Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?

I have taken the title of today’s post from a comment left by Mike Claybrook in response to a previous post. Mike offered it as a reflection on the cronyism and corruption evident in north east Wales, but it’s a remarkably succinct summary of the prevailing situation in the many institutions, political parties and regions of the UK that have been discussed on this blog.

Readers will be aware that I spent my youth living under the long dark days of Thatcherism and I don’t think that I’ve yet recovered – when I was in north Wales it was a case of poverty and being the victim of the paedophiles’ friends and when I was in London it was a case of witnessing the extreme fuckwittery and greed of the highest echelons of the medical profession whilst they told me that I was a naïve sheepshagger because I wasn’t interested in joining in with their idiocy. I didn’t know at the time, but they too were the paedophiles’ friends, but just rather richer, grander and rather better connected friends than those in north Wales. The paedophiles’ friends in north Wales ended up with OBEs, the ones in London bagged knighthoods and peerages. Despite the joy that erupted throughout the UK at the news of Thatcher’s resignation however, the nightmare of course continued – because John Major took over with pretty much the same bunch of goons in senior positions.

One of the more unpleasant spectacles in the early days of Major’s Gov’t occurred at the Conservative Party Conference in Brighton in October 1992, when Peter Lilley decided that the way to endear himself to the Party was to launch into a vindictive poisonous attack on some of the most vulnerable in society. There had been much gnashing of teeth about the ballooning numbers of people claiming sickness benefits – which was of course happening because Tebbit et al had spent years making alterations to the way in which the unemployment figures were calculated in order to hide the ghastly truth and GPs had been quietly encouraged to shift claimants over onto sickness benefits where possible. Lilley achieved notoriety by singing a pastiche of the Lord High Executioner’s ‘little list’ song from The Mikado. He entertained the conference with a ditty about having a ‘little list’ of people who ‘won’t be missed’ – they included people claiming social security benefits, unmarried pregnant women and socialists no less. Liiley’s performance was truly unedifying.

Readers might have noted the date of the Party Conference concerned – October 1992. Six months after the arson attack on a building in Brighton which killed five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Two more deaths resulted from this event as well – the man who was alleged to have confessed to starting the fire was found dead himself days later and another young man who survived the arson attack alleged that the former residents of the children’s homes in north Wales were being murdered because they had knowledge of liaisons between child prostitutes and politicians but he was subsequently found dead himself after giving evidence. For full details of the fire and it’s aftermath, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’. Presumably it was felt that after this fire, a few more people who wouldn’t be missed were out of the way.

Well Peter, I’ve got a list as well – a list of all those people whom I know colluded with the activities of a vicious paedophile ring in north Wales. Admittedly it’s not a little list – because of the degree of corruption that was involved it’s a very long list and many have already been named on this blog, but there are still a few obvious loose ends to tie up. So here is my own additional little list, to be read with reference to – and correlated with – previous posts.

My little list begins with three odious people who were friends and contemporaries at York University – Harvey Proctor, Michael Brown and Christine Holman, now Christine Hamilton. I don’t know what was going on at York at the time, but the York University Conservative Association spawned some deeply unpleasant people.

Harvey Proctor is legendary. He was Chair of the York University Conservative Association between 1967-69, then the Assistant Director (1969-71) and a member of the executive council (1983-87) of the hard right Monday Club. He was the Tory MP for Basildon (1979-83) and then for Billericay (1983-87). In the early 80s some mind-boggling rumours circulated about Harvey Proctor, rumours so florid that I didn’t believe them. He was alleged to be taking part in extreme S&M activities with under-aged boys. ‘Private Eye’ ran a few articles about him – he was featured in their ‘The New Boys’ column and I expected him to sue them. However he didn’t. Proctor became a source of fascination to the ‘Eye’ and sometime later they published allegations that a building that he owned was housing members of the League of St George (a far-right group) and then allegations that someone had been walking past his London flat, heard guttural noises coming from within and observed bloody handprints on the outside of the building. Interestingly, no-one from the Tories denied these stories, they just ignored them. The rumours continued to circulate and eventually some Tories started expressing the opinion that Proctor was a serious embarrassment and that they’d rather he stood down.

In 1986 ‘The People’ newspaper claimed that Proctor was in same sex relationships with males and then the shit really hit the fan – in 1987 Proctor was found guilty of gross indecency and fined after participating in spanking sessions in which young male prostitutes were tied up. The prostitutes involved were not ‘children’, but they were under the legal age of consent for gay sex between men, which at the time was 21. Proctor and others who were charged under similar circumstances now angrily point out that they were targeted for being gay and that the men that they were having sex with would these days be over the age of consent. I take their point about the relevant changes in the law – but whereas some of these men were charged for offences involving young men between the ages of 16 and 21, there were constant allegations that some of them had sometimes been sexually involved with boys under the age of 16. Furthermore these rent boys had frequently been trafficked into prostitution at the age of 16-17 after leaving children’s homes, where they had been ‘groomed’ by years of sexual abuse – often accompanied by violence if they resisted. This was certainly the pattern regarding the kids from north Wales children’s homes – and John Allen, the owner of the Bryn Alyn Community, was known to own brothels in London and Brighton where children formerly in his care were sent after they left the children’s homes. The boys pimped by Allen also alleged that he was involved with a major crime ring dealing in child porn and drugs. The defence used by Proctor et al never involves answering any difficult questions about where those rent boys had come from and why they were so willing to have sex with rather deranged sometimes elderly MPs whom they could not have found attractive in any way.

Proctor resigned his seat after his conviction and Theresa Gorman succeeded him. In 1988 Proctor established a shop in Richmond-Upon-Thames selling shirts, ties and waistcoats, after receiving a grant from the Gov’ts Enterprise Allowance Scheme. Proctor had considerable help establishing this business. The Tory Whip Tristan Garel-Jones organised the raising of the sum of £75,000 and over the following years, as Proctor’s shop repeatedly encountered financial difficulties, Tory MPs and former Tory MPs came to the rescue. Some of the people who were financially involved with Proctor’s business were Jeffrey Archer, Michael Heseltine, David Heathcote-Amory, Mark Lennox-Boyd, Sir Nicholas Bonsor, Richard Shephard, David Evans, Neil Hamilton, Christine Hamilton, Tim Yeo, Michael Brown, David Ashby, Sir Neil Thorne, William Benyon and Sir Charles Morrison. Charles Morrison was the older brother of Sir Peter Morrison whom it is now admitted was molesting boys in their mid-teens and younger, including boys resident in children’s homes in north Wales. Heseltine and Archer invested more than £100,000 in Proctor’s shop.

There was a punch-up in the shop in 1992. Two young men entered and asked Proctor ‘have you any ties for tying up rent boys before you spank them?’ Proctor tried to get them out of the shop and a fight broke out. Incredibly enough Neil and Christine Hamilton were in the shop at the time and Hamilton came to Proctor’s assistance when the young men assaulted Proctor. Proctor was punched in the face and had his little finger broken and Neil Hamilton ended up with a broken nose. The two men were charged and convicted.

In spite of the enormous helping hand that Proctor received from well-wishing Tories, his business eventually went bust. In 2003 Proctor was appointed the Private Secretary to the 11th Duke of Rutland at Belvoir Castle in Leicestershire. He entered obscurity but of course hit the media again in 2015 when he was named as a suspect in the Operation Midland investigation into child abuse. Proctor held a press conference at which he angrily denied all allegations made against him – which included allegations that he had sexually tortured boys, attempted to castrate one of them and that a boy was murdered. The allegations against Proctor were tied up with allegations that Ted Heath abused boys – Proctor maintained that he hated Ted Heath so much that he wouldn’t have shared a cup of tea with him, let alone have attended an orgy in his company.

The Operation Midland investigation was halted after the publication of Sir Richard Henriques’ highly critical report into the way that the police had conducted the investigation. In Nov 2016 the Commissioner of the Met, Sir Bernard Hogan-Howe, apologised to Proctor. Proctor began legal action against the Metropolitan Police in Feb 2017. Sir Richard Henriques was the judge who dismissed the appeal of Jeremy Bamber in 2002. Jeremy Bamber is serving a life sentence for the murder of three members of his family – there has been mounting concern for years that his case is a serious miscarriage of justice. Bamber was convicted substantially as a result of the evidence given by a Top Doctor from St Andrew’s Hospital Northampton, an institution with a history of patient neglect and abuse – the Top Doctor seems to have been untruthful when giving evidence (see post ‘Family Annihilation’).

Although I too found it difficult to believe that Proctor would have done anything at all with Ted Health including sexually abusing boys, I note that one of the investors in Proctor’s business, Sir Charles Morrison, had been a big fan of Heath’s. Charles Morrison was the MP for Devizes (1964-92) and died in 2005. His obituary in the ‘Daily Telegraph’ makes interesting reading. It contrasts the political differences between Charles and his brother Peter – Charles being a ‘die hard Heathite rebel’ and Peter being an aide to Thatcher. The Morrisons’ had a sister – Dame Mary Morrison, who was Woman of the Bed Chamber to the Queen for over 50 years. Charles Morrison’s wife was related by marriage to Ian Fleming, who wrote an article entitled ‘To Westminster With Love’, the opening words being ‘Charles Morrison – Licensed To Kill’. Well somebody certainly was, witnesses to the activities of Peter Morrison and his associates were constantly found dead.

Michael Brown, one of Proctor’s friends at York, was a part time research assistant to Michael Marshall between 1975-76 and between 1976-79 worked for Nicholas Winterton MP. In 1979 Brown was elected as a Tory MP himself and remained as one until May 1994. Brown was a member of the Monday Club and the Eldon League. He was a founder member of the No Turning Back group, which included Peter Lilley, Neil Hamilton and Michael Portillo. Brown and Portillo were extremely good friends in the early 80s, so much so that they went on holidays together, along with someone else close to them, Derek Laud, who was Brown’s research assistant for a considerable period of time.

Brown was a supporter of the apartheid regime in South Africa and in Feb 1988 visited South Africa with Neil Hamilton – their trip was funded by the South African Authorities.

Brown was PPS to Douglas Hogg, between 1989-90 when Hogg was at the DTI and then between 1990-92 when Hogg was at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Between 1992-93 Brown was PPS to Patrick Mayhew, Secretary of State for N Ireland. Mayhew was a barrister, who when he was younger had acted as Counsel for the GMC – the GMC who famously allowed Dr Morris Fraser, a child psychiatrist who was a paedophile, to continue practising in the 70s. But then they allowed Dafydd to practice and he was facilitating a paedophile ring. In 1993 Brown became an assistant Gov’t Whip.

Brown was involved with the Cash for Questions scandal, along with Neil Hamilton, Sir Michael Grylls and Sir Peter Morrison. Brown accepted money to lobby on behalf of U.S. Tobacco without declaring it and also failed to declare an interest in the notoriously carcinogenic Skoal Bandits.

Michael Brown resigned as an MP in 1994 after the ‘News of the World’ published photos of him on holiday in Barbados with a gay man who was under the age of consent.

Brown was in the wilderness for a short while but bounced back in April 1998 after he submitted a piece for the ‘Independent’ which they accepted. The Indie then offered him a regular commission as a political sketch writer, starting in 1999. I mentioned in my post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’ that after he left office, Ken Clarke joined the Board of the ‘Independent’. Helena Kennedy, another name which will be familiar to readers of this blog, was also on the Board at the time. Clarke left office in 1997 – he joined the ‘Independent’ at some point after that. Michael Brown then also picked up work for other papers. He is now a political journalist who makes regular appearances as a commentator and newspaper reviewer on British TV, especially BBC News 24 and Sky News.

I note that Brown’s troubles began at the time that Gordon Anglesea sued for libel after a number of media outlets named Anglesea as abusing boys in care in north Wales and just as the Jillings investigation into child abuse in north Wales was launched. His career recovered whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was nearing it’s end, when Amanda Platell had her feet firmly under the table at Conservative Central Office as Press Officer (see post ‘Did Glenda Occupy A Key Role In Keeping It All Quiet?’) and after Sir Peter Morrison had been found safely dead at the bottom of the stairs at his home.

I have mentioned that Brown and Portillo were good friends with Derek Laud, Brown’s research assistant and they even all went on holidays together. Laud was also a member of the Monday Club in the early 1980s. By the mid 1980s he was working for Tory MPs and Gov’t advisors as a researcher and as a special advisor to Sir Gordon Downey, the Parliamentary Commissioner for Standards. During the second half of the 80s Laud was an aide and speechwriter for Thatcher. He also helped Alan Clark and Michael Heseltine with their speeches. During the 1992 general election Laud acted as a campaign aide and fundraiser for John Major.

In the mid 80s Laud established Strategic Network International, a company set up to campaign against anti-apartheid movements and in the late 80s he worked in private equity finance. In 1992 he co-founded the lobbying company Ludgate Laud. Laud is co-founder and executive director of New City Initiative, a think tank and financial lobbying company. He holds multiple positions at the ‘wealth management’ company Stanhope Capital LLP. In recent years Laud has became a TV celeb – including an appearance on Celebrity Big Brother and in 2005 he partnered Edwina Currie on a TV quiz.

In the 1990s Laud was active in support of the Democratic Turnhalle Alliance (DTA), a political party in Namibia backed by the South African Gov’t.

Laud has a rather different background to many of the people in the Conservative Party with whom he is mates. He came from a Jamaican family in south London but had a very big rift with his mother when he was fourteen, which he attributes to him being gay, but he never quite explained how exactly. He moved out of his mother’s house and had no contact with her for many years – he moved in with Anna Meeham the head of the school that he attended in Clapham. Anna lived with her sister Cecily who was a child psychologist – Cecily was friends with a Judge Ann Goddard. Laud has remained very close to these two sisters, particularly Cecily. In an interview with the ‘Daily Mail’ in 2007 he stresses their importance in his life and says that he consults them about everything.

I mentioned in my post ‘Are You Local?’ that teenaged boys from Ty’r Felin, the children’s home in Bangor run by the brutal Nefyn Dodd, were being trafficked into prostitution. They were hired out to men renting hotel rooms in the local area but they were also taken to London, where they were received by a Tory fundraiser and aide of Thatcher’s who had an apartment in Dolphin Square. I received an e mail from a journalist some weeks ago alleging that the man in question was Derek Laud.

Michael Portillo, a close friend of Laud and Brown’s, graduated from Cambridge in 1975 and in 1976 joined the Conservative Research Dept. He became a Gov’t advisor in 1979 and was elected to the Commons in 1984. He was given a seat in the Cabinet in 1992, as Chief Secretary to the Treasury. He was Secretary of State for Employment (1994-95) and Secretary of State for Defence (1995-97). Throughout this time he was known as the ‘darling of the right’ and in his early days as an MP many had seen him as the heir to Thatcher. He lost his seat unexpectedly in the 1997 general election. He returned to the Commons in 1999, after being elected for Kensington and Chelsea, Alan Clark’s seat, after Clark died. He became Shadow Chancellor. Portillo retired from the Commons in 2005 and is now largely known for his media work and is a regular on the BBC.

The right wing of the Tory Party eventually developed a problem with Portillo in the aftermath of him fessing up in 1998 that he had ‘had some homosexual experiences’ when he was a young man. As it became clear that Portillo’s homosexual experiences might have been rather more extensive than he’d let on, people like Norman Tebbit became very angry and accused him of deceiving them. Which I think he probably did – he married a woman in 1982, voted against gay equality legislation and denied the rumours circulating that he was gay. I knew someone in north Wales back in the 1990s who used to go to gay clubs in London and Manchester who told me that he’d seen Portillo in gay clubs. Many years ago Michael Gove alleged in one of his books that there was quite an interesting party scene in Portillo’s Cambridge College – Peterhouse – whilst Portillo was there, including cross-dressing parties at which men were given girls names which were attended by both undergrads and Fellows of the College. There were a number of allegations circulating about Portillo, including that he was one of the Tories who was having sex with under-aged boys. I have no idea whether he was or not – but I think that he certainly knew people who were. He has known one person since he was a teenager who definitely did keep quiet about paedophile activity in children’s homes – Diane Abbott, the former Press and PR Officer for Lambeth Borough Council, whose own children’s homes were rife with a paedophile activity and who also sent children in care to John Allen’s Bryn Alyn Community in north Wales.

Another Tory who was the subject of allegations that he was gay was the man with the little list, Peter Lilley. Lilley felt obliged to issue a denial in the end and he stated that he found the idea of homosexuality about as appetising as eating cardboard. Lilley had been at Cambridge with Ken Clarke, Michael Howard, John Selwyn Gummer and Norman Lamont. Lilley was a member of the No Turning Back group along with Portillo, Hamilton and Michael Brown. He was the Chair of the Bow Group, 1973-75. He was elected as a Tory MP in 1987 and retired in 2017. He was PPS to Nigel Lawson, Secretary of State for Trade and Industry (July 1990-April 1992) and Secretary of State for Social Security (April 1992-May 1997). Lilley was always right behind Margaret Thatcher, but when he realised that she was going to lose the leadership contest in 1990 he very quickly changed his allegiances and supported John Major.

The toxic Child Support Agency was one of Lilley’s initiatives, although whether he was responsible for appointing as head of the CSA the equally toxic Ros Hepplewhite – formerly Chief Exec of MIND whilst that organisation concealed horrors in north Wales perpetrated by the paedophiles’ friends – I do not know. In 1977 Lilley co-authored a book with Samuel Brittan, brother of the dreadful Leon, who has been named as a child abuser. Leon’s family and friends have robustly denied the allegations, but what is certain is that Leon lost a dossier given to him by Geoffrey Dickens MP whilst Leon was Home Secretary – the dossier contained names and details of Westminster figures whom were alleged to be abusing children. Many other files relating to child abuse also went walkabout from the Home Office whilst Leon was there. Please see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians In The Mary Wynch Case’ for an account of the hissy fit that Samuel Brittan threw in the mid 80s when the box office at the Edinburgh Fringe Festival failed to pull strings for him and how dear old Michael Grade promised to help him out.

Lilley’s father was personnel officer at the BBC. R.D. Laing once commented when observing his son growing up that he felt himself rocked by successive generations. I’ve experienced a similar sensation when researching for this blog.

Proctor and Michael Brown’s friend from York, Christine Holman, eventually married Neil Hamilton. Christine had worked as secretary for Tory MP Sir Michael Grylls (father of Bear). Years later, Grylls ended up in a lot of trouble in the Cash for Questions scandal, along with Hamilton, Brown and Peter Morrison. Grylls was a Tory MP for 27 years who stood down in 1997. In 1990 he took cash payments and misled the select committee on members interests.

The most notorious MP involved in the Cash for Questions saga was of course Christine Hamilton’s husband Neil. Neil Hamilton has been involved in such extensive scandal and wrongdoing that I cannot detail it all here, so I’ll just provide a few highlights.

Neil Hamilton grew up in Carmarthenshire – his father was a manager for the National Coal Board. Hamilton eventually became a barrister specialising in taxation. He went to Aberystwyth University, that institution which trained so many of the corrupt lawyers named on this blog, although Hamilton didn’t read law there. After Aber, he went to Cambridge and then embarked on a legal career. There are a lot of people in Wales who remember Hamilton from his time at Aber and there are some interesting stories circulating. He was a member of the Federation of Conservative Students at Aber between 1968-74. He was elected for the Conservatives in Tatton in 1983 and held the seat until 1997, when he was beaten by the journalist Martin Bell who stood on an anti-sleaze ticket. Hamilton was a member of the No Turning Back group and his network included Alun Duncan and Gerald Howarth. He was also a member of the Eldon League.

In June 1984 Hamilton was the subject of a BBC Panorama programme, ‘Maggie’s Militant Tendency’, which detailed some seriously bad behaviour and worrying connections on the part of Neil Hamilton. In Oct 1986 Hamilton and Gerald Howarth sued the BBC for libel. The prosecution was funded by James Goldsmith and Taki, the Spectator journalist. David Davis was at the time a Director for Tate and Lyle and persuaded them to donate to Hamilton’s fighting fund. Hamilton stated that his main character witness would be Norman St John Stevas. I mentioned in my post ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’ that when I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School between 1989-91, a member of staff there was a young man well-acquainted with the London gay scene who told me that Norman St John Stevas was known to holding ‘spanking parties with little boys’ and that ‘no-one knows how he’s getting away with it’. I was told this before the many allegations of politicians molesting children appeared in the media on a regular basis.

In October 1986 the BBC caved in to Hamilton suddenly and unexpectedly. A representative of the National Young Conservatives hinted at a stitch-up and the Director General of the BBC Alisdair Milne maintained that he had acted under the instruction of the BBC Governors, who had ordered the Board of Management to settle  case before the defence interrogated Hamilton. The BBC paid the legal costs of Hamilton and Howarth and issued an apology. Attention focussed on the actions of Malcolm McAlpine, the cousin of Alistair McAlpine, the Conservative Party treasurer. Malcom McAlpine denied promising Hamilton that he could ‘deliver’ the Governors behind a settlement.

Alistair McAlpine became headline news in 2012, when he was named on ‘Newsnight’ by Steve Messham as being one of the men who had sexually abused him whilst Messham was in Bryn Estyn. McAlpine denied it and successfully sued a number of people who repeated the allegation. The McAlpine family do have a connection to north Wales though – the mother of Owen Lloyd George (THE Lloyd George’s grandson) was a McAlpine. Two descendants of Lloyd George, Annwen Carey Evans and D.B. Carey Evans, signed the ‘memorandum’ presented to Parliament in 2008 – the memorandum that was initiated and largely signed by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’) and designed to put a stop to Edwina Hart’s efforts as she confronted the corruption of the paedophiles’ friends in the north Wales NHS.

Hamilton’s action against the BBC involved some very worrying happenings and there were allegations of witness intimidation – a BBC internal memo to the Board of Management claimed that 17 witnesses were intimidated into changing their testimony. Conservative Central Office were accused of orchestrating a cover-up. Dale Campbell-Savours MP maintained that he had evidence in the form of a letter and a tape that demonstrated BBC nobbling. Campbell-Savours sent a copy of the tape to Michael Havers, the Attorney General and accused Conservative Central Office of interfering with potential witnesses.

In Dec 1986 Hamilton became PPS to Sir David Mitchell. Mitchell was a Hampshire MP between 1964-97 and was a Minister in Thatcher’s Gov’t. His is the father of Andrew Mitchell, who was Chief Whip in Cameron’s Gov’t between 2010-12 and at the centre of Plebgate. Andrew Mitchell’s wife is a Top Doctor.

Hamilton became a Whip in 1990. In June 1990 he was recruited by Derek Laud to work for Strategy Group International for which Hamilton received a fee from Michael Brown.

Hamilton was a keen supporter of Thatcher and after Heseltine’s leadership challenge in Nov 1990 was quoted as saying ‘I fed all my intelligence into her campaign’. My post ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’ mentions the degree of socialising that the Hamiltons were doing with Sir Peter Morrison – whose constituency was next to Hamilton’s – at a time when Morrison’s abuse of under-aged boys was openly talked about at social events involving the City of Chester Conservative Association. Between 1992-94 Hamilton was a Minister in Major’s Govt.

During the Cash for Questions scandal it was revealed that Hamilton did not register his consultancy fee from Strategy Network International, that he enjoyed free hospitality at the Ritz Hotel in Paris – owned by al Fayed – had stayed at al Fayed’s castle in Scotland without declaring it and that he had received many thousands of pounds from al Fayed which was handed over in the now infamous brown envelopes.

In the wake of the allegations that flew during Cash for Questions, in Jan 1998 Hamilton launched a libel action against al Fayed. Lord Harris of High Cross raised £100k to help fund the case and many other Tories also donated, including Lord Tim Bell and Simon Heffer. Over £400k was raised. Lord Harris had founded the No Turning Back group in 1985 and had a long association with the economists and think tanks which had exerted such influence on the economic policies of Thatcher’s administrations. He was the founding President of the Institute for Economic Affairs from 1990 until his death in 2006, proposed the idea of an ‘independent’ university and then became a Council member of Buckingham University (1980-85), famously the UK’s first private university. In 2003 Harris was also the Chairman and President of FOREST, the pro-smoking charity which was largely funded by the tobacco industry. Between 2008-2001 Harris was a Director of the Murdoch-owned Times Newspapers. Harris also wrote for the ‘Telegraph’.

Hamilton lost his libel action in Dec 1999 and subsequently filed for bankruptcy.

Following their disgrace and a memorable ‘Guardian’ headline confirming that Neil Hamilton was a liar and a cheat, the Hamiltons reinvented themselves as celebs. The BBC welcomed them with open arms and they appeared regularly on various TV shows, including ‘Have I Got News For You’. Their celebrity status had a downside. In 2001 they were accused of rape and sexual assault by a young woman who it later transpired was quite troubled and enjoyed a rich fantasy life. Her allegations against the Hamiltons were found to be demonstrably untrue – although the Hamiltons were arrested and questioned. The young woman subsequently went to prison, which was probably not the best place for her. However, the identity of the Hamilton’s alibi is noteworthy – it was Derek Laud, who maintained that the Hamiltons were having dinner with him at the time that they were alleged to have assaulted the young woman.

Cash for Questions was one of the key factors that did for John Major’s Gov’t. Another Tory MP who faced allegations of sleaze was Tim Smith who was elected in 1982 and stood down in 1997 after allegations that he received bribes. Smith was known to have accepted cash payments from al Fayed. Tim Smith worked for Leon Brittan in the Home Office 1983-85 and was a N Ireland Minister between Jan and Oct 1994.

 

What is overwhelming obvious here – particularly when considered alongside the information in my previous posts – is what a cradle of filth this was. There were a number of politicians close to Margaret Thatcher at the heart of Gov’t who were utterly unscrupulous and using any means available to them, including the gross abuse of their positions, to line their own pockets. There were some politicians who were known to be abusing young boys and rather more who were using the services of rent boys slightly under the then age of consent without asking any questions at all concerning where those rent boys were coming from. The networks and links – even just the ones that I have detailed on this blog – mean that these activities must have been widely known about in Westminster, as must have been some of the means being used to silence witnesses.

It is striking how many of the people named on this blog as having been involved in child abuse or in keeping it quiet also had careers in the media. Even the Hamiltons who had been utterly disgraced – and that was before the child molesting activities of their mate Peter Morrison became public knowledge – were invited to appear on prime time light entertainment BBC programmes, as though they were simply an entertaining colourful couple rather than a pair of lying, cheating crooks who intimidated anyone who dared take them on. But then there was effectively a deal done between Thatcher’s Gov’t and parts of the media. The BBC was notoriously craven – because it was usually presumed they were terrified of the Gov’t stopping the funding of the BBC via the licence fee. But the BBC was of course also employing and concealing the activities of Savile – who was literally a mate of Thatcher’s. Everybody was doing so much that they shouldn’t have been that no-one dared grass anybody else up. As for the newspapers – well Murdoch and Thatcher had a very obvious deal which I was reminded of when listening to the Radio 4 programme ‘The Reunion’ this morning. They were reminiscing about the Wapping dispute, the means by which Murdoch broke the print unions. The print unions enjoyed the support of many on the left but I don’t think that they should have – their practices were dreadful and involved actively excluding women and ethnic minorities from jobs, as well as large scale fiddling. They were of course happy to keep printing ‘The Sun’ all the way through the Falklands campaign even when it published photos of ‘injured Argies’ and a fictitious interview with a war widow which helped Thatcher to win another election. The print unions only started squealing when Murdoch went after them. He used the anti-union laws that the Thatcher Gov’t had passed to do this – the union was broken when the Courts sequestered their assets. Under Murdoch’s ownership the Times newspapers undoubtedly changed in character with the installation of people like Andrew Neil as editors – all Murdoch’s publications became uncritical defenders of everything that the Conservative Gov’t did. They were never going to publish stories about Thatcher’s aides abusing children and participating in substantial financial corruption, particularly when some of the political figures connected to child abuse were involved with bank-rolling the Conservative Party.

I have mentioned many times in previous posts how the Labour Party stood by impotent – they couldn’t blow the whistle, because so many of their MPs had been Councillors on the London boroughs overseeing the ‘services’ in which the children were sexually abused and then trafficked – to be sexually used by some of the very people whom the Councillors loathed and dearly wanted to see out of office. I have mentioned that some people who later made it big in New Labour actually worked as social workers themselves in those Councils, such as Tessa Jowell and Janet Boateng. This blog has also named a number of ‘radical lawyers’ with connections to the Labour Party who undoubtedly knew what was happening to those kids and the further abuse of them at the hands of the mental health services if they dared complain – lawyers who did not say a word, or even some, such as Patricia Scotland, who actually acted for the state in public inquiries which were no more than massive cover-ups of the abuse of children by public figures. The role of Margaret Hodge as leader of Islington Council whilst the children’s homes were infested with paedophiles has received substantial publicity, but there is one former lawyer who hit the big time with New Labour who is still skilfully hiding away, although her biography suggests that she bloody well knew about all this as well – I am talking about that well-known victim of oppression, Harriet!

Harriet Harman was interviewed by Peter Hennessey on Radio 4 earlier this week and I steeled myself to listen to the whole interview, because I have always suspected that Harriet, daughter of a Harley Street Top Doctor herself and an eternal whinger – referencing very simplistic notions of gender inequality but showing a complete ignorance of class inequality – knew a lot more about institutionalised child abuse than she ever let on. Harriet was famously outed a few years ago as having been involved with the NCCL – along with many of her New Labour mates – whilst NCCL was affiliated with PIE, a group lobbying for paedophiles’ rights. Harriet got very angry indeed and claimed that she was the subject of a smear campaign – and then someone produced a document written for the NCCL by a Harriet Harman in her capacity as their legal officer, which certainly read as though it was arguing for paedophiles rights. See posts ‘The London Connection’ and ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’ for the idiocies of the NCCL and their officers who later became senior figures in New Labour.

I have always accepted that Harriet really is not very bright at all and I could well imagine a young, over-privileged stupid Harriet deciding that she was going to change the world by telling it what to do, only to find herself being used by a bunch of paedophiles’ friends who probably couldn’t believe their luck at stumbling across such a dimwit. I was right! Throughout her interview with Hennessey, Harriet stressed how she wasn’t going to listen to the old fuddy duddies in her family like Lord Longford – she obviously doesn’t understand that she only ended up at the top of the Labour Party because she came from that immensely privileged and well-connected family, it certainly wasn’t through ability – she and her friends were going to change everything and she was delighted to maintain that they did. Some of them even worked whilst they were pregnant, which Harriet pointed out had never been done before – her own mother hadn’t. Harriet – that’s because your mother was Very Posh and could afford not to work. If you had ever read any social history at all, you would know that Poor People have for many generations worked whilst they were pregnant. Likewise, your memories of dressing up in your mother’s barrister’s wig and robes when you were little because she’d put them in your dressing up box was not so much a symbol of your mother’s oppression, it was a Signal to you from your mother of the sort of adult that you were expected to grow up to be. It worked – you are as thick as pig shit but you still became a lawyer and indeed even Solicitor General.

I did however learn a few more things about Harriet from that interview. That she was at York University when Proctor and his mates were there. She mentioned that she was ‘political’ but that the Conservative students at York were foul. Yes and some of them just a few years later did some very interesting things with rent boys and money. Harriet will not have forgotten that she was at York with Proctor et al when they hit the headlines some years later – but she couldn’t say a thing about their activities…

I also learnt that after her stint at NCCL, Harriet worked at Brent Law Centre (1978-82) at a time when the paedophile gangs that supplied the Westminster Paedophile Ring were in full swing. Brent Law Centre will have dealt with child care and mental health cases. In 1984, the complete fuckwittery of Brent Social Services resulted in the death of Jasmine Beckford (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Jasmine was starved and beaten to death by her stepfather – she had been in the care of Brent Social Services for two and a half years before she died. So Brent Social Services were ‘caring’ for Jasmine whilst Harriet worked down the road at the Law Centre leading the way for the nation’s wimmin and planning her future career in the Labour Party. Paul Boateng was also busy in the area at the time and was MP for Brent South (1987-2005). The Paul Boateng who worked in the legal firm that acted for Mary Wynch (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case -Details’) and who is married to Janet Boateng, a former social worker for Lambeth who Chaired the Social Services Committee at the time of the death of Tyra Henry in 1984 (see posts ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’ and ‘A Few More Who Might Be Able To Answer Questions’). Ken Livingstone was busy in the area as well and served as MP for Brent East (1987-2001). The Ken who led the GLC when so many of the kids in it’s care were abused on Ken’s patch or exported to children’s homes in north Wales to be abused. Brent embraces part of Camden – Tessa’s old stomping ground. For details of the many links that those from the London boroughs had to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, see post ‘The London Connection’.

I think that Harriet definitely knew that there was a problem – and her silence meant that her and her mates were not able to ‘change everything’ at all. Harriet didn’t just keep quiet when she was a young woman with an eye on a Labour seat (she was subsequently elected for Peckham, one of the most disadvantaged parts of London. I very much doubt whether the Council there was caring for the kids properly). Harriet’s lips remained sealed when she was an Older Empowered Strong Woman. She was Solicitor General in 2001, shortly after the publication of the Waterhouse Report at the time of the allegations of a huge cover-up. Not a word. In 2005 she was Minister of State for the Dept of Constitutional Affairs and represented Charlie Falconer on the Commons frontbench – whilst Charlie concealed the heap of manure and ensured that anyone who had suffered at the hands of the paedophiles’ friends would have no legal redress by making it impossible to access Legal Aid. Charlie’s withdrawing of Legal Aid also very nearly put the two lawyers in north Wales who were doing a pretty good job of fighting the paedophiles’ friends out of business. Now that would have been a great relief for those we know and love.

When Harriet and her close friend Patricia Hewitt discovered that MI5 had kept files on them as a result of their involvement with NCCL they became very angry, took a case to the European Court of Human Rights and subsequently there was a change in the law. Well Harriet and Patsy were only working for an organisation that was lobbying on behalf of paedophiles whilst there was a problem with senior figures in Gov’t abusing children, children who were later found dead, with the alleged involvement of rogue members of the security services. Why ever would MI5 be keeping files on Harriet and Patsy?

Harriet remains good friends with Patsy to this day. Patsy was formerly the General Secretary of NCCL during it’s Paedophile Period and later became the MP for Leicester West, after Greville Janner stood down. The Greville Janner whom the CPS has admitted should have been prosecuted for abusing boys but wasn’t, for reasons that the CPS have never been able to explain. Keith Vaz – he of the male prostitutes and drugs – also became an MP in Leicester, after a stint working as the senior solicitor for Islington Council in the mid 80s as the paedophile ring operating in the Islington children’s homes ran riot and a further stint working as a solicitor in a Law Centre in Leicester which was funded by Leicester City Council between 1985-87 as the paedophile ring there did it’s best (see post ‘One Of The Safest Pairs Of Hands At The Criminal Bar’ for further details on Keith, his mum and his sister). The paedophile ring in operation in Leicestershire children’s homes had as it’s key figure the social worker Franck Beck who was later imprisoned. It is not only Labour politicians with dirty linen who are drawn to Leicestershire – Harvey Proctor ended up there as well.

During the Hennessey interview Harriet spoke a lot about her battles with the male creatures who clutter up Parliament and explained that the reason why she accepted a place on the front bench when offered one by Neil Kinnock was that Patsy had told her that she ‘had a responsibility’ to sit on the front bench or other wimmin would not believe that it was possible. Thank God we’ve got Harriet to show us the way.

The fuckwittedness of Patsy’s comment had clearly escaped Harriet – whilst Harriet was exercising her responsibilities as a Role Model there was of course a woman PM. Harriet did know this. As she explained her ‘visceral hostility’ to Thatcher to Hennessey, she recounted a little anecdote – that just after her first baby was born (that will have been Joe Dromey who was famously taken into Parliament as a newborn), she was walking down a corridor with her baby when she saw Thatcher approaching. She was so desperate not to allow Thatcher’s ‘eyes to fall on my baby’ that she dived into a side room. Harriet told Hennessey that if that side room hadn’t have been available, she would have covered her baby’s face with a blanket to prevent the wicked witch from giving him the evil eye. I wouldn’t really want any children of mine to be left in the company of Thatcher, but the difference between me and you Harriet is that once I obtained the evidence pointing to a paedophile ring in operation with connections to Westminster that was concealed at the highest levels, I published it as soon as I was in a position to do so. You did not. But then there never was any chance of your child being taken into care by the sort of fuckwitted social worker like Tessa Jowell who were employed in the London boroughs in such great numbers and then being transported to a children’s home in north Wales where he would have been beaten, starved, forced to work free of charge, sexually abused and then trafficked back down to London as a rent boy. That Harriet is why Joe is now a senior research fellow in the IPPR, not stuck in an abusive mental health system, in prison or dead.

Since she released her blockbuster ‘A Woman’s Work’ recently, Harriet has explained that the reason why she never became leader of the Labour Party is of course because she is a woman and Gordon Discriminated. So we all had a lucky escape thanks to Gordon’s entrenched sexism.

There is yet another nightmare scenario looming on the horizon. There is talk in Labour circles of who is going to succeed Jeremy and I am horrified to read that the name being touted about is Emily Thornberry, on the grounds not of her brilliance but that she is of the left and that the next leader ‘must be a woman’.  That’s sounds a rather dogmatic position, but if it has to be a woman, please don’t let that woman be Emily Thornberry. Emily is of course best-known for sending out an offensive and massively damaging tweet whilst she was campaigning – a tweet of a photo of a new-build house draped in numerous flags of St George with a white van parked in the drive. Emily’s tweet suggested that the inhabitant of the said house must be a right wing oik from the lower orders – and the world went apeshit with a backlash. Emily was denounced as the worst example of the Labour metropolitan elite, out of touch with and contemptuous of less privileged people. The damage to the Labour Party was massive, but instead of accepting that she probably shouldn’t try and take a leading role in the Party lest she inflict more damage, Emily conducted a series of media interviews in which she stressed her humble origins as a kid from a council estate. She then continued to appear on TV as a spokesperson for Labour, screwing up badly because she didn’t know salient facts – which she blamed on the sexism of the interviewers. At the same time, much appeared in the press about the very expensive house in which she lives – the same part of Islington as the Blairs, just around the corner from Margaret Hodge -and it was revealed that she owns a number of other not at all cheap properties as well. It was confirmed that for a while as a child Emily had lived on a council estate, although no-one was quite sure when or why – yet her father was an international lawyer, a Professor at King’s College London and UN Assistant Secretary General. Emily’s mother had been a Labour Councillor and the Mayor in Guildford. Emily’s mum had encouraged her to go into politics – Emily became Labour MP (she was selected on an all-woman shortlist) for Islington and Finsbury in 2005. It was also revealed that Emily is married to High Court Judge Sir Christopher Nugee, so she is actually Lady Emily Nugee, but she became very vexed indeed when David Cameron called her that.

As ever though, the right wing press haven’t done their homework – well maybe they have, but unlike Service Shenanigans, there is an elephant in the room that they won’t tackle. Has Sir Christopher Nugee presided over miscarriages of justice? No, he doesn’t seem to have. Has his chambers been involved in anything shameful regarding court cases involving politicians and children? No – although the chambers probably doesn’t have clean hands, it specialises in finance, including off-shore trusts.

The elephant in the room is Emily. Before Emily became an MP she was a barrister, between 1985 and 2005. She worked at Took’s Court Chambers, the chambers of Michael Mansfield. I wrote to Michael Mansfield in 1993 or 1994 and informed him of my prosecution in Bangor Magistrates Court for ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’, after I had complained about law-breaking on the part of the mental health services. I also complimented him on his recently published book ‘Presumed Guilty’, about miscarriages of justice and the abuse of public order legislation – that’s why I wrote to him, I explained that it was that legislation (which Thatcher’s Gov’t had specifically passed to use against striking miners) that was used to prosecute me. I received a reply from Mr Mansfield, but it simply thanked me for my letter and said ‘it is always good to have support’. Michael Mansfield will have known when he read my letter that there had been a recent media storm regarding the possible existence of a paedophile ring in north Wales providing children to politicians and that there were allegations that the police, the social services, the Top Doctors, lawyers, judges and the Welsh Office were involved in a huge cover-up. He will have known that it was a social worker from Bangor, Gwynedd – where I lived, the address was on my letter to him – who had been sacked for blowing the whistle on the paedophile ring. He will have known that a senior police officer, Gordon Anglesea, had been named by two young men on TV as having abused them when they were in Bryn Estyn children’s home and that Gordon Anglesea had launched a libel case against the media outlets that named him and that he was being supported by the Police Federation.

One would have thought that my letter would have had the antennae of the UK’s most high profile radical barrister twitching like mad. Mansfield had defended members of the IRA, acted for the Birmingham Six and given his services to the NUM free of charge during the miners’ strike. He had a reputation as a lawyer who was not afraid to take on the British State at it’s worst. But Mr Mansfield walked straight by on the other side of the road. Although he must have realised that someone had written to him who had evidence that if, pursued, could do serious damage to John Major’s Gov’t as well as to the politicians involved in the previous administrations – including Thatcher herself, who had destroyed his personal friend Scargill. But defending members of the IRA is obviously easier than defending someone under attack from the paedophiles’ friends. Emily was working at Tooks when I sent that letter to Michael Mansfield. Other people who have worked with Mr Mansfied include Helena Kennedy and Patricia Scotland, both stars of this blog and members of the network of paedophiles’ friends…

Not only is Emily one of the paedophiles’ friends, but King’s College London – the home of yet more of the paedophiles’ friends – where Emily’s dad held a Chair, was host to some interesting activities. In the 80s there was a scam going on among some of the students. In order to earn a few quid they were marrying foreign nationals in order for them to acquire permission to enter or remain in the UK. Someone I worked with at St George’s, whilst he had been a physiology student at Kings, had married one of the other students from America to enable her to stay in the UK. He had been paid many thousands of pounds for his service – after the marriage they shared a house whilst leading a separate existence and went their separate ways entirely a few years later, once the legal requirements had been fulfilled. There was also a professor in King’s College School of Medicine who was having sex with his own children. This was openly discussed among the Top Doctors on the London medical scene. No-one suggested any sort of investigation into the Professor of gynaecology concerned.

I think that I’m going to have to devise a classification system for the paedophiles’ friends because there are just so many of them. There’s going to have to be a category of the paedophiles’ bestest friends, such as Arfon Jones, the esteemed North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner and dear old Dafydd and Lucille. Then there will have to be the paedophiles’ very good friends, such as Dr Peter Higson. Then the paedophiles good friends; then the paedophiles’ ‘colleagues’ – a mixed bag, some of whom have no problems with the paedophiles at all but this category also includes some who tolerate them in order to gain personal advancement (a very big category); then the biggest category of all, containing many thousands of people from across the UK in many walks of life – those who knew what the paedophiles were doing but were too spineless to do anything at all, no matter how minor, to stop them. I might also need a sub-category – the paedophiles’ friends who are just in it for the money. I met a few of these at St George’s. They would actually drool over the idea of serious money and say things like ‘ooh I’d love to be rich’ – they reached fever-pitch after visits to the West End when they would catch glimpses of the money-laundering crooks with gangster connections of whom they were so envious. They didn’t like me very much, they accused me of being ‘naive’ and being like I was because I was a sheepshagger from Wales. No you stupid fuckers, it was because I had seen what was happening to those kids who were living in the children’s homes in north Wales and being groomed for sex work in London who dared to complain. I met them in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh didn’t I Dafydd – before they died, went to prison or disappeared off the face of the planet.

 

A couple of weeks ago, someone whose child died at the hands of the paedophiles’ friends was kind enough to thank me for writing this blog and told me that it was probably the most important thing that I’d ever do. This person is a bit hippyish and suggested that I had only survived the attentions of the paedophiles’ friends because the forces of the universe needed me to stay alive to write the story.

It’s nice to be thanked, but I don’t need to be. Writing this blog and exposing every one of them has been an absolute pleasure.

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.