Dirty Rotten Scoundrels

My post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ discussed Rhodri Morgan’s long-standing friendship with Ron Davies, as well as some other people in that very tight south Wales Labour Party network and how they ‘didn’t know’ about Ron’s cottaging activities. In spite of much evidence that they did know and they also knew a great deal more about Ron and a few other people which didn’t ever hit the media, even after Ron’s moment of madness with Boogie on Clapham Common and his subsequent adventure when he was looking for badgers.

A few other people knew about Ron – and more importantly knew about the serious abuse of vulnerable people by the health and welfare services in north Wales and elsewhere, which was being kept quiet by all political parties.

 

One of those was Lawrence Conway, the civil servant who was Director of Rhodri’s private office (Director of the Dept of FM, ie. Cabinet Secretary). In his memoir Rhodri describes Lawrence as ‘a Welsh Office lifer’ with ‘sensitive political antennae’ and ‘eyes in the back of his head to know what was going on’. Not only had Lawrence spent his career in the rotten-to-the-core Welsh Office – with its many officials, Ministers and Secretaries of State who had concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles in north Wales for decades (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’), but had also kept the lid on George Thomas and his sexual assaults on children and young men – but Lawrence Conway was at the heart of the most rotten part of the rotten apple. According to Rhodri, Lawrence ‘did child protection’.

So Lawrence knew that the children’s homes in north Wales were not being inspected regularly even when complaints of abuse were being made and a number of staff of those homes were appearing in court charged with sexual and physical assaults on children (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). Lawrence knew that some of those employed as social workers/social work managers in homes and areas where there was a massive problem with the abuse of children in care were given jobs as inspectors with the SSI (Social Services Inspectorate) in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Reality Is That There Is No Problem’).

Lawrence Conway knew that there were also serious complaints about the abuse and illegal imprisonment of patients in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and that many of those patients were former residents of the children’s homes of north Wales.

 

After the publication of the massive cover-up that was the Waterhouse Report – organised by William Hague and the Welsh Office whilst Hague was Secretary of State for Wales – the ritual hand-wringing and chanting of the mantra ‘never again’ reached new levels. One of Ronald Waterhouse’s most publicised recommendations – which it was claimed would ensure that no-one would ever have to do the ‘never again’ bit in the future – was the establishment of the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales. My God, Wales was proud of having a Children’s Commissioner. Wales was leading the way! My post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’ discusses the backgrounds of the people that have held that post. They have all been former social workers who were employed by and networked with organisations and institutions where children were abused. Anyone familiar with Wales will know that there is a great deal of truth in the caricature that everyone in Wales knows each other and each other’s business. Every one of the Children’s Commissioners will have been party to details of the abuse of children that they have not disclosed.

One social worker who was employed in the Children’s Commissioner’s team whilst Keith Towler was Commissioner came from Denbigh. She knew all about the abuse of patients at the North Wales Hospital because her father worked as a nurse there. He didn’t just work as a nurse at Denbigh for a few weeks – he was one of the long term key staff who was employed there for many years and his name is frequently mentioned by the former staff of that hospital when they are reminiscing about the Good Old Days. I don’t know this man’s real name because he was simply universally known as ‘Davey Crockett’ because of the nature of a hat that he wore. Davey Crockett knew Dafydd, was mates with him and Davey Crockett’s family used to call upon Dafydd when they needed a favour. Davey Crockett knew about the dungeon in which the victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned, he knew about the paedophile gang that Dafydd was facilitating and he knew that the North Wales Hospital was stuffed full of people who were being held there unlawfully.

Davey Crockett’s daughter knew Keith Fearns, the grossly abusive leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and had absolutely no problem with him. She also knew that Dafydd’s own family – as well as everybody else – were terrified of Dafydd. She knew that Dafydd terrorised and stalked members of his own family. She described Dafydd as ‘evil’ and stated that no-one would ever get away from him once they had crossed his path.

I know for a fact that this social worker had knowledge of at least one school in Gwynedd where the kids were being sexually abused and she has never said a word. Probably because she knows that she’d never work again if she did.

Well Dafydd, you might have convinced Davey Crockett’s family that being mates with you was a better option than challenging you, but you shouldn’t have tried the same game with me, because there’s this blog now…

 

Lawrence Conway retired from the civil service in 2009. So he is of the right vintage to have been ‘doing’ child protection when Dafydd and the paedophiles were running that extensive business of theirs back in the 1970s and 80s. Lawrence will have been sitting in his office in Cathays Park when Tony Francis (Dr X) snapped at me ‘you can even complain to the Secretary of State if you want’ and when other people were telling me to ‘shut your mouth about DA’ and to get out of north Wales and never come back. The Cathays Park in which those worked who were responsible for receiving and writing the incriminating documents – some of which seem to have been forged – that are now in my possession.

What did Lawrence Conway do when he retired? He joined Carwyn’s team of First Minister’s special advisors. Lawrence advised Carwyn on public service delivery! Well Carwyn, if you’ve ever wondered what is going so wrong, there’s your clue…

Entertainingly, the appointment of Lawrence Conway as Carwyn’s Spad left one person seething, so seething that they raised concerns with Whitehall and the civil service heads of the Welsh Gov’t. Who was this person who didn’t think that paedophiles’ friend Lawrence Conway should be cluttering the Welsh Gov’t up after his retirement? It was none other than another paedophiles’ friend Dame Gillian Morgan, the Top Doctor who was Permanent Secretary to the Welsh Assembly, 2008-12. Dame Gillian knows a great deal about the abuse of anyone who has spilt the paedophiles’ pints, as I discussed in my post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’

Paedophiles’ friends at war!

 

Before he worked for Rhodri, Lawrence Conway worked for another person who knows a good deal more about Dafydd and the paedophiles and George Thomas et al than he ever lets on- Alun Michael, who resigned as First Secretary at the same time as the Waterhouse Report was submitted to Gov’t (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Lawrence was appointed Alun Michael’s Principal Private Secretary in May 1999 when Michael became First Secretary of the new Welsh Assembly.

Although Rhodri and Alun Michael were famously pitched against each other in terms of who would be First Secretary once the Welsh Assembly was established – everybody presumed that it would be Ron Davies until Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate) – they went back a long way.

When Rhodri was first elected as MP for Cardiff West in 1987, he shared an office with Alun Michael and Paul Murphy. The Paul Murphy who took delivery of the Waterhouse Report in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales and who expressed his relief that the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had now been subject to a full and transparent investigation and that there was no links with organised paedophile rings outside north Wales, no evidence of any politicians involved and it was definitely nothing to do with the Freemasons. Furthermore Paul was delighted to be able to say that there had been no cover-up.

‘We didn’t know.’

I wonder who told the daughter of one of Dafydd’s mates that there would be a job coming up in the Children’s Commissioner’s office? Perhaps it was the same person who told Alun Michael’s son Tal that the job of Chief Exec of the Gwynedd CAB was going begging – the CAB which boasts the involvement of Dafydd’s former mistress Lucille Hughes at a senior level. Or the same person who told Tal about the vacancy for the Top Job in the North Wales Police Authority. Or perhaps the person who suggested that Tal would make a good North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Or even a good Labour MP for Ynys Mon!

 

After Alun Michael was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1987, Lorraine Barrett was his office manager. Lorraine became the Labour AM for Cardiff South and Penarth in 1999! Lorraine – a former Angel – is married to Paul Barrett who was of all things the manager of 80s pop favourite Shakin’ Stevens (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Shaky found himself the centre of bad publicity after he hit fame and fortune when the press revealed that his manager had told everyone to keep it quiet that Shaky was married with children and much older than everyone had been told because Shaky and his manager wanted to promote Shaky as a suitable heart-throb for pre-teen girls. Cardiff’s answer to Donny Osmond. Donny was a drip but at least he was 14 not 40 and his mum and dad didn’t let him go out boozing – in fact from what I remember even Coca-Cola was not considered acceptable by famille Osmond, which will have been the key to those perfect teeth which they all possessed. Presumably Shaky was not similarly constrained.

 

Before Alun Michael was elected as an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. So he sat on Cardiff City Council with Julie Morgan and the other ne’er do wells, as the Council was hit by repeated scandals (see posts ‘Corruption Bay Special’, ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’).

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael had four very loyal Spads who had been appointed by Michael – Gareth Williams (political), Andrew Bold (policy), Delyth Evans (speech writing) and Julie Crowley (press, PR, spin doctor).

 

Gareth Williams was a Spad to Alun Michael as Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary of the National Assembly, Dec 1998-Feb 2000. Gareth began his career as a civil servant first in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office, working in London and Sweden (1982-88) and subsequently in the Welsh Office (1988-90).

So Gareth was one of the civil servants in Sodom and Gomorrah in Cathays Park along with Lawrence Conway and the rest of them. Including Ffion Hague.

From 1990-1993, Gareth Williams worked in the European Parliament as a Policy Advisor to the Socialist Group, before joining Birmingham City Council, where Williams spent three years as Head of European and International Affairs. He was an Associate Director at ECOTEC Research and Consulting Ltd (1996-98). Gareth Williams runs his own economic development consultancy based in Shropshire. He has undertaken a wide range of work in Wales, with an emphasis on the European Structural Funds.

 

In Jan 2006 the BBC reported that WAG (Welsh Assembly Government) was failing to meet its key targets to regenerate some of Wales’ poorest areas – according to a report produced by Gareth Williams. Gareth said that WAG was not likely to reach two out of the three targets set for Objective One European funding, the shortfalls being in job and wealth creation.

Yet Economic Development Minister Andrew Davies said 85,000 people in Wales had been helped by the money. The seven-year programme, which ended in 2006, saw £1.26 billion spent on hundreds of projects in west Wales and the Valleys. ‘We’ve set ambitious targets because the scale of the task we inherited from the Conservatives was huge’ Davies claimed. ‘The impact isn’t necessarily on jobs created – it’s also on the number of people who have been helped.’ Andrew Davies said it had made a ‘major impact’ on west Wales and the Valleys, with skills training. ‘Clearly we’ve closed the unemployment gap with the rest of the UK. The next challenge is to get higher paid, higher quality jobs.’

It is now 12 years since Andrew Davies claimed that the EU funding given to west Wales and the Valleys had worked wonders. West Wales and the Valleys are still on their knees. One major area of growth in those regions is in Third sector organisations receiving dosh from the Welsh Gov’t to provide ‘services’ for homeless people or other people having a hard time – it has become clear that these organisations are excellent at maintaining their own existence and growth but they are not helping those that they claim to be.

Whilst Wales did build bridges and roads with EU funding and I can remember huge swathes of very poor housing in Bethesda being transformed by EU funding back in the 1990s, after those in Cardiff Bay went into shock when a majority in Wales voted to leave the EU in 2016 it was admitted that far too much of the EU funding had been spent on ‘projects’ from which people in Wales saw no benefits.

Those projects followed the standard model in Wales. A load of people were employed for a short length of time – for the duration of the ‘project’ – on minimum wages. They were supervised by a smaller number of team leaders, who were people with a professional qualification or a level of education (often former teachers or social workers). At the top of the pyramid there were a very small number of people on very generous salaries who were mates with politicians or civil servants in the Welsh Gov’t. This was the business model for Gov’t funded ‘projects’ for the 30 odd years that I lived in Wales. I first observed it in the 1980s and I presumed that it was a consequence of Thatcher’s ‘job creation schemes’ to fiddle the unemployment figures – although Thatcher eventually mercifully went, the ‘projects’ in Wales remained and were run in exactly the same way. One could entertain oneself by watching the lucky few with the jobs at the top circulate from one waste of money which achieved nothing to another. These are the same folk who ‘lead’ the Health Boards in Wales, the Third sector organisations and the quangos. They often leave a great deal of blood on the carpet behind them, but they are never taken out of circulation.

A prime example of the cadre is Meri Huws, who was formerly the Chair of the Welsh Language Board. There was the most enormous row when Meri was appointed to the post of Chair of the Welsh Language Board because she failed to declare that she was in a relationship with a Welsh Gov’t Minister. Who was Meri’s bedfellow at that time? None other than Andrew Davies. The allegations that Andrew had bagged Meri the job were made just a few months before Andrew Davies made the comments above as reported by the BBC. So Andrew stated that what was needed were ‘higher paid, higher quality jobs’. All these years later, west Wales and the Valleys are still in poverty – but Meri does of course have a higher paid, higher quality job. She is the Welsh Language Commissioner. There was blood on the carpet left behind her at the Welsh Language Board and much discord. Furthermore the number of people speaking Welsh continued to decline whilst Meri was Chair of the Board. So it was only sensible after that track record Meri should then have been given the job of Welsh Language Commissioner rather than someone who would have been effective.

However, as I explained in my post ‘People With Energy’, the one advantage that Meri always has over other candidates is that she used to work as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services on the patch where the Ty’r Felin children’s home was located. The social workers running Ty’r Felin were trafficking kids down to Dolphin Square – among other places – for sex work (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Any civil servant or politician looking at Meri’s CV will get the message loud and clear – she knows where the bodies are buried.

 

The clients of Gareth Williams’s consultancy included Wales’s education and training quango ELWa. ELWa was nearly as notorious as the WDA for cronyism and the inexplicable spending of huge sums of money. ELWa’s reputation finally ended over the business of the Pop Factory in which £2 million quid was inexplicably given to a company called Avanti who ran something called the Pop Factory to organise something else which they had no hope of organising, which never got off the ground and ended in chaos. It was Jane Davidson – the AM for Pontypridd and Minister for Lifelong Learning – who had countersigned for the cheque to be released. It was revealed that Gov’t accounting procedures had not been followed and that ELWa had refused to disclose other alleged irregularities when requested.

The Chair of ELWa was Enid Rowlands who was based in north Wales. Enid flatly refused to move to south Wales – although nearly all the staff of ELWa were based in south Wales and Rowlands was keen to accept the job. So an arrangement was made that ELWa would have a ‘virtual’ head office. Is it surprising that the whole set up imploded?

Enid featured in a Wales Online report in 2003, when she was at the centre of a grade A row for refusing to resign as the Chair of ELWa in the wake of the £2 million scandal and the laying off of nearly 100 ELWa staff. Enid stated her intention to remain as Chair for another four months until her contract ended.

Did Enid’s career suffer from the ELWa scandal? Of course not. Enid is now the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority! Enid was previously the UK Chair of Victim Support. She has ‘held roles’ with the Information Commissioner’s Office, NEST Corporation Consumer Focus, North Wales Police Authority, North Wales Health Authority and the S4C Authority. Enid was and might still be a member of the BUPA council.

Enid ‘began her career working with unemployed and disadvantaged young people and became Chair of Education and Skills Wales, responsible for all post-16 education and training in Wales outside the Higher Education sector’. She has also been a Trustee in the voluntary sector including positions with the Royal National Institute for the Deaf and The Prince’s Trust.

I note that Enid ‘studied psychology’. Rhodri’s memoir claims that Enid is a patriotic north Waleian and would never move from north Wales. So did Enid perhaps study psychology in north Wales? Which could have involved a placement with Dafydd at the North Wales Hospital…

Enid’s biography on the Solicitors Regulation Authority website doesn’t mention this, but Enid is married to the former Auditor General for Wales, Huw Vaughan Thomas. Huw was the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, 1991-96. Whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Social Services for Gwynedd and the paedophile ring operating in those Social Services caused havoc and was subject to a police investigation. Huw holds even more positions of responsibility than does Enid (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

In 2010 Jeremy Colman, the Auditor General for Wales who preceded Huw Vaughan Thomas, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn.

It is incredible isn’t it.

For eight years, Enid was a member of the GMC. Enid – do you happen to know anything about the forged document that was found in the possession of the GMC, purporting to be a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’), after I made repeated representation to the GMC about the abusive Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit?

Huw and Enid are yet two more highly placed paedophiles’ friends who live in the HQ for such folk, Colwyn Bay (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). No wonder Enid wouldn’t move to south Wales.

 

The acting CEO of ELWa found himself in the shit along with Enid – that was none other than paedophiles’ friend and the former manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, Dr Peter Higson. Wales Online reported that Higson was appointed as acting CEO without going through normal procedures. Furthermore he was known to Enid, having been an Executive Director of North Wales Health Authority at a time when she Chaired the North Wales Health Authority.

So Higson’s career trajectory went from staffing Dafydd’s dungeon – Higson was originally a clinical psychologist at Denbigh – to managing the dungeon, to managing the whole of the north Wales mental health services when lies were told about the North Wales Hospital having been completely shut down in the summer of 1995, to being a Director of the North Wales Health Authority, to being the acting CEO of ELWa which never recovered from the business of the £2 million quid and was later dismantled. What happened to Higson in the wake of that? He was appointed CEO of the newly formed regulatory body Health Inspectorate Wales of course. After Higson had been in post for nine years it was declared that the mismanagement of HIW was so serious that it was ‘not fit for purpose’. Which must have been why Higson was then appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Which was put into special measures after Higson’s feet had been under the table for about eighteen months.

As far as I know, unlike Meri, Peter Higson’s career success has been achieved without sleeping with Alan Pugh, Andrew Davies and Rhodri Morgan. Although Higson’s sister Ruth Hussey was Chief Medical Officer for Wales – a female role model! – so perhaps it was her bedfellows who were the key to Peter’s success… Although I suspect that it was Peter holding the keys to the dungeon containing the victims of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring which probably brought such good fortune to the Higson clan.

 

Gareth Williams’s 2006 report re the EU Structural Funds said that Labour had not created the hoped-for 43,500 new jobs. WAG had also wanted to use the funding to raise Wales’s GDP to 78% of the UK average. The report suggested that figure had not been reached.

Mike German, the then Liberal Democrat leader in the Assembly, commenting on Gareth’s report said: ‘I don’t think it was a failure, but that we had enormous built-in problems: a slow start, a lot of squabbling at the beginning. What we need to do is learn those lessons now.’

It is the story of Wales – a slow start and a lot of squabbling. Which is entirely a result of the one built-in problem that runs through everything – that the most senior jobs in absolutely every domain are given to people who either facilitated or concealed a gang of paedophiles. The lesson has still not been learnt.

The problem that the Assembly inherited from the Conservatives which Andrew Davies mentioned in his comments to the BBC would never have happened had Meri, Davies, Enid fucking Rowlands and the rest of them not been so keen to stick their noses into the trough provided by the Bay of Plenty that they were prepared to spend their entire careers assisting a paedophile gang which supplied kids to Thatcher’s friend and aide Sir Peter Morrison, as well as to a few others.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Andrew Bold was born in Newport and wrote his PhD on the WDA. So he’ll know even more about the crooks that milked it for millions than the rest of us do. Bold worked as a Welsh Labour Party research officer in the early 1990s and was the Welsh Labour’s Assistant General Secretary (policy) before becoming Michael’s Spad in 1999. In June 2000 after Rhodri had replaced Michael as FM, Andrew Bold moved to the Wales Office to replace Professor Hywel Francis as Paul Murphy’s adviser. Murphy had another advisor as well – Anthony Hunt.

 

Hunt completed a law degree and worked in the US on educational projects and for the Democrats. Hunt joined WAG’s Labour policy team in 2001. In 2002 he was recruited by Paul Murphy to manage his constituency office and communications; Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in January 2008 and a year later Hunt joined him as a Spad concentrating on press and communications.

So can Anthony Hunt shed any light on Murphy’s sudden departure as Welsh Secretary which no-one ever explained?

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Delyth Evans had been a management consultant and BBC and HTV journalist. She worked on the BBC’s ‘World at One’ and PM programmes before becoming an assistant to Gordon Brown MP in 1992 and then policy adviser and speechwriter to the then Labour leader John Smith, 1992–1994. After Alun Michael resigned, Delyth Evans was the Labour AM for Mid & West Wales, 2000-03.

Delyth actually succeeded Alun Michael’s seat when he resigned. As well as being the AM for Mid & West Wales, 1999-2000, Michael also held the Westminster seat for Cardiff South and Penarth, 1987-2012. After Michael resigned as FM, he reverted to his Westminster role. Alun Michael’s short time at the Assembly was not a happy one. He had been imposed upon Wales as First Secretary by Blair and there was much resentment all around as a result.

 

When Alun Michael resigned as First Secretary, there was much muddy water surrounding his resignation. He resigned just before a Plaid-inspired vote of no confidence in his leadership. The vote followed what Plaid regarded as the failure of Michael to secure Treasury match-funding for £1.2 billion worth of European funding for deprived areas of Wales.

Yet something odd happened when Alun Michael resigned ahead of that no-confidence vote. Janice Gregory, AM for Ogmore, 1999-2016 and Labour Group Whip in the early days of the Assembly, had a hissy fit and resigned the Whip because Alun Michael had resigned as First Minister. Janice resigned the Whip on the grounds that Andrew Davies had plotted to remove Alun Michael. Janice Gregory was the daughter of Sir Ray Powell, the MP for Ogmore, 1979-2001.

Ray Powell was a Labour Whip between 1983-95 and one of his achievements was to refuse Ken Livingstone a desk for more than a year after Ken arrived in the Commons in 1987. Although Ray Powell had a reputation as an effective and formidable Whip himself, he later denounced the Whips office as ‘the Gestapo’ after he ended up on a hit list for refusing to vote to lower the age of consent for homosexual activities. Ray might have held out against that, but he never mentioned the matter of the abuse of children in care in Wales at all – although he was in the Commons throughout the years of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the police investigations, the Jillings Investigation, the Waterhouse Inquiry, the deaths of witnesses…Ray was also the honorary Secretary of the Welsh Parliamentary Labour Party, 1982-92.

Ray Powell could make headway in the most unlikeliest of circumstances. In 1983 the Tory Gov’ts cap on spending resulted in problems with the building of phase two of the hospital in Bridgend in Powell’s constituency. Ray Powell took up the case with the paedophiles’ friend Wyn Roberts at the Welsh Office. Wyn Roberts was obliged to make special arrangements for the funding of the hospital and Ray was delighted to be able to tell his constituents that they would be getting the first rate hospital that they deserved. But Wyn Roberts found himself doing a few other remarkable things to help Welsh causes after he or his colleagues in the Welsh Office had received a visit from someone in a position to remind them that a vicious paedophile gang was operating in north Wales and that the Welsh Office knew all about it (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

 

Janice Gregory was a damp squib as an AM, she was labelled an ‘under-performer’ and a lot of people wished that she’d bugger off. She got into politics via her father. From 1991 Janice worked as political secretary for her dad. That was the year of the Great Stuffing Over of me and a number of my friends who knew what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – the year in which there was an attempt to frame me for a serious crime, with which St George’s Hospital Medical School was complicit (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’), the year in which two of my friends who worked in the media had their careers ruined….

As a result of working for her dad, Janice will have been party to a great deal of information – including information about the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Janice was also active in the local constituency Labour Party, was of course wimmin’s officer for the Party and Chair of Ogmore Wimmin’s Forum. Janice’s wiki mentions that ‘several other family members were active in Labour politics’. I bet that family ran fucking Ogmore.

 

One of Wales’s celebs lived at Ogmore – the well-known poet Danny Abse. Most people who have heard of Danny Abse but who didn’t actually know him have heard of him as a poet. But Danny Abse was also a Top Doctor and he practised as a Top Doctor for 30 years. Danny trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, King’s College London and the Westminster Hospital Medical School. The Welsh National School of Medicine concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles for years. Two of the ringleaders in this were Professor Kenneth Rawnsley (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy’) and Professor Sir William Asscher who, after spending many happy years concealing a paedophile gang in Wales, then took up the post of Dean of St George’s Hospital Medical School in London, where Asscher concealed another paedophile gang as well as research fraud and serious misconduct (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Asscher did of course continue with his earlier interest in concealing the crimes of Dafydd et al (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent  Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Danny Abse was from a family of psychoanalysts and he and his brother Leo dabbled in analysis themselves. Psychoanalysts of Leo and Danny Abse’s generation concealed a great deal of sexual abuse.

 

Leo Abse was the Labour MP for Pontypool, 1958-83 and Torfaen, 1983-87. Abse was a very good mate of George Thomas and could be relied upon to get George Thomas out of trouble when people who had been molested by Thomas made a fuss about it (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Leo Abse paid some people to keep quiet and threatened to have others imprisoned. (Abse was a lawyer and a not very pleasant one, so a threat from him was quite effective.) It was Leo Abse who provided the cover story when in 1984 George Thomas was hospitalised as the result of contracting an STD. George Thomas and the Top Doctors really loved each other – Thomas was involved with raising funds for medical charities and in return no Top Doctor ever squealed. Kenneth Rawnsley’s wife, Dr Elinor Kapp  – who was a child psychiatrist working in south Wales – was a Trustee of the City Hospice from its founding. The City Hospice was originally known as the George Thomas Hospice, but it changed its name when Thomas’s molesting activities became publicly known.

 

Paul Murphy succeeded Leo Abse as Labour MP for Torfaen. Murphy had long been associated with Torfaen, he’d been a Torfaen Councillor for years whilst Abse was the MP for the constituency.

 

The thing that I noticed which coincided with Alun Michael’s resignation as First Secretary was the submission of the Waterhouse Report to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. I’m fairly sure that as soon as it was handed over, Alun Michael was out of the door.

Any expose of the truth behind – and the extent of – the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would have sunk numerous politicians, from all parties, in both Westminster and the Assembly. It would have been well worth people putting their heads together and creating a distraction just as that Report was submitted. As one of the creatures said in Jungle Book, ‘You create a distraction, then I’ll rescue Mowgli’.

So as Janice accused Andrew Davies and resigned the Whip, as Plaid made a fuss about the failure to secure Treasury matched-funding, Mowgli scuttled off back to Westminster to the arms of the man who has a great deal to lose if the truth ever does emerge re the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, because his wife was mates with all the lawyers who kept it quiet by standing by in silence as witnesses and victims went to prison or died – a man called Tony Blair.

 

Perhaps Delyth Evans could tell us exactly why Mowgli decided to get the hell out of the Welsh Gov’t in Feb 2000. Delyth did well out of it though – she didn’t even need to stand in a by-election to succeed Alun Michael as AM, because Delyth was the second name on Labour’s regional list of candidates for the seat of Mid & West Wales and under the Assembly’s election rules, no by-election is necessary for the regional seat, the next candidate is automatically appointed.

Delyth won’t have just been in a position to dig up the dirt whilst she worked for Alun Michael, Delyth’s previous career was built upon having access to dirt and keeping schtum, which was why she will have ended up as Michael’s Spad and on the regional candidates list.

Delyth was working for the Labour leader John Smith when he died in circumstances in which the Top Doctors at Barts found themselves unable to save his life. Now there’s a warning to everyone.

Delyth went to Aberystwyth University when the place was run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Before going to Aber, Delyth went to Ysgol Gyfun Rhydfelen. Delyth was a pupil at Rhydfelen when the drama teacher John Owen taught there. The John Owen who molested his pupils for years and was protected by Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority and the WJEC (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’). John Owen also wrote for children’s TV and the HTV Wales and S4C stayed loyal to him as well. He killed himself just before he was due to stand trial and Menna Richards paid her respects at his funeral – the Menna who for years was one of the most senior people employed at the BBC, Delyth’s former employer.

Delyth joined the Labour Party in 1984, when the Windbag was busy concealing organised child abuse and the associated abuses in psychiatry (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’). The Windbag who was the President of the Students Union at Cardiff when Dafydd’s partner in crime Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) was a student at the Welsh National School of Medicine. After he graduated, Tony Francis worked in the Dept of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff. Of which the Head of Dept and Professor was Kenneth Rawnsley.

 

Alun Michael’s Spad Julie Crowley was the Press Officer for the Labour Party, 

 

Rhodri’s book mentions that Alun Michael is a distant relation by marriage of Blair’s big buddy, paedophiles’ friend Lord Bruce Grocott (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’).

 

As well as relying upon the paedophiles’ umbrella that was Lawrence Conway, another person upon whom Rhodri’s ship depended was Kevin Brennan. Brennan was Rhodri’s case worker, researcher, campaign manager and then Spad. Brennan sat on Cardiff City Council, 1991-01 and served as Chair of the Finance Committee, Chair of the Economic Scrutiny Committee and Vice-Chair of Economic Development.

Brennan stood down as Rhodri’s Spad to accept the nomination as the candidate for the Westminster constituency of Cardiff West, Rhodri’s old Westminster seat, after Rhodri stepped down to concentrate on his role as FM. Brennan was elected as the Labour MP for Cardiff West in 2001. Blair appointed him an Assistant Gov’t Whip in 2005 and in June 2007 Blair’s successor Gordon appointed Brennan as junior Minister for Children, Young People and Families in the new Department for Children, Schools and Families. Well who better for such a role than Kevin who kept quiet about so much organised child abuse whilst he spent all those years at Rhodri’s side?

Brennan then held the position of Parliamentary Secretary for the Cabinet Office in Gordon’s Gov’t, 2008-09; then Minister of State for Further Education, Skills, Apprenticeships and Consumer Affairs with responsibilities in both the Department of Education and the Department of Business, Innovation and Skills. Following the 2012 General Election, Brennan continued this role in a Shadow Ministerial capacity before Ed Miliband appointed him as Shadow Minister for Schools. Under Jeremy Corbyn, Brennan was Shadow Minister for Business, Innovation and Skills, 2015-16. He is at present Shadow Minister for Heritage and the Arts.

Brennan was born in Cwmbran. He went to St Alban’s RC High School in Pontypool and then Pembroke College, Oxford. Brennan graduated in 1982 and was elected President of the Oxford Union in the same year, with support from William Hague. Hague supported Brennan’s candidacy over those from the left of the Conservative faction in the Union. Brennan then returned to Wales  and completed a PGCE at University College Cardiff in 1985. Brennan also completed a Masters in Education Management at the University of Glamorgan (now the University of South Wales) in 1992.

In 1982, Brennan joined the Cwmbran Community Press as a journalist. He joined the NUT in 1984 before becoming a teacher at Radyr Comprehensive School in 1985 – Radyr was the village in which Rhodri grew up. Brennan left the school in 1994 as Head of the Economics Department. 

Brennan had a major triumph the year after he was elected to the Commons. In July 2002, the steel manufacturer Allied Steel and Wire (ASW) entered receivership and many of their employees were told they would not receive their full company pensions because of a fund shortfall. Brennan had many former workers of Allied Steel & Wire as constituents and he tabled an Early Day Motion in the Commons in Nov 2002 calling for compensation. Brennan threatened to table an amendment to the Pensions Bill if the Gov’t did not offer any help. After Brennan carried out his threat to table the amendment, The Indie reported that Tony Blair faced the ‘biggest backbench rebellion’ of his career. Ultimately, Brennan was successful. The BBC reported he was ‘instrumental in extracting the government’s commitment to establish a £400 million fund to provide compensation for workers who lost their pensions when their firms went bankrupt’.

No doubt the former steelworkers in Brennan’s constituency were most grateful, but I wonder how they would feel if they knew how their MP had twisted the arm of Tony ‘I’m a pretty straight kind of guy, but my wife is mates with God knows how many radical lawyers who ignored a vicious paedophile gang who killed some of their victims and I’ve put quite a few people in the Lords after they had done exactly the same thing’ Blair?

‘It was all a long time ago.’

Unfortunately those who built their careers upon the silence surrounding the dungeon, the rapes, the buggery, the beatings, the fatal car accidents, the bodies which were found hanging from trees, stairwells and in prison cells and the five people who were killed by the firebomb in 1992, are still with us.

Are you having a good time in Westminster Kevin? I bet it’s even better for freebies than Cardiff City Council!

In 2009, Brennan came under scrutiny during the expenses scandal for claiming various items, including a £450 television claimed for his London second home which was delivered to his family home in Cardiff. He claimed for bunk beds for his daughter while the expenses system was intended exclusively for items for the MPs use. Brennan said he bought from businesses in his constituency and the items were for use in his second home. He called the story a ‘smear with no basis in fact’. As opposed to my account of my experiences with the people whom Kevin protected for years, which is backed up by 10,000 documents…

In 2014, Brennan led a campaign with musician Billy Bragg to lift a blanket ban on prisoners having access to guitars. Brennnan held a Westminster Hall debate on the subject to try and get the Gov’t to overturn the ban, citing the importance and the efficacy of music as a means for the rehabilitation for prisoners. The Gov’t agreed and prisoners can now have access to the instruments. Does that include people still banged up because they were fitted up by the paedophiles’ friends Kev?

 

I’m thinking of Howard Hughes, who’s still languishing in prison after being convicted of the rape and murder of Sophie Hook in Llandudno in 1996 on the basis of absolutely no evidence at all except for the word of a convicted child molester (see post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’). The North Wales Police were forced to release Howard after they initially arrested him because they could find no reason to detain him for any longer. Then one of them searched Howard’s house and very conveniently found a stack of child porn. The pathologist who gave evidence at Howard’s trial was Donald Wayte, who is married to Avril Wayte – Avril presides over the notorious shambles that is the pathology service at the Betsi Board and she’s also a Trustee of Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Howard spent time in Bryn Estyn as a boy where he claims he was abused. His application for compensation was rejected on the grounds that he was a convicted sex offender himself. When he was a young man, Howard also passed through that other prison of the paedophiles, ‘a hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’, Garth Angharad.

Howard Hughes has learning disabilities and can barely read and write. But then the North Wales Police probably wrote his statement for him anyway.

 

Our Kev fancies himself as a bit of a popster. In 2016, following Jo Cox’s murder, Brennan put together the ‘Friends of Jo Cox’ to record a charity single to raise money for the Jo Cox Foundation. The Friends of Jo Cox included the Parliamentary rock band MP4, the Commons choir, MPs from other parties and a group of famous musicians. The song was a cover of The Rolling Stones’ ‘You Can’t Always Get What You Want’. The Stones waiving their royalties for the Jo Cox Foundation.

Kev – a former Denbigh patient used to wander around Bethesda destitute, visibly malnourished and badly neglected by the mental health services because ‘she is very difficult and we’re not helping her’. This lady repeatedly told me that when she was young she was a groupie who had sex with Mick Jagger. As far as I was concerned the jury was out on that one, but I do know that the same lady was sexually exploited by a number of other people who pretended that they didn’t know her. And a patient who was of a similar vintage to her was sterilised on the orders of the mental health services ‘because she’ll get pregnant’. That was certainly a risk, because the staff were shagging her. So next time that you see Mick Kev, perhaps you could ask him if he remembers the lady from Bethesda. While you’re at it you could also mention the words ‘Mandy Smith’ to Mick’s mate Bill Wyman.

Kev, the reason why the Windbag et al were protecting the reputation of the psych wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd as well as Dafydd’s empire at Denbigh was because the Windbag’s mate Tony Francis ran the empire at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Whilst I was on Tony Francis’s ward at Ysbyty Gwynedd I watched a 19 year old female patient receive a punch in the face from a adult male patient. No provocation at all from her, he just walked up and smacked her one. The matter was not reported to her parents and certainly not to the police. No-one could work out what the man who punched her was doing on the ward anyway. He was a drug user from Llandudno, didn’t seem to be distressed or ill himself and used to have stand up rows with the Angels boasting that he was homeless and was in hospital until he was housed and he ‘wasn’t going to a fucking hostel either’. He didn’t. He kipped in the hospital until a decent flat was found for him. Which was a bloody site more than anyone else got.

The drug patients were Dafydd’s responsibility. Dafydd had a few beds in Ysbyty Gwynedd…

 

Rhodri’s other Spad who hit the big time was of course Mark Drakeford, who was the Professor of Social Policy at Cardiff University. It was Drakeford who was responsible for Rhodri’s famous ‘Clear Red Water’ speech, which was used to signal that the Welsh Gov’t was not going to adopt Blair’s Third Way. Not only did Rhodri forget to use the key phrase ie. Clear Red Water, but Drakeford had previously worked as a social worker for Dyfed County Council whilst a paedophile gang with links to Dafydd et al was at work down there. Which was probably why the Welsh Gov’t had to roll over and have its tummy tickled by Blair when Blair felt like it, because none of them were actually in a position to stand up to him and tell him to take a running jump let alone put Clear Red Water between them and Westminster or indeed even implement any of the more radical ideas that Drakeford published as an academic.

When Drakeford became Health Minister in 2013 and the Top Doctors were busy causing havoc whilst still eliminating vulnerable people, Drakeford made a point of ‘sitting down and talking’ to the BMA. The BMA must have thought that Christmas had come. Drakeford obviously had a talent for sitting down and talking to people when he probably shouldn’t have. Rhodri’s book mentions how helpful it was that when Drakeford was his Spad, that Drakeford would hold regular ‘Saturday coffee meetings’ with Mike Hines, the Lib Dem Group Secretary, to ‘sound out’ the Lib Dems. I am not suggesting that Lib Dems cannot be socialised with, but something underhand must have been going on because Rhodri stressed how by Drakeford doing this there was ‘no trail’ back to Rhodri or any Ministers.

In the same way that Kevin Brennan took over Rhodri’s Westminster seat in 2001, Drakeford took over Rhodri’s Assembly seat of Cardiff West when Rhodri stepped down in 2011. Rhodri and Drakeford went back a long way. Drakeford is described by Rhodri as an ‘old friend from Cardiff West’ who was a South Glamorgan County Councillor when Rhodri was a newly elected MP in 1987. The South Glamorgan County Council that had as members of many other friends and relations of Rhodri – the South Glamorgan County Council that was involved in the scam that was the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) and was at the centre of much corruption (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’).

Then Drakeford was Rhodri’s Parliamentary agent in the 1992 General Election. The one which the Windbag and his coterie really thought that the Windbag was going to win. The one which John Major won just a few days before that firebomb killed the five witnesses to the paedophile ring in north Wales (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). The first police investigation into the possibility of the existence of a paedophile ring operating in north Wales took place in 1991-93. The North Wales Police concluded that no paedophile ring existed. Drakeford could have told them otherwise but he didn’t.

Rhodri mentions another one of his pals, Geoff Mungham, whom Rhodri describes as a ‘sociologist from Cardiff University’ although I note that Mungham’s senior lecturing post at Cardiff was in the Centre for Journalism Studies. Mungham died in 2003 and in his tribute to Mungham, Kevin Brennan stated that Mungham, through ‘his teaching probably did more to promote Cardiff to the world than any official agency’.

 

Mungham had been with the Centre of Journalism since 1971 and was a colleague of Brennan’s on Cardiff City Council. For many years Mungham was City Councillor for Splott. He was Secretary of the ‘Cardiff Says Yes’ Campaign for the Welsh Assembly.

Splott is a disadvantaged area of Cardiff. A friend of mine who was at medical school in Cardiff during the 1980s told me that she felt that a lot of the Top Doctors working in the University Hospital at Cardiff had a rather bad attitude to people in Splott and that this attitude was passed onto medical students. In those days, in their third year at Cardiff (ie. the first clinical year) the medical students used to be allocated a patient who was attending ante-natal clinics, to follow her through her pregnancy and the months afterwards, the idea being to study the development of a family. My mate was quite angry when the other students commiserated with her that her patient was from Splott. Particularly as the lady from Splott turned out to be very nice.

Cardiff City Councillors will have known that people from Splott were putting up with this sort of bigotry but they won’t have said a word.

 

Cardiff School of Journalism is very grandiose and pompous and has become particularly so since the arrival of Richard Tait, or as Tait’s mate Michael Grade emphasises, PROFESSOR Richard Tait. That’s the Michael Grade who in the 1980s offered his ticket to the Edinburgh Festival to Leon’s Brittan’s brother Samuel, after Samuel threw a hissy fit because the fully booked and sold out Festival couldn’t provide him with a ticket and accommodation at the last minute when he demanded it. How do I know this? Because my mate was working in the box office and was the person who refused to pull strings for Samuel Brittan, Samuel Brittan then wrote to Big Mike and Big Mike wrote back to Brittan telling him how appalled he was that my friend wouldn’t work a fiddle. My friend’s head was demanded on a plate but as a consequence she was given copies of the correspondence between Samuel Brittan and Michael Grade and we all had a good laugh at Michael Grade’s shameless toadying. We realised what the purpose of the toadying was when Grade became head of Channel Four not long after.

Michael Grade is now a Tory peer and everyone bangs on about his charisma and how you can tell that he’s got leadership qualities because he wears red braces and matching socks. Which as far as I can see, anyone can do although not everyone has spent their lives toadying to people because their brother is a Home Secretary. A Home Secretary who presided over a thoroughly rotten Home Office, who is known to have covered-up very serious crime related to the organised abuse of children and who has been named as a possible abuser himself.

The climax of Richard Tait’s journalistic career was ‘Nationwide’, which featured Frank Bough and Michael Barratt as well as Richard Stilgoe playing a piano and singing little ditties. Frank Bough obviously had rather more about him because he was subsequently the centre of a scandal involving prostitutes and bingeing on drugs and the BBC kicked him out. Which was a little inconsistent with their remarkably tolerant attitude to Jimmy Savile.

Richard Tait was a BBC Governor and when the Governors were abolished because of the row over Hutton, Tait was allowed to stay on with Michael Grade as a member of the new BBC Trust. Whilst Tait was a Governor, he Chaired the Governors’ Programme Complaints Committee, which heard appeals against complaints regarding BBC programmes. One of the complaints which Tait investigated came from a viewer who had watched a BBC programme about worms which was presented by Ben Fogle. Ben Fogle had described the worms as ‘slippery little suckers’ and the outraged viewer wrote in and complained because he was convinced that Ben had called the worms ‘slippery little fuckers’. I presume that the viewer in question must have been a sort of Dafydd, someone who just experiences imaginary unacceptable goings-on all around them all the time and complains (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate). The BBC explained that the Complaints Committee had watched the programme four times and that the word used to describe the worms was definitely ‘suckers’.

So that’s what PROFESSOR Richard Tait, friend of Michael Grade, actually does with his time between the pompousing, the dinners and the meetings.

However, I’m sure that Richard Tait could prove very useful indeed to colleagues at Cardiff who might have close connections to Rhodri and would prefer that certain matters did not ever find their way into the media.

One of Geoff Mungham’s specialist areas was ‘political propaganda’.

‘Redesigning Democracy: The Making Of The Welsh Assembly’ is a volume co-authored by Geoff Mungham and Kevin Morgan. Kevin Morgan currently holds a Chair in the School of Geography and Planning at Cardiff and he is also Dean for Engagement at Cardiff. Kevin Morgan did his first degree at Leicester University in the mid 1970s. Whilst a great many people in that institution were concealing the activities of Greville Janner who was elected as a Labour MP in 1974 (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). Janner’s family came from Cardiff and Janner was born there. The Janners are a legal family and Greville Janner had many links with both the Labour Party and the legal world in south Wales. From the late 1970s until 1989 Morgan worked in Sussex University, which is located at Brighton. The kids in care in north Wales were trafficked to brothels in Brighton and London owned by John Allen. The firebomb which killed the five north Wales witnesses was thrown into a building in Brighton. I would imagine that Kevin Morgan might well have known something about sex trafficking in Brighton whilst he lived there as a result of the sort of research that he was involved with. Kevin Morgan has been a member of and Chaired numerous Welsh Gov’t committees.

 

Rhodri’s autobiography mentions another academic whom he knew, Drakeford’s friend Mike Sullivan, Professor of Social Policy at Swansea University. Mike Sullivan is also Swansea University’s Vice President (Strategic Partnerships), Director Designate of the Morgan Academy – now which Morgan would that be named after? – and the Vice Chancellor’s Adviser (External Relations). Sullivan’s Chair is in the School of Management, because Richard Davies, the VC whom Mike advises, shut down great swathes of Swansea University some years ago, including the Social Sciences bit. Richard Davies was also accused of giving jobs to his friends and there was such discord that the staff protested to the University Visitor – which was HM Queen Lilibet – in an attempt to have Davies removed.

Davies wasn’t removed, which might have been related to Swansea University being virtually run by the friends and relatives of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). No doubt as long as there is a job for Rhodri’s brother Prys and others close to Rhodri’s heart, Richard Davies will stay. Richard Davies even gave Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain a job after Chamberlain retired from St George’s Hospital Medical School, after Chamberlain had concealed a paedophile gang of which one member was the Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke and serious misconduct, including a major research fraud which resulted in Chamberlain having to resign as President of the Royal College of Obstetricians and Gynaecologists (see post ‘I  Don’t Believe It!’).

Richard Davies also gave a home to Professor Hilary Lappin-Scott after she departed from Bangor University against her will, having single-handedly nearly destroyed the place during her short but notable time there (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 16 2017’). Satan-Scott was given control of Swansea’s Business School – I don’t know why, because she’s a microbiologist, but then she declared herself to be a gender specialist on the grounds that she was female (Hilary – men have a gender too). After Hilary took over the management of Swansea’s Business School, allegations of workplace bullying flew, there were numerous staff resignations, people gave jobs to their wives and friends and the students held a protest because they claimed that the Business School had acquired such a dreadful reputation that their degrees had been devalued as a result.

 

Mike Sullivan’s web page explains that he has worked as an applied social scientist for the last 30 years. He is an ‘acknowledged international authority’ on the politics of social policy and has carried out research on: the Labour party and social reform, the effectiveness of educational systems; devolution and social policy and the impact of state intervention on family and kinship patterns. Mike has acted as a consultant to the Serbian, Montenegrin and Hungarian governments in developing frameworks for public policy.

Over the last decade, Mike has provided advice and developed health policy for the Welsh Government. From 2007 to 2010 he was Spad on public policy to Rhodri. Mike has worked extensively with local authorities, the NHS and the Third Sector.

So Mike knows all about the mountain of shit as well then – although it doesn’t feature in his publications. Which will be why in 2010 Mike was elected to a Fellowship of the Royal Society of Medicine ‘in recognition of his contribution to health policy development and analysis’.

Mike claims that ‘he never wished to become part of University management but somehow it happened’. Just like that! Richard Davies’s adviser – it can happen to anyone.

 

There was another high profile figure in the Labour Party who was around for most of Rhodri’s career about whom I have so far said very little on this blog. I was reminded by someone who left a comment recently that I do need to discuss him. That is Robin Cook.

Because of the way that Robin Cook died and this happening not long after he fell out with Blair over the invasion of Iraq, a number of conspiracy theories have arisen as a result of Cook’s death. I tend to think of this when I think of Robin Cook, particularly since I met people in Scotland who really did seem to think that someone had helped Robin wave a fond farewell to this world.

The other thing that I always remember about Robin Cook is that he was married to a Top Doctor, always referred to as ‘Mrs Cook’, who exacted a very effective revenge after Cook left her for his secretary Gaynor. Mrs Cook wrote a splendid book which put the boot into Robin in a very entertaining way and did him a great deal of damage. Mrs Cook’s book among other things alleged on the part of Robin Cook serial adultery, excessive drinking, contempt for his colleagues in the Labour Party and dreadful personal habits. Mrs Cook acquired a cult following and was given a job as an agony aunt in a newspaper or magazine and she also took to the airwaves in Scotland and began broadcasting. I went on holiday to The Gambia just after Mrs Cook had published her book and I was gobsmacked to find that Mrs Cook was the talk of The Gambia as well – they had heard about her on the World Service. I was really impressed when a number of people asked me if I knew Mrs Cook – well I suppose that I was from the UK, so I could have bumped into her somewhere. During the discussions that I had about Mrs Cook in The Gambia, I discovered that the reason why she’d taken The Gambia by storm was that she was being compared to the wives of African leaders and as one young man told me ‘no wife of an African leader would ever have dared do that’. Well they aren’t Mrs Cook.

When I realised the extent of the pleasing of the Top Doctors that had gone on among Labour Party figures and the wilful ignoring of the naked greed and criminal behaviour of some leading lights in the BMA, I did bear in mind that Mrs Cook was a Top Doctor – a consultant haematologist – and that she and her network will have been ruthlessly colluded with. What I had missed however was that during his time as the MP for Edinburgh Central, 1974-83 and Livingstone, 1983-05, Robin Cook served as the Shadow Secretary of State for the DHSS, 1987-89 and then as Shadow Secretary of State for Health, 1989-92, under the Windbag. That puts Cook at the scene of a great many crimes – the Windbag ignored some pretty horrific things on the part of the paedophiles’ friends during those years. The death of Michael Carr MP at the hands of Walton Hospital (see post ‘News From Sicily’) for one, as well as the excesses and serious crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see posts ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Cook was a Scottish Labour politician so he will have known much about the people and the events discussed in my post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’,  as well as all the other dirt that everyone at Westminster picked up. Medicine is an incredibly incestuous world and Mrs Cook being a Top Doctor in Scotland married to an MP who later became a Cabinet Minister – Foreign Secretary at that – will have mixed with the best in Top Doctor Circles. Mrs Cook will have known Dr Death, as well as Sir Kenneth Calman, who served as Chief Medical Officer for Scotland as well as for England and Wales and who moved mountains in terms of concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part V’). Mrs Cook will have known Sam Galbraith, the Top Doctor who was begged to become a Labour MP by someone whilst the Windbag led the Party just when it looked as though all might be revealed about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘I Warn You…’). The plan to get Big Sam on side rather backfired on the Windbag and Tony Francis, because Sam Galbraith turned out to be a complete shit who didn’t have any interest in being a politician, who insulted the rest of them and who made it quite clear that they were a load of fools and that he was a neurosurgeon who was going to do what he felt like and furthermore the purpose of Gov’t chauffeurs and official cars was to take Galbraith out from Glasgow to his boat at weekends.

Rhodri states in his book that he was friends with Sam Galbraith.

Windbag – was there anyone at all whom you wouldn’t toady to in your attempts to become PM? Sam Galbraith must have been the worst recruitment decision that you ever made, you might as well have invited Dafydd to become a Minister, he’d have probably done less damage.

 

Robin Cook has to shoulder a great deal of the blame for the idiocy which reigned supreme under the Windbag – it was Cook who managed the Windbag’s leadership campaign in 1983. Cook was considered a moderniser and assisted the Windbag and Mandy in this.

Cook went back a long way, he was an MP in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Gov’ts so he will have known about the skulduggery over which they presided and the scandals that they kept quiet – including George Thomas and Greville Janner and of course politicians from other parties doing equally unsavoury things such as Cyril Smith, Jeremy Thorpe and Sir Peter Morrison. Cook was a member of the Tribune group of the PLP and in 1988 was elected to the NEC.

Mrs Cook may have known another Top Doctor who facilitated the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles – Dr DGE Wood, the corrupt GP. Wood came from the Bristol area, went to Bristol Medical School and his parents continued to live down there after Wood moved to north Wales. Wood’s father was a Top Doctor as well. Mrs Cook came from Bristol and she and Robin were married there. Evidence in my possession shows that Wood was very pro-active in approaching people who were in a position to assist him in running the sex trafficking ring or doing me damage – I also think that Wood had some sort of connection with Dr Death.

In true Top Doctor style, Mrs Cook delivered a boot to the groin of Blair and the Gov’t in 2002. She resigned from her job as a Top Doctor, claiming that the NHS was being used by Blair’s Ministers as a ‘political football’. Of course it was Mrs Cook and the Top Doctors took maximum advantage of that. If the NHS wasn’t used as a political football, Dafydd et al would have simply been arrested and charged – instead the BMA used the desperation among politicians to conceal what was going on to negotiate high salaries for themselves. Mrs Cook’s criticisms sound very familiar – there’s not enough money for Top Doctors, there’s a recruitment crisis and she can’t bear the stress anymore. Just imagine the stress if you were illegally imprisoned in a dungeon in Denbigh Mrs Cook and everybody ignored the crimes of the person who had done it.

Mrs Cook was a haematologist. So she’d know about the ‘tainted blood’ scandal – which resulted in NHS patients knowingly being given infected blood products over many years under different Gov’ts, many of those patients subsequently dying. Mrs Cook would also know about other blood borne infections. Such as HIV. Furthermore Mrs Cook worked in a hospital in Edinburgh – in the late 80s/early 90s Edinburgh had one of the worst rates of HIV infection.

Mrs Cook will have known that the only way that Chief Medical Officer Sir Donald Acheson persuaded Thatcher and Norman Fowler to allow the ‘Don’t Die Of Ignorance’ HIV public education campaign which made references to gay sex was because Acheson had explained slowly and clearly that this was an infection which led to a terminal illness, that there was no effective treatment and that the chances of becoming infected were particularly high if people were having promiscuous gay sex. As Thatcher and Fowler knew damn well that some of their colleagues were using rent boys for this purpose and could well die, the public education campaign was given the go ahead. Mrs Cook will also have known that the young men dying of AIDS in the late 80s receiving visits from Princess Diana who ‘had been rejected by their families’ were very frequently the kids who had grown up in care and had been trafficked for sex. They died without anyone admitting what had happened (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

 

Someone else who knew about the gore that was being kept quiet by the DoH was David Miliband. Rhodri Morgan wrote the Health part of the 1992 Welsh Labour manifesto with the Health Advisory Group – although I don’t remember seeing any mention of the abuse and trafficking of kids in care and then keeping them in a dungeon if they complained in that manifesto. Miliband was working as an advisor at the time and argued with Rhodri over the wording of the manifesto – Miliband wanted a form of wording that the NHS unions and the Socialist Health Association would be happy with. They just mustn’t be upset must they.

Gov’t car for you and your family out to your boat on a Saturday Dr Galbraith? No problem.

 

David Miliband did of course share the same Uncle Harry who was popularised by Ed Miliband. Uncle Harry aka Professor Harry Keen who inspired and cared and was dedicated to the NHS. Uncle Harry who had a Chair at Guy’s and St Thomas’s, who’s colleagues became millionaires by abandoning their NHS patients whilst they buggered off down to Harley Street for the rest of the day – the Guys and Tommy’s where Dafydd’s mate Professor Jim Watson established his sex therapy clinic, after having slummed it over at St George’s for years where he’d concealed the paedophile gang along with everyone else there (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Uncle Harry was a member of the Socialist Health Association (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’). As was Dr Brian Gibbons, who was appointed Health Minister in Rhodri’s Welsh Gov’t and who wrote to me saying that ‘this correspondence is over’ when I told him that I had documentary evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales.

 

David Miliband will have known about the abuse of vulnerable people before 1992, because his first job after he left university in 1989 was as a political analyst at the National Council for Voluntary Organisations (NCVO). Not only were many of the organisations under that umbrella concealing the abuse of vulnerable people – such as MIND – but many of the people working in the NCVO, particularly at senior levels, had concealed abuse and wrongdoing themselves in their previous jobs in services where vulnerable people, including children, had been abused.

From 1989-94, Miliband worked as a Research Fellow and policy analyst at the  IPPR. He was appointed Secretary of the IPPR’s Commission on Social Justice upon its foundation in 1992 by the then leader of the Labour Party, John Smith.

Uncle Harry’s nephew is certainly a man who knows about social justice. He must have been good at keeping his mouth shut as well because in 1994 Blair appointed Miliband as Head of Policy and he contributed to Labour’s 1997 General Election manifesto. After Labour’s election victory, Blair made Miliband the de facto head of the PM’s Policy Unit, a position which Miliband held until 2001.

In 2001 David Miliband was elected as Labour MP for South Shields. So Miliband joined all those other mates of Blair’s in the north east who were keeping the lid on the paedophile ring up there which had operated for years and had strong links to Dafydd’s lot in north Wales.

As far as Miliband goes, the rest is history – Minister of State for the Cabinet Office, Foreign Secretary, mate of Hillary Clinton’s and now the President of the International Rescue Committee.

And it all began when Miliband ensured that the wording of the 1992 Labour manifesto was acceptable to people who were colluding with a paedophile gang…

 

Obviously with Rhodri having an interest in health policy, Rhodri was keen to contribute in any way that he could, so he supplied bad news NHS stories to the Mirror, to let everyone know just how much patients suffer under Tory Cuts. As opposed to when Tony Blair chucks money at the Top Doctors and Mrs Cook still tells everyone that it’s all dreadful and the stress has made her resign, in the same way that many GPs are now retiring in their mid to late 50s because they can’t take anymore. It does of course help that their pension pots are so big that unlike most other people – except of course the Denbigh nurses who retired at 55 to spend time on their yachts or at their second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter from North East Wales MIND’) – GPs can retire in their 50s and still enjoy a comfortable life.

 

The Wales NHS horse was mercilessly flogged again for the 1997 General Election campaign. Blair made a campaign visit to Wales on 2 Feb and he visited Ty Maeth, the HQ of the RCN in the grounds of the University Hospital of Wales. Rhodri’s wife Julie was the host MP! Julie was present at the public unveiling of the RCN’s new childcare system. As Julie Morgan was a former social worker who’s colleagues were involved in concealing child abuse and Julie had previously been the Deputy Director of Barnardo’s whilst some Barnardo’s staff abused children in their care and also had links to Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales, Julie was clearly the right person to be doing that. Whilst Blair was being taken on the RCN tour of North Korea, elaborate plans were being laid in north Wales to transfer me to a secure unit after framing me for ‘threatening’ an Angel – an Angel who would, a few months after Blair met the NHS staff of Pyongyang, obligingly perjure herself (see posts ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ and ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’). Blair’s tour also included a visit to the University of Glamorgan (now known as the University of South Wales), an institution which has excelled in giving honorary degrees and fellowships to those who have protected the paedophiles and patient batterers, including the Director of the RCN in Wales, Tina Donnelly (see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’).

 

John Major also visited north Wales in the 1997 General Election campaign. He gave his last Welsh Conservative Party speech before the election at Kinsale Hall Hotel, Flintshire, at the heart of the paedophiles’ biggest umbrella. Kinsale Hall Hotel is near to Holywell and the other places where many former staff of the North Wales Hospital lived. Whilst Major was addressing the paedophiles’ friends, not so far away in Ewloe Sir Ronnie Waterhouse had opened the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

There are a couple of other references in Rhodri’s book to visits to Paedophilia Central by senior New Labour figures at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry. Philip Gould went to Wrexham to conduct two of those focus groups which made him a laughing stock. The focus groups in question concerned people’s views on devolution. New Labour didn’t bother to dispatch anyone to make any inquiries about the paedophile gang which had its centre at Wrexham in the guise of Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn for so many years. Nearly every councillor and MP in the region was colluding with the gang, but someone could have had a word with the Labour Wrexham Councillor Malcolm King who was the one person who wasn’t (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’).

 

When the devolution campaign begun, Blair himself arrived in Wrexham. I bet he gave Councillor King a wide berth. Rhodri states that Blair was greeted as a Messiah and that there was a huge turn out. From what is now known about how Thatcher’s and Blair’s campaigns were organised, it was highly probable that there was nothing spontaneous about that huge turn out.

 

Previously on this blog I have discussed how the trade unions not only failed to blow the whistle on the abuse of children in care and psychiatric patients but actually provided abusers with protection in terms of legal advice and support even in cases where it was admitted that they had abused the people whom they were paid to care for (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People?’). David Williams, a former Angel from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh held senior roles in COHSE for decades and ended up as the General Secretary.  The corrupt MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School were using their knowledge of criminal wrongdoing to simply gain more power and status for themselves.

In terms of those abusing children in care, NUPE and NALGO defended them under all circumstances. Some of those accused of abuse, including in north Wales, were shop stewards in these unions. Whistleblowers found that these unions would not respond to their concerns. Although Alison Taylor was a paid-up member of NUPE when she raised concerns about the abuse of children in north Wales and when Gwynedd County Council took disciplinary action against her, NUPE dropped their representation of Alison after being subject to ‘persuasion’ by Gwynedd County Council. One social worker in north Wales who was guilty of serious abuse of children was nonetheless represented by NALGO who negotiated an early retirement package for him. A psychiatrist’s letter was produced in support. I think that I can guess which psychiatrist might have written that letter.

There is no doubt that people at the top of the unions representing abusers knew what the score was and exactly whom they were protecting (see post ‘Mary Turner – An Appreciation’ and ‘I Warn You…’).

Rhodri’s book supplies the names of some of the key figures in the union movement in Wales – Rhodri himself was associated with the TGWU. George Wright is mentioned as the Welsh T&G Area Regional Secretary. Wright became General Secretary of the TGWU and General Secretary of the Wales TUC. Wright famously stated that he knew what his members wanted and that was ‘one person, one vote: I’m the person’. Wright was a protege of the TGWU’s leader Jack Jones. These were very powerful men at one time. If they had wanted to take on Dafydd and the paedophiles they could have. Rhodri mentions that Wright’s deputy in running the Wales Region of the T&G was Jim Hancock – Hancock was Chair of the Welsh Labour Executive.

Jim Hancock became Regional Secretary of the TGWU. In Nov 2000 the TGWU was accused of ignoring local people in Bethesda at a commemoration of the centenary of the Penrhyn Quarry lock-out. The dispute was an historic one and was a key step in the development of trade unionism. The TGWU inherited the mantle of the pioneering old North Wales Quarrymen’s Union, which merged with the TGWU in the 1950s. People in Bethesda were not only not invited to the event but few of them even know about it. Tom Jones, the organiser of the TGWU in north Wales, stated that no snub had been intended.

Among the ‘VIPs’ who were invited were Rhodri; Derek Gregory, the Chairman of TUC Cymru; the actor John Ogwen (who came from Bethesda); paedophiles’ friend Glyn Owen, the Chairman of Gwynedd County Council; paedophiles’ friend Betty Williams, Labour MP for Conwy; Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, Presiding Officer of the National Assembly and Tom Jones, Jim Hancock and Jimmy Elsby, representing the TGWU.

I have heard Dafydd Elis-Thomas speak about the need to rescue the patients and then close down the Hergest Unit and I saw him give a paedophiles’ friend a good bollocking for giving Wales a bad name on one occasion, but I am not aware that ANY of the other ‘VIPs’ named above had ever shown any interest at all in the plight of the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles – and Glyn Owen and Betty Williams were most definitely of the paedophiles’ friends themselves. Gwynedd County Council hosted the paedophile gang – Owen was Chairman and Betty Williams had sat on the Council for years whilst the paedophile gang were busy. Betty also failed to respond to Hergest patients who contacted her after they had suffered abuse at the hands of staff and had me thrown out of Tesco when she was campaigning in there after I asked her why she was ignoring what was going on in the Hergest Unit.

In 2005 a ding dong in Court revealed serious abuses of procedure at the TGWU. Hancock was named in the case as was Mr Harriet Harman aka Jack Dromey.

 

In 2010 the UCU expressed fears about the future of Coleg Harlech after Jim Hancock was commissioned by the Welsh Gov’t to report on the future of the Coleg and recommended that there should be no more investment there. Coleg Harlech has now died a death, which is a great pity because I know some people who maintain that Coleg Harlech transformed their lives and some very good historians were employed there, although sadly there was a contingent of paedophiles’ friends lurking within.

As the UCU shed tears over the future of Coleg Harlech, it reminded everyone that what ‘makes Coleg Harlech so unique is the residential provision it offers. For the most vulnerable learners, including ex-offenders, people with mental health conditions and drug addicts that have kicked their habits, this is vital.  It places them in a safe, supportive environment where they can learn and where they can begin to turn their lives around’.

So the well-paid of north Wales suddenly woke up to the fact that the scant educational provision for the people whom had been kicked in the teeth for decades whilst the well-paid remained silent was about to disappear and that the well-paid were in danger of losing their jobs. Christ, let’s have a campaign!

Whilst UCU shed crocodile years over the fate of vulnerable students, Eileen Tilley, the UCU rep at Bangor University, colluded with the paedophiles’ friends in attacks on those who had spilt the paedophiles’ pints (see post ‘News Round Up, May 12 2017′) because Eileen wanted a seat on the National Executive of UCU.

In 2001 Coleg Harlech merged with the WEA (north Wales). The north Wales WEA was/is dominated by the paedophiles’ friends. I witnessed one such leading light in the WEA -Annie Williams – give a lecture on the plight of the insane and the poor in Beaumaris in previous centuries. Annie got quite a few things wrong but luckily there was someone in the audience who actually knew about the subject and was able to advise Annie. At one point Annie pretended to cry at the knowledge of how the insane and destitute were treated in those days and she made comparisons with the Tory Cuts of today. One of Annie Williams’s colleagues at the WEA is friendly with an Angel in the Hergest Unit who is mistreating one of his kids. Annie’s colleague knows about this but is protecting the Angel and asked me to stop telling people that patients were being abused in Hergest.

When Annie Williams found out that I had an interest in Wimmins’ Studies (or as some of us would say, gender theory) and that I worked at Bangor University, Annie presumed that I worked with Meri Huws aka the Crack of Doom. I explained that I didn’t and mentioned the name of the person whom I did work with, a man who had come under serious attack for spilling the pints of the paedophiles. Annie made a contemptuous noise, wrinkled her nose, walked away and didn’t speak to me again. Well my former colleague might be in possession of testicles Annie, but he’d have never made the elementary mistakes that you made in your lecture. Neither did he collude with a gang of child molesters and those who protected them.

 

 

 

 

Other bigwigs from the TGWU in Wales with whom Rhodri was mates were Nev Taylor, Teifion Davies and John Bingham.

Liz Lewis was the north Wales TGWU organiser. I have not been able to find out anything about Liz other than that she was based among the paedophiles’ friends in Flintshire. There is a passing reference to Liz Lewis on a ‘Red Watch’ website which seems to have been created by some sort of far-right group and features photos and info about who Red Watch believes are dangerous Commie revolutionaries.

Two of my former colleagues from Bangor University are featured on the website. One of them is Julia Wardhaugh, a criminologist whom Red Watch believes is a ‘Marxist Feminist’ and an expert in ‘hate speech’. Red Watch, you really don’t need to worry about Julia – she caused much resentment at Bangor because she could barely make it into work most days. She has sat in Bangor University for years drawing a senior lecturer’s salary whilst much more junior staff – or even unpaid postgrads – do virtually all of her work for her. I never worked out whether Julia was a paedophiles’ friend because I only ever saw her about a dozen times during the years that I worked in the same academic dept as her. I used to speculate with a friend about what Julia actually DID when she wasn’t coming to work. Did she just sit at home watching TV? Or was she going on Himalayan expeditions? She could have been doing the latter because she wasn’t seen for months at a time. The occasions on which Julia did appear however were when meetings were being held to discuss plans to oppose any redundancies in the university. She made sure that she turned up to them. You have nothing to worry about Red Watch, Julia Wardhaugh will not be leading the revolution, she could never be bothered to put in the effort required.

Another Dangerous Revolutionary outed by Red Watch was Professor Charlotte Williams, formerly of Bangor University, latterly of Keele University. Charlotte Williams was a good deal more industrious than Julia and Charlotte is one of the few people who has published intelligent work on black ethnic identity and Welshness. Charlotte has thought about that a lot, because she is black, grew up in Bethesda but is not Welsh speaking and throughout her whole life has been told that she isn’t really Welsh. Charlotte Williams is well known in north Wales because she was subjected to an all out hate campaign by a group of paedophiles’ friends. God they hated Charlotte, they made her life hell. She was subjected to overt racism for daring to be black and when a leaving party was held for her at Bangor it was attended by a paedophiles’ friend who told a student ‘I am only going to make sure that she does leave’. Whatever Charlotte published was trashed by a paedophiles’ friend – usually a deeply unpleasant man called Glyn Williams aka Glyn Patagonia. She never achieved the recognition that she deserved which was why she left Bangor University – it was quite clear that Charlotte was never going to be given the Chair that she obviously should have one day. She went to Keele and was given a Chair very quickly.

However there is a huge mystery surrounding Charlotte. She absolutely must have been a paedophiles’ friend herself. She spent decades working in social work, both as a social worker, a tutor and then as Director of Social Work at Bangor University. She sat on numerous Welsh Gov’t committees advising on social work throughout the paedophile years and was awarded the standard gong of the paedophiles’ friends, an OBE. Charlotte grew up and worked for virtually her entire career in the midst of Paedophilia Central. She definitely knew what was happening but as far as I understood – and I knew a number of people who knew Charlotte well and liked her – she never, ever said one word or raised a concern about the rampant serious abuse which she knew was happening. She was also very frosty to me and avoided me like the plague although she knew that I was good friends with someone who had been very supportive to her.

I have to be fair and entertain the notion that Charlotte might have been simply scared shitless of the murdering bastards. Well you’ve retired now Charlotte, you are well away from them and I think that as a key witness to what they did, you now need to come forward and give evidence.

I don’t know where Charlotte is living now, but after a life and career spent in north Wales she upped and went to Australia for a few years, but later returned to the UK. As I remember, Charlotte felt the call of Oz just as Operation Pallial launched the re-investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Charlotte must have returned at some point after the Macur Review confirmed that Waterhouse was no cover-up and that the paedophile ring in north Wales was not linked with rings anywhere else and there were no Westminster figures involved. I don’t think that Lady Justice Macur interviewed witnesses though. She couldn’t, they’d buggered off to Australia after they got wind that the Review would be taking place.

 

So there were a great many people providing protection to a paedophile gang and those who facilitated it. The unions of course paid for the best legal representation. The solicitors of the GMB were a company called Leo Abse and Cohen…

 

There was a Labour MP who was also a great friend of Dafydd and the paedophiles who has so far escaped being mentioned on this blog. Gareth Thomas, the MP for Clwyd West, 1997-05.

Gareth Thomas ticks just about every box in terms of the criteria needed to be of outstanding service to Dafydd and the paedophiles. Thomas was born in Penygroes in Gwynedd, but grew up on Merseyside – however he is a fluent Welsh speaker. He graduated in law from Aberystwyth University in 1976 and worked in the insurance industry and in the West Indies. Since 1986 Thomas has been a barrister in private practice, specialising in personal injury. Thomas is a member of AMICUS. MSF, the union whose corrupt reps at St George’s concealed so much wrongdoing, became part of AMICUS after a merger.

Gareth Thomas was a member of Flintshire County Council, 1995-97 and in 2001 was appointed PPS to Paul Murphy, Secretary of State for Wales. In 2002 he moved with Murphy when Murphy was appointed Secretary of State for N Ireland.

Thomas lives near Ruthin and now works as a barrister at Atlantic Chambers Liverpool.

Blair must have been delighted to have Thomas representing that seat whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was going on and then when the cover-up was published.

 

 

 

Previous posts including ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’ provided details of the insanity and corruption which prevailed (and still does prevail) in the mental health services in north Wales, as evidenced by the documents in my possession – the lies being told about and to patients, the complete failure to investigate the most serious complaints and the lies subsequently told that complaints had been properly investigated but had been found to be groundless, the constant attempts to prosecute patients who had complained, the admissions that staff were committing perjury to do this and the collusion with all this by scores of people at the highest echelons, as well as by numerous lawyers.

I mentioned that I have many documents that contain clues that documents have been forged or amended/written at a later date than claimed. This seems to be true of a number of documents which are alleged to be correspondence between Alun Davies and the Welsh Office in 1988 and 1989.

In July 1989 an inquiry was finally held into my earlier very serious complaints about Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services, regarding events in 1986-87. The hearing was organised by Professor Robert Owen the corrupt Medical Ombudsman appointed by the Welsh Office (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) and was led by Professor Robert Bluglass, who was as corrupt as the rest of them, who knew Dafydd and was a close colleague of Tony Francis’s former mentor Ian Brockington (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’). Most aspects of my complaint were not even investigated and evidence from an Angel that Dafydd had lied to Bluglass during the hearing was ignored as was evidence from Angels that Dafydd had entered into a corrupt deal with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station to unlawfully arrest and imprison me (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). Bluglass concluded that Dafydd and paedophiles were ‘caring’ people who had been ‘harassed’ by me and that I was a psychopath with a ‘homicidal capacity’ who would ‘end up in Broadmoor’.

It was very, very difficult ever getting that farce of an investigation. Letters from me to NHS officials were simply ignored, which is where these allegations of me ‘harassing’ people arose from. I had to write to both Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities repeatedly, because I was either not receiving replies or when I did, barefaced lies were told. Gwynedd Social Services refused to speak to me even on the phone and after only my second letter of complaint to them they served an injunction on me preventing me from writing to them ever again – an injunction gained on the basis of the perjury of two social workers, one of whom had never met me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). My complaint re Gwynedd Social Services was that I had been threatened by Alun Davies and then unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd by one of their social workers. I now have documents that demonstrate that was exactly what happened. The complaint has never been investigated. Months after serving the injunction on me, Gwynedd Social Services tried to have me imprisoned for breaching it – on the basis of their staff perjuring themselves in Court in Chester (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

The letters written to other people by Mr D. Hinchliffe, the administrator at the North Wales Hospital, demonstrate that Hinchliffe repeatedly wrote to Dafydd after I complained, but Dafydd ignored Hinchliffe’s letters. Peter Higson couldn’t get a reply out of Dafydd either and Hinchliffe and Higson agreed that Dafydd wasn’t following complaints procedures. Their solution was for Hinchliffe to write to me and tell me that my complaint had been investigated and was found to be groundless. This was happening during 1987. The letters demonstrating that this was happening were written by D. Keith Jones – a senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital – David Ewart at the Mental Health Act Commission Regional Office in Liverpool and Dr Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority, as well as by Dafydd, Hinchliffe and Higson. Names mentioned on the letters – people who were colluding with this way of dealing with serious complaint – included Terence James (social worker) and Dr Ramiah Ramaiah, one of Dafydd’s corrupt Top Doctor associates who turned up to ‘assess’ me whilst I was in Denbigh and concluded that I was most wicked . All of these people were involved in a flat refusal to ensure that any investigation took place and that a series of lies were told to me and indeed about me.

On July 13 1987 Hinchliffe wrote to Dr Duncan Egdell regarding Dafydd not responding to my complaints. The letter explains that the Mental Health Act Commission were also complaining about delays in response to their complaints and that they will be writing to Clwyd Health Authority. Hinchliffe states ‘I am therefore writing to advise you of the current situation and at the request of the Members of the Health Authority attached to the Unit [North Wales Hospital] to see whether you could offer any assistance in resolving the situation’. CC Mrs Mars-Jones, Mr Drennan.

Mrs Mars-Jones – referred to on another document as Mrs D. Mars-Jones – I am fairly sure is the wife of David Mars-Jones from near Denbigh. I think that David Mars-Jones is the younger brother of Sir William Mars-Jones, corrupt judge and paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). I have been sent information alleging that Mars-Jones’s son Adam – who became a very well-known novelist – as a young man used to visit Bryn Alyn. Adam Mars-Jones is gay and wrote a biography of his father in which he claims that his father was incredibly homophobic and thought that Adam could be ‘cured’ by sex with the right sort of (female) people. I presume that Mrs Mars-Jones was a member of Clwyd Health Authority.

Letters written by Dafydd to Hinchliffe (dated 21 July 1987) and by David Ewart to Hinchliffe (dated 8 Aug 1987) make reference to the plan and attempt by Dafydd to have me framed and imprisoned for ‘attempting to stab a doctor with a knife’) (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). Ewart himself was fully on board with this conspiracy.

A letter from Duncan Egdell to Hinchliffe dated 27 July 1987 states that ‘I enclose herewith for your information and that of Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan (to whom I am copying this), a copy of a letter I have today sent to Dr DA Jones though I have not indicated that on the top copy that I am doing so. I do hope it achieves the desired effect and shall look forward to hearing whether it does’. Copies to Mrs D. Mars-Jones and Mr R.F. Drennan.

What was going on? I can find no clues among my documents as to what Egdell was up to – but it was obviously a bit of deception involving Hinchliffe, Dafydd, Mrs Mars-Jones and Mr Drennan.

David Ewart wrote to Hinchliffe on 11 Sep 1987 pointing out that the Mental Health Act Commission still hadn’t had answers to two questions posed in their letter of 11 June. By this time Ewart had probably found out that the plan to imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a junior doctor’ had not worked. Ewart had initially been under the mistaken belief that they’d got away with it because Dafydd jumped the gun and wrote to Ewart telling him that I had been taken to Risley Remand Centre – Dafydd didn’t realise at that time that the police had protected me from further false allegations by Janice Davies the senior nurse at the North Wales Hospital and that a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd had made a statement which evidenced that it was a lie that I had tried to stab someone and so I had been released from Bangor Police Station.

On 5 Jan 1988 PM Rees (an administrator with Gwynedd Health Authority) wrote a ‘note for file’ referring to a meeting ‘this afternoon 4 Jan 1989’ between Prof Owen, Alun Davies, Sandra Phillips, PM Rees and Robyn Williams (an administrator at Gwynedd Health Authority). Rees explains that he phoned Duncan Egdell of Clwyd Health Authority to ask if my original letter to him detailed my complaints about Gwynedd Health Authority. Egdell confirmed that it did and that a letter had been received from me ‘ages ago’, but neither Egdell or anyone else addressed my complaints because ‘it was none of their business’. Rees noted that ‘it apparently did not occur to them to send us a copy so that we could look into the Gwynedd aspects of the complaint ourselves’. Rees stated that Egdell will be faxing my letter over to Gwynedd, that he ‘will communicate this information to Prof Owen’ and will instigate the first of the two stages of the clinical judgement complaints procedure ‘as quickly as possible with a view to having it dealt with (if considered still necessary) at the third stage hearing, tentatively to be held at the end of Jan’.

PM Rees dates the note as 5 Jan 1988, but refers to a meeting that day, 4 Jan 1989. If one was dealing with normal people, this could be explained as a simply typo. But we are not talking normal people here as we shall see.

This memo is extraordinary anyway. Not only because of the apparent lack of communication between Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, who were responsible JOINTLY for providing the psychiatric services in north Wales – Gwynedd patients were regularly sent to the North Wales Hospital although it was managed by Clwyd and Dafydd had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd and held clinics there, although his contract of employment was held by Clwyd – but also because of Gwynedd’s claims not to know the details of my complaints against them. They had received numerous letters from me detailing my complaints – Tony Francis had served a High Court injunction on me stopping me from writing any more of them to him and Gwynedd Health Authority were consulting with the crooked Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park with a view to also gaining an injunction against me stopping me writing letters of complaint. They were in no doubt at all regarding the details of my complaint. Furthermore, the Mental Health Acts Commission by then had also written to Gwynedd Health Authority asking them to respond to their own questions after I had written to the MHAC. The MHAC had told Gwynedd Health Authority that the appropriate report and documentation had not been provided by Gwynedd Social Services when I had been threatened by Davies and then detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the autumn of 1986 – so that detention was unlawful…

Gwynedd knew exactly where the land lay, even if Duncan Egdell couldn’t be arsed to write to them.

This memo was in my files alongside an undated ‘report’ about me written by Tony Francis. It is a substantial report in which Francis does his best to present his skills as a psychotherapist. His conclusion is simple – that I am a ‘paranoid litigant’ who’s complaints cannot be taken seriously and have no substance. Which is exactly what Dafydd said about Mary Wynch when she sued him after he had her unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year – Mary won that case (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

There is a letter to PM Rees from Duncan Egdell with a copy of my original complaint to Egdell (which was dated 2 March 1987) and letters of complaint written by me on 10 and 11 Dec 1987 because my original complaint had not been addressed. My letter of 11 Dec 1987 addressed to Mr Griffiths, the General Administrator of Clwyd Health Authority, mentioned that I am now writing to him because I have received a letter from Hempsons (the MDU solicitors) who are threatening to seek my imprisonment on the grounds that my letters of complaint to Gwynedd Health Authority broke the personal injunction that  Francis obtained against me. (I was not imprisoned because I had not broken Francis’s injunction.)

This letter from Egdell was dated 4 Jan 1989. Again, it would normally be presumed that this was just an error and it was meant to be 4 Jan 1988 – but when I looked closely at some of the other documents, it was clear that there was something highly irregular about many of them.

On 20 April 1988, Duncan Egdell, Community Physician, finally wrote to the Medical Officer for Complaints at the Welsh Office regarding my complaint about Dafydd. Egdell wites ‘please note that some of the enclosed papers are libellous [an interesting way of describing the most serious aspects of my complaint about Dafydd]. I am sending them to you under confidential cover because you have a legitimate interest in receiving them. We do have to guard ourselves against any allegations that we have ‘published’ libellous material’. Egdell mentions in his letter that he doesn’t know which Medical Officer will be handling the case. Yet in Jan 1988 PM Rees had documented a meeting to ‘discuss’ me as a result of my complaint – to which Prof Robert Owen and Uncle Tom Cobley and all had been invited. Although Rees stated that the meeting took place in Jan 1989…. QUE???

Presumably the ‘libellous material’ concern is why there do not seem to be any official records anywhere of the many complaints from patients about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct. No-one could write them down because it would libelling Dafydd! Which explains why in 1989 Bluglass stated that I described my interactions with Gwynne the lobotomist in ‘highly negative terms’. What I remember saying to Bluglass – and to a number of other people – was that Gwynne had sexually propositioned me, lied about me to discredit me, that Dr DGE Wood told me that I was ‘not allowed to complain’ when I did complain and then yelled at me to ‘drop it or you will find yourself in trouble’.

You didn’t tell me that people were going to try to murder me Wood!

 

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from Tony Francis to Alun Davies dated 29 Nov 1988. It thanks Davies for a letter from Duncan Egdell and states ‘please note that he requests copies [underlined] of the notes rather than the originals. I would be grateful if [my] notes could be kept in the hospital as I may need them for the coming High Court action’.

This memo isn’t signed by Francis, it simply has ‘pp’ and then two initials – a D and another one which looks as though it is a G, an E or a B. It it stamped as being received by Gwynedd Health Authority, 30 Nov 1988.

I have in my possession a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Mrs L. Canning, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 1 Dec 1988. [Lesley Canning was Prof Robert Owen’s secretary.] It reads ‘Please find enclosed three copies of the Gwynedd case notes for this lady. will forward my correspondence when photocopying done’. Davies also stated in this letter that he was ascertaining who the Registered Medical Officer was and who the police surgeon was who saw me at Bangor Police Station when Dafydd had me arrested in Dec 1986.

This letter is not signed – despite accompanying the delivery of confidential documents crucial to an investigation.

I also have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, Bangor Police Station, dated Dec 1988 – I can’t work out the day, the typing is blurred. Davies says in this letter that he’s been asked by the Chairman of the Inquiry Panel [ie. Prof Robert Owen] to ascertain who the police surgeon was.

The letter is not signed. Which seems a little odd for an NHS official writing to a Chief Inspector regarding an Inquiry after a patient alleged serious criminality on the part of the NHS, the social services and the police.

I have a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from ‘Superintendent for Chief Superintendent’ – signed by what looks like someone called Edwards or it might be Rowlands – dated 12 Dec 1988. it makes reference to ‘your letter of 7 December 1988 regarding the above named and her complaint to Clwyd Health Authority’. The letter informs Davies that Dr K Shah was the police surgeon who attended Bangor Police Station after Dafydd ordered that I be arrested in Dec 1986 and that Ann Williams was the social worker. The letter is signed and stamped as received by Gwynedd Health Authority, Ysbyty Gwynedd, on 18 Dec 1988. The letter bears the address of the North Wales Police Divisional HQ at Maesincla, Caernarfon and is marked with ‘ref TJE/CVD’.

I have a copy of an internal memorandum from PM Rees but signed by ‘SA Phillips for PM Rees’ [which will be Sandra Phillips, who rose to high office as a corrupt NHS manager in the mental health services in north Wales]. Alun Davies’s name appears at the top of the document., which is dated 15 Dec [no year]. It states ‘I refer to my memorandum of the 21 Nov 1988. I understand that Dr Francis has no objection to disclosure of [my] case notes to the Independent Professional Review being held in Clwyd and I should be grateful therefore if you could let me have two copies as soon as possible’. There is a reference to the ‘last letter’ that they had received from me, in which I had the temerity to dispute that Dafydd was my doctor. I did indeed do this. At no point did I ever ask to see Dafydd. In the autumn of 1986 I was unlawfully detained at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the Angel in charge of the ward Bridget Lloyd refused to let me go until I’d spent 20 mins alone in a room with Dafydd. Dafydd tried to talk to me about sex, I refused to discuss any such thing with him, asked him what the hell he thought that he was doing, whereupon Dafydd told me that he would only let me go if I agreed to leave the town of Bangor immediately and if I ever returned I’d be arrested. I thought ‘fuck you, you’re the second pervert who’s threatened me during the course of their employment as a psychiatrist, I’m not keeping quiet about this’ – although I did leave Bangor immediately because a few days later I was due to start an MSc at Hammersmith Hospital and I realised that these people were capable of anything. Thus the war began…

From then on Top Doctors constantly told me that Dafydd was my doctor and that I had to be referred back to him – even Top Docs in London. No-one could do anything without speaking to Dafydd first. Because he was ‘my doctor’ who ‘knew all about me’.

 

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to Prof Robert Owen, Medical Officer for Complaints, Medical Investigation Dept, Welsh Office, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 16 Dec 1988. The letter says ‘I enclose two sets of correspondence that we have received from [me]’. The letter also states that ‘Ann Williams of Gwynedd Social Services attended the police station’. This letter was not signed – despite transmitting crucial evidence with regard to an Ombudsman’s investigation.

After Dafydd demanded that I be arrested in Dec 1986, an amazingly pleasant, fair social worker was called by the police and ordered to section me ‘because Dr DA says so’. The social worker refused, had a row with the policeman and left. She was one of the few social workers whom I encountered in north Wales who had an understanding of the law, was not prepared to abuse it and was able to talk to clients. Although this lady was not prepared to break the law that night, everyone else was, which was how I ended up in Denbigh a few hours later (see post ‘Hippocratic Oaf or Hypocritic Oaf’). I spent years trying to trace this social worker. I was told by everyone – including the police and Alun Davies – that there was no record of a social worker visiting me in Bangor Police Station that night. At the hearing in July 1989 Bluglass told me that there was no social worker in the police station that night – he really didn’t know what I was talking about…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Alun Davies to PM Rees (general administrator from Ysbyty Gwynedd), dated 20 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I refer to your memorandum of 15 Dec 1988. I confirm that I have already forwarded three copies of [my] case notes to Professor Owen’s office in Cardiff’.  Davies’s letter states that before I was taken to the North Wales Hospital in Dec 1986 by the police on the orders of Dafydd, that Dafydd had seen me in the police cells. He hadn’t – that’s why my detention was unlawful. No-one had provided any evidence that I was ill and sectionable. Bluglass himself in his report compiled in the summer of 1989 admitted that there was no documentary evidence anywhere that Dafydd had seen me before I was taken to Denbigh. So had Bluglass not seen this letter that Davies had sent to Rees months before? If Dafydd had seen me in the cells, where was the documentary evidence?

This letter from Davies to Rees is not signed. Which is surprising in view of the potential legal ramifications of my allegation that Dafydd unlawfully imprisoned me…

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter written by Alun Davies, dated 22 Dec 1988. It reads ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to Chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me]…Professor Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore write to invite you to a meeting on Wednesday 4 January 1989 at 2 pm in the Committee Room at Ysbyty Gwynedd. If you are not able to attend another date can be arranged.’ The letter is not signed. A ‘distribution list’ names  Tony Francis, Mrs J Evans [presumably Julie Evans, a particularly noxious social worker who has never met me but felt able to spend many years telling people that I was dangerous and she wouldn’t like to think of her kids living near me. Julie was happy to emphasise this after I began working as a school teacher], Jeff Crowther, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees.

The letter is not signed.

Wood was invited to the meeting although he was no longer my GP. This was known – on 23 June 1986 Alun Davies sent a memo to a minion of Bernard Rhodes (the General Administrator for Gwyned Health Authority) stating that I had transferred  from Wood’s practice. This memo also mentions that the MDU had become involved in  my ‘case’ – Dr Ian Sanderson was the person at the MDU whom they were communicating with. Sanderson has featured in previous posts on this blog – Sanderson did his best to assist the paedophiles’ friends in their attempts to imprison me, although he knew that they were perjuring themselves. DGE Wood had not been named as part of my complaint, so why he had been invited to the meeting I do not know.

I have a copy of a letter purporting to be from Lesley Canning, Prof Owen’s secretary, based at Crown Buildings, Cathays Park, Cardiff, dated 23 Dec 1988, to Alun Davies, thanking him for the two sets of correspondence concerning me.

I have a copy of a document purporting to be a letter from Debra Lewis, Secretary to Alun Davies, to Professor Robert Owen. It is dated 29 Dec 1988 and is addressed to Owen at his home – ‘Bryn Celyn’, Pwllycrochan Avenue, Colwyn Bay. The letter begins ‘Further to our recent telephone conversation regarding a meeting on Wed 4 Jan 1989 at 2 pm to discuss [me], Dr DGE Wood has contacted me…’ The letter offers contact between Wood and Owen.

The letter is not signed.

 

After Bluglass had given Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends the all clear, Prof Robert Owen wrote to Alun Davies on 2 Aug 1989 to thank him ‘most sincerely’ for the ‘excellent way’ in which he organised the Professional Review. The note claimed to have been dictated by Professor Owen and signed in his absence.

 

In view of the number of errors on these documents, the number of them which are unsigned, even when dealing with allegations of serious misconduct and criminality or when accompanying crucial confidential packages of evidence to the Welsh Office and the number of times that the contents of the letters contradict each other, the only conclusion that I can draw is that some of these documents – if not all of them – are forged. After Bluglass cleared Dafydd and the paedophiles of wrongdoing and declared me to be a dangerous murderous psychopath, within three months there was a serious attempt to declare me insane and have me transferred to a high security hospital – without my knowledge, whilst I was living in London (see post ‘The Night of The (Dr Chris) Hunter). The stakes were very high for Dafydd and the paedophiles at that time because Alison Taylor wouldn’t shut up and Mary Wynch had made legal history in her case against Dafydd and had gained press coverage.

I believe that at some point after the Owen/Bluglass Inquiry, Alun Davies, staff of the Welsh Office and others wrote a stack of letters and pre-dated them, giving the appearance of a paper trail demonstrating that Gwynedd Health Authority had followed all the appropriate procedures in the wake of my complaint. They hadn’t. Upon receiving my complaints, they were ignored. I persisted and was then threatened, unlawfully detained in psych wards, served with High Court injunctions and finally subjected to regular attempts to fit me up and have me sent to a high security hospital or prison.

I believe that when Owen and Bluglass organised their farcical inquiry into my complaints, the documentation from Gwynedd Health Authority had not even been sent to the Welsh Office, although I know that the records from Clwyd had. That lot conducted business entirely by having a word with each other on social occasions or off the record and by lying through their teeth when necessary. I have other documents in my possession which were definitely forged and I caught Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends red-handed amending records on a number of occasions – the first person whom I caught bang to rights doing this was Gwynne the lobotomist. The Waterhouse Report contains references to a forged letter found in the possession of Lucille Hughes heaping praise upon two abusers employed as children’s home managers – allegedly written by someone who had complained about being abused by them.  Waterhouse also refers to constant inaccuracies in the records of kids in care in north Wales. Children alleged that they stayed in certain homes and were assaulted by members of staff of which there was no record. Because Waterhouse was Waterhouse he interpreted this as witnesses lying. No they weren’t, the paedophiles’ friends lied constantly and forged documentation.

I was told that there was no record of the social worker Ann Williams visiting me in Bangor Police Station and I was told that no clinical psychologist visited me in Denbigh. He did – it was Nigel Stennet-Cox and I am in possession of a letter in which it is stated that Stennet-Cox is to be told not to speak to me if I contact him and everybody else is to tell me that they don’t know who I’m talking about. On 22 Feb 1988 an Angel called Bob Ingham told me that he was social worker Keith Fearns when he dragged me along a corridor and injured me. The lies and misrepresentation were constant and routine. Alun Davies noted in writing that he was keeping my medical records at his house and the medical records staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd admitted to removing documents from my files. Accepted practice was not followed in any way.

 

Two more anecdotes to illustrate how business was – and still is – conducted in the NHS in north Wales.

I have mentioned a number of times previously how in the late summer of 1987 Brown listened in to a number of phone calls between Dafydd and me. Dafydd tried to threaten me into dropping my complaint about him by saying that he would have me imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and when that didn’t work he tried to bribe me. Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint he would ensure that I was given a place at Liverpool Medical School – he maintained that he was friends with Professor Richard someone or other and all he needed to do was to have a word with the criminal with a Chair at Liverpool. I was so gobsmacked that I just stopped the conversation. Brown heard every word of what Dafydd said in all the phone calls. I made a complaint about Dafydd’s attempts to threaten and bribe me. I was ignored – as ever – so I pressed the point. I was told that I had no evidence and of course Dafydd would never do such a thing. So Brown wrote a letter to Gwynedd Health Authority, in which he stated very clearly what he had heard. We heard nothing in response.

I raised the matter of Dafydd’s bribery and corruption with Bluglass at the Inquiry – two years later. Dafydd told Bluglass that of course he had not tried to bribe me, he had ‘spoken supportively’ to me as he would have to any ‘young person overcoming health problems and hoping for a career’. So which health problems was I overcoming then? Was it the  disturbed personality disorder, the paranoid schizophrenia, the manic depressive insanity or the psychopathy with homicidal capacity? Because according to Dafydd I had the lot. At different times, depending upon what suited Dafydd. Your mate Professor Richard at Liverpool must be a very understanding man Dafydd.

As the war continued and Dafydd geared up for action again in about 1993 and further ludicrous allegations were made about me, Brown and I resurrected the matter of Dafydd’s threats and bribes – which had still never been investigated. I persisted and was told to produce evidence. So Brown wrote another letter. Ian Rickard, at that time the Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager at the Hergest Unit, told me that he had not received Brown’s letter when I asked why we hadn’t received a response. So Brown wrote another letter.

By 19 May 1995 there had still been no investigation – although I have a letter sent by Alun Davies to Dafydd regarding the matter. Davies asks Dafydd for a response to his previous letter about it of 15 Feb 1995. Davies tells Dafydd that ‘I am sending correspondence to Dr Jeffries in order that he is aware of the complaint and time lapse in not having a response’.

Dr Jeffries was the Medical Director of the Clwydian Community Health Trust and/or Clwyd Health Authority which at that time held Dafydd’s contract.

On 6 Sep 1995 Jeremy Corson, the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, wrote to Dafydd regarding my complaint and Brown’s letter. Corson offered to meet Dafydd to discuss it with him…

On 19 Dec 1995 John Mullen the CEO of the Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote me a letter denying that Dafydd had threatened or tried to bribe me. Mullen stated that ‘he spoke to you at considerable length in a supportive way as he would have done to other young persons in a similar position hoping to recover from health problems and to proceed with a career’. Presumably Mullen had just looked back at Bluglass’s Report some seven or eight years before and repeated what Dafydd said to Bluglass because Dafydd had ignored all requests to respond to correspondence about the matter. Furthermore Dafydd ‘totally refutes the allegations’ which had been investigated by Bluglass in 1989 anyway. When Brown’s letter was ignored and Dafydd was allowed to trot out horseshit about speaking supportively to me…Silent copies of Mullen’s letter had been sent to a number of people including a Dr J Gilbonthavis or a Dr J Gilboravis of the MDU.

I did remember Dafydd speaking to me at ‘considerable length’. He was on the phone for at least half an hour trying to bribe me. I can remember exactly what Dafydd said before he made the offer of a place at Liverpool Medical School – ‘some of my colleagues would rap me on the knuckles for saying this’. No they wouldn’t Dafydd, you were involved in serious organised crime and every one of them colluded with you after I complained. As for speaking to me at length – when I next spoke to Dafydd after failing to accept the bribe, he went absolutely bananas because I had not withdrawn my complaint. He yelled at me ‘I spent a whole thirty minutes speaking to you the other night’ and then he slammed the phone down.

I wrote back to Mullen saying that there had obviously been no investigation.

On 17 Jan 1996 I received a letter from John Mullen stating that ‘The Trust has done its best to investigate the allegations about the telephone conversation with Dr DA Jones and I don’t feel we can do any more or could add anything to my previous reply’.

There is a copy of one of Brown’s letters about the phone calls – to Ian Rickard, dated 6 Feb 1995 –  in my files. A handwritten unsigned note accompanies it asking ‘What shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’ An unsigned handwritten message next to that one says ‘do not reply’.

 

Jeremy Corson is now listed as a Public Health Specialist in Cardiff and also as a partner in Corson Diaz Consulting Ltd, a company on Parc Menai, Bangor. The following testimonial appears on the website of Joseph Lawrence, Chartered Tax Advisors – Accountants:

 ‘I established my business as a Freelance Public Health Consultant in 2001, having completed a 22 year career in the NHS. Peter and Anthony had also decided to establish their own accountancy business in 2001 after a number of years working in North West Wales. I was therefore one of their first new clients. My self employment has involved a range of work within Wales/UK and overseas, particularly in the Caribbean, and Joseph Lawrence have been able to guide me through the requirements for VAT returns and annual accounts. In 2004 I ‘refreshed’ my GP training, and since then have spent half my time as a GP locum, mostly for the Royal Air Force, across the UK and in places like Germany, Cyprus and Naples. This brought further accounting issues that Peter and Anthony have been able to advise on. 5 years ago I moved from Bangor back to Cardiff, but having established our initial professional relationship, we have been able to conduct all our business, such as the annual self assessment tax return, by email and occasional telephone call. This has been especially useful when I have been working overseas when these deadlines have had to be met.”  Dr Jeremy Corson, MBChB FFPHM MRCGP DRCOG Freelance Public Health Consultant & General Practitioner

 

I wonder if Dafydd would like to write a recommendation for his tax advisors and accountants?

 

Another person who knew about the criminality of Dafydd et al was Dr Lyn Williams, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer of the Clwydian Community NHS Trustand/or Clwyd Health Authority. Lyn Williams ‘discussed’ Dafydd’s conduct with Dafydd after Owen and Bluglass’s cover-up. Bluglass’s Report was sent to the Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority – whoever that was, they will have been mates with Mrs Mars-Jones and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who sat on that Health Authority.

A true insider was Dafydd’s secretary in 1989, Sharon Fraser.

 

Well Lawrence Conway and indeed everybody else – what have you got to say about all this?

 

There will be more accounts of the idiocy and dishonesty of Dafydd, the paedophiles and their friends with reference to my collection of documents after Easter when I return from holiday. I will also explain what happened when the Director of Nursing Services for Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Nerys Owen, did dare challenge one of the paedophiles’ friends regarding his abuse of patients.

I haven’t finished yet paedophiles’ friends…

I saw a newspaper headline a few days ago – ‘Do you know anyone as stupid as Trump?’ Definitely. He’s called Alun Davies. There might have been another one going under the name of Rhodri Morgan as well.

 

For readers’ entertainment, here’s a reminder of the timetable of the Friday Seminars for staff at the Psych Dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for summer 1988:

24 June – Dr DA Jones was talking about the Assessment and Management of Drugs and Alcohol Abuse.

1 July – Mrs Caroline Bertalot was talking about The Effectiveness of Sex Therapy.

8 July – two videos by ‘Squibb’ were being shown courtesy of Mr Cecil Slater, ‘Observing Tardive Dyskinesia’ and ‘Sharing, Caring’.

15 July – Mr Dave McGhee was giving a talk called ‘Don’t Be Shy, Aspects of Social Anxiety’.

And that lot wondered why the patients took the piss out of them.

 

On 25 Oct 1989 Alun Davies wrote a letter to Mr Don Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing Services (Arfon) telling Don that Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services at Whitchurch Hospital, had agreed to provide a second opinion about me. Hunter is dead now – I never met him. I did not know until a few years ago that he had even provided a second opinion about me or that he had held a whole conference about me at which he took evidence from a number of other paedophiles’ friends who had never met me either. I was living and working in London when Hunter held his conference about me at Garth Angharad, the paedophiles’ prison in north Wales. Hunter concluded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and offered to provide a court report on me. I was not facing any charges at the time. But I was arrested within a few months…

Davies’s letter tells Don that Hunter’s meeting about me will take place 8 Nov 1989. On the same letter someone has scrawled an unsigned handwritten extra message to Davies – which suggests that the letter to Don had been sent around the houses and not sent directly from Davies to Don. The message says ‘Alun, John Alcock [or Akok?] WNB education officer is here for our approval (we hope) visit. It is appropriate that Jeff is involved’.

 

The WNB I think is the Welsh National Board. Jeff will have been Jeff Crowther, the psychiatric nursing officer who wasn’t as thick or as mad as his colleagues, but he did know how bloody awful they all were. Jeff was honest enough to admit to me that Dafydd was a ‘corrupt old bastard’. I suspect that Ysbyty Gwynedd was up for a visit to see of it could be deemed suitable to be used as a training centre for psych Angels. Angels were subsequently trained there. Yes, the WNB approved this bunch of lying, perjuring bastards who arrested patients if they complained and forged documents en masse.

‘As a trained mental health nurse I know how to use de-escalation techniques with paranoid patients.’ I kick the shit out of them and then my mates perjure themselves and secure a conviction of assault against them.

 

Cottaging At Castle Gate

Previous posts have discussed Ron Davies – the former Labour MP for Caerphilly, 1983-01, Labour AM for Caerphilly, 1999-03 and Secretary of State for Wales, 1997-98 – and how Blair was just about to confirm that Ron would be First Secretary (First Minister) in the soon to be established National Assembly for Wales when Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie and had to resign as Secretary of State (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). No-one ever quite got to the bottom of what had happened between Ron and Boogie because Alastair Campbell and Blair micromanaged what was made public about the incident. A number of versions of events were in circulation, including claims that Ron had been discovered starkers, or wearing women’s clothes. It was said that Ron had been mugged – yet Boogie the alleged mugger was interviewed by the police and not charged with any offence.

Rhodri Morgan’s autobiography has quite a lot to say about Ron – Rhodri was a good mate of his. Rhodri claims that Boogie ‘forced’ Ron to go to a cash machine, but kept Ron’s car because Ron forgot his PIN. Rhodri claims that the Boogie business came as a complete shock to him and questioned whether Ron really was someone who would ‘strike up a conversation with a total stranger from the margins of society on the grass verge on the edge of Clapham Common and then agree to go for a meal later that night with the man and his friends’.

Although Rhodri claimed to be completely surprised regarding the Boogie incident, he makes a number of other comments which suggest that he should not have been in the least bit surprised by it.

Rhodri admits that he had heard rumours concerning Ron’s ‘other life’, including information that Ron was frequenting a Turkish bath in Newport. There was rather very much more than a vague rumour about a Turkish bath.

Rhodri tells us that Brian Radford, a journo for ‘The People’, had heard rumours that Ron had driven in a private car up the A 470 and stopped at a public bogs known as a gay meeting place. Furthermore, ‘gay Welsh Tories’ had told Neil Wooding – ‘a prominent gay Welsh Labour figure’ – that Ron was ‘cottaging at Castle Gate’. In the same way that Dafydd Wigley claimed not to know what a paedophile was whilst spending decades as the MP for a constituency in which a paedophile gang operated which was assisted by some members of Wigley’s own party – including Ioan Bowen Rees, one of Wigley’s advisors – who occupied offices just around the corner from Wigley’s constituency office (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’), Rhodri explained in his memoir that he didn’t know what cottaging was when he was first told that Ron was cottaging at Castle Gate.

So how did Rhodri discover what cottaging involved? A ‘Labour activist in Wrexham’ who worked as a medical secretary in Wrexham Maelor Hospital ‘where related issues’ were dealt with, one Lesley Griffiths, enlightened Rhodri. Lesley explained to Rhodri that cottaging was a term for casual sexual encounters between ‘predatory men’ which took place in public bogs. Lesley certainly knew all about it. Accordingly to Lesley, because the police regularly patrolled the bogs which were known to be used for cottaging purposes and shone torches under the doors in order to see if they could count two pairs of feet in a cubicle rather than just one, cottaging men busy in the cubicles would ensure that one of them stood in shopping bags placed on the floor. Thus the police would only spot two feet and some bags of shopping rather than four incriminating feet.

I am certainly impressed with Lesley Griffiths’ knowledge of cottaging. I didn’t know that about the shopping bags until I read Rhodri’s book. Neither did I realise that Lesley Griffiths’ work at Wrexham Maelor involved matters relating to cottaging men – I presumed that she just typed up letters concerning abdominal surgery or some such matter. In 2007, nearly ten years after Ron resigned over his liaison with Boogie, Lesley Griffiths was elected as the AM for Wrexham.

In 2011 Griffiths was promoted to the position of Health Minister and what a bloody wet blanket she was. My post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ describes how dismal Griffiths’ performance was and how she ignored correspondence from me regarding the harassment and threats that I was receiving from the paedophiles’ friends employed in the north Wales NHS. Griffiths was in post when I had to flee north west Wales after I received a midnight visitor – who was seen off by my dog – and after cars were driven carelessly in my direction at a high speed on a number of occasions. Then there was the incident when someone who had provided a statement about the harassment of me by senior managers of the NW Wales NHS Trust was threatened by a policeman with a gun. A few days later I was trailed through Cricieth and beyond by the same policeman with a gun…

None of this should surprise us. Whilst Lesley was busy being ‘a Labour activist’ she was a Wrexham Councillor. The Wrexham Councillors – with the noble exception of Malcolm King – completely ignored the activities of the paedophile gang on their doorstep. The victims of that paedophile gang were being taken to local GPs and Wrexham Maelor Hospital with non-accidental injuries that were never investigated. One boy with anal injuries was told that he had ‘piles’.

Lesley – if you knew about the intricacies of cottaging and you worked in a dept in the Maelor which dealt with ‘related matters’, presumably you would have been fully aware that teenaged boys don’t tend to have piles and that piles don’t result in anal injury. Although serious sexual assault does. How was it that you knew about the shopping bags but not about the paedophile ring, whereas I – who have never worked in Wrexham Maelor dealing with cottaging-related matters – knew about the paedophile gang on your patch, but not the shopping bags?

Lesley Griffith grew up near Wrexham and has spent her whole life there. How she missed that paedophile gang or the criminal Top Doctors and social workers who have surrounded her for her entire existence I do not know.

I’m not an aficionado like Lesley, but I knew back in 1984 that cottaging was going on in Bangor and furthermore that the particular brand of cottaging happening in the notorious Garth Road public conveniences did not involve consenting adult Ron Davies’s, but rather the propositioning of boys as young as eight by older men. The problem was so bad that a lady magistrate – I can’t remember her name – spoke about it to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’. She observed that it was outrageous that this was going on and she even gave a description of ‘the man in a flashy car’ who had been seen loitering around the bogs in question. The lady magistrate was particularly critical of the police whom she maintained were wilfully ignoring what was happening.

The reason why the business of the molesters in Garth Road public toilets being allowed to go about their business unhindered caused such uproar in Bangor was that Garth Road public toilets were situated directly opposite Bangor Police Station (the Police Station in Bangor relocated more recently). The police could have just looked out of their front window if they wanted to keep an eye on Garth Road public toilets.

Considering how serious the problem was, the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ paid remarkably little attention to it – they reported the concerns of that magistrate and then never returned to the subject. But then the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an interesting choice of articles. There was a vicious paedophile ring associated with serious organised crime operating in the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor but never a word was published about it. There was bugger all coverage of the matter even when the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking place.

What the Bangor and Anglesey did publish however was articles in praise of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – particularly in 1993-95 when Dafydd had become too embarrassing even for the NHS in north Wales and there was pressure on him to retire, pressure that he was doing all that he could to resist (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). The ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ entertained the patients of the Hergest Unit by repeatedly describing Dafydd as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. Dafydd was not even a forensic psychiatrist let alone Europe’s leading. The Mail also waxed lyrical about the excellent forward thinking North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which according to Dafydd’s interviews with the journos was ‘unique’. Which I suppose was true, mental health care was and still is near-universally appalling in the UK but as far as I know Denbigh was the only institution with a dungeon for the unlawful imprisonment of the victims of a sex trafficking gang.

When I perused my medical files I discovered that the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an even cosier relationship with Dafydd than I realised. In 1988 a friend of mine who had experienced the joys of Dafydd’s idiocy and pomposity thought that it would be entertaining if we sent a completely mad letter to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ under Dafydd’s name, repeating his expressions and his crazy ideas to see if they would publish it. Our letter was remarkably similar to the nonsense that Dafydd came out with when he addressed the Welsh Baptist Union in 1971 and told them that learning Bible verses in Welsh when one is a child can protect against a ‘serious moral collapse’ (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’). We sent the letter off to the Editor but to our disappointment it was not published.

Many years later I found a photocopy of our letter in my medical files. It was attached to a compliments slip from the ‘North Wales Weekly News’ (the larger sister paper of the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’) along with a note saying ‘The attached letter was sent to the Bangor and Anglesey Mail purporting to come from Dr DA Jones. He has asked me to pass it onto you.’ The note was signed ‘Penny Bosworth, reporter’ and Penny had helpfully provided everyone with her phone number – 362747 – should any of the paedophiles’ friends wish to get in touch.

As the comedian Mrs Merton would say, ‘so Penny Bosworth, how did you become so friendly with a man who was running a sex trafficking ring?’

Someone at the Mail obviously did believe that the letter was from Dafydd because it had been prepared for publication – the photocopy showed up the marks that newspaper editors make on pieces before the edition goes off to be printed. I have no idea who on the Mail realised that the letter was too crazy to even be from Dafydd and called in Dafydd’s mate Penny Bosworth.

Our spoof letter was not the only extract from the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ that turned up in my medical records. In 1996 the mental health services manager for north west Wales, Alun Davies, in collaboration with the paedophiles’ friends at even higher levels in the NHS than him, was well on the way to closing down the day centre at the Hergest Unit. The day centre was the only bit of the mental health services in north west Wales which actually worked and was very popular with the patients. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team were abusive and threatened to assault patients in their own homes, the Top Doctors were all mad and constantly had patients arrested for bizarre and trivial reasons, most of the best staff had left the wards as the Unit had gone further and further downhill at the hands of Alun Davies, but the day centre had a number of friendly, more competent staff and was also a place where a lot of patients who were isolated and living in poverty could meet their friends and socialise.

In true ‘service user involvement’ style, the patients were told that the day centre was ‘under review’ and that they were to be ‘consulted’ about the closure. The patients were horrified to hear of the plans to close the day centre and all voted to keep it open. Because the patients had voted the wrong way, more votes and focus groups were held and the patients were told that the day centre was very bad for them and furthermore that it was ‘old fashioned’. The patients continued to vote in favour of the day centre. Then an auditor was sent in – that was a real scream, because the auditor also came up with the wrong answer. He concluded that the day centre was providing an excellent service.

Then individual interviews were held and patients were directly asked why they insisted upon attending the day centre instead of making appointments to see the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Patients responded with comments such as ‘because one of them said that he would hit me’ but that wasn’t recorded. Instead it was recorded that patients were ‘misusing’ the NHS by visiting the day centre in order to access the coffee facilities and lunches. That was true for some patients, but what wasn’t recorded was that numerous patients were living in such poverty that they couldn’t afford sufficient food. This was because the Arfon Team and Top Doctors had not told most patients about their entitlement to disability benefits, so many patients were living at sub-benefit levels. The day centre staff knew about this, as did the occupational therapy team – but they were told that helping with benefits advice was not their remit.

It is worth noting here on what grounds the Arfon Team and Top Docs refused to help patients with benefit claims or indeed housing. People were refused help if they ‘had upset people’. I and other patients noticed that the patients who were said to have ‘upset people’ were those who had complained about Dafydd and the paedophiles. As one patient said to me more recently ‘so I upset a gang of paedophiles 20 years ago and now I can’t get the help to which I am legally entitled’.

That was the sum of it. The day centre staff had a policy of supplying biscuits and milk and coffee for the patients because they knew that many of them didn’t have those things at home and I know at least two of the occupational therapists brought in old clothes and bits and pieces from their homes in order to supply patients with basics. Patients were also having their teeth extracted when they had toothache because extractions were cheaper than fillings.

‘Oooh it’s never been this bad in the NHS, it’s Carwyn’s cuts’. No it’s not, it’s the bloody paedophile gang wreaking havoc. Retired nurses from Denbigh had yachts moored off Anglesey and second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’), Dafydd was reputed to be a millionaire but the patients couldn’t afford food and toothpaste.

Then Alun Davies announced that the free bus travel which most of the patients relied upon to get to the day centre would be withdrawn. So only the four or five financially well off patients with cars and those within walking distance of the day centre could actually get there. Attendance dropped from over 200 during the week to less than 30.

Alun Davies announced that after ‘extensive consultation with the service users’ it was clear that the day centre was ‘under used’ and that it would therefore be closing. Davies then tried to sack one of the occupational therapists who had been bringing old clothes in to help the patients who couldn’t afford clothes.

Before the day centre closed its doors – the day centre was turned into offices, which is what hospitals should be used for of course – I and other patients wrote letters to newspapers, MPs etc.

In my medical records, the copies of the letters that I wrote to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ in defence of the day centre are lovingly preserved.

 

After the day centre closed down a number of patients became destitute and others were found dead. So many people died that one of my friends started referring to the National Holocaust Service. Other patients just went off the radar and disappeared.

The attack on the day centre began in about 1995. Just as the demands for an investigation into the possibility that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales could no longer be ignored. By the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, support – and indeed basic medical care – was being withdrawn from many mental health patients. Before Ronnie Waterhouse had completed that Report the day centre had closed and en masse destitution and deaths had begun.

After the old fashioned day centre was shut down, there was an increased investment in ‘other community services more appropriate to patients needs’. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team blossomed and there were even more of them employed to threaten patients, have them arrested and refuse to provide any services to patients who had upset people. A room above a disused pub in Caernarfon was opened on a Tuesday as a ‘community facility’ for patients in Gwynedd. The room wasn’t heated and there was no coffee provided, so a farmer’s wife from near Caernarfon – who was appalled at what was happening to patients – volunteered to go in every Tuesday and cook a communal meal.  She provided the ingredients herself. There was transport provided though – a minibus did a journey through the hill villages and picked up the few people who fancied spending a Tuesday in a freezing cold room above the disused pub.

The farmer’s wife told me that one week an old man from Penygroes who was in a very bad way was loaded onto the minibus by the driver. The old man had just put his clothes on over his pyjamas, he hadn’t eaten, washed, shaved etc for days and once he got to the room above the disused pub, he just sat there all day unmoving and also wet himself. The farmer’s wife observed that if that had been one of your relatives you’d have taken them straight to A&E. But no-one did, the minibus driver loaded the old man back onto the bus at the end of the day and took him back to Penygroes. The old man wasn’t at the disused pub the next week – he had been found dead in his house.

When I told Brown about this, Brown observed that the North West Wales NHS Trust operated on the same principle as the Nazis did when they transported people to the concentration camps – they counted the bodies onto the trains and counted them again at the other end but didn’t bother to note if anyone had died during the journey.

Alun Davies might as well have installed a gas chamber for the Hergest patients. Davies told so many bloody lies that no-one would have noticed if he had invited people to go into the showers but something other than water was coming out.

 

It was repeatedly alleged that the North Wales Police colluded with the paedophile gang operating in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, 1982-94 – David Owen  – flatly refused to co-operate with the first major investigation into the possible existence of a paedophile gang in the region. I have mentioned previously that one of the police officers who was constantly ordered by the mental health services to arrest me was Sgt Tim Evans. I was told by a third party that Sgt Evans made it clear that he thought that the whole situation was farcical and was asking why a hospital full of highly paid consultants were summoning the police on an almost daily basis to ‘deal with’ patients who had simply complained – I was one of the highest profile people in this position. At one point Sgt Evans refused to arrest me and I understand that he told the paedophiles’ friends that I had rights too and he just couldn’t arrest me when I had broken absolutely no law.

In response to Tim Evans refusing to wrongfully arrest me, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) wrote to Chief Constable David Owen and complained about Tim Evans. Francis stressed that Tim Evans and his colleagues were merely a bunch of uneducated plods but that the Top Doctors were Experts and knew how dangerous I was. Tim subsequently turned up at my place on every occasion after a ludicrous complaint was made about me to haul me off to the police station, although he did apologise for this, explaining that if he did not do it he was going to be disciplined and could be sacked.

Tim Evans undoubtedly knew what the paedophiles’ friends were up to – he had lived opposite Mary Wynch in Caernarfon for a start and he knew what had happened there (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). I presume that he was one of the many police officers who knew how bad the criminality was but it was prevalent at such a high level in the North Wales Police that he was unable to challenge it.

Sgt Evans may well have been right to have been worried. In the summer of 1987 Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station stuck his neck out to protect me in the face of the grand plan of Dafydd et al to frame and imprison me for ‘trying to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). Alun Davies bellowed at me that ‘we’ll be making a complaint about him’. A few months later Sgt Morgan was prosecuted for indecently assaulting a teenaged girl in Bangor Police Station and was sacked. That must have been the first time in the history of north Wales that the word of a 14 year old girl under arrest had been taken above that of a police officer. The indecent assault constituted Sgt Morgan putting his hand in the back pocket of the girl’s jeans whilst searching her – interestingly enough Sgt Morgan claimed to be searching for condoms.

Now Sgt Morgan may well have done what he was accused of doing. Sgt Morgan was famously obsessed with sex and did enjoy discussing it with people under arrest. However, Sgt Morgan’s ‘indecent assault’ on the girl occurred at a time when Dafydd was unlawfully imprisoning people who had suffered serious sexual assault in the dungeon at the North Wales Hospital. Why was Sgt Morgan held to account in a way in which no-one else was? Furthermore victims of the paedophile gang were regularly fitted up for serious offences. Interestingly enough, Jeff Crowther, a psychiatric nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, seemed to know that Sgt Morgan was going to be found guilty before Sgt Morgan’s trial had taken place.

Sgt Morgan seems to be in the same category as John Grant Jones, the former Clerk to the Magistrates in Bangor, who after a career at the heart of the paedophiles and their friends, was prosecuted for fiddling his pension entitlements and was sacked in 2005 and stripped of his OBE. By the time that the Dept of Constitutional Affairs sacked John Grant Jones, he had become the Justices’ Committee Chief Executive.

I remember John Grant Jones very well, he was rather nicer to the defendants in Bangor Magistrates Court than many other people were and he knew that people were being framed by Dafydd et al. Even if he did fiddle his pension, fiddling the pension really does pale into insignificance in comparison to what else was happening in the criminal justice system in north Wales. John Grant Jones was the first person to be stripped of his OBE in north Wales. All the corrupt senior police officers, NHS managers and Top Docs are still in possession of their gongs, even Elfed Roberts who decided that he was going to leave the North Wales Police when it was noticed that he seemed to be very wealthy and leading a gold-plated existence for a policeman. The Elfed whom I was told was known to be ‘corrupt’ back in the 1970s when he was still just a sergeant in Llangefni.

So who was Lord Chancellor – the person who presided over the Dept for Constitutional Affairs – when Jones Grant Jones was stuffed over yet the paedophiles’ friends were allowed to hang onto their jobs and gongs? It was Charlie Falconer.

Spit it out Charlie – what did John Grant Jones know about who that resulted in him being shot at dawn?

 

Chief Constable David Owen was President of the ACPO in 1990. He came from Gwynedd – he was the son of a police sergeant himself – but served with the Metropolitan Police, Lincolnshire Police, the Merseyside and Dorset forces before returning to North Wales.

Michael Argent succeeded David Owen as Chief Constable of North Wales. Argent didn’t refuse to investigate the organised abuse of children in north Wales, but he refused to allow another Chief Constable to oversee the investigation, although by then part of the remit was to investigate the North Wales Police themselves after allegations had been made that police officers were abusing children.

Former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea received the full support of the Police Federation throughout the years that he was accused of abusing children in care and even after he was convicted and imprisoned in 2016. Anglesea died in prison and at the time of his death was planning an appeal. The Police Federation were supporting him and there had been offers from barristers to represent Anglesea free of charge. The Police Federation turned up in force at Anglesea’s funeral to give him a good send off.

There are quite a few references in my medical records to police who were very obviously colluding with wrongdoing on the part of the paedophiles’ friends. There are of course the references to Superintendent Roberts from Bangor Police Station and the ‘deal’ that he had with Dafydd to wrongfully arrest me, unlawfully deliver me to Bryn Golau – the locked ward – at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where the nurses were instructed not to let me out by Dr Neil Davies. The nurses told Neil Davies that they were very unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’ because it was illegal, but Neil Davies explained to them that they weren’t guilty because the deal was between Superintendent Roberts and the Top Doctors – all the nurses had to do was to refuse to let me go (see post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’).

There are a number of references to a Chief Inspector Parry of Bangor Police Station who seems to have been very accommodating with regard to the paedophiles’ friends in 1988. In 1988 I was living in Surrey and working at the University of Surrey as a member of the cancer research team led by Professor Vincent Marks, who’s brother John Marks was Chairman of the BMA at the time. The shenanigans behind the scenes – including the plagiarism of my work which was then published by Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University Medical School of whom I had never heard until the other day and the involvement of a colleague of Dr Tony Francis’s in a scandal which resulted in a member of a related cancer research team being found dead – are described in my posts ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’, ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’.

I was continuing to write to the NHS in north Wales requesting that my complaints should be investigated. I received no replies other than threats to prosecute me on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ people by my letters and demands that I stop writing to them.

A letter dated 24 Aug 1988 from Dr AH Chadwick of the BMA’s Welsh Office in Cardiff to Dr DJC Davies, the Chief Medical Administrative Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, refers to their meeting in DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988 and expresses ‘extreme concern’ about my ‘antics’. My antics being those letters of complaint which detailed the serious criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Chadwick wrote that ‘today I have been requested by the four BMA consultant psychiatrists for urgent assistance’ and that he has now received ‘further alarming reports’ about me. The ‘four BMA consultant psychiatrists’ are the paedophiles’ friends Tony Francis, his wife Sadie Francis, Dr M. Devakumar and Dafydd.

On 2 Sep 1988 PM Rees, an administrator for Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote to Chadwick, referring to Chadwick’s letter of 24 Aug 1988 to Dr DJC Davies, regarding plans to arrange a meeting between the psychiatrists, the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, ‘solicitor to the Welsh Health Authorities’ and a representative of the North Wales Police.

On 14 Sept 1988 a letter from PM Rees to Devakumar explained that ‘as requested through the BMA’, a meeting had been arranged with Chief Inspector Parry to discuss me.

A document dated 21/9/88 constitutes the notes made after a meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd held on 16 Sept 1988 ‘to discuss the action to be taken’ regarding the ‘problems’ posed by me. The usual suspects attended the meeting – a collection of Top Docs, senior Angels and managers who have featured previously on this blog – as did Chief Inspector Parry. Parry confirmed at the meeting that at Bangor Magistrates Court in Nov 1987 I was given a conditional discharge and bound over for a year. That was the result of an attempt by Dafydd to have me prosecuted for assaulting a doctor. It subsequently became clear that I hadn’t assaulted anyone – I had however shouted at a doctor. The doctor concerned had been involved in threatening me and illegally detaining me at Ysbyty Gwynedd earlier that year (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’) and of course my requests for an investigation had been ignored.  After the assault case collapsed, the paedophiles’ friends had me prosecuted for breach of the peace. Parry explained to the meeting that ‘any threatening behaviour during this period could result in her retrial for the original offence’.

Obviously there had been no ‘threatening behaviour’ from me because I had not been retried.

Another document in my medical records simply entitled ‘Gwynedd Health Authority’ records that Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd of the North Wales Police attended a meeting about me on 14 Oct 1988 with Andrew Park and usual suspects. A new name joined the usual suspects – Mr G. Palmer, Chief Administrative Nursing Officer. At this meeting Tony Francis informed everyone about the injunction that he had taken out against me, on the basis of him perjuring himself and giving an account of all those assaults which it was later admitted by Andrew Park and Francis’s own lawyers Hempsons that I had not committed. Dafydd told the meeting that he was not prepared to take out an injunction against me. In 1994 Dafydd changed his mind and obtained an injunction in the High Court in Liverpool after discussing his anus in court and the threats made by another person to stick a hand-grenade up his bum, which according to Dafydd was all my fault (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). I will be blogging more about Dafydd and his injunction soon.

Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd told the meeting that my conditional discharge imposed by Bangor Magistrates would run out on 10 Nov 1988. The note stated that the ‘Malicious Communications Act was coming into force on 29 Sept 1989’ and it was agreed to refer any mail sent by me to after that date to members of staff which contained ‘malicious communications’ to the police with a view to prosecuting me under this legislation.

There was never any attempt to prosecute me under the Malicious Communications Act so presumably my communications weren’t malicious enough. However I am curious about the use of the tense in the letter ie. that the Act ‘was coming into force’. This suggests that the document was written before the Act came into force – but the note claims to be an account of a meeting held AFTER the Act had come into force. There are no signatures on this document and I am wondering if it is yet another document which was not compiled when, or recording what, it claimed. I have a number of such documents in my possession – many of them dated during 1988 or 1989. I believe that they were forged or at the very least were backdated and written long after the date would suggest (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). Many of these documents were allegedly written by Alun Davies and were letters to the Welsh Office regarding my complaints. The dates are inconsistent, none of the letters are signed and there are other errors in the letters which suggest that they were written by someone at a much later date to cover the arse of the north Wales NHS. I will be blogging more about them soon.

My medical records contain an internal memo dated 8 Nov 1988 to Alun Davies from Tony Francis complaining that my letters have not been forwarded to the police. Francis demands that this is done and also says that he’s made a statement to the police and forwarded a letter to the administrators to give to the police. The memo states that it was dictated but not signed by Tony Francis.

There is an undated letter from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry saying that Davies is sending Parry a letter that I had written to Dafydd.

My suspicions that there was a great deal of forgery going on are confirmed by a note dated 24 Nov 1988  explaining that Andrew Park has amended an account of a meeting ‘as arranged’. This was not Park redrafting a lawyer’s letter – this was Park making up what happened in a meeting in which the homicidal maniac that was me was being discussed. A meeting attended by a senior police officer. What ever would be wrong with providing a fictitious account of that meeting?

It will have been very clear to Chief Inspectors Parry and Lloyd that in spite of the florid allegations that were made about my ‘antics’ constantly, there was no evidence that I was doing anything other than writing very angry letters detailing criminal activity and asking for an investigation. Furthermore there had been a number of incidents in which the paedophiles’ friends had been demonstrated to have perjured themselves in their attempts to have me charged yet no questions had been asked about them lying to the police. By the time that Parry and Lloyd were attending these meetings about me, Dafydd had been sued by Mary Wynch and the case had been reported in the London-based press and Alison Taylor had blown the whistle on the abuse of children in care in Gwynedd and had been sacked from her job by Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes.

Whilst the Chief Inspectors attended meetings with the paedophiles’ friends, Alun Davies had recorded a conversation with me without my knowledge in which the fat idiot had tried to entrap me, without success. There is a transcript of the call in my files, with Davies asking me ‘ooh what are you planning to do to us then’, obviously hoping I was going to fly off the handle and explain how I would be decapitating and dismembering them all in the near future.

There  are other references to other obliging police officers in my files.

On 13 Oct 1990, Mr D. Hinchcliffe, the general administrator of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, wrote to the policeman at Denbigh Police Station, Mr Bob Rowlands, about my ‘harassment’ of them all. Mr Hinchcliffe was obviously on good terms with Mr Rowlands because the letter begins ‘Dear Bob’. Mr Hinchliffe mentions a previous letter of his about me which he sent to Bob on 25 Sept 1995, but my files don’t have a copy of that one. I wonder why? Hinchliffe’s letter to Bob was CC’d to Dafydd, D. Griffiths and Janice Davies. D. Griffiths was a general administrator at Clwyd Health Authority who had a solid track record of refusing to reply to my letters detailing the criminal activities of Janice Davies – Dafydd’s Nurse Ratched on Bryn Golau Ward.

 

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to the MDU, 192 Altrincham Road, Sharston, Manchester about me. His refers to his previous letters about me behaving an a ‘menacing and intrusive way’. He accuses me of throwing a rock through a glass door at his house on Anglesey. Not that Dafydd had any evidence at all that I did this. Indeed Dafydd isn’t quite sure when the rock was thrown because he wasn’t actually in his house when it happened. Dafydd explains that he ‘was away’ but ‘two person were sleeping in the house and found the rock and broken glass door in the morning’. Dafydd thinks that the rock was thrown through the door ‘at probably about 3 am’. How the hell did he managed to time if if he wasn’t there and the only two people who were, were slumbering – did one of them at least not wake up when the rock came flying through the door????. Oh – Dafydd had a dog as well, a drug dealer’s dog, a Doberman who tried to attack the police on one occasion. Didn’t the dog bark? As for knowing that it was me who threw the rock – of course he knew that it was, because as Dafydd tells the MDU lawyers Hempsons ‘I can conceive of no other person likely to have done this’.

Dafydd was running a sex trafficking ring who dealt in drugs and child porn, I can conceive of a great many people who might have chucked the rock. If indeed a rock had ever been chucked. Dafydd noticeably provides no evidence whatever – no photos, no statements from the two persons who were sleeping in the house, not a sausage. He did tell the MDU that I was charged with assault on a junior doctor but he forgot to add that the charges were dropped when the junior doctor admitted that I hadn’t assaulted him after all.

Dafydd also says in his letter that a psychiatrist ‘whose name escapes me at the moment but which can be retrieved’ stated that I would ‘very likely end in a secure ward for the criminally insane’.

Yes Dafydd, because you, Tony Francis, Dr Chris Hunter and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends were constantly trying to fit me up after carrying out secret assessments on me which concluded with recommendations that I should be sent to a high security hospital because I was criminally insane…

Dafydd mentions one such incident – ‘I can recall an occasion when forensic psychiatrists attended a conference discussing the possible risks and possible management’. Would that have been the conference held by Dafydd’s mate Dr Chris Hunter – of whom I had never even heard at the time – who held a conference about me after Tony Francis and Dafydd asked him to? A conference that was held without my knowledge in north Wales – whilst I was working in a London medical school. A conference which was attended solely by paedophiles’ friends, many of whom had never met me (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’).

There is no solid evidence amongst any of this garbage – if the name of the person who made the splendid comments about me ending in a ward for the criminally insane ‘can be retrieved’, why wasn’t it retrieved before Dafydd wrote this letter? Or indeed since?

The name of that particular person wasn’t retrieved, but a whole list of other names was. Dafydd had back up! He told the MDU that they had his permission to approach: Avril Davies, the Mental Health Act Administrator at the Hergest Unit; Alun Davies; Tony and Sadie Francis; Hugh Thomas Pierce; Mrs Janice Glass; DC S.A. Owen ‘who has now become extensively involved in this matter’.

Avril Davies and the Francis’s were paedophiles’ friends. I have no idea who Hugh Thomas Pierce is. Janice Glass was one of Dafydd’s servants at his house, but I’ve never met her. And I did not even know of the existence of DC Owen, although he/she had become ‘extensively involved in this matter’.

I only heard about me throwing a rock through Dafydd’s door at 3 am some time after I’d done it, when a nurse at the Hergest Unit told me what I’d done. Which is just as well – DC Owen or indeed any other police officer hadn’t interviewed me about my crime, so if that helpful nurse hadn’t have let me known that I’d been over at Dafydd’s in the small hours chucking rocks through his door, I’d have been blissfully unaware of my crimes.

Dafydd worked as an expert medical witness. This is a man who had people banged up in Ashworth and Broadmoor for the rest of their lives on the basis of his ‘evidence’.

Much more recently in 2009 DC Steve Power was involved in yet another attempt to frame me on the part of the North West Wales NHS Trust – after a previous attempt had fallen apart (see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). When my lawyer had Steve bang to rights in the police station, Steve announced that he would be taking this matter no further because he was retiring in a matter of days. I recognised Steve Power when he interviewed me in 2009. I had met him about four years previously, after I made a complaint to the police about being assaulted by staff in the Hergest Unit. I was locked in a room and prevented from reporting the assault when it happened, so after I got out of the Hergest Unit I wrote to the North Wales Police. I received a letter back with an appointment to discuss the matter at Caernafon Police Station. I turned up for the appointment only to be told by the police officer on duty that ‘another matter’ had arisen, so he was unable to see me. He told me that he would send me another appointment. I never heard another word. The officer was DC Steve Power.

 

Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of the children in care in north Wales had a great deal of trouble with the North Wales Police. The two North Wales Police officers who’s names are usually heard in relation to the investigations into the abuse of children in care after Alison blew the whistle are Detective Superintendent Peter Ackerley and Detective Chief Superintendent Gwynne Owen. Alison’s concerns were rubbished and she was accused of fabricating multiple abuse allegations, including allegations against former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea and manipulating children into making false accusations.

I too was accused of ‘manipulating’ and ‘encouraging’ people to complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. It never seemed to occur to the paedophiles’ friends that their conduct was so dreadful that when it was witnessed by people other than kids in care or psych patients – who had become very used to being routinely abused – people were horrified. They didn’t need to be ‘encouraged’ or ‘manipulated’ by me to complain.

The conduct of the North Wales Police over many years left a great deal to be desired.

I have found out that former Detective Constable Jo Bott was interviewed during the 1991-93 investigation into child abuse in north Wales. Bott repeatedly took refuge by answering ‘no comment’. Well there’s a turn up for the books – because when I witnessed Jo in action in 1993 when she was a key mover and shaker in false accusations that a new father was a danger to his baby whilst two people who had sexually and physically abused children were afforded full protection by Bott, Bott had a great deal to say. In fact Jo was ever so friendly and chatty as she extracted information from a new parent who trusted her. When Jo returned to see that man a few weeks later, having used the information that he provided about the abuse of at least FOUR children to protect the abusers and frame an innocent person, Jo still had a bit more to say – only this time, what she had to say was rather unpleasant and threatening as opposed to friendly and chatty (see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’).

Come on Jo, tell us what you know about who had it in for the other completely innocent and good father involved in it all as well, Martin – who was found dead at a most convenient time for you and the paedophiles’ friends…

The 1991-93 North Wales Police investigation into child abuse recommended that Gordon Anglesea should be prosecuted. Not only was he not prosecuted until many, many years later, but this information was concealed. It only became public in 1997 when Gerard Elias QC revealed it at the Waterhouse Inquiry.

It is thought that the Police Federation backed Gordon Anglesea’s libel case against HTV Wales, Private Eye, The Indie on Sunday and The Observer, which Anglesea won in 1994 (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). North Wales Police officers attended Anglesea’s libel hearing and they knew that information was being witheld ie. that there had been a recommendation that Anglesea should be prosecuted.

 

In 2005 the ‘investigative journalist’ Richard Webster published a book called ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. Webster’s book was principally a vehicle for trashing the reputation of Alison Taylor. His theory was that the secret of Bryn Estyn was that there was no serious abuse there, that it was just another bog standard mediocre children’s home.

I cannot understand why Webster ever took an interest in Bryn Estyn. He had no connections with Wales and when he planned and wrote the book he was based in Suffolk. He contacted people in north Wales telling them that he was writing a book on institutional child abuse in 1996 but BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced.

Webster’s volume is substantial, but it is clear to anyone from north Wales that Webster either had no idea of what was going on or that for some reason he had been sent to assist the paedophiles’ friends. No-one could have lived in north Wales for any length of time over the last few decades and not have noticed that the health and welfare services were and still are truly dreadful. This escaped Webster. He also concluded that Lucille Hughes paying a special visit in person to interview a kid who had alleged that he had been abused was a sign of Lucille’s concern and conscientiousness. This was Lucille bloody Hughes – she probably went out to see the boy to threaten him at gun point, Lucille was not a nice person.

No-one seems to know who funded Webster whilst he ‘researched’ and wrote his book. He made many visits to north Wales and stayed there for substantial lengths of time. Furthermore Webster enjoyed a very cosy relationship with certain people in the North Wales Police.

Some two weeks after the publication of the Waterhouse Report in 2000, Richard Webster wrote an article for the ‘New Statesman’ entitled ‘Can A Whistleblower Be Wrong?’. This was an attack on Alison Taylor where she was accused again of making it all up and getting the kids to make it all up as well. In order to write the article, Webster had gained possession of confidential police documents, including witness statements. He had interviewed Peter Ackerley at length on at least one occasion, although this was denied by Diane Kaiser, the solicitor for the North Wales Police – documentation subsequently demonstrated that Webster had interviewed Ackerley. Webster also used the statements that Gwynne Owen – another person who trashed Alison – made to the CPS for the NS article.

The ‘New Statesman’ had a shock when in 2001 Alison sued them for defamation. I think that Alison represented herself. The NS admitted in court that they published Webster’s article on the assumption that Alison could not afford to sue them. The publisher of the NS at the time of the article was Peter Wilby and it was owned by Geoffrey Robinson. The NS instructed Bindman and Partners to act for them and Adam Speker QC was Counsel. Bindman and Partners had represented Peter Howarth at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Howarth was one of the prime organisers of the paedophile ring in north Wales and was jailed for numerous sex offences against the boys in Bryn Estyn.

In 2002 the NS and Webster fell out. The NS severed his representation on the grounds of the irreconcilable differences between them and Webster because of his refusal to settle the case. The NS subsequently settled with Alison in Dec 2002 and she withdrew her case against Webster. Webster protested about the publication of a settlement notice – he was represented (it was suspected pro bono) by Adrienne Page QC. Page is the cohabitee of Adam Speker and a colleague of Cherie Booth. Justice David Eady presided over the hearing, despite Eady having had previous dealings with Webster.

Page and Speker continued their links with Webster and they provided legal advice for ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. The book was launched at a party in the Commons organised by Claire Curtis-Thomas, the then Labour MP for Crosby. Curtis-Thomas is associated with Dr Death’s mate Shirley Williams and she also has close links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring hot spots of south Wales and Cheshire. Webster published the book himself – and later self-published a paperback version.

Webster died in 2011 but his website – which is yet another vehicle for trashing Alison Taylor – is still online and is obviously being maintained by someone.

Someone must have been behind Webster. He seems to have had only one principle aim – to discredit Alison Taylor in any way that he could. His was an expensive project and somebody footed the bill.

Geoffrey Robinson, the owner of the ‘New Statesman’ when it launched Webster’s attack on Alison, has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976. Robinson was Blair’s Paymaster General, 1997-98 – he resigned after lending all that dosh to Mandy…Robinson’s personal fortune is estimated at approx £30 million. Robinson owns a number of homes even grander than the one that Mandy purchased with the dosh that was lent to him by Robinson, including one in Tuscany at which the Blairs took one of their famous holidays courtesy of their very rich friends.

 

To return to Ron Davies.

Rhodri Morgan explains that Neil Wooding passed the warning about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate to Val Feld, ‘a big cheese in the Swansea Labour movement’ and a close friend of Julie, Rhodri’s wife. So Val Feld told Julie.

Val Feld was a woman from a privileged family in Caernarfon who knew all about the abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and I bet that she knew about Ron before Neil Wooding said anything to her. Val founded Shelter Cymru and was the Director of the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) for Wales, 1989-99. She was the AM for Swansea East, 1999-01. Val was a mate of paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt and just a few weeks ago Hutt had a plaque placed on the wall of the Senedd in tribute to Val who kept quiet about so much. For details of what Val ignored, see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’.

 

Neil Wooding, the man who sent up the flare regarding Ron Davies, is Director of Strategic Planning Performance and Capability at the Office for National Statistics. Neil is an old lag from the Welsh Gov’t. He was Director, Pubic Service Management Wales, 

Not only did Rhodri claim not to know what cottaging was, but Rhodri also experienced confusion over Castle Gate, the site of Ron’s cottaging. Rhodri explains in his book that he presumed that ‘Castle Gate’ was the name of some dive of a pub where Ron had been entertaining himself. Then someone told Rhodri that Ron had been cottaging at Castle Gate in Cardiff – the entrance to Cardiff Castle. Which was approx 100 yards from Rhodri’s constituency office in Transport House.

Rhodri was nearly as close to Ron’s preferred cottaging territory as the Bangor Police were to Garth Road public toilets.

Rhodri wonders in his book whether Blair ‘knew about’ Ron. It is highly probable that he did because Blair specialised in promoting paedophiles’ friends to high office, particularly the Lords. However Rhodri does confirm that ‘MI5 didn’t know’ because of Ron’s ‘astonishing ability to cover his tracks’.

Cottaging at the entrance to Cardiff Castle hardly demonstrates an astonishing ability to cover one’s tracks. Rather it demonstrates complete confidence that everyone knows what you are doing and that no-one is going to blow the gaffe. Of course MI5 knew, they were probably the strangers who were meeting Ron at the Castle Gate for sex. Why does Ron think that the encounter with Boogie ended in disaster just as Blair was about to ensure that Ron became Wales’s FM?

Rhodri notes that Ron was good mates with Nick Brown. Nick Brown has been the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne East since 1983. Nick’s CV ticks numerous boxes which suggests that he has known about the paedophiles and their friends for decades (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Shortly after Ron Davies had his moment of madness with Boogie, Nick – who was the Minister of Agriculture at the time – became embroiled in some sort of scandal involving a rent boy. Blair’s autobiography ‘A Journey’ admits that Alastair Campbell successfully re-packaged the incident as a good-news story about Brown coming out as gay because Blair was crapping himself at the idea of the Gov’t being hit by two sex scandals in such close succession.

According to journalist Tom Bower, Nick Brown ‘was accused of paying £100 to rent boys to be kicked around a room, and admitted his sexuality’.

‘Private Eye’ recently reported that Nick Brown is suing Bower over a particular sentence in Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ -not even a sentence that I would have thought was particularly incriminating. Brown’s barrister is Adrienne Paige QC! Paige was one of the junior barristers who worked with the crooked barrister George Carman on libel cases (No Ordinary Methods’). Carman knew about the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile gang and its link to the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Blair was a junior barrister in Carman’s team and Carman was also the head of Cherie’s chambers.

 

Although Ron was a Master of Disguise with a Cunning Plan who excelled in covering his tracks by having casual sex with male strangers in central Cardiff at one of the city’s most popular tourist attractions, Ron was gregarious and socialised with many people who of course all had no idea at all of his ‘other life’. The other life that was a constant source of gossip.

Rhodri was such a good mate of Ron that Rhodri was the campaign manager behind Ron’s efforts to become what Rhodri called ‘Top Taff’ in the Shadow Cabinet. Ron became Top Taff in 21 Oct 1993 when John Smith appointed him Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron remained as Top Taff after John Smith’s death, throughout Margaret Beckett’s position as Acting Leader of the Labour Party and continued in the role once Blair ascended the throne.

Whilst Rhodri was busy negotiating Ron’s future as Top Taff, I was subjected to constant attempts by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales to construct me as a dangerous offender and imprison me. Attempts which continued with increased vigour after Ron had become Top Taff because by then people just would not stop alleging that a paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of society because of its links to Westminster and Whitehall and its connections to paedophile rings in other parts of the UK.

Ron’s Chief Political Advisor and spin doctor was Rhodri’s next door neighbour, Huw. Huw was married to Julia, who had been Rhodri’s secretary since shortly after he was first elected to the Commons in 1987. After Ron resigned as Secretary of State in Oct 1998, he hid from the media by staying at Huw and Julia’s place. Nick Horton, the chief political reporter of the ‘Western Mail’, turned up at Rhodri’s house in search of Ron because he’d been told that Ron was there. Rhodri was so relieved that Horton never guessed that Ron was next door – no-one knew that Ron was in there because Huw and Julia drew the curtains for the whole weeks whilst Ron laid low. House of Ron’s adviser and spin doctor goes into lock-down for a week with all curtains drawn whilst Ron is rumoured to be kipping at Rhodri’s next door? Of course no-one guessed – the fact that no-one published Ron’s whereabouts was completely unrelated to everyone having egg on their faces after keeping schtum about Ron for years.

Something went a bit sour after Ron’s resignation though. Rhodri makes reference to strained relationships and Julia resigning as Rhodri’s secretary…

 

In previous happier times, at Welsh night during the 1996 Labour Party Conference, the Welsh Affairs team all dined together – Rhodri, Ron and Win Griffiths.

Win Griffiths is a former teacher who was Labour MEP for South Wales,  1979-89 and Labour MP for Bridgend 1987-05. Griffiths was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1997-98 reshuffle. After leaving Gov’t Griffiths Chaired the Welsh Grand Committee. He retired from Parliament in 2005.

After retiring Griffiths was Chair of Bro Morgannwg NHS Trust for eight years, a Trust which was in the usual troubled dysfunctional state for an NHS body. In 2012 Lesley Griffiths praised Win for his ‘dedication’ to Bro Morgannwg. Not sure that is much of an endorsement Win. Lesley also named Win’s successor as Chairman – it was Andrew Davies, the former AM for Swansea West and bedfellow of Meri Huws, who previously faced allegations that his Ugandan discussions with Meri had been responsible for Meri landing the job as Chair of the Welsh Language Board (see post ‘People With Energy’).

As for Win, he then moved on to become Chair of WCVA – so he’s the one who is overseeing the waste of public funds and the activities of the paedophiles’ friends that is the Third sector in Wales.

 

Pre-devolution, Ron was big pals – and dined regularly – with Dafydd Wigley and Richard Livsey, as a group of ‘pro-devolution leaders’. Rhodri comments that Ron provided ‘really good leadership’ to this group.

Richard Livsey was the Lib Dem MP for Brecon and Radnorshire, 1985-92 and 1997-01 and was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 1997-01. Livsey was an agriculturalist who after his death was described by everyone as a ‘gentleman’. His time in the Liberal Party stretched back to 1960 and he tried for a seat in the Commons in 1970 and in 1979. Livsey will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith.

Livsey was close friends with Geraint Howells – Howells was his mentor. Geraint Howells was one of those who signed the Early Day Motion in 1992 demanding an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch. Like everybody else who signed that EDM – except for David Bellotti – Howells then never mentioned Mary again and received a peerage. The only one of those who’s name was on the EDM who did not bag a peerage was David Bellotti who tabled the EDM. David Bellotti lost his seat soon after tabling the EDM and was never returned to Parliament. Geraint lost his seat too, unexpectedly, as a result of a very dirty deal on the part of Plaid and the Green Party, but he escaped to the Upper House (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

When Livsey stood down as Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems in 2001 – after the Waterhouse Report had been published and difficult questions had been, temporarily at least, silenced, Livsey was given a peerage.

 

Ron Davies also had an ‘excellent working relationship’ with Rachel Lomax, the Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1996-99. Rachel Lomax oversaw the setting up of the Welsh Assembly. She arrived in the Welsh Office just in time for the establishment of the Waterhouse Inquiry as well.

William Hague – the Secretary of State for Wales at the time – must have really wanted Rachel because she was an economist who was recalled to the Welsh Office from the World Bank, where she was a Vice-President and Chief of Staff to President of the World Bank.

Lomax went to Cheltenham Ladies College, then Girton College, Cambridge and then to the LSE. After she left the LSE in 1968 she joined the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson, 1985-86, whilst Lawson was Chancellor, then a Deputy Secretary at the Treasury, then Deputy Chief Economic Advisor, 1990-94. In 1994-95 Lomax was head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office.

Rachel has certain been where the action is. Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, so she’ll have known him and like everyone else who worked with him will have heard about him molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and London. It was while Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury that Dafydd unlawfully had Mary Wynch arrested, imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then unlawfully imprisoned for a year in Denbigh. Rachel Lomax touched Mary Wynch’s life again in 1994. In 1994 it was the Treasury solicitor who finally ruined Mary (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Mary was far too old for Peter Morrison to have been interested in her and she was female anyway, but as well as knowing that at least one person had almost certainly been murdered whilst in the care of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes and that a group of local lawyers were collaborating together to fleece their clients, Mary also witnessed the preparation of young patients in the North Wales Hospital for their futures in the sex industry. Dafydd had given instructions that the patients on the young people’s ward should be encouraged to have sex with each other and the Angels would gather around to watch the show.

By the time that Rachel Lomax had arrived at the Welsh Office to organise the cover-up, Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried.

 

Rhodri’s book explains a rather dodgy deal that Rachel facilitated for Ron in 1998. The HQ of the interim Assembly was located at Crickhowell House in Cardiff. The rent on Crickhowell House was kept low provided that the future Assembly committed to a new HQ on the adjoining site. The landlord of the whole area was the ABP (Associated British Ports) property subsidiary Grosvenor Waterside. The ABP could then recover their loss on the low rent through the enhanced capital values on the land surrounding the new Assembly building. Rhodri thought that it was most unsavoury that such a corrupt deal underpinned the building housing the Assembly from the very beginning. For details of the other massive scams involving ABP and the development of Cardiff Bay, see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Honest Rhodri never wanted the Assembly to be located in Cardiff Bay anyway – he wanted it to be in Cardiff City Hall, next to Cathays Park where the civil servants worked. The corrupt civil servants, who had spent decades concealing the criminality involving Dafydd and the paedophiles. Numerous documents among those detailing the criminality and cover-ups in my possession have the Cathays Park Welsh Office address on them, including some of those that I am fairly sure are forged (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). I will be blogging more about those documents soon.

Rhodri himself had an office in Cathays Park as well and it was the traditional home of the Secretary of State for Wales. Rhodri explains that it was really great working in Cathays Park because everybody was there and you could just pop along to see whoever you needed to. That’s right Rhodri, the office of the corrupt Medical Ombudsman was there, as was the office of the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, then in later years the corrupt Public Services Ombudsman and of course the corrupt Social Services Inspectorate was there as well. Just to tie everything up nicely, the office of the corrupt Mental Health Tribunal was also situated in Cathays Park. Everything conveniently located on one site!

 

Not only did the corrupt Secretaries of State have an office in Cathays Park, but they even had an apartment there, so they could live on campus among the crooks. The apartment was originally created from a few offices for the use of Nicholas Edwards and his wife Ankaret. Old Nick and his wife made good use of the flat between 1979-87, as did Peter Walker (1987-90) and David Hunt (1990-93) and (1995). However John Redwood (1993-95) didn’t use the flat, he insisted on returning to his place in Wokingham to sleep.

No wonder there was havoc in Wales whilst Redwood was Secretary of State and everyone was desperate to see the back of him – him not living above the shop must have profoundly disrupted the smooth operation of the corrupt machine. On the other hand I’m sure that David Hunt, the man who assisted with so much of the most serious wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends during his long and glorious career (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friend Of Cardiff North’) found that flat very useful for the days between 26 June 1995-5 July 1995, when Hunt returned to his old job as Secretary of State for Wales in what must have been for the shortest length of time that anyone has ever occupied a senior Gov’t position. It was during those heady risk-laden days when the knotty problem of the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd – a retirement which never was – and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital took place. Not that the North Wales Hospital did close, although everyone was told that it did. Part of it stayed open in secret.

Get digging out there at Denbigh, I know that old Hunt will have pushed the boat out in the summer of 1995 and probably got hardly any sleep at all what with all those civil servants running in and out of his flat screaming ‘but how are we going to explain the human remains if we close the bloody place down and someone turns it into luxury apartments???’, but Hunt deserves to be exposed before he joins the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who are dropping dead on an almost daily basis…

 

Rachel Lomax was one of those who scarpered after Ron’s downfall at the hands of Boogie – she resigned from her post as the Welsh Office and in Dec 1998 took up the role of Permanent Secretary at the DHSS. Rhodri observed that just before Ron hit disaster Rachel Lomax had purchased a new house for herself in the Vale of Glamorgan and such was Lomax’s loyalty to her home nation that she kept her home in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Lomax left the DHSS/DWP in 2002 and then served as Permanent Secretary at the  Dept of Transport, having moved there with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling when Blair reshuffled his Cabinet following the resignation of the Secretary of State for Transport Stephen Byers, he who subsequently described himself as a ‘cab for hire’ in a lobbying scandal and was banned from Parliament for two years (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

From 2003-08 Lomax was a Deputy Governor at the Bank of England, serving on its Monetary Policy Committee. She left just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 to ‘pursue other interests’. In Dec 2008, Lomax became an independent non-executive Director of HSBC Holdings, where she was also a member of the audit and risk committees. In Dec 2010 Lomax joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive Director. Rachel is also a non-executive director of Serco and a trustee of Imperial College London (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ for the details of the research fraud and misconduct on the part of those who have worked or are still working at Imperial) and has served as President of the Institute of Fiscal Studies.

 

There is another person who could tell us all a great deal about Ron and a lot of other people as well but he seems to have kept a very discreet silence – a man called Les who is a former Cardiff taxi driver. After ferrying the general public around Cardiff, Les worked as the official driver for that very good friend of the paedophiles of north Wales Lord Wyn Roberts, then as the official driver for Ron and then as the official driver for Rhodri. Les could give us the best anecdote ever in terms of who he had in the back of the cab…

Lest anyone think that I have a problem with Ron and others mentioned on this blog because they are gay and I am conflating gay men with child abusers, I don’t and I’m not. The problem that I have tried to highlight on this blog is that a number of the people discussed have used prostitutes – male and female – who were coerced into that business whilst they were kids in care and to coerce them into sex work those kids were subjected to very great cruelty at the hands of serious criminals. If sex workers are consenting adults who have not been coerced into that work I don’t consider what they are doing or who their customers are to be anyone else’s business. Despite some of the scare stories, the best research into sex work has shown that there is a contingent of prostitutes who are adults with agency, fully in control and who conduct business discreetly and safely. Many of them have actually worked as nurses and furthermore prostitution among nurses is a good deal more common than anyone likes to admit. Sadly there are also people who have been forced into prostitution – ironically by the sort of nurses who worked for Dafydd – and who most definitely need protecting and rescuing.

The people discussed on this blog do not have track records of being honest and transparent and they all try to portray themselves as having only ever conducted relationships with consenting adults, even when that most definitely is not true. Ron may have become notorious for cottaging at the Castle Gate or for picking up Boogie on Clapham Common, but before he became an MP Ron was an advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst everybody in Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority ignored serious complaints about drama teacher John Owen sexually abusing his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

In north Wales there was a Mafia code of silence regarding the activities of the paedophile gang – partly because some people were terrified of them but partly because everybody was covering the arses of their friends and relatives and that technique was also used to secure themselves jobs, promotions and, in later life, pensions.

Consider just this alone. Ron worked as a tutor-organiser for the WEA, taking over from Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the Windbag was elected to Parliament. Rhodri Morgan also worked for the WEA in south Wales, 1963-65. When they were young, Rhodri and the Windbag shared a house. Rhodri and the Windbag spent many enjoyable years campaigning together. Wayne David, who succeeded Ron as Labour MP for Caerphilly, also worked for the WEA in south Wales, starting in that role in 1985. Like Ron, Wayne was a teacher who trained at Cardiff University. I could continue…

Were any of this lot, a bunch of not very bright people who scraped their way into universities – usually in south Wales – and somewhere along the way developed a massive sense of entitlement and fancied themselves as Cabinet Ministers or even PMs, ever going to grass each other up? They saw the way that many other people in Wales lived and that was certainly not for them. No matter how many of them banged on about the forefathers going down the pit, most of them had never got their hands dirty themselves. Glenys Kinnock has never been near a pit in her life, she lives a millionaire’s life between London and Europe and her daughter-in-law is PM of Denmark. Pretty good for a school teacher from Holyhead whose home town suffers from severe disadvantage and was host to a paedophile gang. Never mind the Castle Gate, Ron Davies could probably have gone cottaging in the middle of John Lewis’s in Cardiff on a Saturday afternoon and no-one would have said a word.

Alun Davies, the corrupt NHS manager in north Wales who constantly tried to have me imprisoned, didn’t come from north Wales. Davies was from the Rhondda…

Ron’s wife – now ex-wife – Christina Rees, the Labour MP for Neath, is a barrister. Her wiki entry is incredibly brief and talks about her school days and love of sport.

‘We didn’t know.’

After Ron fell from grace on Clapham Common a few people from south Wales who didn’t have ambitions to become PM but who didn’t dare identify themselves in the press, admitted that they did know, that indeed ‘everyone knew’ about Ron and furthermore that he was a vindictive aggressive bastard whom a lot of people didn’t dare cross.

Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after Boogie, but he didn’t resign as an MP. In fact Ron put up quite a fight. His first strategy was to make a speech in the House about the violence that he had suffered at the hands of his father as a child. Which is sad but Ron is by no means alone in having had that happen to him. This was followed by Ron coming out as bisexual. Then Ron claimed to have some interesting psychiatric problem which involved him seeking out ‘risky situations’ – for which he was of course ‘receiving help’.

If Ron was paying good money to attend Dafydd’s sex therapy clinic it wasn’t very effective because in 2003 Ron was caught in another risky situation in a well known cruising and dogging spot. Ron’s story was that he was looking for badgers.

At no point did Ron simply say ‘I’m gay, now sod off because it’s no-one else’s business but mine’.

It was after he was photographed looking for badgers that Ron stepped down as MP for Caerphilly. However, Rhodri’s book explains that Ron did not go quietly.

It was the Chairman of the Party, Brian Curtis, who was left to ensure that the Labour Party divested itself of Ron by persuading Ron to pull out of the candidacy for Caerphilly before the 2003 General Election election. Ron had recently bought an expensive house on a mortgage and he refused to stand down unless his PPI to cover his mortgage payments could be activated. Rhodri states that  Jessica Morden, the General Secretary of the Labour Party, was ‘unhappy’ about providing the letter of cover to Ron’s bank – Ron needed a letter saying that he’d been forced to resign his candidacy to prevent accusations from the bank that he’d voluntarily left his job. Ron only stood down once he knew that the insurance on his mortgage was secured.

Rhodri tells us that ‘Jessica did what she had to do because it was absolutely necessary in the reputational interest of the Labour Party’.

Rhodri believing that this was sufficient to save the reputation of the Labour Party reminds me of a document that the former Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts wrote when he got wind of Edwina Hart’s plan to abolish the Trust. Elfed memorably wrote that ‘the Trust must be seen to be beyond reproach at this crucial time’. How did Elfed and his colleague Martin Jones the CEO of the Trust ensure that the Trust was seen to be ‘beyond reproach’ at that crucial time? Well in the face of the rising toll of patient and staff suicides, Elfed and Martin refused to investigate any patient complaints, sent an extract from my medical records to a senior member of staff in Bangor University, rang various other colleagues of mine and told them that I was dangerous, intimidated a number of people who had witnessed what was happening to me and who had made statements about it and then had me arrested on the grounds that I had pink hair and had laughed at Elfed’s car and called it a penismobile.

Elfed and Martin seemed unaware that they had become famous as a result of their attempts to be seen to be beyond reproach at a crucial time. No wonder that Edwina carried out her plan to abolish them. Then Edwina stood for the leadership of the Labour Party in Wales and during the leadership debates the topic of anti-social behaviour was discussed. A lady in the audience asked how the candidates were going to tackle anti-social behaviour among young people. Edwina responded by saying that it wasn’t only young people who were capable of anti-social behaviour. I and the person whom I was watching this with were howling with laughter because we suspected that Edwina might have well have been thinking of two particularly unhinged NHS senior managers in north west Wales…

 

What Rhodri doesn’t explain is what Ron Davies was doing buying an expensive house on a mortgage when he knew that everyone was trying to get rid of him – and why did Ron bother to buy PPI, everyone knew by then that the buggers never pay up. Was Ron expecting perhaps to not only be in need of PPI but confident that he would be able to get them to cough up?

What happened to Jessica, who just did what she had to do? (Dafydd used to say that on the rare occasions that he was actually put on the spot and asked why he had broken the law. ‘I just did what I had to do’ would always be accompanied with Dafydd’s claim that ‘I found myself in this bizarre situation’. Yes, with a load of abducted victims of a paedophile ring imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital…)

Jessica Morden was well rewarded for doing what she had to do to save the reputation of the Labour Party ie. ensure that Ron bagged an expensive house in return for not standing again as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. Jessica was accepted as the Labour candidate for Newport East and became the MP for that constituency in 2005. Jessica was selected by the use of an all woman shortlist. No-one could accuse Blair of parachuting Jessica into south Wales though. Not only had Jessica been the General Secretary of Welsh Labour, but in 1991 she worked for Huw Edwards, Labour MP for Monmouth and she then worked for Llew Smith, Labour MP for Blaenau Gwent, 1992-95.

So Jessica had been around quite long enough to not know about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate.

Llew Smith was also elected as the MEP for South Wales East in 1984. He stood down in 1994 – and made way for one Glenys Kinnock!

Huw Edwards succeeded the Monmouth seat from the Tory MP Sir John Stradling Thomas after Sir John was found dead in his Dolphin Square flat. Readers who follow the comments section of my blog will remember how often Richard Card has commented on the death of Sir John. Sir John had been expressing concern about the allegations of Westminster figures being involved in child abuse and was believed to be about to speak publicly and possibly name some of those alleged to be involved. He was found dead hours before he was due to speak.

Children trafficked for sex from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were taken to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). One of the community social workers employed on the Maesgeirchan estate on which Ty’r Felin was located was Meri Huws – Meri is alleged to be a former bedfellow of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘People With Energy’).

Jessica got her chance at Newport East after Alan Howarth, the sitting MP, was elevated to the Lords by Blair. Howarth became famous when he crossed the floor. He was the Tory MP for Stratford-upon-Avon, after being elected in 1983. In 1995 he defected to Labour, was selected for Newport East and subsequently became a Minister in Blair’s Gov’t. Howarth was dropped from the Gov’t in 2001, after the Waterhouse Report had been published and the claims that it was a massive cover-up had been silenced, at least temporarily.

Howarth was an unlikely defector to New Labour. He had been a hard right Tory, a founder member of the Thatcherite No Turning Back group. Early in his career, Howarth had worked in the Conservative Party Chairman’s office under Willie Whitelaw – who spent many years in many capacities concealing the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales. Then Howarth became Director of the Conservative Research Department and Party Vice-Chairman. Matthew Parris used to work in the Conservative Research Department and claimed that there was a senior member of staff there who used to go cruising for young men on London buses. Parris also maintained that every summer, a group of male staff from that Dept would take a holiday at a place in Italy known as the ‘Villa of Shame’ where they were supplied with ‘boys who were always willing’.

What possible use could Blair have made of Howarth in 1995 when Howarth defected – whilst demands for a public inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been followed by Nicola Davies QC reviewing the paperwork to see whether a public inquiry should be held? Nicola found that the paperwork of the North Wales Police relating to the abuse of children was missing from 1989 onwards. There’s a surprise.

Howarth crossed the floor on 8 Oct 1995. Peter Morrison had been conveniently found dead three months before and now Nicola Davies QC and Secretary of State for Wales William Hague just had to work out how to rig the Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal that people were demanding.

On the eve of the 1997 General Election the Labour MP for Ogmore, 1979-01, Sir Ray Powell told an interesting tale about two of his Blairite colleagues. He alleged that Mandelson and Ron Davies offered him a peerage if he gave up his seat in the Commons for Alan Howarth, the Conservative who had crossed the floor to join the Labour Party (see post ‘News From Sicily’)…

 

The political career of Ron Davies didn’t finish once he’d secured his upmarket house.  In 2004 he resigned from the Labour Party claiming that they were all a bit incompetent in the Welsh Labour Party. Ron then joined the new Forward Wales Party and stood for election as an MEP. In 2007 he stood for election to the Assembly – as an Independent – for Caerphilly. In 2008 Ron was back on Caerphilly County Borough Council – where he had begun his career decades previously. He held the Economic Development and Urban Regeneration portfolio, originally as an Independent but later actively supported the ruling Plaid group on the Council. In recent years there has been an ongoing scandal at Caerphilly County Borough Council involving financial mismanagement on a huge scale. There has been a criminal investigation which found serious wrongdoing but it was decided to proceed no further with the investigation because of the cost of the investigation. So it rather looks as though some of Ron’s colleagues have made off with hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money and they will not be held to account.

Ron joined Plaid in 2010 and has since stood as a Plaid candidate in three elections.

 

Rhodri explained in his memoir that he was sympathetic to politicians who stood accused of involvement in sex scandals as a result of his own experience. At one time a ‘Top Welsh Tory’ put it around that Rhodri had been cautioned for picking up prostitutes in the Cardiff docks area. A full apology to Rhodri was issued and a donation to charity was made after Rhodri approached the Tory Party Chairman at the time for help. That Chairman was Dr Brian Mawhinney, now Lord Mawhinney.

Mawhinney was a Tory MP, 1979-05 and concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles whilst he was Minister of State for Health, 1992-94. Mawhinney was PPS to Tom King, 1984-86, whilst King was Secretary of State for NI and then held Ministerial positions in the N Ireland Office between 1986-92. So Mawhinney knows all about Kincora.

Mawhinney’s brother Richard is a lawyer who is married to Patricia Scotland QC. Patsy’s big break was representing the Welsh Office at the Waterhouse Inquiry – she was given a peerage during the Inquiry. Patsy never looked back, she has gone from high office to high office, despite being embroiled in scandal and dogged by allegations of improper conduct wherever she goes. When Patsy was given the brief for the Waterhouse Inquiry her brother-in-law Brian was a member of the Cabinet.

Details of Patsy’s network of paedophiles’ friends can be read in posts ‘Baroness Patricia Scotland QC Was On Board As Well!’, ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ and ‘Even More About Baroness Patricia Scotland QC’.

Brian Mawhinney was Chair of the Tory Party, 1995-97. Which was just when everyone was dealing with the very tricky problem of Dafydd, the paedophile gang, the demands for a public inquiry and then the setting up of the rigged Waterhouse Inquiry. Mawhinney became Chairman of the Party on the last day of David Hunt’s tenure as Secretary of State for Wales. Peter Morrison was found dead eight days later.

I would imagine that the Tories were in such deep shit during Mawhinney’s time as Chairman of the Party that they would be very vulnerable indeed to approaches by angry Labour politicians who claimed to have been the subject of baseless rumours circulated by the Tory Party. Mawhinney might have been so worried that he could have even resorted to apologising to Labour MPs who perhaps really had been cautioned for kerb crawling around Cardiff docks.

Rhodri stood accused at some point between 5 July 1995 – 11 June 1997. Which was when the patients in north Wales were being left destitute and dead after their day centre had been closed down and when such strenuous efforts were being made to have me banged up in a secure unit.

 

As for other news recently. Professor Nick Hardwick, the Chairman of the Parole Board (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’), has stated that if details are released about Top Doctors who serve on the Parole Board, the Top Doctors would be at risk of coming under attack on social media. Did Nick perhaps have in mind recent blog posts of mine in which I mentioned that Professor Robert Bluglass and Drs Colin Berry and David Mawson all served on the Parole Board after Bluglass and Berry actively concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles and David Mawson just politely failed to mention it when faced with the evidence?

Southern Health have been fined £2 million after the HSE mounted a prosecution against them in the wake of the deaths of Connor Sparrowhawk and another patient. This is substantially the result of the efforts of Connor’s mum Dr Sara Ryan who has worked very hard since Connor’s death to expose massive failures at Southern as well as the deaths of hundreds of patients which were never investigated. Sara has been subjected to the usual that anyone complaining about serious failings in the NHS can expect – she was described as ‘toxic’ by the Top Doctor whose negligence and dishonesty resulted in Connor’s death, she received an anonymous insulting call from a member of staff at Southern, the son of a senior NHS manager sent out a tweet describing her as a ‘fucking pest’ and then she was insulted all over again when she gave evidence at a GMC fitness to practice hearing.

Sara feels a sense of satisfaction now. I am not underestimating what Sara has achieved, but no-one involved in Connor’s death – or indeed in the deaths of the hundreds of other patients who were slaughtered by Southern – have lost their jobs. They are all still practising. The £2 million fine will be paid by Southern from its vast budget of public money. It will be given to the British state’s coffers. It was the British state who allowed Southern to kill patients. I would not be surprised if as a result of being fined £2 million, Southern now put in a plea for some special source of extra money from the Gov’t on the grounds that they are short of cash. They’ll get it as well.

The statements made by Southern yesterday were cut n pasted from the usual NHS template. ‘We’ve failed’. ‘This will be a catalyst for change.’ Just like all the other deaths were going to be a catalyst for change. As indeed was the conviction of the mass murderer Harold Shipman. So that’s why no-one been struck off in the wake of the genocide at Southern.

There is only one thing that will be a catalyst for change in the NHS – people who have abused or killed their patients being escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and then put on trial.

 

 

Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena

My previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ details the massive co-ordinated effort that Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services made to label me ‘dangerous’ on the basis of scare stories and baseless allegations made by themselves and circulated around to people who had often never even met me. I described how although I was working in London during the week I had bought a house near Bethesda and I used to go there at weekends – this piece of personal information about me was documented and circulated around managers and administrators. Once these authorities were aware that I had purchased a property in Gwynedd, they began to correspond with each other about who would ‘treat’ me and indeed section me – obviously it would be required. The services of a tame forensic psychiatrist from Cardiff, a Dr Chris Hunter, were engaged and a ‘case conference’ was held about me without my knowledge to which people who had never met me were invited to give ‘evidence’. Neither had I ever met Chris Hunter – indeed I only became aware of his existence some two weeks ago when these previously unreleased documents were sent to me. Yet Hunter had even offered to prepare a Court report about me if necessary – although I wasn’t facing any charges. At the same time that this was all going on, Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services flatly refused to investigate the very serious abuses that were taking place in the mental health services in north Wales and had taken no action against anyone in the wake of my very serious complaints. All this was happening with the knowledge of the Mental Health Act Commission and the advice of legal representatives from the Welsh Office, the British Medical Association and the Medical Defence Union. My blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ takes us up to the end of 1989 with the documents now in my possession showing that without my knowledge, Gwynedd Social Services and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were preparing to secure High Court Injunctions against me to prevent me even communicating with them, so vexed were they at my continued attempts to follow up my complaints and obtain a copy of my medical records.

This blog post takes up the story at the beginning of 1990. The documents reveal that on the 9th Jan 1990, I tried to ring the District General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority and spoke to his secretary, June Roberts. June Roberts noted that I ‘was not rude or threatening’. On the 16 Jan 1990, David Hinchcliffe, an administrator at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, made a ‘note for file’ stating that he had received three telephone calls from me asking why the authorities at Denbigh and Clwyd hadn’t investigated my complaint about Janice Davies [an abusive nurse at Denbigh – my complaint about her was simply ignored] and why they hadn’t taken any action against Dr DA Jones. Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they had ‘fully dealt with’ my complaints (they hadn’t) and that ‘all further appropriate action had been taken’ (no action had been taken against anyone, despite me being illegally held and at one point assaulted by staff). Hinchcliffe notes that I requested a meeting with the two nurses whom I had complained about and that he told me that this was not possible. I had then asked him why my solicitors letters that had been sent to Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities had been ignored – Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they hadn’t been received (they were probably shredded on receipt). On Jan 17th Dilwyn Griffiths, an administrator at Clwyd Health Authority, made a report describing how I’d phoned him and ‘again raised questions’ regarding what action was going to be taken against Janice Davies and Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Dilwyn notes that he told me that there was nothing further that he could add to correspondence that I’d already received, that I ‘continued to go on about wanting action over [my] complaints’ and he then told me that he was extremely busy and had nothing to say to me, so I then hung up.

On Feb 9, David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths saying ‘as requested I have passed on all the relevant information…All individuals are aware of the need to report to me any future incidents…My only comment regarding the letter from the legal advisor to [me] is that perhaps it could have given blanket cover to both Health Authorities.’ This is obviously referring to one of the many threatening letters that I was sent by Andrew Park, the lawyer from the Welsh Office, but I’m not sure which one it was. Park did send eventually send me a letter ordering me to not to write to or visit the premises of Clwyd Health Authority, but that wasn’t until April. I am wondering whether Park had sent Hinchcliffe a draft or something.

However, Andrew Park and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were not the only busy people at the beginning of 1990. Readers following this part of my story will remember that in the autumn of 1989, Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services, was sending letters to the members of Arfon Community Mental Health Team – most of whom I had never met – encouraging them to gather ‘evidence’ about me in order that they could obtain an injunction. Well, on Feb 21 1990, Keith Fearns, the notoriously abusive ‘team leader’ of the Arfon Team (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for the background on Fearns and his buddies), swore an Affidavit in order to assist Gwynedd County Council in getting an injunction against me. Fearns admitted in this Affidavit that he had never met me but ‘had spoken to me over the telephone’. He stated that I had rung him at his home and made ‘insulting and abusive’ calls to him. I have no memory of these calls and I note that Fearns stated in his Affidavit that he ‘didn’t happen to make a record of them’. Which is odd, because they made a record of everything else, including a number of things that never happened. Fearns stated that his colleague Jackie Brandt (whom I had made a serious complaint about which was never investigated) was in such danger from me that she wasn’t allowed to answer the office phone, or be allowed to be ‘unprotected’ in the office, that they had to ensure that male staff were always on the premises and that on occasions they had to ask Brandt to leave the building to avoid contact with me. Staff had ‘suffered stress’ because of my ‘harassment’, Brandt had ‘suffered severely’ and frequently had to change her workplans because of ‘potential physical attack’. Fearns goes on to explain that they have been ‘trained to deal with people who are mentally ill…are used to dealing with clients who threaten us…but [my harassment] is so distressing and so persistent and is so far above the level which we can be expected to tolerate or cope with…we seek the protection of the Court…I anticipate that the Community Mental Health Centre will become [my] primary target.’ So Fearns had never met me yet made these florid allegations without producing any concrete evidence at all. Indeed at the time that Fearns made this statement, I had only ever met Jackie Brandt about twice and one other member of this team that I was allegedly terrorising once. I didn’t even know that the others existed. I was spending most of my time in London so had hardly ever been to this building that had to batten down the hatches because of my ‘potential physical attacks’. However I was writing them a lot of letters and phoning them in an attempt to get a response to my complaint – this constituted the ‘harassment’. Interestingly enough, the file also contains handwritten notes about me made by the ‘team’ as they logged my reign of terror – the notes are flippant with derogatory comments about me. They do not have the flavour of a group of people living in fear. However, a lot of patients were living in fear of this team – they were known to be highly abusive, women patients feared male members of this team visiting them at home and one patient told me that he’d been threatened with physical assault in his own house by one of them. Many years after all this, the ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that a number of them – including Fearns – had been dismissed for seriously neglecting patients. Brandt also swore an Affidavit on Feb 21 which was remarkably similar to Fearns’s but much shorter – odd, considering that she was alleged to have been the target of my ‘harassment’. So on the basis of no evidence at all and on the statements of a man who had never met me at all and a woman who had met me twice, Gwynedd County Council obtained an ex parte High Court Injunction against me, preventing me from going within 200 yards of the Arfon Team’s office in Bangor and preventing me from communicating from any of them. Now there’s a way to deal with complaints when social workers abuse the Mental Health Act! The man who granted them this injunction and seems to have asked no questions – despite the ‘evidence’ being letters of mine which detailed the law breaking and abuses by the mental health services – was a Justice Kay QC. Justice Kay emanated from Liverpool and did this favour for Gwynedd County Council at a relatively early stage in his career. He eventually became Sir John Kay, the Lord Justice of Appeal, a major figure in British legal circles and died some years ago. His Daily Telegraph obituary paid tribute to his ‘formidable intellect and common sense’ – so one wonders what exactly he thought was going on in north Wales at that time then. This obituary also stated that he was one of the ‘most powerful advocates’ on the Northern Circuit. Read all about his glorious legal career here https://www.theguardian.com/news/2004/jul/07/guardianobituariesWell fancy Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns, living in obscurity in north west Wales, being able to seek him out as a potential ally. The documents relating to this injunction show that the legwork was done by a Mrs Janet Ruth Case and H. Ellis Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd. Frances Jones, solicitor, was involved in preparing some of the exhibits (my letters of complaint).

They were also busy out at Denbigh in February 1990. David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths referring to yet another request from me for a copy of my medical notes, enclosing a copy of a truly splendid letter from Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Once more Jones stresses that I must never be given a copy of my records – on which of course unbeknown to me the nurses had documented Dafydd Alun Jones’s collusion with a corrupt police officer to illegally detain me at Denbigh. Jones makes a reference to my ‘disturbed behaviour’ and states that giving me access to my records will only ‘increase [her] unhappiness’. How touching that Dafydd should be so concerned about my happiness at this point – after illegally imprisoning me in a locked ward where I was assaulted by staff, then threatening me, then trying to bribe me, then trying to have me arrested all over again for a crime that had never happened and then telling everyone that I was phenomenally dangerous and would end up in a ‘ward for the criminally insane’. But he only ever had my happiness at heart… I’m interested in yet another reference to me being ‘disturbed’ as well – Dr X at Ysbyty Gwynedd had used the same phrase. This phrase was very popular in the 80s and 90s with health and welfare staff and it tended to be applied to people who were daring to mention things that a lot of people would rather everyone remained silent about. Famously, when Margaret Hodge was leader of Islington Council in the 80s, there was a paedophile ring operating in the children’s homes run by that Council. One of the children who had been abused wrote to Hodge many years later and she publicly denounced him as a ‘disturbed individual’ (just like Dr X did to me). Hodge was married to a judge by the way, Henry Hodge. So presumably she knew exactly how illegal child molesting is. Hodge has since justified her slur about the man who wrote to her by saying that we ‘didn’t understand’ child abuse back in the 80s. Oh yes we did Margaret, we all knew exactly what child abuse was which was why so many people went to such lengths to prevent people who were being molested from being heard. But there we are, Margaret is now Dame Margaret Hodge  – I bet the kids who were molested in Islington haven’t ended up with a title like that…

Now the documents reveal a little mystery occurring in April 1990. Whilst I was working in London, I had come across an article in the British Journal of Psychiatry in the March 1990 edition, written by a Dr Carl S. Littlejohns, who gave his correspondence address as the North Wales Hospital Denbigh no less. Outraged as I was at yet another person from that institution hiding under the guise of being a competent psychiatrist when he will have known what was going on there, I wrote him a letter. I see that there’s a copy of my letter included in the files – it’s not rude or threatening, but it is reminding Carl Littlejohns of exactly what was going on in that institution at the time. There is also a copy of a letter from Littlejohns, dated 10 April, to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh, saying that he had received a ‘rather strange letter and am not sure what to do with it’ (actually, someone should probably have taken it to the police considering the serious abuses that it was describing). BUT – Littlejohns himself has not signed this letter – it is signed ‘pp Carl Littlejohns’ with an indecipherable signature. Then there’s a copy of a letter dated 11 April from Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) to Laurie Wood saying ‘Please find enclosed the latest epistle from [me]. As it makes reference to an ex-employee of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, I thought you might be interested to see it. Did you speak to your colleague at St Georges Hospital and if so what was the outcome?’ Handwritten on this letter was a message saying ‘discussed with Alun Davies 12/4/90’. Now, I don’t think Carl Littlejohns himself ever received my letter. I think that he had by then left Denbigh (hence the reference to ‘an ex-employee’ in Davies’s letter), but someone had opened his mail, realised that the letter was from me and wrote a ‘reply’ from Littlejohns to Laurie Wood in preparation, but actually sent my letter to Alun Davies (who was one of the key figures co-ordinating the attempts to have me declared dangerous and locked up). Davies then sent Littlejohns ‘reply’ to Laurie Wood, along with his snotty letter about my ‘epistle’. Readers who remember reading my previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ will know that by this time I was working at St Georges Hospital in London and that our friends from the north Wales mental health services had not only got one of their contacts at St Georges to trail around after me but had even accessed mail sent to the hospital for me in an attempt to discover my address in London. And now here was Davies asking Laurie for information from one of his mates at St Georges…These people were really anxious about something…

As for Carl Littlejohns, I googled him a few days ago. He works as a psychiatrist in Chester, in a private hospital. Yet another person who will have witnessed what went on at Denbigh but has obviously kept schtum for all these years.

On the 30 April, a letter was sent from the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh. He states that he’s enclosing a copy of the letter that had been sent to me by their legal advisor (Andrew Park from the Welsh Office). Laurie Wood is told that Park has ‘omitted any references to assaults on staff, as, from the information we have provided, there does not seem to be any evidence that actual assaults on staff have taken place’. There is then yet another command for everyone to keep a record of ‘incidents’. There is also a copy of a letter that Park wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd stating that he has written to me but ‘I thought it best to omit the references to assaults since I am not convinced we have evidence of them’.

So there we are, straight from the horse’s mouth. For the last three years, these people had all told each other and numerous other people how dangerous I was, that I’d end up in Broadmoor, that I’d attacked numerous people, that I’d tried to stab them, that I’d throttled a junior doctor, that I’d assaulted Dafydd Alun Jones and so on and so forth. But when they actually had to produce evidence of ‘assaults’ they admitted that they couldn’t – because no assaults had ever taken place. But Park still did his best and wrote to me accusing me of having ‘threatened, harassed, abused’ etc etc – and stated that I was not to enter premises owned by Clwyd Health Authority or communicate or attempt to communicate with any member of Clwyd Health Authority. The only exception was that if I was following up a complaint I could write to the General Manager.

Of course I knew that Park’s letter was legally meaningless and replied to this effect and told him to stop threatening me. I also asked him who I had ‘threatened, harassed and abused’ and when. I reminded him that at the Independent Professional Review into my complaint nearly a year previously, that one of the Assessors, Professor Robert Bluglass, had remarked that Dafydd Alun Jones’s ‘clinical standards’ ‘must be raised’ yet this clearly hadn’t happened. And that my complaint about being assaulted by staff had never been investigated. On the same day, May 1 1990, I also wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority, asking why my complaint about the assault on me hadn’t been investigated, why Bluglass’s suggestion that Jones’s clinical standards should be raised had been ignored and whether patients were still being abused and intimidated at Denbigh.

The General Manager (actually an administrator called Dilwyn Griffiths who seemed to handle all the General Manager’s mail, the General Manager – another Dr David Jones – clearly didn’t worry himself about minor matters such as people being illegally imprisoned in Denbigh and assaulted whilst they were in there) then wrote to Andrew Park telling him that he’d received my letter and was enclosing it and ‘would appreciate your advice as to how we should now deal with the matters which she has raised’. (Once more, an investigation into the outstanding issues wasn’t even considered – the response was, as ever, a request for legal advice from the Welsh Office.)

So far, this blog post has been concerned mainly with Gwynedd County Council and Clwyd Health Authority and their attempts to get me into Court. But Gwynedd Health Authority had been busy in this direction too. Gwynedd Health Authority had previously tried to gain an injunction against me in 1989 but their application was refused as they didn’t manage to convince the Court that I was actually doing very much. But they weren’t deterred, they just tried a bit harder. In May, they applied for an injunction against me yet again and I went down to Cardiff for the hearing, in front of a Justice Pill. I was represented by a barrister called Ian Murphy and Gwynedd Health Authority was represented by a barrister called Crispin Masterman.  The Health Authority wanted to get an injunction preventing me from even writing to them. They were unsuccessful because Justice Pill didn’t accept their overblown statements that I was disabling their whole system simply by writing to them.  The case ended by me giving an undertaking to the Court not to threaten or assault members/staff of Gwynedd Health Authority – which I was quite happy to do. Once more, the mass of ‘evidence’ that Gwynedd Health Authority had produced was copies of my letters. Letters that had described, in detail, again and again, just what was going on in Ysbyty Gwynedd and Denbigh – very serious abuses of patients, institutional corruption and law-breaking. Justice Pill, Crispin Masterman and Ian Murphy had all read those letters. They did not behave in Court like the appalling Judge Huw Daniel did (please see blog post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’), but they completely ignored the evidence before their eyes that something terrible was happening in north Wales. Ian Murphy and Crispin Masterman are now both Judges and frequently appear in the press in south Wales when cases that they preside over are reported. Justice Pill became Sir Malcolm Pill and before he retired was a Lord Justice of Appeal. Here he is https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malcolm_Pill These were not stupid people. What on earth did they think was going on in north Wales? The only one of them who made any reference at all to the serious law-breaking on behalf of the mental health services was Ian Murphy, who did tell me that I could sue Clwyd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. (I did begin to do this but somehow that case just faded away – but not before it had severely antagonised the mental health services, but I’ll be blogging more about that soon.)

After the morning in front of Justice Pill, Andrew Park from the Welsh Office wrote to Mr PM Rees (an administrator in Gwynedd Health Authority) with a blow by blow account of the Court case. But Andrew Park had not been deterred by Pill’s refusal to issue an injunction and neither was Park satisfied with my undertakings. He was already making plans: ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings we shall need to act quickly’. (The phrase ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings’ is interesting – one would have expected him to say ‘if she should breach her undertakings’. It would perhaps be overly cynical of me to suggest that Mr Park might have felt that he was in a position to influence whether a breach was going to take place…) Mr Park then unveils a well-thought out plan, involving Gwynedd Health Authority setting up a central record of all approaches made by me, with full details of absolutely everything including any visits to Health Authority premises, any letters, any telephone calls. ‘In short a complete dossier of [my] activities since 24 May 1990 [the date of the Court case in front of Pill] should be available to me at short notice in the event of the Authority wanting to act further against [me].’ He then explains that they would then be in a position to prepare an Affidavit to bring me back in front of the judge again (with the possibility that I would be imprisoned for breaching my undertakings). But Park had also spotted another potential hazard to be dealt with. At the Court case in Cardiff, Justice Pill had mentioned that I could apply for Legal Aid in order to apply for a Court Order to gain access to my records. Park explains to PM Rees that ‘further on into the future, the Authority might well wish to prepare a list of the reasons why it will not disclose voluntarily the notes of [my] treatment to [me]’. Park then notes that he rang Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) on the day of the Court case about the outcome of the proceedings, but won’t be writing to him as well.

Just to ensure that everyone involved was kept up to speed regarding the latest Court case against me, On June 13, Alun Davies wrote to Laurie Wood, the manager at Denbigh, sending him copies of Park’s correspondence relating to the case in front of Justice Pill ‘for information’.

Readers might have assumed that after all this, energy – and funds available – for dragging me through various Courts might have been waning a little. Not at all.  Gwynedd County Council, Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt had been beavering away at their end. On June 26 1990, Both Keith and Jackie swore ‘supplementary Affidavits’. Once more, no real evidence was produced against me. Jackie stated that she had seen me walk past her office and I had waved at her as I walked away – which she stated was ‘intimidating’. In fact me waving as I walked off into the distance was so intimidating that Jackie stressed that Fearns had then walked her to her car ‘as a precaution for her safety’. Fearns’s ‘supplementary Affidavit’ stated that he’d seen me standing outside their building on May 29. I knew nothing about any of this until I was served with papers in London, demanding my presence in Court in Chester in July because Gwynedd County Council were taking me to Court for breaching the injunction and were requesting that I be imprisoned.

I have described this Court hearing in my blog posts ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ and ‘The North Wales Child Abuse Scandal’. I’ll give a quick resume here. Jackie and Fearns were not the only people who turned up to give evidence against me, two other members of the notorious Arfon ‘Team’, Maggie Fookes and Bob Ingham, turned up as well. I had met Ingham once and I had never even heard of Fookes at the time of this Court hearing. I arrived at the Court with my always very supportive solicitor but when I arrived there was a bit of a panic – our barrister hadn’t turned up. She did turn up in the end, literally minutes before the start of the case, very stressed and angry because she had been sent to the wrong Court. The Court venue had been changed just before the hearing and no-one had told her. However, the Arfon Team and their barrister had been told. My barrister said that she had wanted to meet me properly beforehand and go through the case but now we didn’t have time. However she did tell me that the Arfon Team had obviously all lied in their statements – they had all claimed to have seen me outside their offices or witnessed instances when I had ‘harassed’ Brandt, but the times and dates all clashed. Their statements were completely inconsistent. Brandt’s own statement was truly bizarre. As part of her ‘evidence’ as to how dangerous I was, she had stated that she had given her pet dog away in case I hurt it to upset her. I had no idea that she even had a pet dog, so where her fears for this putative dog’s safety came from I do not know. We had a problem though – with the change of Court venue, we had also had a change of judge. My barrister warned us that the judge we were now landed with was notoriously harsh, a Justice Roche. Roche seemed to be in a very bad temper throughout the whole hearing. He became angrier and angrier – not with the lying witnesses, but with my barrister. My barrister was a young woman and obviously fairly inexperienced and Roche did all he could to intimidate her. When she pointed out the inconsistencies in the witness statements, Roche made a generous offer to the Arfon Team liars – he asked them if they’d like some time to rewrite their statements, presumably so that they could co-ordinate their lies. For some reason that I have never fathomed, their barrister then backed off, saying that this case had already cost Gwynedd County Council an awful lot of time and money and that they’d just proceed on the few charges against me (I think it was something like three) concerning the instances where Fearns et al had got their stories straight. So Roche was forced to throw numerous charges against me out of Court (the Arfon liars had maintained that I’d breached the injunction on many occasions). The upshot was that even Roche didn’t manage to imprison me, although I got the impression that he’d very much liked to have. When I told my friend Brown about the change of venue that my barrister didn’t know about and the newly imposed bad tempered judge, Brown observed that he wished he was able to nobble Judges. For years I wondered whether someone had been busy behind the scenes or whether it was all just a dreadful cock-up. But look what I’ve found among all the documents released to me last week. A letter from H. Ellis-Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd, ‘FAO Arfon Community Mental Health Team’. Which was unusual in itself – regular readers of the blog might remember that it was usually H. Ellis-Hughes’s deputy, Ron Evans, who was involved in correspondence about me and who seemed to have a hotline to Lucille Hughes (Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s ex-partner and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services). But this letter was from Ellis-Hughes himself and had been signed by him. The letter was dated July 2 1990 and stated that he was attaching ‘exhibits’ (letters from me) and tells the Arfon liars to ‘thoroughly familiarise themselves’ with the Affidavits. He goes on to say that their counsel, Mrs Janet Case, has confirmed that she required them to be present in Court on July 10 1990. He continues ‘the Court is situated at 77 Northgate Street, Chester. The time for the hearing is 10-30am…I would be grateful if you could arrive at 9-30am for a conference with Counsel before the hearing. Please let me know immediately if there are any problems regarding your attendance at Court’. However, in the same distinctive handwriting that had signed this letter, presumably H. Ellis-Hughes, in the margin by the instructions as to how to find the Court there is written in brackets ‘See P.S. below’. And below the typed text of the letter is a long hand-written message, again in the same handwriting, saying ‘PS. The venue for this hearing has been changed. The hearing will be held at the Crown Court, The Castle, Chester, same date and time. This is located by the race-course, on the right as you drive into Chester over the bridge, opposite the police headquarters. There is a car park, advise the attendant that you are witnesses. I would suggest that we meet outside the barristers robing room at 9-30 am. A Court Clerk on the door will ask you the name of the case…and will then direct you’.

So more than a week before the case, Ellis-Hughes was sending the Arfon liars precise instructions to ensure that they ended up at the right court. Information that my barrister wasn’t even given on the morning of the case. Yet Ellis-Hughes didn’t have his letter retyped with the instructions regarding the change of venue, although he had plenty of time to do this. He just added an extensive note by hand. So presumably anyone else who might be copied into correspondence or have access to it would also think that the case was going to be heard at 77 Northgate Street. The change of venue was obviously a very closely guarded secret.

I have recently googled Justice Roche and Mrs Janet Case (whose address was given as King’s Street, Chester) to see if they too had reached the dizzy legal heights that some of the other people involved in this skulduggery thirty years ago had. They seem to have disappeared off the face of the earth. No trace of either of them.

Whilst Gwynedd County Council did their best to imprison me, life continued at Clwyd Health Authority and the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept. On the 24 July, David Hinchcliffe (administrator at Denbigh) sent a memo to Dilwyn Griffiths (administrator at Clwyd Health Authority). The memo stated that I had rung a Kay Hemsley at Denbigh ‘threatening Sister Janice Davies’ (Davies was one of the nurses that I had complained about who was never investigated). Mr Park from the Welsh Office was soon onto it. In August he wrote to Dilwyn thanking him for his letter and saying that he was sorry to hear of the threat to Janice Davies and continued ‘Presumably this has been reported to the police. If not I would strongly suggest that it should be. The Authority could ask me to consider civil action in relation to the threat, but the difficulty is to persuade the Court that the threat was actually made or that it was [me] that made it…’ So it’s that hoary old chestnut again that they did keep stumbling across – no bloody evidence at all.

But all hell was soon to be let loose. On 10 September 1990, a memo was sent from Hinchcliffe to Dilwyn Griffiths, apologising ‘for the delay’ and stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. On the 18 September, Dilwyn sent a letter to the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept ‘FAO Mr Park’ stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. Andrew Park remember was a lawyer. So what was his response upon hearing that a former patient had made these allegations against a doctor who had now been successfully sued in a high profile case that had gone before Lord Denning, a doctor working in a hospital with a truly appalling reputation? Did Park suggest an investigation? No. On September 28 Park wrote to Dilwyn at Clwyd Health Authority saying ‘I am sorry to hear that [I am] making a nuisance of herself’. Park then asks for a signed dated note of Hemsley’s account of the conversation ‘which should include some indication’ as to why she knew the caller was me. (There was of course a problem when Kay Hemsley had reported that I’d threatened Janice Davies – there was no evidence that I’d ever done so, as Park had been obliged to point out.)

Kay duly produced the statement as requested. There is a copy of it in the file, dated 11.10.90: ‘I hereby confirm that on the 17th August 1990 I received a telephone call [from me]. She asked me to confirm that Dr DA Jones was continuing to have sexual involvement with his patients and what was I going to do about it. I obviously told her that I was not prepared to comment on her statement in any way but she continued to voice her opinion that he had been having sexual relationships with lady patients and would no doubt be continuing to do so. At some stage she put the phone down…’ Kay remembers Andrew Park’s instructions and also states that she knew it was me calling because I had identified myself to her.

What no-one did at any point was to ask whether my allegations concerning Jones might have been worth investigating.

But Andrew Park was really determined now. On 2 October 1990 he wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor at Gwynedd County Council (the now notorious H. Ellis-Hughes). Park stated that he was acting for Gwynedd Health Authority and enclosed a copy of the Order from Justice Pill made after I’d given my undertakings in May. He also makes a reference to Gwynedd County Council obtaining an injunction against me. Park states that ‘The Health Authority seems to think that the terms of your injunction are more favourable than the one that it has. I shall be grateful if you will let me have a copy of any Order your Counsel has obtained against [me] and indeed to have any background information that you can give concerning your authorities proceedings against her. I would of course be pleased to pass on any information that I could in return.’

So Park had asked those masters in quashing dissent, Gwynedd County Council, for their help and advice in the wake of me raising questions of Dafydd’s sexual misconduct with patients.

So during 1990, a number of leading legal figures in Wales read numerous letters that I had written alleging serious abuses in the north Wales mental health services – mental health services jointly run between Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services and Health Authorities. Some of these people were, to recap – Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy, Justice Roche, Janet Case and Janet Cases’s articled clerk, Mrs J.M. Hughes. Not one of them suggested an investigation into what on earth was happening in north Wales, despite High Court cases being repeatedly brought against me – because I was writing letters of complaint.

What else was happening in north Wales during 1990? Well Mary Wynch had successfully sued Dafydd Alun Jones for falsely imprisoning her in Denbigh for a year, that received a lot of press coverage. But something else happened as well. Yorkshire TV dropped their filming of a documentary about a paedophile ring that was alleged to be operating in children’s homes in north Wales – but young people had started to come forward with allegations that they had been sexually molested whilst in care in the region. In October 1990, just as Andrew Park was asking Gwynedd County Council for their advice on how to obtain an injunction against me and was offering to exchange useful information about me with them, Stephen Norris pleaded guilty to indecency against three boys in his care whilst he was Officer in Charge of a children’s home in Clwyd. The case had been heard at Chester Crown Court. (Regular readers will know that I have been correlating some of the things that happened to me with events resulting from Alison Taylor’s attempts to blow the whistle on the north Wales paedophile ring. I am getting some of my info from this blog https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/  This website mentions that one of the people alleged to have been involved in the paedophile ring was Peter Morrison, who in 1990 was appointed Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary. Sir Peter Morrison was the MP for Chester.) Legal circles are small and full of gossip. No doubt Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy and many, many other people who read those letters that I was writing were very well aware that the case against Stephen Norris was happening. But as injunctions rained down upon my head and repeated attempts were made to imprison me, not one of them batted an eyelid. In much the same way that no-one in the legal depts of the BMA, MDU or Welsh Office had noticed anything amiss a year earlier. Can I just emphasise that these people were LAWYERS. They were indeed experts with regard to their knowledge of law-breaking….

I have mentioned that whilst all this was happening I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London. Some interesting things were happening down there as well – but that is a story for another blog post…

 

 

 

 

 

A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears

My blog post ‘Behind The Scenes – At The North Wales Hospital’ describes how my very serious complaints about the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Dr Dafydd Alun Jones were never investigated either by the authorities at Denbigh or the Mental Health Acts Commission and my blog post ‘Massive Over-Reaction – Or Something To Hide’ details the flurry of letters that were being exchanged about me between Dr X at Ysbyty Gwynedd, the Medical Defence Union and the Welsh Office.

This blog post will describe how the ‘concerns’ about me rapidly escalated into a serious smear campaign and how that, unbeknown to me at the time, the Mental Health Act Commission was clearly colluding with the mental health services in north Wales rather than investigating my complaints and protecting my rights in the face of some very abusive people who had broken the law repeatedly.

On the 17th September 1986 I had been sectioned overnight at Ysbyty Gwynedd. I had complained to the hospital authorities – and later to the Mental Health Act Commission – about this incident because the people who sectioned me were very obviously grossly incompetent. One was a registrar, a Dr Perera, whose language difficulties were such that he had great trouble understanding me – he also misquoted the law on a number of points. The social worker involved was a Jackie Brandt from Gwynedd Social Services (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’) who witnessed Perera’s difficulties but did not intervene, even when I directly asked her to find me an English speaking doctor because this one couldn’t understand what I was saying. Brandt giggled and said that he was the only doctor that they had. Halfway through this ‘assessment’, Dr X walked in and asked Brandt to meet him outside the room. She returned shortly after and stated that ‘she’ had decided that I should be sectioned. I was taken up to one of the psychiatric wards where soon after Alun Davies (an administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd who later became manager of the Hergest Unit) entered my room without knocking (I was changing my clothes and my jeans were still undone) and smugly announced that he was sorry ‘that it had come to this’. I’m not sure how sorry he was because some weeks earlier Davies had told me that if I continued to arrive at Ysbyty Gwynedd requesting my notes I’d be sectioned.  The next morning I was told that there was a Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to see me. This was my first encounter with Jones. During the meeting he felt able to tell me that if I agreed to leave the hospital immediately he’d let me go but if I came back to ask for my records again I’d be arrested. I was due to start an MSc in London very soon after this and it was quite clear to me that these people were prepared to do pretty much anything, so I left the hospital and returned to my place on Anglesey.

On 15th June 1987 David Ewart, from the Mental Health Act Commission, wrote to Barry Shingles (the manager of Ysbyty Gwynedd) referring to a ‘long communication’ that the Commission had received from me, concerning my detention at Ysbyty Gwynedd and my subsequent detention at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I had tried to detail to the Mental Health Act Commission all the breaches of good practice, policy and law that had occurred. Ewart requested evidence regarding the circumstances of my admission to Ysbyty Gwynedd, in particular evidence regarding Perera’s ability to communicate. Ewart also asked whether a report was compiled by Brandt. On the 24 June Mr D. Hinchcliffe (the administrator at Denbigh) wrote to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones telling him that he too had heard from the Mental Health Act Commission regarding my detention at Denbigh and was asking Jones for information.

At the same time as these letters between the Mental Health Act Commission and the north Wales mental health services were being exchanged, there were also letters circulating regarding my complaint to the authorities at Denbigh. On 22nd June Mr Hinchcliffe wrote to me telling me that Jones was offering to meet me at Ysbyty Gwynedd to discuss my complaint (I have explained in a previous blog post how Jones flatly refused to correspond with me regarding my complaint.)

There is a further letter from Ewart to Shingles asking for a response to his earlier letter regarding my complaint, so the first letter from the Mental Health Act Commission was obviously ignored. There are also a number of letters that refer to Dafydd Alun Jones failing to respond to correspondence from the Mental Health act Commission.

On July 6th 1987, Alun Davies wrote a letter to Dr X requesting information regarding the occasion on which I was sectioned at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Dr X then responded to Amanda Lloyd (who was standing in for Alun Davies) with his version of the circumstances in which I was sectioned by Perera and Brandt. It is interesting. Dr X states that I ‘was mentally disturbed and insisting on having her notes. Her talk was irrational and she seemed sufficiently disturbed for [Perera], after consultation with me, to admit her…because of her long-standing history of complaints about her treatment it was felt that the registrar…should make an emergency section order for her. With regards to the comments about the doctor, she was in a disturbed state at the time and obviously was not sufficiently aware of the circumstances…she was assessed by…Dr D.A. Jones who felt that she had settled down some days later. Alun Davies…was party to and aware of the circumstances of the admission and was involved in the discussion as to what would be the correct action to take with her…’

On 21 July 1987 Alun Davies replied to Ewart, giving him the same story that Dr X had given Amanda Lloyd, using exactly the same phrases. Davies had added that whilst Perera was not British ‘his English is good and he is approved under section 12 of the Mental Health Act’. Davies stated that my ‘rights’ ‘were explained to her by myself’ and that Brandt did not complete a report. (Among the documents that I have in my possession is a letter that Davies wrote many years later admitting that Perera had language difficulties. I was also told that Perera was sacked by Ysbyty Gwynedd for incompetence not long after he was involved in sectioning me and was subsequently unable to secure another position.)

On 6 August 1987 Ewart writes a truly extraordinary response to Davies’s letter. He tells Davies that they ‘understand’ that I am in Risley Remand Centre! Ewart then goes on to say ‘so we have written to her (at her home address) stating that we understand that she was due to see Dr D.A. Jones at the end of July’. Ewart then asks Davies why a social work report was not completed by Brandt. So Ewart had obviously been in touch with Denbigh as well but had wrongly been told (by them?) that I was in Risley – presumably if Ewart believed this he would have known that I would not receive a letter sent to my home address.

On 13 August 1987 Davies writes an equally bizarre letter in reply. He states that I was presently on bail from Bangor Magistrates Court following an incident at the hospital on 21 July when I was charged with threatening behaviour. Davies states that I’d broken my bail conditions and as a consequence I may have been arrested and detained at Risley. He then goes on to explain that Brandt hadn’t supplied a report because the situation was ‘an emergency’ so they considered that a report wasn’t necessary. Where the rumour that I was in Risley had come from I do not know. I was on bail but I hadn’t broken the bail conditions. The reason that I was on bail was as follows: I turned up at Ysbyty Gwynedd on 21 July to meet Jones to discuss my complaint as had been arranged. Jones wasn’t there. Instead a junior doctor who I did not know arrived in Jones’s place, stated that he knew nothing about my complaint and started to ask me questions about my mental health. He then contacted the police and told them that I’d tried to stab him. Interestingly enough, whilst I was at Bangor Police Station being interviewed regarding this attempted ‘stabbing’, the policeman interviewing me observed that ‘they’re all conspiring against you up there’ – fortunately a nursing officer had made a statement that contradicted the florid allegations made by the junior doctor.

I was charged with threatening behaviour rather than attempting to stab anyone and bailed. At that time I was living in Leicester with Brown, so I’d returned there. It was at this point that Brown sought advice from a friend who was a mental health social worker, so horrified was he at events in north Wales (please see blog post ‘The Mysterious Silence of MIND’ for details). Brown also rang my solicitor to ask if the junior doctor could be charged with perjury, but my solicitor explained that he could only be charged with perjury if he swore in the statement in court – when he discovered that the nursing officer had made a statement that contradicted his account, he withdrew his statement. So there was no comeback at all for him despite the whoppers that he told the police.

On 25 August 1987 Mr Hinchcliffe wrote to Jones telling him that ‘once again’ I was attempting to pursue my complaint about Denbigh and he suggests that they await advice from a Dr D. Egdell – a senior figure in Clwyd Health Authority – before replying to me.

On 7 September 1987 Dr X wrote to Dr D.J.C. Davies, Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, addressing him informally as ‘Cedric’. Dr X states that I had carried out a ‘second assault on junior medical staff’ and that he had made an appointment with the Medical Defence Union to seek a High Court injunction against me. He also tells Cedric that he intends to claim his travelling expenses for this trip from Gwynedd Health Authority. At the time that he wrote this letter to Cedric, Dr X knew perfectly well that I had not been convicting of assaulting anyone, junior doctors or otherwise – two such allegations had been made, but both allegations had to be withdrawn when it became clear that I hadn’t assaulted them.

On 11 September Ewart wrote to Alun Davies telling him that the Mental Health Act Commission ‘would be pleased to hear the outcome of the hearing at the Magistrates Court on 18 August 1987 if this is known to you, as [I continued] to be in correspondence with the Commission’.

On the 22 September Dr X wrote a letter to Alun Davies that was even more lurid than his letter to Cedric. He expresses his ‘extreme concern’ about me, stating (once more) that I had ‘made two serious assaults on junior medical staff’. He mentions the possibility of me committing suicide and then goes on to state that I have made ‘threats of suicide and severe physical attacks upon staff and these threats have always been carried out…and must be taken seriously to avoid a tragedy’. (Dr X does not explain why I was still alive if my previous threats of suicide had always been carried out.) Dr X ends his letter by saying that I hadn’t lived in Gwynedd for two years so there was no need for me ever to be seen in the dept. (I hadn’t actually lived in Gwynedd for one year, but I found this letter interesting because I’d saw a letter many years ago written by Dr X in which he’d used exactly the same argument to deny mental health care to someone else who’d been a patient at Ysbyty Gwynedd -for details please see blog post ‘Another Case of Not Knowing’.)

Attached to this letter from Dr X is a further note in which he states that he had now heard from the MDU solicitors, Hempsons, and that he’d obtained an injunction against me, banning me from a five mile radius around Ysbyty Gwynedd. He points out that therefore if I was offered any appointments by the mental health services in Bangor I’d be in breach of the injunction. Dr X did indeed obtain an injunction against me – it was an ex-parte injunction, so I didn’t know that he had applied for it and thus I couldn’t defend against it. He did of course obtain this injunction by making references to all these assaults that he had absolutely no evidence for and numerous other references to my general madness, whilst implying that he was an experienced psychiatrist who was very skilled at handling crazy people but I was too much even for him…

But Dr X had clearly been busy. He also wrote another letter on September 22 1987. This letter was to Alun Davies and surpasses all others. It is an absolute tirade regarding the fact that I had found out about the numerous allegations of Dafydd Alun Jones’s sexual misconduct with patients and the many complaints about him (please see blog post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’) Dr X wrote that it ‘is having an extremely disturbing effect upon professional relationships. There is no doubt…that information is being disclosed to her from [Ysbyty Gwynedd, North Wales Hospital or the Mental Health Act Commission] which I would have thought was a breach of professional relationships and highly improper…it is important that the source of information is identified and disciplinary measures are taken to stop this improper action. The information giver seemingly has malicious intent and is in fact only serving to disturb a situation which could end up in a criminal offence taking place…[I am] taking this action on behalf not just of myself but of colleagues, including deceased colleagues, who have suffered from this external abuse which has now become a legal matter. I would have thought that such unauthorised disclosures about colleagues would have been the subject of a severe disciplinary matter within the NHS if it turns out that information is being given to this very disturbed individual…’ Dr X was clearly a very worried man. It is interesting that he presumes that some rebel member of the mental health services had been divulging information – he’ll never know this now because Dr X killed himself a few years ago, but the people who had told me about Jones’s activities at that point were not NHS staff or mental health professionals employed in north Wales. Jones had made such a nuisance of himself that there was no shortage of women – or their partners – who alleged that they had first-hand accounts of his conduct….I note Dr X’s description of me as a ‘very disturbed individual’. ‘Dame’ Margaret Hodge made exactly the same comment about a man who dared complain that he had been a victim of the paedophile ring that operated in Islington children’s homes when Hodge was the leader of the Council.

In October 1987 Alun Davies wrote a letter to David Ewart.  Davies was  writing to request a ‘meeting between representatives of this authority and the commissioners to discuss the way forward in dealing with [me]. Davies complains that in my letters I was ‘using derogatory terms to describe members of staff within the Authority’. He makes reference to the allegation that I’d threatened a junior medical examiner with a knife. He expresses concern that I might attempt suicide at his hospital and that is ‘now making us reconsider as to whether or not we ought to be taking out a separate injunction against [me]’. Davies then reasons that there is a problem with this plan in that it would not actually stop me walking into the building and attempting suicide. He does however observe that an injunction would stop me writing letters to the Health Authority. Davies explains to Ewart that my main request is for my medical records and he reiterates that the only way that they will ever release them to me is though the Courts and only then possibly by having the notes referred to an independent medical arbitrator. Davies observes that it is difficult for him to pinpoint specific issues that they want to discuss with the Commissioners – but they would like to share with the Commissioners the correspondence that I’d written to the Commission and the information that the Commission had given me.

None of my complaints were ever resolved by the Health Authorities involved or by the Mental Health Act Commission. Since reading these documents I now know why. There was ample documentary evidence that the Mental Health Act had been grossly abused and the law broken repeatedly. It was very clear that I was sectioned – twice – for daring to complain about the mental health services. Documentation was not in order. Barefaced lies were told in an attempt to bring very serious charges against me and these lies were then presented as ‘facts’ and further documented even after it was admitted that there was no evidence and the charges were dropped. Dr X was very obviously making increasingly hysterical allegations against me in an attempt to smear me as I discovered more and more wrongdoing in north Wales. He then seems to have decided that the best way of resolving the problem was to stop me from even writing to anyone to pursue my complaints. Everyone seems to have believed that I was a suicide risk but their main preoccupation was that this mustn’t happen on their patch. As for the Mental Health Act Commission – in the face of evidence that the most dreadful abuses were taking place, they were exchanging chummy letters and information with Alun Davies and were not even following up Jones’s flat refusal to respond to their letters. All the correspondence involved was being copied to numerous people, some of them occupying the most senior positions in the Health Authorities – none of them could plead ignorance regarding what was going on. The irony is that Dr X sought legal ‘protection’ from the Medical Defence Union and legal advisors funded by them. Those lawyers were shown the letters from me that upset Dr X so much and will have been fully aware of just how unlawful the practices that I was describing were.

Previous blog posts have mentioned that some of the people and organisations that were subsequently identified as playing a role in the north Wales child abuse scandal had also been mentioned on my own records. Upon reading the documents from the files released by my lawyers last week, it became clear that although I didn’t realise it at the time, all hell was obviously breaking out in the authorities of Clwyd and Gwynedd during 1986-87. There were obviously a lot of very desperate people prepared to do some very extreme things. Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the paedophile ring that operated across Gwynedd and Clwyd, made her first allegation in 1986. She was dismissed in 1987. Of course, Alison Taylor’s allegations didn’t go away and events snowballed.

Events snowballed where I was concerned as well – by 1988 a lot of people, some of whom I’d never heard of, were planning something very unpleasant for me which I never knew about until a few days ago. This will be the subject of future blog posts…

 

 

 

 

 

Behind The Scenes – At The North Wales Hospital Denbigh

My blog posts ‘Hippocratic Oath Or Hypocritic Oaf?’, ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’, ‘The Case of the Disappearing Clinical Psychologist’ and ‘The Distressed Young Woman Who Vanished’ give some idea of just how seriously and casually the law was being flouted by some people in north Wales with regard to the means by which people were admitted to and detained in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and also suggest that some pretty monstrous things were happening out there. I had other clues that this was a completely lawless institution regularly hosting some very bizarre happenings whilst I was there. I had been there a number of days before Dr Dafydd Alun Jones condescended to visit me, but when he did it was in the middle of the night – I remember being ‘interviewed’ by him at about midnight. None of the staff on the ward concerned, Bryn Golau, batted an eyelid at Jones doing this. Years later I was told by a former psychiatric social worker who had worked in north Wales that Jones was very obviously floridly manic a lot of the time and would conduct ward rounds in the early hours of the morning. I have also never forgotten another comment from a member of staff made a matter of hours after I’d arrived at Bryn Golau. I had got into a confrontation with another patient – she had attacked me but in a fairly inefficient way, she had seen me writing (I was actually writing an essay for the MSc that I was pursuing at the time as part of my course work) and she had rushed over to me and ripped up all my paperwork. I shoved her off me and unfortunately she fell onto the floor. I then heard a nursing assistant – who was only ever identified as ‘Marion’, but whom I later discovered was quite dim – remark to the charge nurse ‘I think this young lady ought to go downstairs’. The charge nurse said nothing in response to this but he did come over to find out what was going on. I was curious as to what the reference to ‘downstairs’ had meant, but I never heard ‘downstairs’ mentioned again whilst I was there. But a few years later when I was living in a small village near Bethesda, I discovered that a lot of the elderly people there knew Dafydd Alun Jones because he had originated from Bethesda. They would freely talk about his unpleasantness and how grim Denbigh was. I had a friend who spent a lot of his time in the company of an elderly man from Bethesda and he told my friend an awful lot about the abuses that were alleged to go on at Denbigh. One day my friend told me that the old man had talked of a cellar-like place at Denbigh where patients were locked in and left, in the manner of some Gothic horror – staff referred to the cellar as ‘downstairs’…

There were a number of nurses in Bryn Golau who were clearly very unhappy with what was going on and who did seem to be trying to do their best for patients in very restricted circumstances. Two members of staff there – the ward sister, a Janice Davies, and an SEN, Stephen Rose – were abusive and were very obviously colluding with Dafydd Alun Jones. They would lie about patients conduct, attempt to harass and intimidate patients, elicit conflict between patients in order to break up friendships etc. On one occasion Rose assaulted me.

One interesting ritual in Bryn Golau was afternoon tea for the staff. They’d all gather around one big table, out would come the tea-pot and cups and they’d spend the best part of an hour chatting and socialising with each other – sometimes nurses and nursing officers from other parts of the hospital would arrive and join in. Whilst they were having their tea, quite an interesting process would take place – the staff would completely forget that patients were present and might be listening. It seemed that tea time was a forum for general gossip and for discussing the wrongdoing of the medical staff at Denbigh, particularly Dafydd Alun Jones. I heard a lot of interesting things at tea times. Most of the staff neither liked nor trusted Jones but were very obviously cowed by him. There also seemed to be a lot of friction between Denbigh and the psychiatric wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd, with staff having complex allegiances and being at war with each other – staff from Denbigh maintained that the wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd were unsafe and hopeless, whereas staff at Ysbyty Gwynedd levelled the same allegations at Denbigh. (The irony was that the wards and management of both places had both been subject to damning criticism following external investigations and by this time Denbigh had been ear-marked for closure.)

Another interesting thing that happened whilst I was in Denbigh was Jones’s attempt to nobble my solicitor. Fortunately I already knew the solicitor who was representing me regarding the ‘charge’ that I was facing whilst I was in Denbigh – I had previously consulted him when I first encountered problems with the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd. However when Jones finally arrived at Denbigh to see me, he felt able to state that he had telephoned my solicitor and was ‘most surprised’ to find that he already knew me. He announced this in front of a group of nurses. So just as Jones turning up to visit patients in the middle of the night was an everyday occurrence, clearly so was him contacting patient’s solicitors without their knowledge or permission. Thank God I actually had an honest solicitor…

When I got out of Denbigh (as described in my blog post ‘The Case of the Disappearing Clinical Psychologist’, this was sudden and unexpected and did not seem to involve discussions with the ward staff, let alone me), I went straight back to London where I was on a postgrad course lest Jones had me arrested on yet another trumped up charge. As soon as I got to London, I contacted the Mental Health Act Commission and made a formal complaint to the authorities at Denbigh regarding what had happened, although I’d already had indications that the Mental Health Act Commission were pretty hopeless – they were by this time supposed to be investigating the circumstances of me being sectioned by a grossly incompetent junior doctor at Ysbyty Gwynedd some months previously, whose English was so bad that he could not understand what I was saying. My first encounter with Dafydd Alun Jones had occurred then – the day after the incompetent had sectioned me, Jones turned up and told me that he would only let me out if I agreed to leave Bangor immediately and that if I returned he’d have me arrested. This alone should have alerted the Mental Health Act Commission to something being very wrong, before I even ended up in Denbigh.

My memory of returning to London and then raising my concerns regarding events in north Wales with the Mental Health Act Commission and the authorities at Denbigh was one of being constantly messed around, with my letters usually being ignored and information being withheld. I do not ever remember any of my complaints being dealt with appropriately, let alone resolved. So it was enlightening to find documents relating to all this among the numerous documents released from my lawyers to me last week.

Among the documents is a letter from me, dated Jan 1987, requesting a copy of my medical records from Denbigh. My request had been turned down flat, with the administrator at Denbigh, a Mr D. Hinchcliffe, stating that the records were ‘legally unavailable’ to me. I knew this to be untrue, because I was being refused copies of my medical records by Ysbyty Gwynedd and had sought legal clarification – the situation was that it was at the discretion of the practitioners who had compiled the records, but any decision had to be made with the best interests of the patient in mind. There is a copy of another letter dated March 1987 that I subsequently wrote to Mr Hinchcliffe at Denbigh explaining this. There is a copy of a letter from Hinchcliffe to me again refusing me a copy of my records but stating that he was ‘currently investigating the points you have raised with the medical staff’. The reproduction of this letter is poor and it is not possible to make out the exact date on it, just ‘1987’.

However, the files recently released contain correspondence between NHS staff compiled at the time that I have not seen before – these documents provide a picture of life and practices behind the scenes at Denbigh. It appears that it was taken as an absolute given that I was not going to have access to my medical notes. There is a letter to Jones from the administrator simply stating that of course Jones wouldn’t want this – it seems that no-one even had to ask him. The administrator then wrote me a letter stating that it wasn’t in my best interests to see my medical records – which was exactly what Ysbyty Gwynedd had done when they discovered that they were allowed this legal get-out clause. Being me, I didn’t go away and wrote further letters and was still requesting a response to my complaint.

But the machine at Denbigh was obviously encountering problems too. There is a copy of a letter written to Dafydd Alun Jones by Laurie V. Wood, the Unit General Manager at Denbigh, dated 24th April 1987. The reproduction is poor, but this seems to be a letter referring to complaints that I and two other patients had made about Jones. The letter states that Jones has not responded to ‘numerous requests both orally and in writing’ and that ‘I really do not want to have to ask our three Health Authority [illegible] to interview you formally about this’. Then there is a copy of a memorandum dated 6th May 1987 written by Kay Hemsley, Assistant Administrator, (please see blog post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’ for details of Kay’s other activities regarding my complaint) to Laurie Wood, in which she states that Jones phoned her to say that his responses to the complaints from me and the two other patients were ‘somewhere in the system awaiting typing’ but ‘he gave me the following comments’. There is a reference to one patient whom Jones maintains is ‘no longer in his care’ and he ‘thought that the matter had died down’. There is then a reference to another patient with Jones stating that he hadn’t seen the original letter of complaint, but that he had arranged to see the patient’s mother to discuss it – in Jones’s outpatients clinic. There is then a truly ominous sentence – that at lunch time on that day ‘the mother was admitted to the North Wales Hospital’. So ‘the mother’ couldn’t get a response to her complaint about her son, Jones invited her to an outpatients clinic to discuss it – and then banged her up in Denbigh. Kay then documented Jones’s comment regarding my complaint  – that Jones ‘does not wish to enter into correspondence with this lady. He would be prepared to see her at any clinic but will correspond only with medical practitioners.’ It was then noted that they’d received another letter from me ‘today’. This memo from Kay Hemsley had been stamped ‘7 May 1987 Unit Administrator North Wales Hospital’, so presumably had been received by Mr D. Hinchcliffe. There is a letter to Mr Hinchcliffe from Jones, dated 7th May, in which he states that he won’t communicate with me but that he is willing to see me in outpatients in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Jones continues ‘you must be aware of the complications which arose in relation to her both in the North Wales Hospital and in Bangor and I felt that I had to act as properly as I could with the full anticipation that there might be problems arising but with no intention of being drawn into protracted correspondence with [me]…I will only communicate with our general practitioner’. (The slip Jones makes when he refers to ‘our’ general practitioner is revealing – presumably the man that he is talking about is Dr DGE Wood, my former GP, who had initially referred me to a colleague of Jones’s, T. Gwynne Williams, whom I found out many years later had been the notorious lobotomist at Denbigh. Wood had become very angry when my then partner Brown and I attempted to complain about Williams and stated that we ‘weren’t allowed’ to complain. The files released last week contain documents demonstrating that unbeknown to me, DGE Wood had been colluding with Jones behind the scenes before, during and after I was in Denbigh. Wood was indeed ‘their’ general practitioner.)

There is a copy of a letter to Mr Hinchcliffe from Dafydd Alun Jones dated 14th May 1987 telling him to ‘acknowledge this note [could this be a reference to the recent letter from me that Kay Hemsley had referred to?] and tell [me] that although I am not really going into written correspondence other than with a medical practitioner, I am very willing to see her at my clinic if she should wish it’.

Among the documents released recently is another most interesting letter, but again the reproduction is very poor – it is clearly a letter from someone charged with managing Denbigh and the part of it that can be read says ‘I wrote to Dr DA Jones on ..[illegible] 1987 and Mr Wood wrote on the 29th April and on 8th May 1987..[illegible]…the matter had ‘died down’ and he had ‘nothing to add’…Dr Jones…would be willing to see her in his outpatients clinic at Ysbyty Gwynedd…[my name] is currently residing in London which I am sure Dr Jones is aware of and his invitation to attend his outpatients clinic is somewhat farcical, similarly the administrative changes does not alter the fact that he was the consultant in charge of the case at the time. My concern is that he appears to be neglecting his duty with regard to compliance to complaints procedures…’

There are familiar themes here regarding Jones’s approach to dealing with complaints – firstly, he is obviously stating that he is no longer responsible for my ‘case’ (due to administrative Jones was no longer the consultant covering Anglesey which was where I had lived prior to moving to London) and secondly he thought that this was another matter that had ‘died down’. Presumably Jones worked on the assumption that you ignore all complaints, refuse to correspond with anyone at all about it, claim that ‘the matter had died down’ and if the complainant doesn’t go away you invite them to an outpatients clinic where you section them. But who was the author of this letter who clearly knows exactly what Jones is up to? It is not Laurie Wood because the author mentions writing to Laurie Wood. There was one other manager in the north Wales mental health services at that time responsible for overseeing the services and associated complaints – and that was one Dr Peter Higson, present Chair of the Betsi Board. Other documents previously released to me from Denbigh had Higson’s name on them in relation to Jones not responding to complaints and I think that dear old Higson was the man behind this letter too…

There is another very illuminating document regarding why no aspect of my complaint about Denbigh was ever resolved. That is a copy of a letter to Mr Hinchcliffe from ‘D.K. Jones, Acting Senior Nurse’. This letter states that s/he is ‘unable to comment on the two main issues ie. her request for a copy of her medical notes and the medication she was prescribed…medication is prescribed by medical staff and the nursing staff only administer it.’ The letter goes on to claim that when I was admitted to Bryn Golau on 17 December 1987 ‘she was in quite a disturbed state and despite her very obvious intelligence had little or no insight into her condition. She was placed on Section 35 of the Mental Health Act on 19th December 1986 and regraded to Section 2 on 29th December 1986. She went on leave on 7th January and was officially discharged on 25th January 1987. The letter admitted that ‘she may well have a point regarding the simplistic method of questioning employed when assessing patients – the questions could be more of a flexible nature and tailored to the individual…I am sorry to be of so little help…but her complaints are aimed more at the ‘system’ rather than the nursing she received.’

Now the contents of this letter are completely inconsistent with the contents of the nursing notes made whilst I was in Bryn Golau. I have described in my blog post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’ how the nursing notes described in detail the plan that Jones hatched with the police at Bangor in order to have me taken to and then detained at Denbigh and how the nurses noted that they didn’t want to be part of ‘this deal’. Again and again the nursing notes state that there were no grounds for detaining me under the Mental Health Act and that Dr Neil Davies agreed. The nursing notes also detail a phone call from DA Jones in which he stated that he would ‘prefer’ for the nurses to state that I should be detained under the Mental Health Act. The nurses refuse to do this. At no point do the nursing notes state that I was ‘in quite a disturbed state’ with ‘little or no insight into [my] condition’. The nursing notes do however state that although Dr Neil Davies had already stated that there were no grounds to detain me under the Mental Health Act, after talking to a psychiatrist from Ysbyty Gwynedd about whom I had complained, Dr Davies then said that I should be sectioned. The only time the nursing notes even come close to stating that I had any sort of mental health problem was after Jones et al had stitched me up with the police in Bangor, when they make a reference to my ‘paranoia’ about Gwynedd Health Authority and my references to corruption in the north Wales NHS. Of course the nursing notes compiled days previously demonstrate that there was indeed the most appalling corruption going on in the north Wales NHS, indeed it was so bad that the nurses in Bryn Golau didn’t want to be part of ‘this deal’. Regarding the ‘medication’ – I discovered that I had been prescribed huge doses of chlorpromazine, although no-one had diagnosed me as psychotic. (I noticed that nearly everyone in Bry Golau had been given the same prescription, no matter what their alleged diagnosis.) To their credit, the nurses didn’t ever suggest that I should take it – no doubt they noticed that it was completely inappropriate. So the dosing up of absolutely everyone on that ward with a uniform liquid cosh of ‘medication’ that has many debilitating side-effects was never addressed. But there were other aspects to my complaint too – the abusive staff that I named earlier in this post, Janice Davies and Stephen Rose. Their (mis)conduct was never addressed. When I repeatedly raised the matter of Stephen Rose’s constant aggression towards me and his eventual assault, I simply received a letter from Denbigh stating that no other nurses ever noticed anything untoward and Stephen Rose had now left Denbigh to work at Park Lane Hospital. (Park Lane Hospital was a secure hospital in the north west of England that became engulfed in scandal regarding staff assaulting patients and allegations that children were being taken into the hospital in order for paedophiles to gain access to them. One wonders what sort of a reference the authorities at Denbigh gave Rose for him to take up a job at Park Lane.)

So a complaint involving unlawful detention, the flagrant breaking of the law in numerous ways, inappropriate medication and an assault – among other things – was never ever investigated by the authorities at Denbigh despite all the documentary evidence that the staff had themselves compiled. At the time that I made this complaint, another patient, Mary Wynch, was suing Clwyd Health Authority – because Dafydd Alun Jones had unlawfully incarcerated her for a year (please see blog post ‘Making Legal History – The Mary Wynch Case’). And staff were actually documenting that Dafydd Alun Jones was banging the mothers of patients who had complained up in Denbigh. Its quite incredible isn’t it.

As for the Mental Health Act Commission – of course I got nowhere, but that’s par for the course. However, the newly released files do contain a gem of information that has been previously kept well-hidden from me for thirty years. My blog post ‘Hippocratic Oath or Hypocritic Oaf?’ describes a very honest social worker who visited me in Bangor Police Station but refused to play ball with the appalling Dr K. Shah and Dafydd Alun Jones. Her name is mentioned in the files – she was an Ann Williams who worked for Gwynedd Social Services. So Ann Williams could have given evidence to all and sundry involved in this if anyone had really wanted to investigate – but no-one ever referred to her again. The files of course contain further evidence of Jones’s outrageous behaviour. It was recorded that after I was released from Denbigh, Jones had contacted the Student Health Centre in Bangor (although I’d graduated several years previously – but hey, I’d complained about Jones’s lobotomist colleague who had been doing a few shifts up there), he had notified ‘their’ GP, DGE Wood and he had also contacted my tutor in London. How about that for breaching confidence and ethics in one fell swoop? There are also some hints in the newly released documents to other very serious wrongdoing – there’s someone whom I remember played a substantial role in events at Denbigh but it looks as if all references to him have been removed. I will be investigating this further…

Attentive readers will have noticed one obvious loose end regarding this tale. Although he refused point blank to correspond with me regarding my complaint, Jones did kindly offer again and again to meet me in his outpatients clinic at Bangor to discuss my complaint. Of course, I had no idea that when he’d done this to another complainant he’d sectioned her. So what happened to me? Well I made it very clear that I didn’t want an outpatients appointment for clinical reasons, if I went to an outpatients clinic it would be to discuss my complaint. It was made clear to me that this would be the only way my complaint would ever be discussed. So I went to the outpatients clinic – where I was arrested. But that’s a story for a future post – as is the story of how Jones et al in north Wales mobilised some of the biggest names in UK psychiatry at that time to ensure that my complaints regarding the north Wales mental health services were completely silenced…

How I Arrived At Denbigh

My previous blog post ‘Hippocratic Oath or Hypocritic Oaf?’ describes some extraordinary happenings in Bangor Police Station in December 1986. I had been ‘detained’ by the police at the behest of the north Wales psychiatric services but was not arrested or charged with any offence. An unidentified social worker had refused to section me and after this an unscrupulous local GP called Shah had entered the cell and simply bellowed at me ‘are you prepared to go to Denbigh?’. When I said no, I heard him telling the sergeant on duty outside that if they kept me in the cells for longer he’d find a social worker who would section me, despite the sergeant’s near hysterical reaction to this suggestion and him clearly explaining to Shah that this was illegal.

Upon hearing this conversation, as well as other snippets – Shah mentioned the name of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and how he ‘knew about’ me (I’d met Jones once at this point) – I realised that I was in the clutches of some very unpleasant people who were quite prepared to break the law in order to get me banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. So when the police asked again if I was prepared to ‘go to hospital’ (I seem to remember that the police implied that it would be Ysbyty Gwynedd where I’d been sectioned overnight some months before – I had by this point complained to the Mental Health Act Commission about this incident and will blog further details soon), rather than risk Shah returning with a corrupt social worker to lock me up in Denbigh for God knows how long, I told the police that I’d agree to go to hospital. I stayed in the cell until quite late at night, until eventually an ambulance turned up and the ambulance personnel cheerily announced that they were taking me to Denbigh. So, like so many other patients who ended up at Denbigh, I was transported there in the middle of the night under cover of darkness. (This is not me ramping up some conspiracy theory – whilst I was in Denbigh I noticed that nearly everyone arrived there in the middle of the night. I think I only remember one person who was taken there during daylight hours.) When I arrived at Denbigh I was delivered to the locked ward, Bryn Golau, which I later found out had a reputation for being even more of a law unto itself than the rest of Denbigh.

On arrival I was met by two nurses who were genuinely very nice and friendly. They made me some supper although it was by now about midnight and they sat and chatted to me. Then a junior doctor turned up to carry out an ‘assessment’. He was hopeless. Like the junior doctor who had previously sectioned me at Ysbyty Gwynedd his English was very poor – psychiatry is a speciality based on communication but north Wales seemed to be full of overseas junior psychiatrists with language problems (I now know of course that north Wales psychiatry had such a dreadful reputation that good graduates wouldn’t work there. It was so obviously a dumping ground for doctors who had blotted their copy book in some way or whose skills were so poor that they couldn’t gain employment elsewhere.) In the end I walked out of the ‘assessment’ after telling this incompetent that he was an idiot – I remember giving up on him when he asked me if I knew where I was and what the year was. I presumed that I would be asked the name of the monarch if I stayed any longer or if I thought that I was Napolean.

I walked out into the corridor and was met by the two friendly nurses, who seemed to fully understand why I had given up on the junior doctor. At this point I asked them if they knew what on earth was going on and they replied that they had been given very little information about me other than that I was ‘dangerous’. (I realise in retrospect that these were two of the braver nurses in Denbigh – they were clearly very worried about what was going on and throughout my stay there one of them constantly encouraged me to make a formal complaint and write to the Mental Health Act Commission.) After talking to them further I eventually went to bed, intending to discharge myself the next day. It was the next day that even stranger things started happening. I was supposedly a voluntary patient but was in a locked ward. Furthermore, when I announced my intentions to discharge myself, no-one would actually let me out. I remember being told at one point – but I can’t remember when exactly – that I had the choice of staying in Denbigh or being charged with assaulting a doctor at Ysbyty Gwynedd. (I had had a confrontation with a doctor in Ysbyty Gwynedd but I hadn’t assaulted him.) I realised then that, as at Bangor Police Station, there were people in this system who seemed to be prepared to do pretty much anything to patients who had complained. By this time Dafydd Alun Jones’s name had been bandied around a good deal and I was told that I was ‘his patient’, but I still hadn’t seen him since the police picked me up at his behest. I was then visited by a Dr Neil Davies who after interviewing me told me that he didn’t see any reason why I should be detained there. So I got ready to leave.

As I was preparing to leave, a message from the ‘hospital authorities’ was relayed to the ward that I had to be taken to Bangor Police Station because the junior doctor in Ysbyty Gwynedd whom I had confronted had made a complaint that I had assaulted him. I remember having a conversation with the charge nurse on the ward who told me that as there had not been a complaint of assault against me before, this suggested that someone had ‘leant on’ the junior doctor concerned. So I was taken to Bangor Police Station by hospital transport where I was charged with assaulting the junior doctor. One of the police officers there advised me to consult the solicitor on duty – and when I did I discovered that I’d met him before, in the CAB in Bangor. He was the first person that I had consulted when I encountered problems with the mental health services at Ysbyty Gwynedd. He explained that a special court had already been convened to section me and return me to Denbigh until the assault charge against me was heard. So I went straight into the Court next door to encounter Dafydd Alun Jones and the magistrates. My solicitor kept repeating that ‘the magistrates know what he (Jones) was like’ and that he (the solicitor) would ring me when I got back to Denbigh. Jones was waving a Bible about in the witness box and declaring his intentions to ‘help’ me, ie. ‘giving oral evidence’. I was then returned to Bryn Golau ward.

Now that is pretty much how I remember the process by which I ended up sectioned in Denbigh with Dafydd Alun Jones as ‘my consultant’, despite me wanting nothing to do with him. Among the thousands of documents released to me by my lawyers a few days ago, there is documentation that I haven’t seen before relating to these events.

Among the documents newly released, there was an ‘internal memorandum’ from Barry Shingles. Shingles was a rather unpopular ‘unit manager’ at Ysbyty Gwynedd who was involved in the administration and the management of the two psychiatric wards that existed there before the Hergest Unit was built. (I was told much more recently that Shingles expected to end up as CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust, but that he was stabbed in the back by some others managers at the North West Wales NHS Trust (I wonder who they might have been??), became seriously depressed and killed himself.)  The memorandum from Barry Shingles was relaying a telephone message from the Superintendent at Bangor Police Station. The message was that Dafydd Alun Jones ‘did not feel that [my] condition warranted compulsory admission, but that she does pose a threat to the safety of certain individuals and should not be allowed to go free, although this does seem somewhat contradictory’ and so a plan had been put in place to arrest me and then remand me in Denbigh under ‘a Section 35’. Shingles’s memorandum was copied to seven different people, including people at senior managerial and consultant level. So a lot of people were well aware of Jones’s plan of questionable legality to ensure that I was returned to the locked ward again in Denbigh after discharging myself. Among the documents are also some very revealing nursing notes from Denbigh. Someone had written as soon as I had arrived there that I ‘was obviously a very dangerous girl’ (no need to carry out any sort of assessment then). However, some very interesting notes can be read some time after this comment was made. There is a detailed description of the ‘plan’ that had been hatched between Jones and ‘Superintendent Roberts’ at Bangor Police Station to charge me with assault and remand me in Denbigh. The notes record that ‘this has all been arranged between medical staff and Superintendent Roberts. Mr Woods [presumably a reference to Laurie Woods, the manager at Denbigh] and Dr N. Davies were both contacted and informed of up to date events. Staff on the ward…were not at all happy to be part of this deal. Both appreciated this and offered the consolation that we were not involved in the arrangements but felt that it would be better if we could provide transport as already arranged’. Interestingly enough, after I was charged with assault and returned to Denbigh, the nursing notes record that I had ‘a cynical and pessimistic attitude’. I wonder whatever could have brought that on? (Later nursing notes record angrily that the nurses had been put in a ‘very difficult position’.)

I remained in Denbigh until the day of the court case in Bangor scheduled to hear the charge of assault. When I arrived at the Court I was told that the charges against me had been dropped. But I wasn’t released – I was taken back to Denbigh because Jones had sectioned me again the day before the court case.

All this was documented, sent to a whole variety of people at senior level and then played out in open court. And not one person put a stop to it, even though a lot of people obviously did not like what was happening. But the Denbigh notes contain lots of other gems, which I will return to in future blog posts. However, I will just mention one of those gems here. My blog post ‘The Case of the Disappearing Clinical Psychologist’ describes a psychologist who visited me who D. Hinchcliffe, the administrator at Denbigh, claimed to know nothing about when I wrote to him after I finally got out. There is no ‘official’ record of this psychologist visiting me in Denbigh among the records. But among the newly released documents there is a little note from a Kay Helmsley to an unidentified person stating that I was trying to trace a psychologist and she doesn’t know why but she thinks that it might be to do with challenging my diagnosis or following up my complaint. Kay’s note makes reference to her believing that the psychologist in question might be a Nigel Stennet-Cox and that it would be a good idea for someone to ‘persuade’ him not to communicate with me. Their ‘persuading’ obviously worked – I could not trace him until a few years ago, when as described in my post ‘The Case of the Disappearing Psychologist’, I made friends with two people who had been on placements in Denbigh in the 1980s and they told me who he was. I then googled him and found that he was working as a psychologist in Norwich, although I didn’t contact him.

However, sometime after this, Martin Jones’s and Elfed Roberts’s harassment of me – assisted by people from the mental health services in north Wales – became very serious and I started making representation to the Welsh Gov’t about them. Then Edwina Hart announced that she was going to abolish the North West Wales NHS Trust and a lot of people became very obviously very anxious, as I had started to express an interest in publishing what had happened to me at the hands of the mental health services. And Nigel Stennet-Cox suddenly disappeared from the internet. Completely. He has now reappeared. But between then and now, I was of course banged up in the Heddfan Unit by Raj Sambhi and everyone was told how mad I was (please see blog posts ‘A Tale Worthy of Enid Blyton’ and ‘Five Dig Further Into The Heddfan Unit’), including the person who knew that I had been visited by Nigel Stennet-Cox in Denbigh. But then she was busying herself applying for funding from the Betsi with Prof Rob Poole to establish ‘The Centre for Mental Health and Society’ at Bangor University (please see blog post ‘It’s Those Experts From The Betsi Again’). What’s the betting that she warned her old colleague Stennet-Cox that there was an awful lot of trouble up here, that I was making noises regarding publishing my account of what happened at Denbigh and that I remembered him and might contact him? Presumably, once she had told Nigel that I had gone completely mad and was safely incarcerated by Sambhi, Nigel felt able to reappear again. I know its pure speculation, but considering what else the newly released documents have revealed, I wouldn’t put anything past anyone who worked at Denbigh to conceal what was going on there – but that’s the stuff of future blog posts…

Meanwhile – Nigel, you’ve been outed. Fancy going public about what you knew was happening at Denbigh? Sadly the one nurse at Denbigh mentioned above who was helpful and kept persuading me to complain about Jones to the Mental Health Act Commission died some years ago. I taught her daughter, although her daughter doesn’t know that I knew her mum – the family had a distinctive surname and I recognised it. One day when she was remembering her mum just after she had died, she told me that a long time ago before she was born her mum had worked at a hospital in Denbigh that was so terrible that she had left.

Ooh nearly forgot. Just to remind readers who the manager of the north Wales psychiatric services was when all this was happening – Dr Peter Higson, the current Chairman of the Betsi Board…