover-up.

Nicola is now Dame Nicola and has been the Presiding judge of the Wales Circuit.

In Feb 1996 the Jillings Report regarding the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed. I can’t say that it was published because it wasn’t. It was heavily redacted and the only people who saw the Report were the insurers and legal advisors of Clwyd County Council – even the Council officers and Councillors were forbidden from reading it. The legal advisor to the Council’s insurers Michael Beloff QC advised that if any Councillor did get their paws on a copy the Council’s insurance should be withdrawn and the Councillors should be held personally responsible for the damages claims that would inevitable follow from former children in care suing. Beloff admitted that this would be a consequence because the abuse of children had been so serious and so well organised over decades that the Council had no defence. Beloff also advised that if Malcolm King, the one Councillor who would not stop asking questions about the abuse of children in the care of the Council, ever found out what was in the Report and publicised it he should be sacked (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Michael Beloff is a colleague and a friend of Cherie Booth. Michael’s dad Max had some years previously helpfully plugged a book on local gov’t and democracy written by Ioan Bowen Rees. Bowen Rees was the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and the paedophile gang flourished on their watch (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Alison Taylor was sacked by Lucille after raising concerns about the abuse of children in care.

Just to be on the safe side, on 1 April 1996 Clwyd County Council was dissolved as a result of a local authority reorganisation days after the Jillings Report was completed. So even if someone did get hold of a copy of the Report there was no-one to sue. I haven’t been able to find out who makes decisions regarding local authority reorganisations but the disappearance of Clwyd days after that Report was finished really was far too convenient to have been an accident.

The Report was pulped, although in 2013 somebody actually found a copy that had escaped the pulping machine and at last the world was allowed to see what was within. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. All that was known was that something dreadful had gone on in Clwyd for decades and that a great many people had colluded with it.

After Clwyd County Council was dissolved, John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd who had worked so successfully with the paedophiles and their friends for so many years (see posts ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’), found himself in need of a job. Director of the Social Services which played host to the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK? No problem. Cardiff City Council snapped him up and Jevons took up the post as Director of Social Services for them almost immediately.

Two of those with a sense of humour who were sitting on Cardiff City Council at the time that Jevons was given a warm welcome were Julie Morgan and Sue Essex. Julie, the social worker and Assistant Director of Barnardo’s – the Barnardo’s who’s staff abused kids in north Wales. Sue Essex – who later became Minister for Finance, Local Gov’t and Public Services in Julie’s husband Rhodri’s Gov’t – was Deputy Leader and then Leader of the Labour Group of Cardiff City Council, 1995-99. Sue had previously graced Leicester University with her presence. I presume that it was Julie and Sue who head-hunted Jevons then. For more Julie n Sue fun, see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’.

In Sept 1996 – virtually as soon as Jevons touched down in Cardiff City Council – the South Wales Police announced a major investigation into the physical and sexual abuse of children at the Taff Vale children’s home in Whitchurch, Cardiff, which had been run by Cardiff City Council. It was feared that hundreds of children had possibly been abused before the home had closed. The police were particularly interested in investigating what had gone in between 1985-91 – there was a belief that a paedophile ring had infiltrated Taff Vale.

Before Alun Michael became an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. Alun Michael was imposed as FM of Wales by Blair and resigned as soon as the Waterhouse Report was submitted, whilst his mates caused a distraction (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’).

Of course Rhodri himself and the paedophiles’ friends went back a long way. In 1966 Rhodri began work in the endemically corrupt Welsh Office with George Thomas et al and in 1974 Rhodri found himself working in City Hall Cardiff.

On 17 June 1996 Welsh Secretary William Hague announced the North Wales Child Abuse Inquiry  aka the Waterhouse Inquiry. On 25th Oct eighteen families were left homeless after a fire at a warehouse engulfed their houses. Eight people were taken to hospital and more than 100 residents of Lightfoot Road, Chester, were evacuated as the blaze destroyed a Pickfords storage depot on the neighbouring Hoole Bridge industrial estate. ‘The houses spontaneously combusted because of the intense heat’, said a Cheshire Fire Service spokeswoman. The warehouse held the care records of children from the Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn homes.

On 21 Jan 1997 the Waterhouse Inquiry began at Ewloe, Flintshire.

On 2 May 1997 Tony Blair became Prime Minister.

Peter Howarth died of a heart attack at HMP Wakefield on 24 April 1997, so if anyone was worried about him naming a few people involved in abusing kids in care who were rather grander than bottom feeding social care workers they didn’t have to worry any longer. Particularly as Ioan Bowen Rees had died suddenly in 1999, just before the publication of the Waterhouse Report, so as the man who ran Gwynedd County Council for years whilst the paedophile ring’s business boomed under his steady hands, Ioan wouldn’t be dropping any clangers either. Ioan was considered an expert on local gov’t and had advised Dafydd Wigley as well as the working party who set up the infrastructure of the National Assembly for Wales under Ron Davies whilst Ron was Secretary of State for Wales.

The Waterhouse Inquiry held its last hearing on 7 May 1998 and on 30 Sept 2000 the Waterhouse Report was handed to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. Murphy stated that he was delighted that a full and transparent investigation had taken place, that there had been no cover-up and that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring outside of north Wales, let alone the involvement of Westminster or Whitehall figures.

For details of the well-planned co-ordinated attempt during 1997-98 on the part of the north Wales mental health services to have me banged up, please see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’.

 

 

A website that is well worth a visit is the site of the North Wales Hospital Historical Society. It is not an historical society, it is a forum for the former staff of the North Wales Hospital and what a source of entertainment it is. Staff leave messages reminiscing about the old days and breaching patients’ confidence, just as they did when they were employed as Angels there. There are messages which are alleged to be from former patients who remember the kindness and the wonderful treatment and who have now become Angels themselves, which I do find a little unbelievable. I suspect that like the positive feedback left on the patient feedback websites about the awful Dr Giles Harborne, a former Denbigh psychiatrist, the messages from grateful former patients have actually been written by former staff.

The North Wales Historical Society website has an observation that no patients from Avallon, the adolescent unit, have left any messages. Avallon was the unit in which Mary Wynch told me that Dafydd encouraged the teenagers to have sex with each other and then the staff would gather around and watch the action. The same correspondent to the website asks if Dafydd is still alive. Yes he’s Chairing his drugs charity CAIS. It is not a surprise that no former patients of Avallon have left messages, they were introduced to a life of street prostitution and hard drugs whilst they were teenagers and most of them died before they were 30.

 

On 31 July 2013 John Allen was charged with 22 indecent assaults and one offence of gross indecency, alleged to have taken place between 1968 and 1989 at Bryn Alyn. The second trial of John Allen on charges of historic sexual and physical abuse took place at Mold Crown Court and on 1 Dec 2014 Allen was sentenced to life imprisonment, with the recommendation that he serves at least 11 years.

 

There has been a great deal written about the collusion of the North Wales Police with Dafydd and the paedophiles. I and other people certainly noticed that when allegations of sexual misconduct/exploitation – or indeed more serious offences – were made against certain people, there was a flat refusal to investigate on the part of absolutely everybody. It didn’t matter how many first hand accounts there were, how many corroborating witnesses, how much supporting documentation, the allegations were simply ignored and if the complainants did not go away they found themselves being charged by the police.

However I do know that this immunity was only enjoyed by certain people. The North Wales Police were certainly not afraid to investigate complaints about other people even if the evidence was extremely shaky. I knew of a case in 1983 involving a teenaged girl from Anglesey who made a complaint of rape against a young man whom she met in a pub in Bangor. The girl was fairly notorious – she felt the need to tell tall stories, really ridiculous ones which even the most trusting person would in the end conclude could not be true. She was also capable of lying through her teeth under all circumstances if she thought that she would benefit from that. She went out boozing in Bangor one night, met a young man and they went up onto Bangor mountain with the intention of consummating the relationship which they had established about 60 mins previously. The young man was too drunk to do very much and he wandered off. Another young man found the girl crying and asked what was wrong. She replied ‘I’ve been raped’. This sort of comment from her wasn’t that unusual – she had told me some really worrying things and it was only when I and my friends had pitched in to help that we discovered that the various dramas hadn’t happened. The young man immediately rang the police and the police did conduct a full scale investigation.

I was involved in the investigation and I remember the detectives visiting me and a female police officer saying ‘I cannot help but be on the side of the girl in rape cases, but she’s told us so many lies that I can’t take that view here’. I hadn’t encountered Dafydd and the paedophiles at the time and I actually gained a very positive view of the detectives working on the case. They were stereotypical coppers – calling women ‘birds’ and wearing macs with the collars turned up – but unlike the drug squad whom I had heard about by then, they didn’t seem to be endemically corrupt. The investigation into the alleged rape took months. It transpired that no rape had occurred or indeed even an attempt at a rape. I wondered if the girl involved would be charged with wasting police time but she wasn’t. I presume that the police did get it right – the girl was alleged to have admitted to a number of people that she hadn’t been raped, she’d told a dramatic story and it had got out of control.

Like many other mental health patients in north Wales, with the exception of a few police officers whom I knew were corrupt, I generally found the police very much more helpful than the mental health services and they undoubtedly protected me and other people from the excesses of the mental health services on a number of occasions.

The problem will have been Westminster, the Attorney Generals – such as Sir Patrick Mayhew – and Whitehall, who were protecting Dafydd and the paedophile gang. A great many police officers would have dearly loved to have dealt with Dafydd et al but they couldn’t. They were being told what to do by organised criminals in high office.

 

What is very clear to me with regard to the documents that I have drawn on to write this post and some others such as ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, is the key role that the MDU played in protecting a number of Top Doctors whom they knew were abusing patients and perjuring themselves to silence and indeed destroy patients who complained. The MDU and Hempsons were probably more responsible than anyone else for the serious criminality which pervaded north Wales for decades.

There will be a post coming soon naming the movers and shakers in the MDU during those years whilst the MDU ensured that Dafydd and the paedophiles remained in business.

 

Then I’ll be naming a few more of Rhodri Morgan’s circle who knew about it all…

 

One other person who disappeared along with others whom I have previously named on this blog. Nellie. An old lady who was in Bryn Golau Ward the night that I arrived. She was there the next morning and then like the girl who had been abducted, kept in an attic and sexually assaulted (see post ‘The Distressed Young Woman Who Vanished’) and the young man from Wrexham who vanished when another patient who had been in care recognised him, Nellie disappeared. No-one let her out of the front door which was a double door and locked – I last saw her in the kitchen with Angel Iola Edwards. Just near to the back door which was always heavily guarded and was only ever used ‘to bring the catering supplies in and out’. And patients who needed to be disposed of discreetly.

 

There is someone else who is worthy of a mention here. A man who was lurking in the Welsh Office throughout everything detailed in this post – Sir Jon Shortridge. Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984 and  was Private Secretary to both Nicholas Edwards (see post ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’) and Peter Walker (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). In 1995 Shortridge conducted the Senior Management Review of the Welsh Office and in 1997 he was Director of Economic Affairs, responsible for establishing the National Assembly for Wales. Shortridge became Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office in March 1999, then for the newly established National Assembly in May 1999 and then for the Welsh Gov’t, 2007-08. In 2009 Shortridge was appointed interim Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Innovation, Universities and Skills – the Dept led by Mandelson. One of Mandelson’s most senior aides was the daughter of Ron Evans, the crooked lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who did Dafydd and the paedophiles’ as many favours as the MDU. Sir John topped off his long record of public service with a stint as Chancellor of Glyndwr University, an institution run entirely by paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

 

 

The news over the past few days has been very topical with regard to recent posts on this blog. The Welsh Language Commissioner Meri Huws – who has featured on a number of recent posts as a paedophiles’ friend and a bedfellow of other paedophiles’ friends who doubled up as Ministers in the Welsh Gov’t – has crawled out of hiding and tried to convince everyone that she has some sort of plan. Meri has been talking about everyone going on a journey. Meri isn’t very bright, so when she opens her mouth she tends to trot out whatever cliche she has recently heard bandied around in the media. When Meri worked at Bangor University at one point she was banging on about capturing ‘hearts and minds’. One academic with a great deal of knowledge with regard to Meri and her bedfellows observed that with Meri, ‘shock and awe’ was far more likely to be the order of the day. If Meri had known how much entertainment she had provided for the oppressed of Bangor University I think that she’d have probably resigned on the spot.

Cancer is absolutely everywhere in the media, with George Alighaia and Andrew Lansley both announcing that they have advanced bowel cancer and if only they’d ‘got screened’. It’s not that I’m unsympathetic to these two men, I can imagine they must be feeling quite dreadful, but the chances are that a screening programme would not have made much difference. Huge quantities of the research upon which the screening is based is fraudulent and many of the much publicised screening programmes are in chaos. At the same time other headlines screamed that there is now a new joined up cancer programme to be launched that will make care ‘excellent’. Which is weird, because we’ve been told for years that care is already excellent, indeed that the whole NHS is the envy of the world and that UK hospitals are bursting at the seams with Nigerian women who are pregnant with quins who just Come Over Here To Use Our NHS. More sober reflections on the rather poor clinical outcomes of the UK NHS when compared to other European healthcare systems are strangely absent.

Meanwhile amidst the constant PR, people in north Wales who have dared cross the paths of the paedophiles’ friends are refused care, refused pain relief for conditions such as kidney stones which send the Angels and Top Doctors straight for the opiates when they are afflicted and told to go ahead and do it then if they become suicidal. On the occasions when the paedophiles’ friends have been faced with relatives or the odd patient confronting them with their dreadful conduct the response is usually ‘we didn’t know you felt like that’. Well they bloody well know exactly how I feel about them now that this blog has gathered a readership.

BBC News Wales is trumpeting the new proton beam centre in Newport and how this is going to revolutionise cancer care and Save Lives. Only if you’ve got a lot of money – that centre is a private concern but that doesn’t seem to have received much media coverage.

Winnie Mandela has died and amongst all the tributes people are doing their best to play down the unfortunate business of the necklace killings and the murder of Stompie McKenzie. It is stressed that Winnie suffered at the hands of the South African police under apartheid. I’m sure that she did, the South African police were deeply unpleasant, but it wasn’t the South African police who were targeted in the necklace killings and I don’t think that Stompie McKenzie was a white South African policeman under apartheid either. I seem to remember that he was a 14 year old black boy…

The Mail Online had a Rolf Harris exclusive in which they revealed that Rolf has held a birthday party attended by friends at which he played the didgeridoo. It was a bit of a non-story but I did notice that according to the Mail, one of Rolf’s guests was his ‘old friend’ Timmy Mallett. Most people know Timmy Mallett as a rather over the top children’s entertainer from the 1980s, but I was gobsmacked a few years ago to discover that there is a Timmy Mallett suite at the Gladstone Library in Hawarden. The Gladstone Library – it was called St Deiniol’s Library until quite recently – is a residential library in north Wales. It’s got fantastic collections and you can just go and stay there for a few days and bury yourself in interesting reading matter. It has a strong theological side and is a favourite place for clergy and theologians to hang out. I was completely confused by Timmy Mallett’s association with the Gladstone Library until someone told me that Timmy Mallett’s dad was a clergyman with links there and Timmy Mallett, having made a great deal of money, is a benefactor of the institution. I have found out that the Rev Michael Mallett studied for ordination at St Deiniol’s – as it was then – in the mid 1960s. I’m sorry to go on about it all the time, but Flintshire – the location of the Gladstone Library – was at the heart of the powerbase of the paedophiles’ friends in the 1960s. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and co came from Flintshire and many of them had connections with the Church. Timmy Mallett was born in Cheshire. Just down the road from Chester – where the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring which later numbered Sir Peter Morrison operated. A former Bishop of Chester has been recently named as having been involved.

 

The Mail Online also published a furious article by Daniel Janner, the late Greville’s son. Daniel was hurling venom in the direction of Alison Saunders, who has just announced that she will be standing down as DPP. Daniel maintains that it was Alison Saunders who cruelly put Greville through hell after demanding that there be a trial of the facts with regard to the allegations against Greville. Most people believe that Alison Saunders did Greville a very big favour – she did all she could not to prosecute Greville despite considerable evidence against him and she only announced a trial of the facts after public fury. The announcement came so late that Greville died before a trial of the facts could take place.

Daniel is furious that he was interviewed by the police himself and asked if Greville had ever abused him. I can understand that Daniel may not have been very impressed with that line of questioning, but presumably, Daniel was able to say no – Daniel is a barrister, he is not going to feel intimidated by the police. Daniel fumed about his father being degraded in public, as a doubly incontinent elderly man being accused. Well I didn’t know that Greville was doubly incontinent and I don’t expect that many other people did either, so Daniel seems to have been responsible for inflicting that particular bit of lack of dignity upon his father himself.

Daniel maintains that the CPS was great until Alison Saunders became DPP. Not only was the CPS deeply flawed and notably failed to prosecute certain people for serious offences – including some politicians – despite files of evidence being submitted, but the CPS prosecuted people like me for ludicrous trivial offences. In 1993 Daniel I was prosecuted for ‘staring at a social worker’. In 2002 I was prosecuted because I had told an NHS secretary over the phone that her boss was a fat idiot. The social worker whom I looked at and the fat idiot were both involved in facilitating a paedophile gang. Furthermore Alison Saunders was the first DPP to be appointed from within the CPS. She had worked for them for years.

 

 

 

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.