Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

The White Heat Of This Revolution

A recent story on BBC News Online mentioned that business with the eggs which cost Edwina Currie her career in 1988. Edwina was a Minister in the Dept of Health at the time – she was one of the merry band in Health in the late 1980s whom I blogged about in my post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’. Edwina wasn’t a member of the Ministerial group whose bright ideas led to the ‘internal market’ in the NHS and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990, which provided Dr Dafydd Alun Jones with such a business opportunity (see posts ‘Feet In Chains’ and ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’). Trumpers was a Minister in Health at the same time (see post ’95 Glorious Years!), but Trumpers wasn’t part of the Ministerial group either. Trumpers was the bright spark who appointed Jimmy Savile to the management committee of Broadmoor, but Trumpers let Edwina take the blame when Savile was exposed after his death. Edwina knew what was happening but it was not actually Edwina who made the disastrous decision. The DoH was seriously dysfunctional at the time and at least two mandarins with the remit for mental health – Brian McGinnis and Cliff Graham – were undoubtedly knowingly facilitating the organised sexual abuse of children and vulnerable people (see posts ‘The Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’ and ‘The Old Devils’).

Until I did the research for my post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’, I didn’t realise that Nigel Lawson, in his role as Chancellor of the Exchequer,  led the Ministerial group reviewing the NHS. Lawson was MP for Blaby in Leicestershire, 1974-92. A paedophile ring operated in Leicestershire with connections to Dafydd et al which was concealed by all the usual suspects, including the NHS in Leicester (see post ‘An Expert From England’). It was this gang that Greville Janner was alleged to have been a member of. After Frank Beck, the social worker who was a leading light in the gang, was imprisoned in Nov 1991, it became clear that as in north Wales, everyone had worked very hard indeed not to notice that gang. Lawson must have heard something about what was happening, although by the time the extent of the collusion was clear, he was in the Lords, having stood down from the Commons days before the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by a firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

The dysfunction and injustice prevailing in the DoH and indeed in Thatcher’s Gov’t was exemplified by Edwina Currie being forced out. Edwina’s head was demanded on a plate after she stated in Dec 1988 on ITN News that ‘Most of the egg production in this country, sadly, is now infected with salmonella.’. Within days, at least one writ was served on Edwina by a ‘farmer’ (en masse egg producer) and the British Egg Industry threatened to sue as well. Edwina was gone very shortly afterwards, in the wake of allegations that she was an idiot.

Not on that matter she wasn’t. She was spot on – most of the egg production in the country was infected – not every egg, but the majority of poultry farms at that time did have salmonella. So Edwina could have defended herself in court against the accusations of libel, but she left Gov’t instead because she had pissed off some powerful Tory supporting very wealthy factory farmers.

I was fascinated by all this at the time, because by Dec 1988 I had realised that there was very serious crime in the mental health services in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t and I had also witnessed the research fraud and malpractice at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School (see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’) and the farce which was Prof Robert Baldwin’s Cancer Research Campaign Laboratories at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). I had become very aware that even the alleged centres of excellence in British medicine were unsafe, troubled places which were rotten to the core.

I had also discovered that Brookwood Hospital in Surrey had a terrible safety record. During the year that I lived in Surrey, a Brookwood patient killed himself by firing a nail gun into his head and the press reported that this was ‘not an isolated incident’. I encountered Dr Michael Browne of Brookwood (see post ‘The BMA At The Root Of Another Mystery?’) and concluded that he was as much of a danger to patients as Dafydd was. After I left Surrey, Browne was the centre of a high profile case which involved a prisoner in Wormwood Scrubs who had killed himself. Browne was the prison psychiatrist who had been asked to see the young man by the warders because even they were worried about him. The young man had spent days in his cell in a foetal position crying. He hadn’t eaten and had stopped speaking. Browne had recorded that the young man ‘showed no signs of depression’. Hours after Browne had left the cell stating that the prisoner needed no medical care, the young man killed himself. Browne stated at the inquest that he couldn’t explain why he had recorded on the medical notes that the young man showed no signs of depression.

Michael Browne was not disciplined and the last time that I looked he was still practising. Prof Vincent Marks, my boss at the University of Surrey, had described Browne to me as being ‘very good’ and recommended him. Vincent’s brother was Dr John Marks, the then Chairman/President of the BMA.

Vincent was not a stupid man. He knew that Michael Browne was lethal.

 

In the face of all this, I marvelled that Edwina had been kicked out for stating a fact about the nation’s egg industry. The situation in the DoH in 1988 was far worse that I knew at the time.

I’d be interested to know who it was who served the writ on Edwina and which lawyers they used, there was obviously someone involved who terrified Thatcher’s Gov’t.

 

Everyone who worked in the NHS noticed that the most obvious change during the 80s/90s was the growth – in number, status and income – of the NHS manager. Top Doctors really resented this and routinely made comments about people whom they perceived as complete idiots who at best had poor degrees in arts subjects, when the highest achieving Top Docs had survived medical school and had then completed postgrad training and often a research degree as well. The rise and rise of the NHS manager was of course Thatcher’s response to the excesses of the Top Docs – there needed to be a response, but that was not the right one.

In north Wales, I looked on as Alun Davies, who was once an ‘assistant administrator’, became a ‘business manager’, then acquired grander and grander titles – that could only have existed in the public services – until he became things like ‘Directorate Executive Manager’. Davies acquired no more competence throughout the years but an awful lot more power. This wasn’t simply a result of Davies gaining promotion as a result of his corrupt deals with the paedophile gang – there was a ‘culture change’ which did involve non-clinical managers gaining a lot more clout.

I have a copy of a letter that Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) sent to a senior manager in the mid-80s regarding Davies that was insulting to Davies in the extreme. Francis had become miffed when he found that Davies had told someone that he would ‘chase’ Francis regarding a certain enquiry and Francis fired off a furious letter, reminding everyone that Davies the admin assistant was not going to chase any consultant. Davies wrote a grovelling apology. By the time that Francis took early retirement in the late 1990s Davies and other managers were as rude and insulting to the clinicians whom they did not like as the clinicians were to them. There was all out war between the two groups anyway and the cohort that had a terrible time were junior doctors, who were kicked half to death by consultants as well as by Davies and his mates.

Managerialism won the day. Whereas Top Docs once fell off their chairs laughing at the idea of MBAs, just before I left Bangor University in 2012, the Management Centre was plastered in adverts advising Top Docs that their careers would not go far without an MBA – sadly that is probably true these days – and advising them to sign up for a tailor made Top Docs MBA. Meanwhile patients committed suicide and the clinical outcomes for people in north Wales were for many conditions among the worst in Europe.

Of course I understand that good management is about facilitating people’s work and can be justified. The NHS does not have good management. NHS management is so bad that huge swathes of the private sector simply will not employ former NHS managers. I also know of cases in which managers from other sectors have dipped their toe into the NHS and walked away quickly saying ‘I was not staying there’.

I noticed that when one of those TV series about ‘turning around the NHS’ was screened a few years ago, the hatred between the managers and Top Docs was such that it couldn’t even be hidden for the sake of the cameras. Managers were walking around wearing T shirts which they had made bearing slogans saying ‘how old are they today?’, a reference to their standing joke that the Top Docs carried on like a bunch of three year olds. Meanwhile a Top Doc was interviewed on camera saying ‘I have five degrees. These people have a 2:2 in geography. I am not going to be told what to do by them.’

The two professional groups really do not like each other and the situation is inflamed by the fact that so many of them do live up to their stereotypes – rather dim managerial idiots who have no knowledge of medicine or the human condition, or arrogant pompous Top Docs who indeed think that they are God. Most other people have walked away in despair.

 

Not only did I witness what administrators did on the ground when they metamorphosed into managers but I had a bit of knowledge of a truly extraordinary phenomenon – the development of a University Dept which ran the courses for NHS and social care managers. At Aston University to be precise. The Aston Business School seems to have been a mecca for a very long time if one is an NHS/social services manager. I invite readers to start looking at the CVs of people who run the health and welfare services, even those who have become embroiled in scandal – a great many have gained a business or management qualification from Aston.

Dear old Martin Jones who screwed up so monumentally in every position which he held in the NHS in north Wales left Bangor University in I think 1983, with it is rumoured a Third – marine chemistry I think. There is a Duncan Orme-like gap (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’) in Martin’s CV, which I was told was a result of Martin, like Duncan, failing his accountancy exams. Martin rolled up in Gwynedd Health Authority after that in a junior admin role (people who remember Martin from that time enjoy referring to him as ‘the office boy’). Martin later disappeared from the inner circle of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales to the West Midlands for a few years where he worked as an NHS manager – and completed a business/management qualification at Aston. Martin then returned to north Wales at a senior level and caused havoc.

Under the glorious dictatorship of Keith Thomson, Martin was the Finance Director of the NW Wales NHS Trust. When Keith resigned as CEO of the Trust in 2005 – a few hours after the High Court in Cardiff ordered him to hand over my medical records or face a contempt hearing and a possible prison sentence – Martin became Acting CEO of the Trust. Martin was Keith’s loyal henchman and had contributed as much to the disaster that was the NW Wales NHS Trust as did Keith. I heard conversations in north Wales along the lines of ‘surely the Welsh Gov’t are not going to let mad Martin became CEO of that Trust?’ Martin did become CEO – allegedly because he remained as Acting CEO for a certain period of time which then meant he automatically became CEO under Welsh NHS rules.

I was told at the time that the Welsh Gov’t took their eye off the ball, that Martin landed the job as CEO by default and that the Welsh Gov’t were seething. Health Minister Edwina Hart was known to loathe Martin and allegedly stated that she would not let him privatise Wales’s NHS. Martin was doing that as well as rather more serious things – Martin was facilitating serious criminal misconduct.

However, it wasn’t Edwina who was Health Minister when Martin nipped in through the back door. It was Dr Brian Gibbons, the good friend of the paedophiles. The Gibbons who was receiving letters from me before Thomson resigned, telling him that I had documentary evidence of serious crime on the part of the NHS and social services in north Wales. Gibbons sent me a letter saying ‘this correspondence is closed’. My very serious complaints were never investigated and I heard no more from Gibbons.

Of course Gibbons knew that Martin was sitting in Thomson’s old chair in the NW Wales NHS Trust. The Trust was being sued constantly, there were scandals and deaths on a regular basis, the bill for agency staff was sending the Trust into near bankruptcy because Martin was running the whole Trust  by using agency and locum staff and patients were writing to the Secretary of State for Wales such was the mismanagement.

Furthermore, although after the High Court case in Cardiff Keith Thomson had appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ stating that he was retiring and would be spending more time with his family, playing golf and ‘doing a bit of management consultancy’, Thomson didn’t retire. He was appointed as the CEO for the Trust which at that time covered Pembrokeshire and west Wales. Gibbons will have made that appointment.

Gibbons knew damn well that two crazed, dangerous paedophiles’ friends who were facilitating serious crime were in the most senior positions in two NHS Trusts in Wales.

There was a longstanding paedophile ring in west Wales which was linked to the ring in north Wales.

My post ‘The Human Stain’ details Gibbons’s links to Ireland and Yorkshire as well as to south and west Wales.

Keith Thomson returned to north Wales after his ‘retirement’ from the NHS in west Wales – he lived in a flat owned by Alun Davies in Colwyn Bay.

When Edwina took over from Gibbons as Health Minister in 2007, she dissolved the NW Wales NHS Trust and how glad everyone was. Sadly at the same time, Edwina thrashed out a ‘no redundancies’ deal and every one of those mad, incompetent criminals who had facilitated a paedophile gang and brought north Wales to its knees was re-employed on their previous salaries in the newly created Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Martin had a whole new job created for him. Guess what? The Betsi Board was in chaos from it’s inception and it is now a laughing stock which no-one will work for.

There was one senior person from the NW Wales NHS Trust who was not given a role in the new Health Board, Elfed Roberts, the Chairman. So instead Edwina appointed Elfed to a role in the Governance of the Welsh Ambulance Service. Elfed had previously been a senior officer in the North Wales Police who was removed amidst allegations of corruption.

Readers in Wales will have noticed the state of the Welsh Ambulance Service.

This lot were a bunch of crooks who were all in it together. Gibbons was completely on board and was facilitating it and Edwina was colluding, although she loathed Martin et al. Edwina had a previous career in the trade unions, she’ll have spent years concealing the crap that emanated from the organised abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and the associated criminality and she was not able to control the paedophiles’ friends, although she was frequently under attack from them herself. Then there was the big idiot Rhodri, who had spent his whole career keeping schtum about George Thomas, Ron Davies, Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and the gang in west Wales as well.

I gave some indication in my post ‘The Human Stain’ the depths to which Gibbons and Edwina sunk and the disgrace that they have brought upon Wales. Surely the Lords is the only destination for them now. As well as the anecdotes about Edwina giving out business support grants during her tenure as Minister for the Economy to people whom she had slept with, I have heard people in public life in England making jokes about jobs in the Welsh Assembly being given out on the basis of people shagging Ministers. I know who the person being discussed was – it was Meri Huws, the subject of crude jokes about her being ‘passed around’ after Rhodri had had a go.

Are this lot so stupid that they believe that no-one is aware of these practices?

Gibbons and Edwina received information from me, in confidence, after I trusted them to behave as Ministers should, who could and should have put people in prison. They became accessories by colluding with the criminals.

The Health Minister who succeeded Edwina, Lesley Griffiths, had concealed the organised sexual abuse of children in Wales (see post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’). The Health Minister who succeeded Lesley Griffiths was Mark Drakeford. Who worked as a social worker in west Wales, whilst a paedophile gang operated there through the social services.

Theresa May is pointing at the Welsh NHS and using it as an example of all that is wrong with the world. Hats off to all of you committed socialists, what a great job you’ve done.

  • The Godfather Wallpapers - Wallpaper Cave

 

I don’t know how they all thought that this was going to end, they knew that I had the evidence and was gathering more…

 

To return to the institution which equipped Martin, the ultimate paedophiles’ friend Rhian Huws Williams (see post ‘No One Is Innocent’) and so many others for a life of grime in the NHS and Social Services – Aston University. Brown did his first degree at Aston, and returned there as a lecturer after he completed his PhD at Leicester University. During the mid-1980s, Brown’s dept – the Psychology Dept – was very obviously being deliberately destroyed by the VC, Sir Freddie Crawford, a mate of Thatcher’s. A man called Norman Graham, a former headmaster who still behaved like one and was indeed referred to by the staff as ‘the headmaster’, was installed as Head of Dept who kept telling the psychologists that ‘you must think of yourselves as part of the Business School’, as the Business School expanded and expanded and gradually swallowed the Psychology Dept. Individuals were seriously harassed and one lecturer, Ron Easterby, committed suicide in the mid-1990s. There were many people who took the view that the University had killed Ron Easterby.

It was after 1984 that Freddie Crawford systematically and deliberately destroyed the Psychology Dept at Aston University. Crawford’s assault began after Brown wrote a stiff letter to Dr D.G.E. Wood about events at the Student Health Centre at UCNW (Bangor University) involving Gwynne the lobotomist and me, reminding Wood that patients’ welfare should be his priority, not loyalty to colleagues who are unworthy of that loyalty. Brown also told Wood that altering medical records and lying to patients was not an acceptable way of conducting oneself.

I noticed many years ago that Crawford’s assault on Brown’s colleagues and indeed Brown himself came very soon after that letter, but I didn’t have the info about the links between the paedophile gang in north Wales and similar gangsters in the West Midlands. Neither did I know that Crawford was a leader among white-collar crooks, although I was aware that he was famously ‘Mrs Thatcher’s favourite Vice-Chancellor’.

Dafydd and the paedophiles might have thought that Ron Easterby knew what had happened to me at their hands. For one term when I was a student at Bangor I lodged in Port Dinorwic with a man who had grown up in care and who I am now certain was under attack by the paedophiles. His dog was shot, his house caught fire – twice – and he was completely unable to get anybody to employ him, although he didn’t have a criminal record. His friend’s kept telling me that he was having a lot of ‘bad luck’ and that people didn’t like him because he’d been in care. I now have info that suggests that the paedophiles’ friends had noticed me living at this man’s house, particularly because I was English and used to go in for punkish style clothes and hair at the time.

Whilst I was lodging in Port Dinorwic, one weekend I went down to stay with Brown in Birmingham and we went to a club known as the Arts Lab. We went there because it was showing a film that we wanted to see, but the Arts Lab was a popular venue with transvestites and gender bending people. Ron Easterby’s daughter was there – like us, she’d gone to see the film. As we came out of the club, Ron was there waiting to pick up his daughter and saw us and obviously Brown stopped to chat to him. I had no idea that there was a network of sex trafficking gangsters operating between north Wales and Birmingham who watched everyone all the time. I think it highly likely that someone saw us there and saw Ron and his daughter talking to us and thought that we might have known Ron better than we did.

The harassment of other Aston staff who were not Of The Business School continued and Brown was forced out of his job in July 1995.

It was in July 1995 when Sir Peter Morrison and corrupt civil servant Bing Spear, both of whom were associates of Dafydd and the gang, were found dead and the month that before truly bizarre shenanigans had taken place at the highest echelons of the Welsh Office (see post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’).

Another notable Welshman is a graduate of Aston Business School – Prof Dylan Jones-Evans, the Tory Party adviser who has now been sacked from nearly every university in Wales (see post ‘News Round-Up, March 20 2017′). Dylan knows what the paedophiles’ friends have been up to – he hated the likes of Meri Huws but knew that the Tories were crawling with paedophiles’ friends as well. Dylan stood for election as the Tory candidate in Aberconwy in 2007 but was unsuccessful – Dylan is not the sort of person to stand as the anti-corruption candidate, he just played the same insane games as everyone else.

Sir Frederick Crawford played a big part in civil life in Birmingham. When he was appointed Chair of the Criminal Cases Review Commission there were objections raised because of his enthusiasm for Freemasonry. Sir Freddie had an off the rails son who was found dead from a heroin overdose in an hotel in Israel. Before he died this young man used to tell people that he could do pretty much anything re drugs n crime and not face prosecution because of who his dad was.

Whilst Sir Freddie was VC, Aston had a lethal student doctor, Philip Cauthery. Cauthery was so negligent with regard to distressed students that Aston had one of the highest suicide rates of any UK university. The students jumped out of the windows of the tower blocks where they were housed – one who lived a few floors above Brown went flying past his window one night and when I went to visit him shortly after the blood stains were still on the place where she had landed – and took overdoses of the anti-depressants which Cauthery dished out in huge quantities. Aston had a very high proportion of overseas students and some of them had relatives living in regimes where family members were tortured, disappeared, assassinated etc. The man allocated for students to talk to in such circumstances was Cauthery…

Cauthery was best known for his sex therapy work. He was on the Editorial Board of Forum magazine – for which Alastair Campbell used to write porn stories. Forum did not feature child porn but it didn’t keep a very close eye on who advertised in the small ads. In 1987 the investigative programme The Cook Report revealed that the small ads were being used by paedophiles to exchange child porn on the European market (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

Cauthery set up a sex therapy clinic and an abortion service with Dr Martin Cole. Martin Cole was a geneticist whereas Cauthery was a Top Doctor. Cole produced a sex education film called ‘Growing Up’ which caused a furore among Mary Whitehouse and her mates – Mary also went for Cole’s jugular because she claimed that his sex therapy clinic was a front for prostitution. I know someone who went to that clinic – they did indeed have a relationship with one of the ‘surrogates’ that Cole was famous for using and she had worked in the sex industry. However Cole was not half so damaging to this man as Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales had been, which was why he had given up with the NHS and gone to Cole.

Cauthery was never attacked in the press or by Mary Whitehouse in the way that Martin Cole was. I am sure that this was because Cauthery was a Top Doc who will, like Dafydd, have enjoyed the full protection of the medical establishment.

For more info on Cauthery and Coleman, see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’.

Mary Whitehouse was a former teacher from the West Midlands who loved referring to what doctors and psychiatrists had said about adolescents’ mental health and the alleged dangers of sex education/porn etc. That’ll have been the Top Docs like Prof Robert Bluglass who were colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles.

I have mentioned previously that Dr Colin Berry, a Top Doc from Coventry, was one of those who assisted Bluglass in concealing the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles in 1988-89 (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). I have missed an obvious link between Berry and others who worked on behalf of Dafydd et al. Berry was from Coventry. Geoffrey Robinson, the very rich Labour MP who’s loan to Peter Mandelson caused Mandy’s first resignation, owned the ‘New Statesman’ when it published Richard Webster’s 2000 article trashing the Gwynedd whistleblower Alison Taylor following the Waterhouse Inquiry (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’). Robinson has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976.

Martin Jones, the former CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust who presided over chaos, unlawfully prevented me from accessing NHS treatment and tried to frame me on more than one occasion, had worked in the NHS in Coventry after he left north Wales but before he returned in a senior position.

Numerous children in care from the West Midlands were sent to children’s homes in north Wales. After Tony Francis (Dr X) relocated to north Wales to join Dafydd and the paedophiles, Francis’s former boss Ian Brockington was appointed to a Chair in Birmingham University, to join old Bluglass (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’).

Then there were the links between the notoriously corrupt Freemason-heavy West Midlands Serious Crime Squad who stitched up Ali Khan from Caernarfon in the 1980s and the North Wales Police.

My post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’ provided details of a family who moved from Birmingham to Anglesey in the early 1980s after rescuing a little girl from ‘cruelty’ in Birmingham. This family showed all the signs of being under attack from Dafydd et al. Dafydd personally began a campaign to try and put their shop out of business, the kids were isolated and marginalised by teachers at Ysgol David Hughes and the father of the family – who had multiple serious health problems – was so badly neglected by the Top Docs that he died in his 50s.

Dafydd and the paedophiles were fully networked into serious organised crime in the West Midlands.

 

Now for more information about the movers and shakers at St George’s Hospital Medical School.

St George’s website makes reference to that shameful episode when it was publicly admitted that the computer programme used to select applicants to the medicine degree was written to systematically disadvantage ethnic minority and female candidates. It got worse. The computer programme had been in use for years and senior academics in St George’s knew that it had been designed to discriminate. St George’s website reminds us all that the programme was the 1979 work of Dr Geoffrey Franglen, so he was the scapegoat for that particular embarrassment. Not only did Franglen not design that programme without anyone else’s knowledge – someone told him to do it – but the website makes reference to the discovery of the discriminatory computer programme in Dec 1986. Now I seem to remember that the scandal didn’t become public until years after Dec 1986 – the shit didn’t hit the fan until the 1990s.

The person who took the credit for blowing the whistle on the Computer Which Said No was the pharmacologist and Top Doctor Joe Collier. Joe Collier had spent his whole career at St George’s and he was fully au fait with the appalling attitudes and practices there. Collier was friends with the society fuckwit Dr Cathy Wilson, who was a mate of Geoffrey Chamberlain’s and the root of many problems in the Obs and Gynae Dept. Collier liked to align himself with radical causes – I could imagine him being mates with Michael Mansfield, he seemed to move in such circles – and he was probably delighted to expose Racism and Sexism. Which is a real laugh, because Joe was described to me by one of his colleagues as ‘an arsehole’. Not that the judgement of that particular person could always be relied upon, but I remember Cathy Wilson getting very angry with Joe Collier after interviewing med school candidates with him because he was aggressive and discriminatory towards the girls who hadn’t come from independent schools in London. Cathy talked about a girl from Yorkshire whom she claimed had been chewed up and spat out by Joe and was denied a place to do medicine despite being very much better qualified that others who were given places. The girl’s crime was to have not defended a feminist position – in Joe’s eyes at least – in her interview.

Nice one Joe! A middle aged white man who has kept quiet about his colleagues running a sex trafficking ring stops a girl from getting into medicine because she’s not a feminist. Joe Collier And His Radical Conscience.

Joe Collier worked in the Pharmacology Dept at St George’s. In 1989 one of the PhD students in Joe’s Dept was Mark Roy, who had previously been employed as a psychiatric nurse in the Reaside Clinic, which was Prof Robert Bluglass’s empire. Mark Roy admitted to me that some wards in the Reaside Clinic were appalling, but Bluglass ensured that no-one saw those wards. For info on Mark Roy’s career among yet more paedophiles’ friends after he left St George’s, see post ‘An Appalling Vista’.

 

The elephant in the room as far as the row regarding the Computer Saying No at St George’s was that St George’s accepted far, far many more ethnic minority candidates (and I think more women as well) than any other medical school in the UK. St George’s was known for being so positive towards ethnic minority candidates that they were encouraged to apply there by schools, careers teachers etc. So what were the other medical schools doing as part of their admissions process and why was this never mentioned?

Then there were the Top Docs who mentioned that you could tell that St George’s wasn’t what it should be by the number of ethnic minority students that they were ‘letting in’.

There was also that student at UCNW whom the sex trafficking GP Dr D.G.E. Wood knew who’s uncle was the Professor of Surgery at St George’s who in 1984 was guaranteed a place at St George’s as a mature student…

 

Between 1971-82 the Dean of St George’s was Robert Lowe, so he had something to do with the Computer Saying No. The Computer Said No throughout the tenure of the next Dean as well, Richard J. West, who was Dean until 1987. Richard J. West was Dean when the time bomb went off which was Prof Oliver Brooke and his enormous collection of child porn stashed on medical school premises. Brooke was jailed in 1986 but was out again in 1987 thanks to Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane. There is no trace of Richard J. West on the internet or indeed Robert Lowe, so obviously the world needed to forget about them. I have no idea if West disappeared from St George’s in 1987 because of Ollie and his kiddie porn and contacts with paedophiles in Europe, but in 1988 Professor Sir William Asscher arrived. Not only did the Computer Continue To Say No after Asscher arrived, but the rest of the paedophile ring of which Brooke had been a member remained in business and Asscher’s colleagues at St George’s continued to conceal their crimes and colluded with them and their mates, including Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales .

My post ‘Enter Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’ details some of the evidence in my possession demonstrating that Top Docs at St George’s and Springfield (the associated mental health unit) knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients and they believed that Tony Francis was as well. Nonetheless the very same people were in phone contact with Dafydd, Tony Francis and Lucille Hughes and dutifully recorded that I was ‘extremely dangerous’ and had ‘broken into’ Dafydd’s office ‘such that he thought that he was going to be killed there and then’ because Dafydd had told them this.

Dafydd, please do tell me – when did all this happen????

Dafydd’s mate from the Maudsley, Dr Paul Bowden – who had co-authored with Bluglass – was also called upon to refuse to treat me and declare me dangerous.

Meet Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s:

Newsletter - Spring 2016

 

Who is a friend of St Helena Kennedy:

Official portrait of Baroness Kennedy of The Shaws crop 2.jpg

 

St Helena is married to a Top Doc herself!

St Helena is a colleague of Mike Mansfield of the Proletariat:

 

Mike went to Keele University – where so many paedophiles’ friends and indeed paedophiles themselves worked/studied (see post ‘The Human Stain’) – and was Secretary of Keele Students’ Union. Mansfield was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in 1967 and was elected as a bencher of Gray’s Inn in 2007.

Sir William Mars-Jones – a good friend of Dafydd, the paedophiles and Ronnie Waterhouse, was President of UCNW when the staff were running the sex trafficking ring with Dafydd – was a leading light in Gray’s Inn.

Michael Mansfield’s art teacher was Sir Kyffin Williams. Kyffin was an artist who came from Anglesey, spent some time when he was younger in England and then returned to Anglesey where he spent the rest of his life. Kyffin was considered part of high society in north Wales and was greatly toadied to by the paedophiles’ friends.

Dafydd Iwan used one of Kyffin’s paintings as the basis for an album cover:

 

Bangor University has an extensive collection of Kyffin’s paintings.

Other artists in north Wales don’t seem to like Kyffin very much. They all say the same thing – that the only reason he became so well-known is that he was rich enough to establish his own gallery and not need to live by his work. One north Wales artist who had a particular bee in his bonnet about Sir Kyffin maintains that the echelons of the art world which Kyffin moved in was all about ‘cocaine and champagne’ and that there was a great deal of pursuit of young boys on the part of older gay artists.

Sir Kyffin died in Sept 2006. He never married and had no heirs.

 

Cheers Professor Bluglass, let’s raise a glass to remember Kyffin!

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

 

Letters from Dr Robin Jacobson to Nigel Eastman about the dangerous nutter that is me didn’t only just flag up that Dafydd was a colleague of Dr Bob Hobson at the Maudsley (see post ‘The Mentor’), but for some reason Jacobson told Eastman that Dafydd is ‘in his late fifties or early sixties’. This is a rather unusual piece of information to note about a colleague – I suspect that Bob Hobson’s lot of Dafydd’s generation at the Maudsley were known to be shagging the patients or doing other things that they shouldn’t have been and the mentioning of Dafydd’s age was the hidden signal to Eastman…

 

It was on Asscher’s watch that my former boss Malcolm Pearce was struck off for research fraud in June 1995. The BMJ dated 17 June 1995 stated that Pearce was found guilty ‘last week’. ‘That week’ was just two weeks before all that fancy footwork at the Welsh Office which saw David Hunt return as Welsh Secretary for just a few days before Hague was appointed (see post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’). The fancy footwork spanned the days when a veil was drawn over the details of Dafydd’s retirement and the fact that the North Wales Hospital had not closed down, contrary to what the general public were told.

In the following month, July 1995, Bing Spear and Sir Peter Morrison were found dead within four days of each other – both people who if they squealed could have put a lot of other people in prison for years and caused embarrassment to a great many others – and Brown was forced out of his job at Aston University (see post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’).

During the summer of 1995, Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was conducting his farewell tour of Wales, dining with all those who had facilitated the abuse of children in Wales into which Ronnie would soon be holding an inquiry, but of course Ronnie or indeed no-one else knew that.

Pearce was struck off, but his colleague Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain who had been involved in the same fraud and had co-authored the paper of lies was not even disciplined. He gave evidence against Malcolm and Malcolm took the rap for everything. The President of the GMC when Malcolm was struck off but Chamberlain was left free to practice was Robert Kilpatrick. Kilpatrick was Dean of Leicester Medical School, 1975-89, during which time another associate of Dafydd and the paedophiles, Dr James Earp, a forensic psychiatrist in Leicester who was involved with Leicester Medical School, concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al (see post ‘An Expert From England’). At that time social worker Frank Beck was sexually abusing kids in care in Leicestershire and there is considerable evidence that Beck’s mate Lord Greville Janner was as well.

Kilpatrick was given a peerage in 1996, the year in which Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

Chamberlain was concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Pearce might have been as well, but Chamberlain went back further and had bigger and better mates than Malcolm. Chamberlain came from south Wales. His dad was Secretary to the Lord Mayor of Cardiff and when Chamberlain retired from the NHS in 2000 he was given a lecturing job at Swansea University, domain of Rhodri Morgan, who had concealed the child molesting of George Thomas, which Chamberlain would have known about.

The molesting ways of George Thomas were known about and concealed by the Top Docs of Cardiff, one of whom was Sir William Asscher. Asscher qualified in London but went to Cardiff in the mid-1960s. He became the Professor of Medicine at Cardiff in 1976. Asscher knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales as well. Asscher was involved in medical charidee work, as was George Thomas.  In June 1990, whilst I was working at St George’s, Gwilym Jones, a Tory MP and Minister in the Welsh Office who was one concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles, held a promotion event at Parliament for the charidee which Asscher founded – Gwilym Jones was Vice-President of the charidee in question. The charidee event received the support of David Hunt the then Welsh Secretary and indeed ‘all Welsh members’ (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

Asscher was not appointed Dean at St George’s to clean up post-Brooke – he was appointed because he was a safe pair of hands who was going to keep the lid on Brooke’s mates who were all still at St George’s. Asscher stepped down as Dean/Principal in 1996 – the year that Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Asscher may well have utilised one of the networks that Greville Janner and Leo Abse, George Thomas’s friend and protector – who stood accused of child abuse himself – used, the Jewish network in south Wales and across the UK. I do not for one minute believe that Jewish people are any more likely to be child molesters than anyone else, but Dafydd and the paedophiles used all available professional networks to protect themselves – even feminist activist networks. It wasn’t just the Freemasons who were used – St Helena Kennedy is not a Freemason, she is a feminist lawyer.

Sir Adolf William Asscher – his full name but he didn’t publicise that for obvious reasons – was born in the Netherlands to a Jewish family. His family were taken to the Westerbork transit camp – the camp to which Ann Frank and her family were taken – and were under threat of being transported to a concentration camp. Asscher’s mother fabricated claims that the family were of English descent and even pointed to Adolf’s blond hair as back-up. In 1943 they were released and they left the Netherlands in 1947.

Leo Abse was from a Jewish medical/legal family and was networked within the Jewish community. Leo Abse’s brother Danny Abse was a Top Doctor well plugged into Top Docs networks in south Wales and London. Greville Janner was born in Cardiff and lived in south Wales until he was 11 yrs old. His father Barnett Janner was a Lithuanian who’s family moved to south Wales when Barnett was nine months old. Barnett went to what later became Cardiff University and established a solicitor’s practice in Cardiff. He lived in south Wales until 1929. In 1947 Barnett Janner became the MP for Leicester North West, the seat to which Greville Janner succeeded in 1970. Both Barnett and Greville Janner were active in the Jewish community, holding many high profile positions.

When Greville Janner was named as a child molester by Geoffrey Dickens MP in the 1980s, Janner accused him of anti-semitism. It is an easy charge to make and of course it could be true. The first time that I saw Janner named as a child abuser was on a fascist website. The accusation was accompanied by so much ludicrous facist propaganda and crazed theories about Jewish conspiracies and just about every prominent Jewish person in the country was named as a child molester on this site so I simply ignored it. It was only later that I realised that there had been a mountain of evidence against Janner and that Dickens was in no way anti-semitic…

 

After Asscher went off into the sunset in 1996, it looks as though St George’s continued with its tradition of appointing safe pairs of hands who steered the ship through the potentially choppy waters which were the years of the Waterhouse Inquiry.

 

Sir Robert David Hugh Boyd was Dean/Principal of St George’s, 1996-03. He was another paediatrician ! You’d have thought they’d have learnt wouldn’t you. Furthermore, from 1989-93 Boyd was Dean of the Medical School and Professor of Paediatrics at Manchester University. Which not long previously had hosted Tony Francis, Sadie Francis and Dafydd’s mate Bob Hobson.

Not only that, but the unhinged Dr Tony Roberts – the Top Doctor at Hergest who diagnosed borderline personality disorders in everyone and maintained that it was their choice as to whether they killed themselves or not and who presided over the highest suicide rate among his patients of anywhere in England or Wales except for Camden – graduated from Manchester in the mid-1980s and made his way to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for work.

It was with regard to my complaint about Tony Roberts in 2002 that a forged letter purporting to have been written by me was found in the possession of the GMC (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Roberts was involved in the attempt to frame me for ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ in 2002, on the basis of the perjury of numerous Angels from the Hergest Unit and of course Davies himself. The case collapsed, but I discovered years later that days after the case collapsed, the PNC had been unlawfully amended – twice – to show crimes against my record of which I had not been convicted and furthermore a forged certificate of indictment was found in the possession of Chester Court, stating that I had pleaded guilty to ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court. I haven’t ever been charged with ‘violent disorder’.

Robert Kehoe, the ‘expert witness’ who lied about both Brown and me in his farcical report some two years after the ‘threats to kill’ case collapsed (see post ‘An Expert In Resistant Service Users’), was the business partner of a man who had professional links to Manchester University and to Tony Roberts. It was this man who had recommended Robert Kehoe to my lawyers.

Robert Boyd was Chair of the Manchester Heath Authority, 1993-96. The mental health services in Manchester were in a very ropey state by then and eventually imploded (see post ‘The Mentor’). So obviously Robert Boyd was the choice to lead St George’s when Adolf waved them a fond farewell. Boyd was Pro-Vice-Chancellor of the University of London from 2000-03.

Boyd was subsequently appointed Head of Research for Greater Manchester NHS.

My post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’ described how I was allocated a ‘community worker’ by Gwynedd Health Authority in 1997, after there was an attempt to frame me on the back of the perjury of Angel Bridget Lloyd and my key worker had been ordered not to communicate with me after he raised concerns about my treatment at the hands of the mental health services. The community worker was an Angel, Dave Reader, who was introduced to me as being an Angel who had just arrived in north Wales to do his PhD. I discovered a few days ago that Dave Reader was no such thing, he was an Angel with many years experience and had joined the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales in 1992. Before that he had been a paedophiles’ friend working at St George’s – under Sir Adolph Asscher’s regime.

Reader studied for a BSc with Manchester University, 1994-97 – although he had by then been qualified for ten years and already had a degree. Reader also took a Diploma in Psychosocial Interventions in Psychosis at Manchester in the 1990s. Reader’s friend and colleague Dr Mike Jackson from north Wales not only developed and popularised psychosocial interventions in psychosis but admitted to me that they don’t work.

Dave Reader has called in on many institutions run by the paedophiles’ friends during his career.

 

Robert Boyd is the son of James Dixon Boyd, who was the Professor of Anatomy at Cambridge University, 1951-68. So he probably knew Trumpers (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

So somebody in London University wanted Asscher in the most senior post at St George’s in 1988. The VC of London University at the time was Lord Brian Flowers, a paedophiles’ friend who came from and went to school in Swansea (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Flowers spent many years at Imperial College and was Rector, 1973-85, working among the wrongdoing. Flowers was VC of London University, 1985-90. Flowers was a member of the Council of the Royal Postgraduate Medical School and Vice-Chairman, 1990-97. So Flowers presided over the research fraud and misconduct that I witnessed at Hammersmith Hospital/RPMS and at St George’s. Flowers was VC whilst St George’s concealed the paedophile ring on their doorstep in south London, as well as the criminality of Dafydd et al in north Wales.

Flowers will have hand-picked Adolf for the job at St George’s.

When Geoffrey Chamberlain retired from St George’s in 2000, after being involved in research fraud and concealing the paedophile gangs, he took up a lecturing job at Swansea University.

 

Here’s the VC of London University who presided over research fraud, the awarding of degrees and jobs in return for sexual favours and of course ran an institution which facilitated and concealed a paedophile gang and serious organised crime, with an admirer:

  • Reporter-Sharing stories of Imperial's community. Imperial ...

 

Between 1994 and 2001, Flowers was Chancellor of the University of Manchester.

Flowers was a physicist who was a member of the Atomic Energy Authority, 1971-81. He was just the sort of person that you want involved with such matters wasn’t he. For details of Flowers’s numerous other roles, some on ethics committees, see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

Events at St George’s before Adolf arrived were every bit as interesting as the events were once he kissed the tarmac there.

 

Richard J. West, the Dean who preceded Asscher, obviously presided over interesting times as did the Dean before him, Robert Lowe, who was in post 1971-82. I cannot find anything online about these two which is very odd because Top Doctors love splashing their details everywhere and their friends do it for them after they die.

 

Something very momentous indeed went on at St George’s in the late 60s/early 70s. In 1980, St George’s relocated to a brand new building in Tooting. Before that it had been located at Hyde Park Corner since its inception in 1733. St George’s was originally built as a result of a trust donated by the Duke of Westminster. So there was a strong relationship – of a shamelessly toadying kind – between St George’s and High Society. Even in the late 1980s, staff at St George’s would wistfully remember their days in the ‘old hospital’ at Hyde Park Corner and how wonderful it was. Some of that lot really did not want to move to the mean streets of Tooting, even if it meant brand new labs. Bits of the Hyde Park Corner building had been taken across London and re-installed at Tooting so that people could remember the glorious past.

Ken Clarke explains in his autobiography ‘A Kind Of Blue’ that Thatcher’s Gov’t fell out with the Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, in a big way after St George’s relocated to Tooting in 1980 and the Hyde Park Corner site was vacated. According to Ken, Ken Clarke wanted to flog the old St George’s Hyde Park Corner and keep the dosh to reinvest in the NHS  – the Hyde Park Corner site in Knightsbridge was worth a bomb. Grosvenor was demanding the land back on the grounds that his ancestors had donated it so he was now reclaiming it. Ken tells us in his book that Thatch was indeed going to hand the land back to Grosvenor, but Ken was horrified at this free gift to one of the richest men in the country. Ken touchingly speculates in his book that perhaps Thatcher had a respect for the aristocracy and had trouble saying no to them. Er, no. Thatch was shamelessly nouveau riche, she insulted gentlemen, she did not hold with giving them billions of pounds on a plate. Thatch may just have had more difficulty than usual with the Duke, what with him being a friend of Prince Charles.

An added complications were that the Duke was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association. The MP for Chester was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in care in north Wales and who’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to HM the Queen.

This is the man upon whom this house of cards was built:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

And this was/is his partner in crime:

Lucille Hughes

 

It is incredible isn’t it.

From what I can work out from Ken’s book, the battle between Thatch and the Duke of Westminster over a great deal of dosh was taking place whilst I was working at St George’s!

Ken’s book states that the Gov’t did not hand the dosh to the Duke, although Ken doesn’t explain how Thatch and he won that particular battle with the Royal Family. Probably because she didn’t. The Duke of Westminster took the option of buying the Hyde Park Corner building off the Gov’t for £6000k, the value of the building in the 19th century.

This is what Prince Charles’s friend got for six grand:

The Lanesborough Hotel
Lanesborough Hotel.jpg

The St George’s Hyde Park Corner building is now the 5* Lanesborough Hotel. In 2015 it was said to be the most expensive hotel in London and it has Michelin stars.

 

It’s incredible what deals can be struck if murders have gone uninvestigated, as well as paedophile gangs with members who are Tory MPs with sisters as courtiers.

Most of the victims of the paedophile ring of which Peter Morrison was a member were subsequently found dead, so presumably they never shared in the good fortune once St George’s had relocated to Tooting.

Sir Peter Morrison was knighted by HM Lilibet in Feb 1991, which was when I was sitting in Springfield Hospital (the mental health unit linked to St George’s), having been forced out of my job, facing possible imprisonment on the basis of the perjury of Tony and Sadie Francis, whilst the Top Docs of Springfield and St George’s personally negotiated with Dafydd, Francis and Lucille Hughes without my knowledge.

In 1991 the North Wales Police launched the first investigation into the abuse of children in care in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, David Owen, refused to co-operate with the investigation. In 1993 the North Wales Police closed the investigation and declared that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales.

The former colleagues of Dafydd – considering what a bunch of mediocre meatheads they were – all found pretty nice little numbers for themselves in the years after I was forced out of St George’s, as did their children. One of the daughters of an Angel who worked for Dafydd, a man whom his colleagues nicknamed Davey Crockett, was given a job as a senior social worker in the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales! The Children’s Commissioner was established as a result of Ronnie Waterhouse’s recommendations. Wales leads the way in children’s safety.

 

Here’s where the bodies of the disappeared are buried:

  • North Wales Hospital, Denbigh - County Asylums

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh yes you did.

 

I think that my life must have stopped when I was in my 20s when I was transported into a Lyndsay Anderson film in 1973.

  • O Lucky Man! Malcolm McDowell’s “Seinfeld” Connection ...
  • O Lucky Man! Malcolm McDowell’s “Seinfeld” Connection ...

 

Some of the people who know something about the reasons why Thatch flogged a piece of Knightsbridge worth millions to Charles’s friend for a bit of loose change who have not yet been named on this blog are:

Huw Griffiths, the incompetent solicitor who used to work in Bangor in the 1990s. Huw is the twin brother of the equally incompetent Aled Griffiths and they are the siblings of Gwenan Carrington, the former Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Aled and Gwenan have been named here previously.

Ceridwen Morgan. Ceridwen’s mum was the legendary Mrs Morgan, who worked in the Zoology Dept in UCNW, whilst the sex traffickers ran the institution. Ceridwen will know something – she was a young adult when it was all happening.

Mrs Morgan had an affair with Professor Lacey in the Plant Biology Dept. Two members of staff in Plant Biology were married to members of the sex trafficking ring. Ralph Oxley was married to Isobel Hargreaves, a social worker for Gwynedd County Council. Chris Wood was married to Dr D.G.E. Wood. Everyone who worked in Plant Biology knew something. Many of them are dead now but those still alive include Dr Dave Shaw, Dr Richard Shattock and a technician called Geraint. There was also a technician called Lynn who worked there for years.

Dr Kieran Lynch. Dr Lynch was a Top Doc working in the North Wales Hospital when Mary Wynch was illegally imprisoned there. Dr Lynch is Irish, he might well have a link to Gangster Gibbons. Gangster Gibbons arrived in Wales in Dafydd’s heyday…

Dr Eifiona Thomas Lane, who is hiding in the bowels of Bangor University after spending years in the comfortable surroundings of Coleg Normal, along with so many other paedophiles’ friends.  I think that Eifiona might be married to a Top Doctor from Penrhyndeudraeth, in which case he’ll be able to point to the burial sites at Denbigh.

The appalling Dr Giles Harborne, a former colleague of Dafydd’s who also worked at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I have mentioned Giles before, but I see that he is now on the ‘professional panel’ of the charidee Hafal, along with that other faithful paedophiles’ friend Lord Alex Carlile. Hafal has gone into partnership with CAIS and now provides ‘service user involvement’ services across north Wales. The Welsh Gov’t gave Dafydd and Lucille one and a half million quid for that scam.

Muriel Evans, a secretary in the School of English at Bangor University – she might have retired by now. Muriel was there when the paedophile gang ruined the lecturer Dave Nunn, who later disappeared from north Wales after telling some Top Docs that he’d read some ludicrous documents that Dafydd had compiled about me and presented to Liverpool High Court.

Muriel is married to Edward Evans, who worked as a technician in the Zoology Dept for years but ended up in HR. When Edward used to see me around he used to cheerily say ‘you’ll write your autobiography one day won’t you, we know you will’. Well Ed, I’ve done it. My original plan was to only name Dafydd and those directly responsible for the horrors, but then I found out how many people had gained jobs and promotions as a result of doing deals to keep quiet about what had happened to me, received money to perjure themselves or do other disgusting things, plagiarised my work, knowingly spread rumours about me etc etc. But most of all I’ve named everyone because you all swore blind that you knew nothing whilst a bunch of gangsters tried to murder me because of what I witnessed 30 years ago…

 

To return to the big umbrella at St George’s. I wondered who ever pushed the idea that St George’s should relocate to Tooting. The construction of the Tooting building began in the early 1970s. By 1976 the medical school had transferred to the Tooting site, along with part of the hospital and the Hyde Park Corner site finally closed its doors as a hospital in 1980. I presume that the movers and shakers behind the planning to move St George’s to Tooting were those in positions of responsibility in the mid-late 60s.

When the idea was mooted, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor’s father will have been the Duke of Westminster. That was Robert Grosvenor, the 5th Duke of Westminster. In the 1970s, he was the richest man in Britain.

The 5th Duke went to Eton, followed a career in the British Army and between 1955-64 was the MP for Fermanagh and South Tyrone. He was responsible for the Adoption Act 1964, an Act that some unscrupulous people had a great deal of fun with…Just ask Dafydd and Lucille.

Robert Grosvenor was a member of the Lords, 1967-79, but he never spoke in the Lords. He was Lord Lieutenant of Fermanagh, 1977-79.

The Grosvenor family seat is in Cheshire, but Robert Grosvenor spent most of his life living at Ely Lodge, Enniskillen, which was where his son Gerald spent his early years.

Robert Grosvenor will have known whatever it was that was going on at Kincora Boys’ Home that the British Gov’t were so desperate to keep secret.

Somehow Grosvenor must have been persuaded to agree that St George’s would relocate to Tooting. The Gov’t at the time will have been Harold Wilson’s.

 

The VC of London University, 1967-69, was Sir Owen Saunders. Saunders was a mathematician and engineer who spent most of his career at Imperial College and seems to have been the reason why Imperial thrived and expanded enormously during the middle years of the 20th century.

Saunders was born in Streatham, went to Birkbeck and then to Trinity College, Cambridge. At Imperial College Saunders served as Professor and Head of the Mechanical Engineering Department, Dean of the City and Guilds College, Pro-Rector and, following the death of Sir Patrick Linstead in 1966, Acting Rector and then Rector of Imperial. At London University Saunders served in many capacities. He was Chairman of the Academic Council and was appointed Vice-Chancellor following his retirement from Imperial College in 1967. Yet Saunders only remained VC of London University until 1969. After that he was Chairman of the Board of Governors of the Royal Holloway College and he presided over the merging of that college with Bedford College to form the Royal Holloway and Bedford New College.

Saunders was the man responsible for the reorganisation of London University which led to increased devolution of responsibility to the constituent colleges of London University in the Seventies.

There are descriptions of the miracle that Saunders performed at Imperial, of how people began flocking to work there and of the expansionist building programme which effectively created a whole new college at the forefront of teaching and research. Saunders’s obituaries mention that ‘throughout’ it all, ‘there was close co-operation with industry and government laboratories’.

Saunders is described as having ‘moved quietly, almost mysteriously’. On one occasion he invited the staff ‘to a display of conjuring in one of the old lecture theatres. It was the cat rather than the rabbit let out of the bag when we discovered that the Professor was a member of the Magic Circle. Someone whispered, ‘So that is how he does it,’ and we knew what he meant’.

Greville Janner was a member of the Magic Circle.

I suspect that Saunders’s success was nothing to do with his abilities to perform conjuring tricks with animals, although his membership of the Magic Circle may have been very useful. Most people who achieve great things in the sort of institution that London University was and is do so by gaining knowledge of events that powerful people are desperate to keep quiet and then by doing the bidding of those people. As Robert Bluglass can testify.

A dungeon Blugass, with the victims of a paedophile ring illegally imprisoned there – a paedophile ring which numbered among its members a friend of the Prime Minister who was also the brother of Lilibet’s Woman-of-the-Bedchamber. Do you think that you’ll be able to get out of this one then Bluglass?

 

Owen Saunders was educated at Emanuel School, Wandsworth and at Birkbeck College, London University and Trinity College, Cambridge.

Saunders worked with many influential people and was in a position to gain knowledge of much sensitive material, particularly because he worked for the Civil Service as well as in academia. At Trinity College his tutor was Frank Dykes, the pioneer of the Engineering Department at Cambridge.  From Cambridge, Saunders moved to the Fuel Research Station at Greenwich where he met Dr Margaret Fishenden, who had worked with Ernest Rutherford. Saunders had a Civil Service contract that allowed him to move between establishments and colleges and libraries. As a result, Saunders was ‘spotted’ by Professor C.H. Lander (whom he later succeeded at City and Guilds College) and Fishenden followed him. Their research student, Hugh Ford, succeeded Saunders to the Chair and Headship of Mechanical Engineering in Imperial College almost 30 years later.

Early in WWII at Imperial College, ‘almost certainly under the influence of Sir Henry Tizard, then Rector of Imperial College’, Saunders was involved with work on the performance of aircraft piston engines at high altitude. He developed improvements for aircraft engines in aerial combat. Then Saunders was closely associated with Sir Frank Whittle at Power Jets and with Hayne Constant at the Royal Aircraft Establishment Farnborough. Saunders worked on the industrial applications of gas turbines with support from the Ministry of Fuel and Power and from the British Shipbuilders Research Association.

Saunders worked for numerous Gov’t committees – so many that his colleagues couldn’t work out how he actually did all the work that it was claimed he undertook for them. Saunders served on the Aeronautical Research Council for six years, as Chairman of the Propulsion Standing Committee for nine years and he was the first Chairman of the Rockets Committee. For the Admiralty he served in the Marine Propulsion Committee and was Chairman of the Panel for Special Propulsions Systems for Submarines. He was a consultant to the Engineer in Chief and a member of the Committee on Naval Engineering Establishments. He worked with the Department of Scientific and Industrial Research on the steering committee of the National Engineering Laboratory from its formation. He served on the Fielden Committee on Engineering Design.

So Saunders was involved with the Admiralty and associated organisations and people. The Admiralty which contained those very senior officers that featured in my post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’ such as Lord Louis Mountbatten and Sir Alec Bingley, who were the subject of allegations of child abuse themselves and/or were friends and colleagues of those who were and/or those who concealed child abuse and the associated very serious wrongdoing. The Admiralty was the site of the John Vassall Spy Scandal in the early 1960s (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’).

 

The problem with naughtiness in high places involving crime, spies and Royal personages is what unscrupulous people do if they find out about it. For example, a mad old psychiatrist in north Wales or a less mad but ruthless English engineer who fancies creating a vast world-leading empire out of Imperial College.

 

Owen Saunders was a member of the Ronan Point inquiry in 1968, sitting for many days with Lord Griffiths and Sir Alfred Pugsley. It was claimed that Saunders was so concerned at the possible hazards of a domestic gas explosion in a high-rise building that he pressed for action even before the official report was produced…

Saunders continued to exert influence long after he had stepped down from positions of responsibility, via his former students. His last research student had been Professor Peter Richardson who was then at Brown University. Richardson had just been elected into the Fellowship of the Royal Society and Imperial College had taken the decision to merge with St Mary’s Hospital Medical School, a decision Saunders ‘warmly welcomed’.

St Mary’s Hospital is the hospital containing Lindo Wing, the favoured location for Royal Births…

 

Owen Saunders probably wasn’t the sort of man who was particularly interested in democratising medical schools, expanding medical education or relocating a bunch of vile elitist Top Doctors from their paradise at Hyde Park Corner to Tooting, but Harold Wilson was interested in those things. Information about Harold suggests that he didn’t implement such policies because he had principles, but because he knew that they would be vote winners after the scandals involving the Toffs, such as Profumo, Vassall and the Spies in the Admiralty etc.

 

Harold of the Proles got on very well with HM the Queen, so well that when Harold was linked to matters such as Lord Kagan’s corruption, the Lavender List and Marcia Falkender et al, the Queen’s judgement of character was questioned – ‘she was friends with Wilson and he was a bloody crook!’. Then it was revealed that Lilibet’s art historian Anthony Blunt was a double agent for the Ruskies… No-one knew about Charles’s deep and meaningful friendship with Savile in those days or HM the Queen Mother’s loyal servant Backstairs Billy – satirised in Viz as Backdoor Bobby – being infected with HIV or indeed what Dame Mary Morrison’s brother was doing to boys in the children’s homes in north Wales…

 

Mike Mansfield is a Republican!

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones is a staunch Welsh patriot who only has the interests of his Welsh speaking patients at heart!

Tony Blair is a pretty straight kind of guy!

Tariq Ali is a revolutionary Marxist!

 

Benny Hill.JPG

 

The Dean of St George’s whilst the move from Hyde Park Corner to Tooting was planned was Alastair Hunter, who was Dean between 1956-71. Hunter was Vice-President of the University of London, 1974-75.

Alastair Hunter came from a medical family. His father was a GP in Sussex and he was educated at Winchester and Trinity College, Cambridge, before going on to St George’s Hospital, from where he qualified in 1933.

Hunter rose through the ranks at St George’s, worked at the London Hospital and then went to the Far East as a medical specialist in the RAMC. He returned to St George’s in 1947 to set up the cardiac department. He continued to practice medicine and cardiology during the whole of his long career at St George’s, but ‘also became increasingly involved in the vast transition which that hospital and its associated medical school were about to experience and was, in fact, one of the formative figures responsible for those changes’. He and others ‘had the vision in the early 1950s’, to see that the teaching hospital would be better placed in the centre of an ordinary population rather than at Hyde Park Corner and they set in train the events which led to the development of school and hospital at Tooting.

Hunter’s obituarist stated that as Dean of St George’s ‘He knew all the students, their strengths and weaknesses and knew too how to recognize and bring out their latent attributes. His judgement of people was phenomenally precise, and appointments committees usually had the good sense to follow his lead…On the larger scale, he steered the school through some of the biggest changes in its history and set it on the course towards the large independent medical school which it has now become’.

Hunter became an important influence beyond St George’s, especially in the University of London. He was a member of the Senate and the Academic Council, and he became Chairman of the Conference of Metropolitan Deans. At the College, Hunter served as Assistant Registrar (1950-57), Censor (1971-73) and Vice-President and Senior Censor (1974-75).

Hunter was interested in modern painting and owned a notable collection. He was involved with the Fitzwilliam Museum, Cambridge, which ‘benefited from his guidance and his generosity’.

Alastair Hunter continued an active working life after retirement, helped to plan the Cambridge clinical school and advised the Association of Commonwealth Universities.

Alastair was unmarried.

 

Sir Owen Saunders was succeeded as VC of London University by Professor Sir Brian Windeyer, who was VC between 1969-72. Windeyer was Professor of Therapeutic Radiology at the Middlesex Hospital Medical School, 1942-69 and Dean of the School, 1954-67.

Gwynne the lobotomist was an alumnus of the Middlesex Hospital Medical School – he was a student there whilst Windeyer worked there – and was protected by that institution throughout his career of crime. So one of Gwynne’s umbrella’s was appointed as the VC of London University the year after John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community, which was the centre of the sex trafficking gang facilitated by Dafydd and Gwynne.

Windeyer was born in Australia, the youngest of seven children of Mabel Fuller Robinson (1864–1956), an orphan emigrant from London to Australia at the age of 18. In 1891 she married Richard Windeyer, a barrister, the son of Sir William Charles Windeyer, a well known Australian judge. Richard Windeyer acted as a Supreme Court judge, Nov 1936-37 and was counsel in the Australian Newspaper Proprietors’ Association’s successful case against Arthur Calwell’s censorship laws during WWII. Richard Windeyer stood as an independent Australian People’s Party candidate in the 1929 federal election. He lectured at the University of Sydney, 1935-44.

Brian Windeyer studied medicine at the University of Sydney, qualifying in 1927. After time at Royal Prince Alfred Hospital Sydney, he worked at the Fondation Curie in Paris, 1929–30. He obtained a Diploma in Medical Radiology and Electrology 1933 at Cambridge University and also obtained FRCS at the University of Edinburgh. In 1931 he became radium officer at the Middlesex Hospital and officer in charge of the Meyerstein Institute of Radiotherapy, formed in 1936. In World War II Windmeyer was Director in the emergency medical service of Mount Vernon Hospital in Northwood, Middlesex. In 1942 he became the first Professor of Therapeutic Radiology at the Middlesex.

So Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were bombproof in Australia as well. Could that have been why the terrible abuse experienced by the kids from the UK who were sent as child migrants to Australia throughout the 50s, 60s and into the 70s received no publicity for so long? The Councils and Boroughs which sent those kids to Australia were also sending kids to children’s homes in north Wales.

 

The VC of London University who preceded Sir Owen Saunders needs a mention – it was Sir Thomas Percival Creed. Sir Thomas was a lawyer and Principal of Queen Mary College, University of London, 1952-67 and VC of London University, 1964-67.

Creed was born in Leicester, the son of a clergyman and went to Wyggeston Grammar School for Boys in Leicester. He served in the Artists Rifles in France in WWI and then studied at Pembroke College, Oxford. After Oxford Creed joined the Sudan political service, where he read for the bar. In 1926 he became a District judge and in 1928 was called to the Bar at Lincoln’s Inn. In 1931 he was seconded to Iraq, became a judge in Baghdad and held other positions in Kirkuk and Mosul. In 1935 he returned to Sudan as a High Court judge, was Chief Justice of Sudan, 1935–41 and Legal Secretary, 1941-48.

Creed became Secretary of King’s College, London in 1948 and Principal of Queen Mary College in 1952. From 1964-67 he was Vice-Chancellor of London University. His time there was a period of expansion but he managed to ensure the continued federal structure of the university.

Creed married Margaret Brewis of St Helen’s, Merseyside. Creed died in 1969. So until then, Gwynne and Dafydd et al had a powerful friend who had strong connections to Leicester. In 1987, Dr James Earp from Leicester concealed Dafydd and Tony Francis’s criminality.  Anyone remember that business of no-one being able to explain why Greville Janner escaped prosecution in the face of so much evidence and why the police, NHS and Leicester City Council had been criminally negligent in the face of Frank Beck’s offending?

 

The Health Minister/Secretary of State for Social Services, 1964-68, under Harold Wilson was Kenneth Robinson. So Robinson was in post whilst Alastair Hunter of the Big Democratic Vision was Dean of St George’s and whilst Sir Thomas Percival Creed of Sudan and Leicester was VC of London University. Robinson also caught the first year of Sir Owen Saunders tenure as VC.

Readers might remember previous posts on this blog which discussed Sir Kenneth Robinson. Robinson served as the first President of the National Association of Mental Health (MIND) in the 1960s. Dafydd was a leading light in MIND in the 1960s. It is worth me reminding everyone of the highlights of Sir Kenneth.

Sir Kenneth was the son of a Top Doctor and a nurse. He was born in Warrington and was educated at Malsis School in North Yorkshire, before attending Oundle School until his father died when Kenneth was 15 yrs old.  His mother withdrew him from the school on cost grounds. Kenneth joined the Royal Navy during WWII as an ordinary seaman, was commissioned in 1942 and promoted to lieutenant-commander in 1944. So Kenneth was one of the Naval officers who would have known about the naughtiness in the higher echelons of the Navy and the Admiralty (see post ‘Defence Of The Realm’ and ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Lady Juliet Bingley became involved with MIND and took a leading role for many years. Lady Juliet was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley. Between them, Lady Juliet and her son William concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al for decades whilst they worked for MIND and then when William was Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Not For Themselves Of Course’).

Kenneth Robinson was a St Pancras Borough Councillor, 1945-49. He was elected as the Labour MP for St Pancras North in 1949. Robinson’s wiki entry tells us: ‘he was probably one of the UK’s most respected Health Ministers. He was always willing to listen, and indeed took informal advice from his local GPs during difficult negotiations over the GP Charter in 1965. John Horder stated of Robinson’s role as Minister of Health: “Kenneth brought to this crisis a mind that was well prepared and the calmness, consideration and personality which we all have known.” Robinson noticed problems with Britain’s approach to General Practice Medicine and quickly sought to reach agreement with practitioners and change the organization, funding, and nature of practice in the system. Robinson published the first consultative document on reorganisation and the need for administrative reform of the National Health System. One compromise he instituted was to reduce the number of hospital beds, under an argument of current under-utilization, and in agreement with the medical profession. In return, the government lifted the limits on fees that medical consultants could charge to patients.’

Little wonder that the Top Docs loved Robinson – he reduced the number of hospital beds AND allowed the Top Docs to charge what they wanted…

Kenneth’s willingness to roll over and have his tummy tickled by the Top Docs had far-reaching consequences. His reduction of beds in return for even more dosh in the Top Docs’ pockets formed the basis for the 1966 General Practitioner’s Charter, which Robinson negotiated with Dr. James Cameron, the General Medical Services Committee  Chairman. Robinson also placed emphasis on nursing, appointing Sir Brian Salman to a ‘special committee of management experts and nurses, which looked into ways to advise and prepare senior staff at hospitals for their posts’. Nurses were treated appallingly and paid very badly for well over twenty years following Sir Kenneth’s ’emphasis’ on them, so he obviously ensured that they continued to keep their traps shut and do what they were told.

Robinson was the man who became embroiled in a massive legal spat with the Church of Scientology. The Scientologists were, strangely enough, convinced that psychiatrists were facilitating crime, experimenting on patients and involved in the sexual abuse of minors. The Scientologists infiltrated MIND in 1969 and MIND conducted a mass expulsion of members who were also Scientologists.

I’m not sure of the exact chronology but the Church of Scientology and Robinson both seemed to have sued each other for libel, although there seems to have only been one trial.

Ronnie Waterhouse was involved in the battle between the Church of Scientology and Robinson/MIND. Ronnie defended Geoffrey Johnson-Smith, the Tory MP for East Grinstead – who was a friend of Sir Robin Day – against Church of Scientology. The Church tried to sue Johnson-Smith and Robinson over claims that Johnson-Smith had made on the BBC that families were being alienated by the Church. Although the Church produced witnesses who spoke highly of it, the jury decided that Johnson-Smith’s comments were substantially true and made in good faith.

Ronnie recommended that Sir Elwyn Jones lead for the defence. Sir Elwyn Jones – who later became Lord Elwyn-Jones – ranked high in the pecking order among the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales. He grew up in west Wales, passed through University College Aberystwyth and Cambridge and became a barrister on the Chester and Wales Circuit and a Recorder of Merthyr Tydfil. He served as the Labour MP for Plaistow, West Ham South and Newham. Elwyn Jones was Attorney General under Harold Wilson, 1964-70 and then Lord Chancellor, 1974-79, under Wilson and then Callaghan. It was on his watch as Lord Chancellor that Ronnie was appointed a High Court judge. Elwyn Jones was Shadow Lord Chancellor, 1983-89, under the Windbag.

Elwyn Jones was Lord Chancellor when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al, as well as during the preceding years when she had come under attack from a ring of crooked solicitors who fleeced her of her inheritance.

Sir Peter Rawlinson was Attorney General at the time of the Geoffrey Johnson-Smith case – Rawlinson was AG throughout the years of Heath’s Gov’t. He had been Solicitor-General under Macmillan at the time of the John Vassall spy scandal (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’), so Rawlinson knew that there was naughtiness in high places accompanied by much hypocrisy.

Geoffrey Johnson-Smith’s appearance on the BBC which sparked the legal case with the Scientologists was the result of a question he’d put to Kenneth Robinson in the House in 1968. Robinson really did not like the Scientologists. It is a great pity that the Church of Scientology is built on such shaky foundations itself, because much of what they have said about psychiatry for years I have found to be true.

The first person whom I met who really hated the Scientologists was Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was helping run Dafydd’s sex trafficking business. Did Wood just think that L. Ron Hubbard’s writings were a bit outlandish? No. Wood told me that the Scientologists needed a shotgun against their heads. Which was an interesting desire, in the light of the claim by one boy at Bryn Alyn that he was sexually assaulted at gunpoint.

Ronnie Waterhouse’s book mentioned that in the Geoffrey Johnson-Smith case, the Scientologists were represented by a junior barrister, Ronald Schulman, who later ‘disappeared in mysterious circumstances’. Ronnie’s story was that Schulman ‘behaved oddly’ in relation to the will of a man who died in a private plan crash en route to France. Ronnie maintained that Schulman was last seen by Ronnie’s barrister friend James Crespi, ‘breakfasting at the Great Eastern Hotel’. Ronnie tells us that it was speculated that Schulman ended up in Brazil. After tangling with Ronnie and the gang it was rather more likely that Schulman ended up in the concrete in a flyover.

James Crespi QC was a friend of George Carman’s and they used to go out boozing and clubbing together. Crespi married a ‘young nightclub hostess’ who left him after three weeks of marriage.

The case appeared before Justice Ackner, and was entitled Robinson v Church of Scientology of California and Others. This resulted in a settlement between the parties on June 1973, where the Church of Scientology acknowledged that there was no truth to the allegations that they had published and offered its apologies to Robinson along with a ‘substantial sum to mark the gravity of the libels’.

I am not a Scientologist and I do not subscribe to L. Ron Hubbard’s theories, but I take the view that Robinson winning that libel case is no reflection upon the truth or otherwise of the allegations made about Robinson, MIND and the psychiatric establishment by the Scientologists. Dafydd was a leading light in MIND at that time and he and his colleagues were running a sex trafficking racket which involved very serious crime; he was being protected by Robinson and the legal establishment. That lot would have been capable of doing and saying anything to force the Scientologists to retract their allegations and cough up damages. At one point Tony Francis instructed his solicitors to sue me for damages on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ him – my ‘harassment’ consisted solely of letters of complaint about the criminal activities of him and his colleagues. Francis subsequently dropped all talk of suing me once he realised that I’d found a lawyer to fight back on my behalf.

 

Robinson was a member of the Homosexual Law Reform Society’s executive committee. He supported the legalisation of abortion and was Minister of Health in 1967 when the Abortion Act 1967 came into force. Robinson was supportive of voluntary hospitals and health services and voiced his encouragement to these institutions in a speech to the National Association of Leagues of Hospital Friends. These organisations colluded with the Top Docs and the abuse of vulnerable people, almost certainly because they occupied a very submissive position in relation to the NHS.

Robinson later joined Dr Death in the SDP. Which says it all – Dr Death had personal connections to some of the Top Docs of north Wales (see post ‘Dr Death’).

 

Whilst Kenneth Robinson was Health Minister, the criminal activities of Dafydd and Gwynne were well-known to Gov’t and were being concealed. At that time Bryn Estyn was directly managed by the Home Office as an Approved School and it was known that boys were being abused there. There was also abuse of boys at Axwell Park Approved School at Gateshead, the institution which employed Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth, who later transferred to Bryn Estyn and were at the hub of the paedophile gang in north Wales. The Home Secretaries whilst Robinson was Health Minister were Roy Jenkins and then Jim Callaghan. Woy spent years concealing the abuse of vulnerable people and after his adventures with Dr Death spent a sufficiently long time in politics to end up as an adviser to Blair. Jim Callaghan also concealed abuse, including in Wales. Callaghan knew that George Thomas was molesting children – Callaghan hated George Thomas but wasn’t going to take him on. The Labour Party couldn’t have afforded such a scandal in its stronghold in south Wales and furthermore George Thomas was mates with Harold Wilson – Wilson kicked off election campaigns with visits to south Wales, accompanied by Thomas. George Thomas was also a good friend to the Royal Family.

Callaghan’s wife Audrey concealed child abuse, both in London and in south Wales. The Callaghans socialised with Leo Abse, who intimidated people and threatened to stitch them up in court in order to conceal his mate George Thomas’s crimes (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Abse has been investigated for historical sex offences himself. It was whilst Kenneth Robinson was Health Minister that Abse began his efforts which resulted in the rewriting of the legislation regarding children in care which Dafydd and the paedophiles found so helpful, using the paedophiles’ friends to provide ‘expertise’. It was Jim Callaghan who in his capacity as Home Secretary invited Abse to sit on the Houghton Committee, which led to the Children Act 1975. Abse had been working since the late 1960s to establish such a Committee, he pulled the strings and the Committee was comprised of paedophiles’ friends. See post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ for details of Abse’s Grand Plan, which came to fruition with the help of Dr Death.

 

Kenneth Robinson et al were influential figures when the Windbag began his career in politics – the Windbag who knew Tony Francis when they were at university in Cardiff, the Windbag who was married to Glenys the schoolteacher from Holyhead who’s family were mates with Lord Cledwyn, who colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles himself. Once the Windbag had established himself politically, it was time for Ron Davies of the Moments of Madness and Looking for Badgers to emerge as a force in south Wales Labour politics…. And so it snowballs into the present.

 

Robinson served as Chairman of English National Opera, 1972-77, of the GLC’s London Transport Executive , 1975 -78, and of the Arts Council of Great Britain, 1977-82.

It was Nye Bevan’s widow Jennie Lee who was Harold Wilson’s Minister for the Arts whilst Kenneth Robinson was Health Minister. Lee was responsible for renewing the charter of the Arts Council in 1967 which saw an expansion in its work just in time for Sir Kenneth to benefit from that. Jennie Lee and Nye Bevan knew about the abuse of children and other people which was facilitated by the NHS, the creation of which was what Nye built his reputation on (see post ‘The Human Stain’). It was deeply flawed from the very beginning but no-one dared say a word.

Jennie Lee and Harold’s crooked lawyer friend Lord Goodman – who helped to get Jeremy Thorpe out of the slurry pit in 1979 – were responsible for establishing the OU, one of Wilson’s flagship achievements.

 

So Harold Wilson busied himself expanding and indeed creating universities, investing in the arts and pushed through schemes such as the relocation of St George’s to Tooting in the name of democracy. It looked very good, but an analysis of the activities of the people who were the movers and shakers behind all this and the trade-offs involved leaves one in no doubt that the poorest and most vulnerable citizens in the UK paid a high price for aspiring wealthier people to lead the life of Riley. Those at the bottom of the heap were locked in a dungeon in north Wales because they were capable of telling people that they had been used for sex by some of the most revered members of society.

Kenneth Robinson died in London in February 1996. By which time Ronnie Waterhouse knew damn well that he was going to be Chairing a rigged Judicial Inquiry in order to conceal the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, but he, Hague and many others pretended that they knew nuzzing.

 

The nature of those governing London University got no better when Professor Sir Brian Windermeyer stepped down as VC. The VC who succeeded him was Sir Cyril Phillips, 1972-76. Sir Cyril was educated at Rock Ferry High School and then attended the University of Liverpool. Sir Cyril then attended the  School of Oriental Studies in London. Sir Cyril served in the Army Education Corps during WWII, ending the war as a lieutenant colonel. He joined SOAS, becoming Professor and Head of the History Depart. In 1956 he became Director of SOAS. It was said that Sir Cyril ‘virtually remade the school’ in the following years.

It was Sir Cyril’s job as VC of London University, 1972-76, to implement the reforms that had been planned years before. He took advantage of his appointment not to follow the original plans.Not that whoever appointed him would have expected him to implement those plans – Sir Cyril’s track record was of a conservative man who had no sympathy for the student activism of the late 1960s and who became embroiled in feuds with other people. By the time Cyril Phillips became VC, Ted Heath was PM.

Philips’ inherited ‘a reforming brief and a financial crisis’. Phillips’s obituary stated that ‘Extraordinary battles ensued as he sought to replace the worst aspects of a re-centralising plan with more rational governance.’ This did not make Phillips a popular man and his tenure as VC was shortened. He stepped down in 1976. Not that his talents had gone unnoticed. He was invited by the Callaghan Gov’t to Chair the Royal Commission on Criminal Procedure (1978-81) into the police and criminal evidence system, the police complaints board and review of the Prevention of Terrorism Act – which led to the police and criminal evidence system under Thatch. Which was when Dafydd and the paedophiles had a party…

 

Philips’ report was described by Patrick Mayhew – the corrupt barrister who did favours for the GMC with regard to ensuring that the paedophile Top Doc Dr Morris Fraser continued practising and who in his capacity as Attorney General authorised two attempts to imprison me for contempt of court although it was known that the paedophiles’ friends had perjured themselves – in Hansard, June 30 2003 as ‘one of the finest expositions of the balance … between administrative and security convenience … and … the liberty of the citizen’.

Sir Cyril then Chaired the Police Complaints Board and Reviewed the Prevention of Terrorism Act.

Orgreave, 1984:

  • 30 years on, police face inquiry over Battle of Orgreave ...

Stonehenge, 1985:

The Battle of the Beanfield: The violent new-age traveller ...

  • That’s me in the picture: Rose Brash, 20, is led away by ...

 

Hillsborough, 1989:

  • Liverpool's bells toll across the city to mark ...

 

Dafydd, still in business today:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

Here’s a man who spends his days in the Lords:
William Hague Foreign Secretary (2010).jpg

 

And here’s a man with a Radical Conscience:

Michael Mansfield QC 04.jpg

 

After Sir Cyril Phillips had stood down to prepare the ground for Thatcher’s abuse of the police force and criminal justice system, Sir Frank Hartley took over as VC of London University, 1976-78.

Hartley was born in Lancashire and attended Nelson Municipal Secondary School and went on to study for the diploma of pharmaceutical chemistry at the School of Pharmacy, London – now part of UCL. He then worked there as demonstrator and studied for a degree in chemistry at Birkbeck College.

Hartley completed his PhD whilst teaching at the School of Pharmacy. He then became Chief Chemist of the British laboratories of Organon, which were mostly concerned with steroids. From 1943 Hartley was involved with maximizing penicillin production and also research into other antibiotics. In 1946 he became Director of Research and Scientific Services at British Drug Houses (later merged with Merck KGaA) and was involved with work on contraceptive steroids. In 1974 Hartley became Vice-Chairman of the Medicines Commission.  In 1962 he became Dean of the School of Pharmacy, which had then become a school of the University of London. In 1965 Hartley became President of the Royal Institute of Chemistry. He took an active role in university affairs becoming Deputy Vice-Chancellor in 1973 and Vice-Chancellor in 1976. He was the first pharmacist to be an honorary member of the Royal Society of Physicians in 1979 and Royal College of Surgeons in 1980.

Hartley’s son Peter became a canon of the Church of England and his son Frank Robinson Hartley was Vice-Chancellor of Cranfield University from 1989-06.

When I was researching Frank Hartley a few days ago, there was information on the internet linking him directly to the Thalidomide Scandal, but like a great deal of info relating to people whom I mention on the blog that I am about to start researching into, it has disappeared. However Dr David Healy’s blog has featured two recent posts concerning thalidomide. I am still waiting for David to grass up the people traffickers in the north Wales mental health services with whom he has worked for so long, but his exposes of Big Pharma are always worth reading.

It was the ‘Sunday Times’ journo Marjorie Wallace who was behind the campaign on behalf of those who had suffered as a result of thalidomide – it made Marjorie’s name as a fighter for justice. Sadly Marjorie participated in the ultimate deceit in the late 1980s when the net looked as though it was closing in on Dafydd and the paedophiles. Marjorie posed as a mental health campaigner but aligned herself with the Top Docs whom she knew were concealing sex trafficking rings. Marjorie’s shameful record is detailed in my post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’.

Sir Frank Hartley sat on numerous committees and Boards, including the Board of the Royal Free Hospital. Duncan Orme, who as an SU sabbatical officer at UCNW colluded with the wrongdoing of Gwynne and the sex traffickers and who has now reached the higher echelons of NHS senior management, landed his first NHS job at the Royal Free (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Just when everyone was really desperate to keep the lid on the Westminster Paedophile Ring. I was interviewed by the Royal Free at pretty much the same time – during the interview a comment was made to me which contained info regarding me that could only have come from the sex traffickers of north Wales…

Hartley was also on the Boards of Tommy’s Medical School and Kingston Poly. Adrian Bell, one of the staff at UCNW (Bangor University), who colluded with D.G.E. Wood and the sex traffickers did his degree at Kingston Poly. One of Sir William Asscher’s tasks as Dean/Principal of St George’s Hospital Medical School was to oversee the merger of St George’s with Kingston Poly. I have never been able to get to the bottom of why this happened. As with the move to Tooting, the Top Docs of St George’s really did not want to merge with a Poly – I mean St George’s had a hotline to the Royal Family…

One thing that I remember Adrian Bell talking to students about at Bangor was his previous career as a forensic scientist. His story was that he had given it up because of the constant serious abuses of the law with which the forensic science service assisted. So that’s why he rocked up in an institution run by sex traffickers and joined in with them… Adrian was keeping up standards! Or did some of Adrian’s former colleagues from the Home Office/forensic science service catch up with him when I found out about Dafydd et al and began writing letters to Ministers? Adrian Bell was a colleague of Prof Grieg-Smith, who knew Prof Edred Corner, the uncle of Douglas Hurd – who was the Home Secretary turning a blind eye to Dafydd and the paedophiles trying to fit me up in court (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’).

Wheels within wheels – or the same incestuously corrupt shithouse?

  • Farm outhouse lavatory dunny shithouse rustic toilet ...

 

After Sir Frank Hartley died, his son Frank, the former VC of Cranfield University, said that his father had regretted his work on oral contraceptives because he had not been at all happy with the changes in sexual behaviour that he believed that the ‘pill’ had brought about. Sir Frank was someone who oversaw large scale research fraud at London University and protected people who facilitated a paedophile gang who murdered victims and witnesses. I’m sure that it won’t have been Sir Frank’s work on oral contraceptives that caused St Peter to lock the gates when he saw Sir Frank approaching. Particularly as the oral contraceptive that Sir Frank was involved in developing was never marketed because of its ‘side effects’. This was said to have enhanced Sir Frank’s standing on committees concerned with the safety of medicines. One wonders how thalidomide or indeed the many other harmful drugs that ended up on the market slipped past Sir Frank. Along with the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

'God Judging Adam', William Blake | Tate

 

 

 

 

It’s The Sun Wot Won It

Readers of my vintage will recognise the title of this blog post – it was the headline that The Sun ran on 11 April 1992 as they crowed about their role in the unexpected Conservative victory at the General Election. The Tories had not expected to win, Norman Lamont’s handling of the economy was not proving very successful and they were expecting a thrashing at the polls. In the days leading up to the election, the right wing press had metamorphosed into vehicles of abuse against Neil Kinnock and the Labour Party, culminating in the The Sun’s notorious front page on the day of the election which screamed ‘If Kinnock wins today will the last person to leave Britain please turn out the lights?’

I’ve been reminded of that particular hate campaign because I’m currently reading Gyles Brandreth’s autobiography ‘Breaking The Code’ in which Brandreth details his selection as Tory candidate for Chester, his subsequent election as MP for Chester and his ‘political career’ – Brandreth and his chums spent much time chortling smugly as the UK media hurled abuse and not infrequently downright lies at the Labour Party. Interestingly enough though, even Brandreth didn’t expect a Tory victory.

In my post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ I detailed the reasons which caused me to believe that Brandreth must have known that his predecessor as Conservative MP for Chester, Sir Peter Morrison, was molesting under-aged boys and why I thought that Brandreth must also have known about the allegations of a paedophile ring operating in north Wales and Cheshire. Morrison was of course known to be visiting children’s homes in north Wales and one person made a statement alleging that Morrison had raped him when he was 14, at the infamous Elm Guest House near Barnes Common, just around the corner from Gyles’s home. Boys from north Wales were known to have been trafficked to the Elm Guest House and to locations in Chester.

Gyles’s book, which is based on his diaries, begins the account in 1990 when he decides to embark on a political career. In between the constant name-dropping of members of the Royal Family and folk from showbiz and boasting about his performances as characters such as Baron Hardup in panto, Gyles describes how he ingratiates himself to leading lights in the Conservative Party and pretty much randomly sets his eyes on a few potential seats, one being Chester. As in the case of his Oxford Union contemporary Ann Widdecombe (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’), Gyles knows nothing about the constituencies that he aspires to represent and just like Ann gains his knowledge from visiting the local public library just before meeting the selection panel. Gyles describes his visit to Chester library and how he soon understood the constituency, but he notes whilst leafing through copies of the local papers that the sitting MP Sir Peter Morrison – who is standing down at the next election, hence the vacancy – is never mentioned. However Gyles has looked up Peter Morrison as well and he likes what he discovers – an impeccable profile: Eton, Oxford, White’s, Pratt’s, the son of Lord Margdale, a brother who’s an MP and a sister who is Woman of the Bedchamber to the Queen no less! Gyles can’t wait to meet him – he soon does, he goes to visit Morrison at Morrison’s house, 81 Cambridge Street, London SW1.  Gyles is truly bowled over – not because Morrison is charming or witty or engaging, but because Morrison is really posh. When Gyles gets to meet the members of the City of Chester Conservative Association he finds that a lot of them are really wowed by the very poshness of Morrison too – they’re particularly impressed because Morrison has pictures of himself at Eton in his bog. There’s another reason why Gyles is starry eyed about Morrison – Morrison is PPS to Thatcher (Morrison occupied this role between 1990-92) and Gyles suspects that Morrison might even share an office with Thatcher! Gyles is one of those Tories who just loved her and would do anything to touch the hem of her cloak…

When he begins hobnobbing with the City of Chester Conservative Association, Gyles meets someone even more worth knowing than a Sir who’s sister’s vocation in life is toadying to HM the Queen. Gyles discovers that the Duke of Westminster is President of the Association! He’s so posh that the rest of the Association have to call him ‘Your Grace’. Gyles also knows that the Duke of Westminster is one of the richest men in the UK and is a close friend of the Royal Family. Unfortunately though Gyles oversteps the mark when he finds himself in the presence of the Duke and calls him ‘Gerald’ rather than ‘Your Grace’. It’s a black mark, but thanks to several hours of intensive toadying by Gyles’s wife Michele (the lady who wants Serious Money, as described in a previous post) who remembers to grovel in the right manner, the black mark against Gyles is forgiven. There is another budding Conservative candidate up against Gyles, a Jacqui Lait, who it is mentioned has been beavering away for the Tories for years and who Gyles and his wife have to admit is very good. In fact she’s so good that she even knows Things About Europe and Michele is sure that Jacqui will be selected. Another budding candidate, described as ‘Peter Morrison’s man’, is mentioned but not expanded upon – it is merely observed that he doesn’t seem to have a spouse. Amazingly enough though poor old Jacqui is blown out and the Association selects Gyles! I cannot help but wonder whether this might have something to do with Gyles having previously spent many months toadying to HRH the Duke of Edinburgh – Gyles was busy raising many thousands of pounds for the Royal Family in the guise of charity work – and of course all those letters that he’d written to senior figures in the Tories that he’d got to know from his time at Oxford or in showbiz. Gyles certainly gets around – parties at Jeffrey Archer’s, (parties at Robert Maxwell’s as well, Gyles isn’t fussy) and endless social engagements where he rubs noses with Royals. Well what does working your arse off for the Conservatives for years mean in comparison to Gyles’s ruthless networking? Jacqui Lait must have felt like voting Labour after that.

Once Gyles was selected did he relocate to Chester and get to know the constituency? Not exactly. He went straight ‘home’ to London, noting how much he’d missed it having to spend so much time in Chester telling everyone there how committed he was to them. People kept asking him difficult questions about whether he would be living in the constituency and sending his children to local schools. Poor old Gyles had to explain that although of course he would be living in the constituency, his children would remain at school in London. Gyles’s idea of ‘living in the constituency’ was actually to rent a very expensive house there whilst he pissed off around the rest of the UK appearing in panto or dining with influential Conservatives. He spent a lot of time in the early months of 1991 schmoozing with Peter Morrison as well as of course with the Royals. Gyles hobnobbed with David Hunt the Secretary of State for Wales, the Deputy Chief Whip Alistair Goodlad, Neil and Christine Hamilton – he really likes them, they’re as much fun as Peter Morrison! -Chris and Lavender Patten (Gyles didn’t know them, but a mate of his introduced him which was essential what with Patten being Chair of the Conservative Party) and numerous others.

Gyles ensures that his family are seen around Chester as well – although Michele hates the place and bellyaches about all the travelling between there and London as well as the cost of that travelling and of course his kids are still at school in London. The public schools of Chester might not have been good enough for Brandreth’s kids, but in June 1991 he does manage to tempt his daughter up to the Chester Regatta and Flower Show, where he makes sure that she ends up in all the photos. Gyles observes that it’s known that the Labour candidate – a dreadful little oik who Gyles can’t stand – is having marital problems, so there won’t be too many happy family snaps taken during his campaign.

In July Gyles is in serious need of a break, all the toadying and wining and dining having really taken it out of him, not to mention the bother of having to go to Chester on a regular basis although of course he does live in the constituency, so Gyles and Michele pop off to Venice! He has a lovely time and begins to plan his career as a Cabinet Minister and summarises by observing ‘Ain’t life grand!’.

In September, Gyles attends ‘a gala event in the Association’s calender’, Peter Morrison’s Annual Pimms Party. Gyles notes that the party workers fall into two camps – a group who believe that Morrison is past his sell-by date, has let himself go, is out of touch, gives out all the wrong signals and believe that he’s ‘let the seat slide’ and another group who ‘love the grandeur of the man’ and of course who also love the pictures of him at Eton in the bog. Also in September, Gyles watches the Granada drama ‘Thatcher: The Final Days’. Gyles is appalled at the ‘demonisation’ of Peter Morrison in this drama – Peter was blamed for Thatcher losing the leadership to John Major. Gyles observes that ‘in the papers the knives are out for him’, ‘this helps explain why he’s getting out’ and ‘it may explain the drinking’. However Gyles notes that ‘the programme didn’t portray him as either a lush or an old queen, though we can see he’s the one and we assume he’s the other’. Gyles remembers that it was a Jeremy Hanley who at the time of Morrison’s appointment as Thatcher’s PPS quipped that she’d ‘got herself an aide who knows how to carry a handbag’.

So there was a lot of ribaldry about Morrison’s homosexuality then. But just read what Gyles says next: ‘at Sunday’s do at Peter’s place one or two were whispering behind their hands about his alleged sexual preferences – but I don’t think they know that Michele and I have been told several times on the doorstep – in no uncertain terms – that the MP is a ‘disgusting pervert’ who is ‘into little boys’.

They couldn’t have made it much clearer Gyles.

Gyles is undeterred! In Oct 1991 he joins Peter Morrison at the NFU meeting and then Gyles busies himself preparing his speech for the Tory Party Conference. He’s impressed to find that the Conference is so stage-managed that Gyles actually describes it as ‘rigged’. Gyles’s own speech is on the subject of the Citizen’s Charter! Of course – being one as dedicated to the welfare of the citizens as Gyles is. Gyles is bowled over by the guest of honour at the Conference – it’s a man called William Hague, PPS to Norman Lamont, the Norman who at that time was screwing the economy. After the excitement of the Conference – Michele was so wowed by Thatcher that she had ‘tears in her eyes’ as Thatcher swept the stage -it was entertaining Judy Hurd, wife of Douglas the then Foreign Secretary, who was the guest of honour at Chester racecourse charity lunch. Then it was the State Opening of Parliament – to which Gyles had been invited by the Duke of Edinburgh! November 1991 also saw the death of Robert Maxwell. Gyles reminisces about going to parties at Maxwell’s house and admits that Maxwell was a ‘monster and a crook’. Gyles and Michele’s company did a lot of work for Maxwell nonetheless.

By Dec 1991 Michele is so pissed off with Chester and the boring tedious oiks to whom she constantly has to be civil that she berates Gyles for ever applying for the candidacy there. She had wanted him to wait for a suitable seat in London to come up, but tells him that he was just determined to become the candidate for Chester: ‘you’d have walked over your dying granny to get it. I know you.’ Gyles observes in response ‘She does’.

One presumes that Gyles’s granny didn’t actually die during the process of him pursuing his goal of becoming the Conservative MP for Chester. However quite a few other people died during that time who were not a million miles away from Chester. They were the victims of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. There had been premature deaths of those children for years, but things really started hotting up in 1991, the year that Gyles began to bust a gut in order to take over the seat of a man who was, he knew, a child molester. Let’s just look at a few things that happened in 1991 and a few of the events in the years before, which led to all the action in 1991.

In 1987 Alison Taylor, a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services, blew the whistle on serious child abuse in north Wales. Alison was dismissed after doing this. She refused to keep quiet however. She met with Councillors, representatives of the North Wales Police Authority and police officers themselves. In Jan 1987 she wrote to Margaret Thatcher the PM and described abuse that she had witnessed.

Something else happened in 1987 as well which involved the two of the people whom Brandreth found such good fun and whose company he cultivated in 1991, namely Peter Morrison and Neil Hamilton. In 1987 it was alleged that Morrison had joined a group of MPs including Michael Grylls, Neil Hamilton and Michael Brown, who took money from Ian Greer on behalf of third party clients. In the Cash for Questions Inquiry which was later held, Ian Greer Associates admitted that Morrison received payments after Morrison ceased to be an MP. Hansard quotes Greer as stating that he made two commission payments, perhaps three, ‘for client referrals’ to Morrison between 1993-94.

In Feb 1988 Alison Taylor wrote to Tony Newton, the Health Minister regarding the child abuse happening in north Wales.

In July 1991 a letter was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police informing him that there were concerns being expressed that a paedophile ring was operating in north Wales. In August 1991 a police investigation began into the abuse of children in care in Clwyd. In Sept 1991 HTV broadcast a film about Alison Taylor’s allegations regarding abuse in the children’s homes in Gwynedd – the home manager featured in the film, Nefyn Dodd, was trafficking the children to Dolphin Square in London to a Tory lobbyist and speechwriter of Thatcher’s who had an apartment there, although this wasn’t revealed in the film. In Dec 1991 the Independent on Sunday published an article about child abuse in north Wales. In Dec 1991 the North Wales Police expanded their investigation to include abuse in children’s homes in Gwynedd.

Throughout the late 80s/early 90s there were a steady stream of young people who had grown up in care in north Wales found dead. There were also a number of convictions for abuse against child care workers in north Wales. A number of people were tried at Court in Chester. Gyles was not unaware of the existence of the British judicial system. On one of his many jollies, in Sept 1991 Gyles went to lunch at the Old Bailey ‘as a guest of the Sheriff’. Gyles accidentally walked into a Court in session and was very impressed with the barrister at work. He asked a Clerk who the barrister was and was told that it was Michael Mansfield who ‘looks after the IRA and that sort’. Sadly Mr Mansfield – nor any of his radical lawyer colleagues – looked after the people who were being abused by the social services and mental health services in north Wales. Whilst some of them were being molested by Peter Morrison.

Like Gyles I can remember 1991 very clearly, although I wasn’t keeping a diary. I remember it well because whilst Gyles and Michele were grovelling to the Duke of Westminster and being impressed by Peter Morrison in early 1991, I was hounded out of a job at St George’s Hospital Medical School after the network of the Top Doctors who were concealing the paedophile ring that Morrison was involved with stalked me (see posts ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990’ and ‘A Network Stretching To London?’). There were also a number of attempts by the Top Doctors in north Wales to have me imprisoned for serious offences after they perjured themselves and to have me declared dangerous and banged up without trial (see posts ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’ and ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’). Top Doctors at St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital colluded with this, although they knew about the criminal activity and sexual abuse of patients by their colleagues in north Wales (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’).

Ain’t life grand!

 

In 1992, as it became clear that there would be an election before long, Gyles began an endless round of photo-opportunities with VIPs. He was well aware that a lot of people in the country were not faring very well because he kept meeting them, even in a place like Chester. It all became a bit of a pain in the bum for Gyles and Michele as they were obliged to meet the small potatoes who bored them and held meetings in dull little halls instead of the splendour of the Grosvenor Hotel and sometimes Gyles and Michele even found themselves wasting their time with people who weren’t going to vote Conservative.

There were high spots however – staying at Neil and Christine’s grand place in Nether Alderly (‘Mrs T is their goddess’) where Neil told Gyles that he expected to be a Minister soon because the ‘Whip’s Office look after their own, that’s their job’; drinks with Lord Waddington when he visited Chester; a visit from Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd who was told by Central Office that he could spend ‘forty-five minutes in Chester’; another visit from David Hunt the Secretary of State for Wales (who was of course at that time sitting in the Welsh Office along with the crooked lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman Professor Robert Owen concealing the barrel of shit in north Wales); Gyles dined with Shirley Porter (best remembered for her gerrymandering in Westminster Council as well as for the sale of those three cemeteries for literally pennies when they were worth millions and then departing to live in Israel to avoid paying the enormous fine after her conviction); had sherry with the Dean of the Cathedral; lunched with the Retired Masonic Fellowship (Masonic corruption did of course play a big role in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, particularly in terms of the Masonic connections between the North Wales Police and the corrupt lawyers and judges on the Chester and Wales Circuit); received a visit from Jeffrey Archer, then Michael Heseltine, then John Major, then Tony Newton, then Peter Lilley! The Tories brought all the big guns out for Chester in 1992 then – I wonder why there was such desperation over that particular seat?

Gyles decided to give his own campaign a little boost by writing letters to the local papers using pseudonyms, telling everyone what an impressive candidate that Gyles Brandreth was.

So what was happening in north Wales whilst Gyles did all this? The allegations that children in care had been sexually molested – particularly boys in the homes Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn near Wrexham, about 12 miles from Chester, came thick and fast. In Jan 1992, Dean Nelson, a journalist preparing a story for the Independent, returned to north Wales to look for evidence against Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police. (Anglesea was finally convicted and imprisoned for abusing boys in care in Wrexham last year.) In the same month that Gyles dined with the Retired Masonic Fellowship – March 1992 – police carried out dawn raids in Wrexham and arrested 16 men and one woman, all but one being former staff of Bryn Estyn. ‘No evidence’ of pornography or a paedophile ring was discovered and 16 of those arrested were released with no charges by the end of the day. (In the following years, a number of them were arrested again, convicted and imprisoned for the abuse of boys in care in north Wales.)

In the hours leading up to polling day, Gyles notes in his diary how deeply unsavoury Labour activists are – ‘ugly’, ‘red-faced’, ‘appallingly overweight’. He does concede however that they do a bit better than the Tory activists in meeting ‘the old dears’ during the campaign. Sadly for the Labour Party, meeting the old dears wasn’t enough and on 10 April 1992 Gyles was elected MP for Chester. How chuffed he was! The first person outside of his constituency to congratulate him seems to have been David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales, who sent him a letter on official Welsh Office paper which even had the address of the Welsh Office printed in Welsh. Shortly after Gyles’s victory, his old mucker the Duke of Edinburgh and HM the Queen visit Chester to distribute Maundy money – the Chester Tories were delighted to see them. Letters of congratulation to Gyles then came thick and fast from John Major, Michael Portillo and Norman St John Stevas!

There is then a gap in Gyles’s account until 23 April 1992 when he notes that Frankie Howerd has died.

During the two weeks or so that Gyles keeps us guessing with regard to his own activities, an event in Brighton took place which no-one with an interest in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal will ever forget. On 18 April 1992 a fire broke out in a flat at a party – a number of people attending the party had formerly been in care in north Wales or were close to people who had been. Five people were killed – two died from multiple injuries when they tried to jump to safety, one died after losing his grip whilst hanging onto the building at a height and two people died of smoke inhalation after being trapped in the flat. Seven people managed to escape by climbing down a drainpipe at the back of the building and several other people impaled themselves on railings after jumping to safety. A man called Trevor Carrington allegedly confessed to starting the fire – he was found dead days after his ‘confession’.

A verdict of unlawful killing was eventually returned regarding the arson attack. One witness has stated that John Allen, the owner of the Bryn Alyn Community where children were abused, told him that he would meet them at the party but Allen never turned up. John Allen is currently in prison after being convicted of abusing children in care in north Wales. John Allen also ran a business in child porn and owned a number of brothels in London and Brighton to which he trafficked boys who’d been in care in north Wales. One former resident of the children’s homes in north Wales who didn’t die in the fire but who was seriously injured alleged that the former residents of the children’s homes had been murdered and that they had knowledge of sexual liaisons involving politicians. This man later gave evidence against John Allen in Court. He was found dead days afterwards. For further details of the Brighton fire see posts ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’ and ‘Updates, Common Themes and News, May 5 2017’.

In the days and weeks that followed the murder of five people who might well have been able to act as witnesses against Peter Morrison and others, Gyles got down to business in his new role as MP for Chester. In his maiden speech in the Commons he mentioned that ‘Peter [Morrison] served the Prime Minister’s illustrious predecessor so ably and so loyally’. Michele had by now started bitching about the low salaries of MPs but Gyles notes that at least now that he’s been elected his train and air fares are paid for. He gloats about making an insulting speech directed at Neil Kinnock which he passes off as his own but has actually been scripted word for word by the Whips’ Office. He mentions the presence of Sir Nicholas Fairbairn in the House and describes him as ‘mad’ and ‘perpetually drunk’. Fairbairn has since been accused by a woman whose father was friends with him of molesting her when she was a child.

Not that the world had yet finished with anyone who was still alive who might be able to give evidence against the people who abused children in care in north Wales. In May 1992, an Early Day Motion was tabled by Plaid MP Elfyn Llwyd opposing the closure of Garth Angharad. Garth Angharad was described as a ‘hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’ and was owned by Paul Hett, a struck-off solicitor who was later condemned at the Waterhouse Inquiry and who also owned and ran a number of ‘residential schools’ in which children were abused. People who alleged that they’d been abused in care tended to find themselves in Garth Angharad. For the names and backgrounds of everyone who signed that EDM please see posts ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’.

Thus Gyles’s career in politics was launched. As well as the five people who died in the Brighton fire, in 1992 two other former residents in children’s homes in north Wales were found dead as well. In Sept 1992 The Observer ran a story on child abuse in north Wales children’s homes and two former residents appeared on TV accusing Gordon Anglesea of having abused them. After the programme was broadcast another former resident rang the BBC and made further allegations. Not that any of this is mentioned in Gyles’s book – although he does document other scandals such as David Mellor’s affair and the subsequent tabloid revelations.

 

So whilst Conservative Central Office flooded Chester with Tory bigwigs prior to the election and Tories in Chester discussed Morrison’s ‘sexual preferences’, the folk on the doorstep told Brandreth that Morrison was molesting under-aged boys. Which indeed he was. The whole of the City of Chester Conservative Association will have known what Morrison was doing yet no-one said a word to the police who were investigating an alleged paedophile ring a few miles down the road. Neither did any of them speak up after the Jillings Investigation (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ for the details of the Jillings investigation and just how dreadful the abuse of children that had gone on was) or during or after the Waterhouse Inquiry, the cover-up organised by William Hague ie. the guest of honour at the Tories Conference who had so impressed Gyles four years previously. Chester is renowned as a centre of law. My documents are littered with the names of legal professionals and judges in Chester who were party to perjury. Gyles will have come across them – it would not be possible to be the MP for Chester and not encounter them. Gyles rubbed noses with other people who have been involved in the cover up or who knew what was going on and kept quiet, such as David Waddington, Matthew Parris and Edwina Currie. As for Norman St John Stevas, that devotee of the Queen Mother, who was another to congratulate Gyles on his election victory – well when I worked at St George’s, there was someone else who worked there who was a young gay man well-acquainted with the gay scene at the time. He told me then that there was a problem with some politicians abusing children. One name that he mentioned was that of Norman St John Stevas – he told me that it was common knowledge that ‘he is holding spanking parties with little boys’ and that ‘no-one knows how he is getting away with it’. Well in north Wales and Brighton someone got away with murdering the witnesses.

So what of the people who knew what Morrison was up to but remained silent, which is why he at least got away with it. The President of the City of Chester Conservative Association, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster. A big mate of Prince Charles. A mentor to Prince William whilst William was growing up. Gerald Cavendish’s son is godfather to Prince George. Gerald’s wife is William’s godmother. Gerald died in August 2016 ‘suddenly’ when he was only 64. A statement was issued at the time saying curiously that there were no suspicious circumstances. It was later alleged that he’d had a heart attack. In 1998 Gerald Cavendish experienced severe depression which was attributed to the strain of running his business. He was the third richest man in the UK and owned swathes of Belgravia and Mayfair, as well as Scotland, so he can’t have been worried about money. In 2000 it was said that he had suffered a nervous breakdown.

Gerald Cavendish enjoyed field sports, was an enthusiastic member of the Territorial Army – he reached the rank of Major-General – and was involved with many charities. His charity work included benevolent work for services personnel and working with young offenders and drugs. Rather like Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, one of the Top Doctors who concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales! Gerald was a Committee Member of Nuffield Hospitals from 1995 until his death. There’s a Nuffield Hospital in Chester – Dafydd worked there! Gerald was a life Vice-President of the NSPCC from 1988 until his death. The NSPCC that said nothing about the child abuse in north Wales, the NSPCC which was ‘supported’ by Jimmy Savile, the NSPCC that worked with and then merged with Esther Rantzen’s Childline – which ignored calls from youngsters who were abused in care in north Wales. The NSPCC who – very inappropriately  – were involved in running the ‘helpline’ for adults who were giving evidence in the police investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal in the 1990s. The NSPCC helpline was managed and staffed by colleagues of the paedophiles. At least one of the people being ‘supported’ was found dead whilst they were being ‘supported’ by the helpline. Gerald was the President of Scope 1982-2005 and President of RNIB. He was Pro-Chancellor of Keele University 1986-93. Jane Tunstill, one of the members of Jillings’s team appointed to investigate child abuse in Clwyd in 1994, obtained a Chair at Keele University immediately upon finishing the investigation. The Jillings report maintained that there was widespread serious child abuse happening in Clwyd children’s homes but overtly stated that they would not speculate on whether a paedophile ring was in operation. Gerald was Chancellor of Manchester Metropolitan University 1992-2002 and Chancellor of the University of Chester 1995-2016. Then Gyles became Chancellor! Gerald was also a Committee Member for the Prince’s Trust and Patron for the Princes’s Trust for North West England from 2001. A number of other people named on this blog as concealing the paedophile gang in north Wales were members of the Prince’s Trust.

Gerald was the executor of Diana, Princess of Wales’s will.

Gerald was a very influential man. I suspect that if he had chosen not to back Morrison, Morrison would have been finished.

In 2007 Gerald Cavendish stepped down as Assistant Chief of Defence Staff (Reserves and Cadets) after prostitutes working for the very expensive U.S. escort agency Emperor’s Club named him as one of their clients. The most high profile scalp in the scandal was that of New York Governor Eliot Spitz who also resigned as a result of it. Mr Spitz had spent so many thousands of dollars with the Emperor’s Club that he had resorted to some creative accounting in order to try to cover his tracks but was found out. Gerald Cavendish was so rich that he won’t have needed to do that.

Gyles’s book mentions two other loyal members of the City of Chester Conservative Association – Gwyn Gough, the Secretary and Jill Everett, the Deputy Chairman. So they ‘managed’ the time bomb that was Peter Morrison as well then.

Jeremy Hanley, Gyles’s mate who cracked jokes about Morrison knowing how to carry a handbag is Sir Jeremy Hanley, who was Conservative MP for Richmond and Barnes 1983-97. So he was Brandreth’s local MP then before Gyles ever got a sniff of standing for Chester. Hanley was Conservative Party Chairman 1994-95. He was for a brief time PPS to Chris Patten – who was Party Chairman whilst Brandreth was crawling his way into the Commons. After he left politics, Hanley went in for being a company director, including a Director of the Arab-British Chamber of Commerce.

What about Morrison’s membership of those ‘exclusive’ clubs which so impressed Gyles, White’s and Pratt’s? There are an awful lot of members of White’s who, like the Duke of Westminster, could have finished Morrison off if they’d chosen to publicise what seemed to be an open secret among people who knew Morrison. Members of White’s include Prince Charles (he held his stag party there before marrying Diana), Prince William, Norman Lamont and Geordie Greig. Greig is at present the Editor of the Mail On Sunday. He previously worked on The Sunday Times and has also been the Editorial Director of The Independent On Sunday and the Independent. Greig’s sister was a Lady in Waiting to Diana. David Cameron was a member of White’s until 2008 when he resigned because White’s refused to admit women. Cameron’s father Ian had been a member for donkeys years and was the former Chairman. So who let Morrison in then?

 

So that, based on Gyles’s own account, is how It Was The Sun Wot Won It. Assisted by a Tory Party who knew that they had a child molester in their midst but were buggered if those ugly, red-faced, appallingly overweight Labour activists were going to win the day – and of course helped by someone who was prepared to murder the witnesses. At least Gyles’s greedy social climbing vile empty headed wife Michele now has Serious Money. How does it feel then Michele? Was it worth the brutalisation, rape and murder of a considerable number of young people who were drawn from the social class that you despise? Or do you manage to put that out of your tiny brain when you and Gyles are talking Teddy Bear Museums with the Royals?

 

Before finishing this post I just clicked on BBC News Wales online and I see that an enormous row has broken out over a fairly innocuous tweet sent out by Leanne Wood. In response to the Barcelona attack, Leanne tweeted ‘Ofnadwy/terrible. Is this more far-right terrorism? My thoughts are with all those affected’. The world and his wife have gone apeshit, particularly the Welsh Conservatives and UKIP. Janet Finch-Saunders, Conservative AM for Aberconwy, has said that Leanne’s tweet was ‘morally depraved’. No Janet, that was Peter Morrison, all those who kept quiet about him and whoever it was who killed the witnesses. UKIP have tweeted to Leanne ‘how dare you associate us with murderers?’ Er – I hate to draw this to your attention UKIP, but one of your leading lights in Wales is a man called Neil Hamilton. Who knew a man called Peter Morrison very well indeed – and someone killed a number of people who’s testimony could have put Peter Morrison behind bars. As if on cue, dear old Hamilton himself has waded into the fray and is quoted on BBC News Wales as saying that ‘Leanne Wood is clearly not fit for purpose. She is an embarrassment not only to Plaid Cymru but to the whole of Wales’.

This is the Neil Hamilton who lost his seat in Cheshire in 1997 after getting himself in the most appalling mess after some events involving cash in envelopes. Conservative Central Office begged him not to stand because he was far more of an embarrassment than Leanne could ever be, but Neil stood anyway. He was opposed by BBC journalist Martin Bell who stood on an anti-sleaze ticket. Neil’s wife Christine – who Gyles found to be such a delight, just like Peter Morrison – harangued Martin Bell in public and memorably asked who would vote for a man who wore a white suit. As it turned out, thousands of people would and they did, because they were desperate to see the back of the Hamiltons. Years later Neil Hamilton sneaked into the Senedd – I suspect because most of the people who voted for him didn’t know what he’d done in Tatton in the 1980s and 90s and they certainly won’t have known what he did when he was in the Federation of Conservative Students. But even the political geeks who did know probably weren’t aware that he was mates with a man who was known among the voters of Chester to be molesting children. Come off it Neil and Christine, you’ll have heard what Morrison was up to – and anyway Gyles has now admitted it to the world in his autobiography.

When ‘Breaking the Code’ was published, Brandreth was on record as saying that the Whips take a very harsh view of anyone who leaks their practices, but he thinks that they’ll probably forgive him. But is the wider world going to forgive you for keeping quiet about a child molester when witnesses to the gang that he was part of were murdered Gyles?

 

 

 

 

 

I Want Serious Money Now Please

I switched on the radio earlier but immediately switched it off again, because Gyles Brandreth was on there. I didn’t need to hear him tell the world how brilliant he is or bang on about how he established a Teddy Bear museum, which seems to be mostly what he does during his many appearances on light entertainment shows on TV and radio. Although I am not interested in listening to Brandreth, it did remind me that I need to blog about him, because his former career is relevant to this blog.

Most people know that Brandreth is a former Tory MP, but fewer people know that he was the Tory MP for Chester between 1992-97. In fact Gyles took over the seat from the former MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison. Regular readers will know that Peter Morrison molested children in care in north Wales. Some of Morrison’s Tory colleagues have admitted that they knew that he was abusing boys and at least one of them has maintained that Thatcher was told about this but she appointed Morrison Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party nonetheless. Brandreth himself is very reluctant to talk about Morrison but has indicated that he knew nothing of Morrison’s activities. How likely is this?

The north Wales paedophile ring was known to extend into Cheshire – even Ronnie Waterhouse admitted that in the Waterhouse Report. John Allen, who owned the Bryn Alyn Community and trafficked the boys in his ‘care’ to brothels in London and Brighton and is currently in prison after being convicted of abusing children in north Wales, owned a children’s home in Cheshire as well. A witness at the Waterhouse Inquiry talked about being taken to a big house near Chester where he was molested. By the time that Brandreth had been elected for Chester, allegations of terrible child abuse in north Wales and Cheshire had recently appeared in the London based media. Brandreth was an author, journalist and broadcaster. His wife was a writer and publisher.  They will not have missed the stories about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Cheshire.

Brandreth will have no doubt heard the stories from other sources as well. Although Brandreth didn’t stand for election until 1992, he is on record as having said that he had always wanted a political career. He was President of the Oxford Union in 1970 and his contemporaries there were Ann Widdecombe and Edwina Currie, who by 1992 had both worked closely with the people who had concealed the activities of the paedophile ring. Brandreth has spoken publicly about the good friendship that he enjoyed with Widdecombe at Oxford. He is a gregarious man who remained friendly with many people active in the Conservative Party – I’m sure that something will have been said to him, particularly when it got around that he was standing for Chester.

Of course, whilst Gyles was MP for Chester, John Jillings and his team conducted their inquiry into the north Wales paedophile ring and then in 1996 all hell broke out when it was announced that the Jillings Report would never be made available because the contents were so incendiary that Clwyd County Council’s insurers’ legal advisors had threatened to withdraw insurance cover if the contents of the Report were made available, even to members of the Council (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). There had also been a police investigation into child abuse in the region and in 1996 William Hague announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse would be holding a public inquiry into the matter. Just as Brandreth got elected, five people with connections to the north Wales child abuse scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Brandreth never heard any of this discussed????

Perhaps after he was elected, Gyles simply never rubbed noses with anyone who might have known Peter Morrison or who knew about the concerns over his activities? Unlikely – one thing that Brandreth did successfully do whilst he was MP for Chester was campaign for University status for Chester College. Chester were most grateful and in Dec 2016 appointed Brandreth Chancellor of the University of Chester. Campaigning for your local college to acquire University status involves a lot of hobnobbing with precisely the sort of people whose hair will have been standing on end in the wake of the rumours swirling regarding the activities of the recently departed MP.

Brandreth served in John Major’s Gov’t as a Whip and as Lord Commissioner in the Treasury. He’ll have been particularly well-briefed as a Whip – they are notorious for digging up dirt on MPs and using it to coerce people. Brandreth was interviewed by Lynn Barber for the ‘Guardian’ in 2005 and he discussed his ‘exciting’ time as a Whip with her. He stated that as a Whip ‘you often have to smooth people, you have to take them aside and say “you know the PM really loves you.” Then with other people you have to say “Do you know what the message from No 10 is? Fuck off. We’ve had enough. Five years ago we advanced you £10,000 – do you remember that? Just remember that, because we need you in the lobby tonight”‘.

So Gyles didn’t spend all his time talking about Teddy Bears and Scrabble and woolly jumpers then. Imagine what this intimidating shit would be saying if he had knowledge of child sexual abuse among colleagues past and present and he wanted them in the lobby. Of course, John Major’s Gov’t was often on very shaky ground which is why they will have often needed a Whip to carry on in the way in which Gyles boasted of.

Elsewhere in the ‘Guardian’ interview Barber states ‘he says…that everything he does…is a performance’. He explains that his work as an after-dinner speaker is lucrative – the money is good ‘though not as good as Cherie’s’. Indeed money seems very important to Brandreth, or more precisely having a great deal of it is. His wife grumbled about him being a backbench MP on £50,000 pa and when he lost his seat she decided that she’d had enough of the penury that comes with a salary of 50k in a household with other sources of income at the same time and told him ‘I want serious money now please’.

Mrs Brandreth got serious money as well. Brandreth boasts that he lost his seat on the Thursday and started work on LBC on the Saturday. Of course since then the bumptious vacuous bastard has never been off the radio and TV, although he never says anything of substance.  Gyles also decided to try his hand at interviewing, his first try being an interview with the Duke of Edinburgh! It brought him into close proximity with the Royals and associated Courtiers, but Gyles wasn’t at all daunted because he had ‘sat on committees with the Prime Minister’. His interview with Phil the Greek was so successful that it led to a five year contract with the ‘Sunday Telegraph’! At this time of course, Amanda Platell was the press manager for Conservative Central Office and was keeping all the crap relating to the paedophile ring and the Waterhouse Inquiry out of the media (see post ‘Did Glenda Occupy A Key Role In Keeping It All Out Of The Media?’).

Brandreth’s media career really took off after he left Parliament, in the way that the careers of so many of the lawyers who defended the paedophile gang at the Waterhouse Inquiry did after the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’). Was somebody grateful to him for something perhaps? For such a tosser his social occasions really draw in the big names as well. Gyles is President of the Oscar Wilde Society and hosts an annual Oscar Wilde Party – guests have included Camilla Duchess of Cornwall, Stephen Fry, Derek Jacobi, Joanna Lumley and Julian Fellowes.

Toadying interviews conducted with Gyles have remarked on how successful his three children are – one is a barrister, one is a journalist and one is a Gov’t economist. Their paths in life probably wouldn’t have been the same if they had been kids in care being molested by Peter Morrison whilst corrupt lawyers on the Chester and Wales Circuit along with powerful figures in the media and Gov’t concealed it all, but if their dad had information about such matters that could have helped them considerably.

These days Brandreth lives in Barnes in south west London and his name appears on a website listing notable people who live in Richmond-Upon-Thames. Barnes was the location of the brothel the Elm Guest House which was staffed by children in care and where high profile people, including Westminster figures, were alleged to have abused them. At least one boy from the children’s homes in north Wales has stated that he was trafficked to the Elm Guest House and in 2015 the ‘Daily Telegraph’ reported allegations that Peter Morrison had raped a 14 year old boy there. There was also a paedophile ring operating in Richmond-Upon-Thames involving children in local authority care. Dr Alice Levinson, one of the Top Doctors from Springfield Hospital who concealed the criminal activities of the Top Doctors in north Wales whilst they facilitated the paedophile ring, now lives in Richmond-Upon-Thames and has a psychotherapy practice there. Although Alice knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients and that I was suicidal because of Dafydd and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) constantly having me arrested, she recommended that I be referred to forensic services for ‘containment’. Alice consulted Lucille Hughes for evidence of my ‘dangerousness’ – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services whilst Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services but failed to act. Alice might be a neighbour of Gyles’s!

Brandreth has written a book about his time as an MP. I haven’t read it, but I think that I ought to. However I do know that he has prefaced that book with a quote from PM Arthur Balfour: ‘nothing matters very much and very few things matter at all’.

Some things do matter Gyles. Admittedly not Teddy Bears or woolly jumpers or being the world’s best Scrabble player or getting in the Guinness Book of Records for making the longest after-dinner speech or even your wife’s naked greed – but a vicious paedophile ring with a side-line in pornography and drug dealing and connections in Parliament who are framing innocent people who stumble across them matters very much. Particularly when people who have dared give evidence against them keep being found dead.

Gyles – it’s your turn to speak for one minute without hesitation, repetition or deviation on the subject of ‘Organised Crime – How I’ve Become Very Rich By Keeping Quiet About It’.

 

Someone else who was in need of Serious Money and who certainly got it is a Lord Crickhowell, who features on an item on BBC News Wales today. The item is entitled ‘Cardiff Bay: What Has Thirty Years of Development Achieved?’ and follows on with a few pearls from Lord Crickhowell who ‘hailed the regeneration of the former docklands as a success’ but stressed that to ensure even more success, a ‘more co-ordinated approach’ to further development is needed. Lord Crickhowell certainly knows all about co-ordinated approaches and the ‘success’ of the Cardiff Bay development. Cardiff Bay is lovely, but there is much grief about it in Wales because the benefits of the successful regeneration of Cardiff Bay have not spread to the rest of south Wales yet alone to west, mid or north Wales. Many people in those regions are still living in cardboard box in’t middle of road despite the luxury down in Cardiff Bay. One person who has done very well indeed out of the regeneration of Cardiff Bay though since he co-ordinated the redevelopment there is a man called Lord Crickhowell.

The Welsh blogger Jac O The North has written an excellent account of the raw corruption that was involved in the development of Cardiff Bay. Jac has compiled a ‘factsheet’ with the history and details of the dodgy deals, sleights of hand and conflicts of interest involved which can be downloaded from his blog. I know that ‘factsheets’ are usually laughable documents produced by the NHS or MIND which fail to explain that the ‘medication’ that you have just been prescribed could well kill you, but Jac’s factsheet regarding Corruption Bay is in a league of it’s own. I highly recommend it. I will provide a summary of Jac’s research here – and pose a few questions and possibilities that Jac hasn’t raised, almost certainly because Jac’s research into corruption doesn’t usually involve delving into the wrongdoing of the health and welfare services.

Jac’s factsheet describes ‘how political power and influence was blatantly and systematically abused for almost twenty years so that vast sums of public money could be used for corporate and private gain and how the Welsh establishment and the Welsh media either acquiesced, turned a blind eye or was simply too scared of the culprits to defend the public interest’.

Cardiff Bay is built on the site of the former docklands. When the coal industry ended, the owner of Cardiff docks, Associated British Ports (ABP), was left with an eyesore and a financial liability. ABP was privatised by Thatcher’s Gov’t in 1982/3 whilst Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell was Secretary of State for Wales. Edwardes was the MP for Pembrokeshire and was Secretary of State for Wales between 1979-87. He had extensive shipping interests and through these business contacts and personal links with ABP.

Following the privatisation of the docks, Edwardes spent a few years working to set up a publicly funded body to regenerate the privately owned docklands. This led to the creation of a quango, the Cardiff Bay Development Corporation (CBDC) in 1987. The chair of CBDC was Geoffrey Inkin, a failed Tory candidate and friend of Edwardes. Inkin was also Chairman of the Land Authority for Wales (LAW) which acquired land for development. LAW had the power of no-appeal compulsory purchase, could smooth out difficulties with planning regulations and could get priority treatment from utilities. The key to the commercial success of Cardiff Bay was the £200 million+ barrage across the estuary, which created a lagoon across the ‘unsightly’ mud flats therefore making the Bay more attractive to investors and those buying, leasing or renting land and property from ABP.

Thus ABP had it’s own private quango pouring public money into the company from which ABP would reap profits. Although ‘the largest waterfront regeneration scheme in Europe’ was paid for by public money, ABP still owned the existing buildings and land as well as everything built on it. The amount of public money that was admitted to have been spent on Cardiff Bay was £500 million – there are suspicions that it was actually much more.

In 1987 Edwardes stood down as an MP and in order to receive his share of the bonanza that he’d engineered, he joined ABP as a Director in 1988. In May 1988 Edwardes was also appointed Chairman of the National Rivers Authority (NRA) – that was the body that was adjudicating on the barrage.

Edwardes and Inkins’s influence via the Cardiff and County Club, the Welsh media and other agencies ensured that any Welsh institution or body that might add to the Bay’s prestige or boost ABP’s profits was approached to locate there. The Welsh media uncritically plugged the project.

So Edwardes, the father of the whole scheme, was a Director of the company reaping the benefits and head of the environmental agency that theoretically had the power to sink the whole project.

A Gov’t Bill getting the barrage through Parliament was passed in 1993 and ABP and CBDC effectively became one entity. However it transpired that no-one wanted to rent, lease or buy Crickhowell House, a huge office block on the development. In 1993, the Welsh Office, headed by Secretary of State for Wales David Hunt, took out a 20 year lease at a total cost said to be in excess of £20 million. As Crickhowell House only cost £11 million to build, that resulted in a very healthy profit for ABP-CBDC. The building was allocated to the Welsh Health Service’s Authority, although they never occupied more than about 1/3 of the building.

In the mid-1990s Wales experienced the saga of the Opera House which was proposed for Cardiff Bay. The leading light in this plan was none other than Nicholas Edwardes, in his capacity as a Trustee (or equivalent) of the Welsh National Opera Company. A competition was held to design the Opera House which was won by Zaha Hadid, but it was never built. There was a lot of squabbling over Hadid’s design, but many people also wanted a new rugby stadium for Cardiff. The dosh was coming from the Gov’t in London who wouldn’t fund both and in the end a new rugby stadium proved a much more popular choice, so that went ahead. Edwardes and Inkin tried to get the rugby stadium sited in the Bay, but that plan failed.

After the devolution referendum in 1997, Ron Davies, the new Secretary of State for Wales, started negotiations with the leader of Cardiff Council for Cardiff City Hall, the building earmarked for housing the new National Assembly of Wales. The negotiations broke down – there have been allegations of skulduggery – and nominations for other sites for the National Assembly began. It was decided to locate the National Assembly in Cardiff Bay, in a new building. Blair’s friend Richard Rogers was the architect who had the winning design for the new building – I’d love to know how that happened, Rogers’s claim to fame was designing the Millennium Dome which was a national joke.

At about this time, Grosvenor Waterside Developments became visible – this was the property arm of ABP, used to disguise ABP involvement.

Ron Davies announced that until the new Assembly building was completed, the temporary home for the Assembly would be in Crickhowell House. Rhodri Morgan, at that time a Labour MP, described Crickhowell House as ‘the very embodiment of that corruption-ridden, semi-colonial, Tory past…’ Rhodri was opposed to the barrage and preferred City Hall as the location for the Assembly. Jac wonders whether it was this that caused London to prevent Rhodri from leading the Labour Party in Wales – Blair famously did all he could to prevent Rhodri Morgan becoming First Minister although it backfired on Blair and Rhodri did end up eventually becoming First Minister. Jac speculates that perhaps Blair et al feared that Rhodri would have taken the Assembly to City Hall.

Jac describes powerful influences at work to keep the location of the Assembly in the Bay. He notes that although there had been much Tory sleaze behind this – Edwardes et al were desperate to have a big prestigious building located in the Bay – the incoming New Labour Gov’t showed no sign of exposing or even undoing the sleaze. Jac speculates that Blair’s 1997 administration allowed the scam because the greed of the ABP-CBDC and the cliques and cabals in Cardiff resulted in Welsh political life being sucked into Cardiff – which suited the control freakery of the New Labour Gov’t, who viewed Wales as dangerously red and dangerously insubordinate and it would be easier for London Labour to manage the sheepshaggers if they were reduced to one city. Jac wonders whether Edwardes told the holders of the purse strings in London that the Cardiff Bay project was too far gone to call back and that the project would fail without a prestigious centrepiece to attract investors. If Cardiff Bay failed, London Labour would look as bad as the Tories. Who would benefit? Plaid – whom London Labour and the Tories perceived to be beyond the pale.

Jac supplies details of an HTV ‘Wales this Week’ episode from July 1999. The programme exposed a secret deal involving extending the lease of Crickhowell House and Alun Michael AM who was then First Secretary (First Minister) – Blair’s choice of First Secretary who had been forced upon a Wales that did not want him as First Secretary – denying the deal, but then admitting it. The programme also exposed the lies that were told regarding the cost of the land that was allocated for the Assembly building. Jac believes that the programme was designed to embarrass the Labour Party, as many questions relating to the Tories’ part in the corruption and the cock-ups went unasked. The Chairman of the HTV Group was one Nicholas Edwardes – who, along with the Tories, was not mentioned during the programme.

The Civil Service mandarin who was instrumental in the machinations to locate the Assembly in Cardiff Bay was Rachel Lomax. Lomax left a prestigious job with the World Bank in 1996 to take up her appointment as Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office. Jac questions the machinations engineered by Lomax and suspects that the ‘official’ version of events is untrue. Lomax was moved to the DSS (DWP) in Feb 1999.

Jac sums up by mentioning that Alun Michael was the MP for Cardiff South and Penarth, that his constituency included Cardiff Bay and that prior to becoming an MP Michael was a Councillor in Cardiff. So he wanted the Assembly in the Bay. Cynog Dafis (Plaid) also supported the location of the Assembly in the Bay, although Dafis’s own constituency in west Wales didn’t benefit from the Cardiff Bay development. Jac notes that the Welsh media were also robustly in support of the Assembly being in the Bay. At one point Rhodri Morgan announced that the building of the new Assembly had been put on hold – in response to this announcement, Grosvenor Waterside sent a letter threatening legal action if building was not commenced. Jac wonders why Rhodri didn’t call their bluff, as the grounds for legal action was shaky and the threatened exposure of what that company had actually done would have soon shut them up – Jac believes that although Edwardes and his Tory friends weren’t at all supportive of devolution, they were desperate for the Assembly to be located in the Bay to ensure that the development was a success.

Jac has researched and published all of this because he is outraged that millions of pounds of public money has made Nicholas Edwardes and his mates very rich through bank-rolling a project that has been of very little benefit to the rest of Wales, much of which is still desperately poor.

Jac’s research re the details of Edwardes’s massive scam cannot be faulted. However, with regard to Jac’s speculation as to why politicians who would have benefited greatly from exposing Edwardes kept quiet – Jac has missed something of major importance that tied Edwardes and the Tories, Blair and co, Rhodri and even Plaid all up together, although they hated each other. That was the paedophile ring in north Wales and the associated cover-up.

As explained in previous posts, Nicholas Edwardes was Secretary of State for Wales during the years covering Mary Wynch’s unlawful arrest and incarceration by the paedophiles’ friends, he was in post when the paedophile ring was running riot and when Alison Taylor first started blowing the whistle on what was going on, he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens was running his campaign to expose the Westminster Paedophile Ring and named Sir Peter Hayman in the House, he was in post when child care staff in north Wales were being convicted in court of serious offences against children yet the Welsh Office was failing to inspect the children’s homes and he was in post when Geoffrey Dickens handed his dossier with details and names of Westminster paedophiles to Home Secretary Leon Brittan – who then ‘lost’ the dossier. He was in post when Margaret Thatcher was told that Sir Peter Morrison was molesting boys. And on a minor note, he was in post when I first made representation about the criminal activities of the paedophiles’ friends as well. Under Edwardes, the Welsh Office concealed the whole lot.

As detailed in previous posts, the cover-up at the Welsh Office continued under successive Secretaries of State for Wales – including David Hunt, who was also named in Jac’s account. Jac mentions the arrival of Rachel Lomax at the Welsh Office in 1996, after her removal from a high-flying job with the World Bank after just a few months. Rachel Lomax was mentioned in my post ‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?’. She was the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office once the Waterhouse Report got underway and she remained there until Ronnie Waterhouse had heard the evidence and discredited the witnesses. Lomax then buggered off when that had all been dealt with, whilst Ronnie set about writing the Report and reassuring everyone that no political figures had been involved in the abuse of children. Lomax was a very big hitter – she had been dragged back from the World Bank, obviously for something important.

Lomax began her career with the Civil Service in 1968 in the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson when he was Chancellor of the Exchequer 1985-86. She was Deputy Chief Economic Advisor in the early 1990s. In 1994-95 she was Head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office. Then she was Vice-President and Chief of Staff to the President of the World Bank.

This was a woman who was part of the Tories’ inner circle and who was completely trusted by them. She got them out of one hell of a tight spot – and not just one that resulted from the development of Corruption Bay. Remember, by the time that Lomax had arrived in the Welsh Office, scores of victims of and witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been found dead. There was no danger of Blair’s lot saying a word either, because as explained previously scores of Blair’s buddies in the New Labour Gov’t had been running the London Councils who had sent children in their care to north Wales where they were abused or whose own children’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles (see post ‘The London Connection’). Alun Michael was born and went to school in north Wales and had previously been employed as a ‘youth worker’. He was one of the people who signed the Early Day Motion opposing the proposed closure of Garth Angharad, a hospital for ‘mentally ill criminals’ where a number of those who had been victims of the paedophile gang had ended up. Neither were Plaid going to blow the gaffe – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones had been a Plaid candidate and other Plaid politicians, especially in north Wales, were representing constituencies where the paedophile ring was operating in the local social services, who were loudly proclaiming their defence of all things Welsh eg. in Gwynedd. Cynog Dafis had previously participated in some fancy footwork with the Green Party in order to successfully unseat a Lib Dem who signed an Early Day Motion calling for an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch (see post ‘A Few of the Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

The whole lot of them were over a barrel. They must have all begged Lomax to help them out of that mess, not one of them could have exposed Edwardes’s money-making scheme because they’d all helpfully not asked any awkward questions whilst he and his successors at the Welsh Office had covered up a paedophile ring and the associated serious corruption in medicine and the law. As for Rhodri – well when the Jillings Report was withheld he had made furious comments about Welsh politicians not being allowed to know the details of a paedophile ring operating on their own patch. But I suspect that Rhodri knew what would happen if he exposed Edwardes and Corruption Bay – the whole thing would explode and the presence of a gang of murdering paedophiles on Welsh soil would be blamed on the Welsh sheepshaggers in the Assembly. So he went and appointed Brian fucking Gibbons as Health Minister who did his bit by covering up the criminality of the paedophiles’ friends the Top Doctors.

One further point. Edwardes was MP for Pembrokeshire. Long after reports of the paedophile gang in north Wales became public, there was a huge trial in Swansea – of a long-standing paedophile gang in Pembrokeshire.

So what became of the lovely Rachel Lomax, who allowed Nicholas Edwardes to get away with milking the taxpayer of millions and kept the lid on child rapes, prostitution, trafficking and a few murders, as well as institutional corruption in medicine and the law? Well after leaving Wales completely wrecked in the wake of all that, Rachel became Permanent Secretary at the DWP (formerly the DSS). In 2002 she moved to the post of Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Transport,along with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling. She then joined the Bank of England – and left there in 2008, just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers, to ‘pursue other interests’. So unlike her dozy git of a boss Alistair Darling, Lomax knew that she had assisted in crashing the global economy and got the hell out of there. Regarding her ‘other interests’ – in Dec 2008 Lomax became a non-executive director of HSBC holdings and a member of their audit and risk committees and in Dec 2010 she joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive director.

 

So for what should Rachel Lomax stand trial first then? Concealing a massive swindle on the part of a Gov’t Minister, concealing a paedophile gang who killed a number of people or crashing the economy? If you’re reading this Rachel, Inspector Knacker would no doubt like to hear from you.

 

 

Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else

One genre of book that I quite enjoy reading is the political autobiography or biography. A lot of politicians are quite vain and not as bright as they think that they are, so there are often some unintentional revelations in their autobiographies. For example Matthew Parris some years ago wrote about holidaying in Italy with his friends at a place that they termed the ‘villa of shame’, enjoying the company of ‘boys who were always willing’ – Parris wrote this years before journos started circulating lists of names of people suspected of being involved in the Westminster Paedophile Ring to bloggers like me…

On holiday last week I took a stack of theory books – but for light entertainment I also took a copy of Ann Widdecombe’s autobiography, ‘Strictly Ann’. I thought that this might be an interesting read because a few years ago I came across Ann’s website, ‘The Widdyweb’, which fuelled my suspicions that she was quite mad. ‘The Widdyweb’ was a sort of Enid Blyton fantasy land in which Ann talked about her cottage which has lupins all the way up the path and the many cats that she has owned, including one called Mitten. Exploring ‘The Widdyweb’ enabled me to perhaps understand how Widdycombe managed to live on a different planet from the rest of us in which anyone who has the temerity to get divorced should be cast into the outer darkness. I recommended ‘The Widdyweb’ to my former PhD supervisor and he was sufficiently impressed by it’s content to speculate that it might be a spoof. It wasn’t, it was Ann’s own work. (‘The Widdyweb’ has had an overhaul since then and it now features donkeys as well as cats and a lot of photos of Ann herself.) So I expected to delve further into Ann’s fantasy world of lupins and cats called Mitten by reading ‘Strictly Ann’.

I had a surprise. Widdecombe has quite a deceitful streak. She is of course famous for being one of the politicians who was not disgraced in the expenses scandal – I think  that she, Jeremy Corbyn and Frank Field were about the only MPs not claiming for everything possible, but I would have predicted that. I don’t share many of Widdecombe’s views, but I would not expect her to be fiddling her expenses or pilfering in any form. But Ann’s autobiography reveals a degree of low level cunning and hypocrisy that I honestly did not expect to find.

When I have heard Widdecombe contributing to discussions regarding politicians renumeration, she has always been someone who has argued that if politicians aren’t generously paid, ‘talented people’ will not go into politics. (She doesn’t use the same logic when she discusses appropriate salary levels for other public servants.) She very obviously considers herself an ‘able’ and ‘talented’ person. I knew that she was an Oxford graduate, so I presumed – particularly in the face of all this talk about ability and talent – that Widdecombe, like Cameron and a few other leading Tories who consider themselves a cut above the rest of us, had been academically very successful. Not so. Widdecombe was actually rejected by Oxford when she applied as a sixth former, although she made it very clear that she would have given her right arm to get in there. She did her first degree at Birmingham – which was her fifth choice of university. So a few other people said no to Ann as well as Oxford then. However, whilst at Birmingham, she had developed a desperation to enter politics and her preferred way of doing that wasn’t to become active in local government as a councillor, it was to somehow get involved with the Oxford Union – because Ann had got wind that was the route that the big names used. To do that she needed to be studying at Oxford – so she applied again to pursue a Bachelor’s degree at Oxford after she had graduated from Birmingham. Ann’s parents offered to fund the Oxford degree. Ah, the myth of the naturally talented woman who got where she did in life by hard graft begins to unravel – a large quantity of readily available parental dosh played a crucial part at an early stage…

To be fair to her though, there was a lot of hard graft involved as well. Not cleaning toilets, or stacking shelves, or even studying (she ended up with a Third) – the hard graft involved a great deal of toadying, networking and beavering away in the Oxford Union with other aspiring politicians. Ann really loved being part of the Oxford Union, she didn’t see it in terms of a bunch of immature over-privileged tossers playing games at all, she really got down to Business there. She became Secretary of the Oxford Union and was also active in the Federation of Conservative Students (whose later activities became so offensive that Tebbit had to intervene and I think that the organisation was dismantled). In Ann’s words ‘we were fuelled by ambition and a will to carve out success for ourselves’ and she ‘met and talked to a wide range of politicians, broadcasters and academics’. She waxes lyrical about meeting the likes of David Owen (they loved him so much that Dr Death received a ‘huge ovation’) and the place was so packed for Enoch Powell’s burfday that people were forced to sit on the windowsills.

After Oxford, Widdecombe beavered away for many years trying to get into Parliament before she finally succeeded. She landed a mind numbingly boring job after graduation with Unilever, but spent every waking moment planning her future political career. It was all highly strategic and centred around getting to know the right people. She joined the Bow Group because, as with the Oxford Union, she perceived that to be where her version of the beautiful people hung out: ‘I was just one of a very ambitious set of young professionals who yearned to get into Parliament’. Ann mentions that the Bow Group was actually a bit left wing for her liking, but it was where the influential people were….

Despite their dangerous socialist tendencies, Ann made some good mates among the Spartists in the Bow Group. Richard Barber, who interviewed her when she applied to join, became her solicitor and another member, Michael Stern, became her accountant. She began working on papers with the Bow Group with folk like Richard Luce and Edward Leigh. Those readers interested in the rumours swirling regarding the Westminster Paedophile Ring might be interested to note that some of the names being bandied around as suspects were/are members of the Bow Group. Not that Ann Widdecombe’s name has appeared on any of the documents that I’ve been sent.

Ann was also keen on the idea of another Tory organisation where those with influence hang out, the Carlton Club. She had a problem there though, because for years they wouldn’t admit women. (However, as soon as they did relent, Ann joined – she became the first woman to become a full member of the Carlton in 2008 and was the first woman to serve on their General Committee.)

Ann was desperately trying to get onto the candidates list at Conservative Central Office, but for some reason they didn’t seem too impressed with her. She mentions that a Lord Lothian gave her a reference. I presume that this was the father of Michael Ancram – Ann had campaigned for him and acted as his PA when Ancram was trying to get elected himself in the 1974 General Election. Ancram inherited his father’s title in 2004 and is now in the Lords. Ann was obviously quite impressed with the Ancram clan, there is much name dropping of all the aristos that she rubbed noses with when she was working hard to get Michael into Parliament. She states that after she returned from Ancram’s campaign she ‘spent the next 13 years focussed on the House of Commons’.

Despite the best efforts of pere Ancram, Ann continued to have difficulty finding her way onto the candidates list, but she persisted. She was interviewed by Marcus Fox but rejected – he wanted ‘councillors with dirty hands’. She was told by John Lacey, the Central Office Area Agent for the south east, that to be accepted onto the candidates list she needed a record and that ‘there was an absence of professional information’ about her. At one point she was simply given a bollocking and told that the party were getting fed up of smart arses who had joined bodies like the Oxford Union and the Bow Group in order to bag a seat in Parliament.

Ann eventually ended up on something called the deferred list, which seems to have meant that she could apply to be a candidate but that she would receive no help from Conservative Central Office. They certainly meant ‘no help’ as well – people on the deferred list weren’t even informed of forthcoming selections (Ann, I think that Central Office might have been trying to tell you something). Widdecombe had a solution to that though – she ingratiated herself to someone who worked at Central Office and got them to access the info for her.

This is where it became entertaining. Ann’s mole kept an eye open and told her of EVERY seat that arose – and Ann applied for all of them, and boasts of the ‘creativity’ she employed as she made up cock and bull stories regarding her ‘connections’ to the constituency and desperation to represent the folk who lived there. She also took care never to mention her involvement with the Bow Group at interviews, because she believed that the Bow Group was unpopular with constituency parties. Ann may have been very good at identifying people who could assist her up the career ladder but she certainly wasn’t very good at finding out about the constituencies upon whose doors she was hammering. Her research involved a visit to the local library a couple of days before her interview. The depths of Ann’s ignorance and her shameless ruthlessness is particularly evident from her account of being called for interview on Anglesey no less.

Ann travelled all the way up to Anglesey from her base in the south east for the selection. She manages to sum up Anglesey as ‘all sheep and Rio Tinto Zinc’. There are sheep on Anglesey but there are other things as well. What there is not on Anglesey is zinc. There is a place called Parys Mountain where copper was historically mined and there was an industrial plant called Anglesey Aluminium – which was owned by Rio Tinto. Aluminium is nothing to do with zinc, it is a different element with a different position in the Periodic Table. ‘Strictly Ann’ is a book littered with smug comments regarding the perceived ignorance of other people in terms of their lack of knowledge of Latin, Shakespeare and the Bible. Yet Ann does not know the difference between two metals – and she very obviously didn’t bother to find out. At the time that she went for that seat on Anglesey, Anglesey Aluminium was a huge employer, so presumably she would have been after their votes. But she couldn’t even be arsed to find out what they produced. Ann’s confusion probably arose from the history of Rio Tinto who owned Anglesey Aluminium – at some point in the dark ages, Rio Tinto had merged with another company that was involved with zinc. But not on Anglesey. Furthermore I would have thought that the name ‘Anglesey Aluminium’ contained a clue as to what was being produced.

But guess what – the selection panel didn’t care that they had a total ignoramus on their hands. They loved Ann and she loved them! Which is weird, because Widdecombe knew bugger all about Anglesey and obviously didn’t care that she knew bugger all, she doesn’t mention the issue of language which would have been very important on Anglesey, she doesn’t concern herself with the socio-economic problems that plagued the region at that time and she wasn’t even that interested in the sheep. But Anglesey really wanted her, they were biting her arm off. She ‘stayed with an officer of the association so was under scrutiny the whole time and the interview was a rip-roaring success’.

Now one passion of Ann’s that has been a life-long obsession really is her commitment to the anti-abortion cause. It seems to be the only thing that she is indeed committed to – it’s the one thing that she doesn’t lie about or keep under wraps if necessary. It also caused some people to see her as an unsuitable candidate – she was perceived by some to be uncompromising and dogmatic and by others as a one-policy candidate. She devotes much of her autobiography to accounts of her anti-abortion campaigning and the reasons for her strong feelings on this matter and gives details of some very deceitful tactics that she and other anti-abortion campaigners used in their attempts to force legislation regarding this issue through Parliament. I am wondering whether it was Widdecombe’s enthusiasm for outlawing abortion that made her so attractive to Anglesey.

My post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’ detailed how a co-ordinated effort by Top Doctors in north Wales made it impossible for women in that region to access NHS abortions until well into the 80s/90s – the region was notorious for this and the Top Doctors crowed about their success in preventing abortions being carried out legally on the NHS in north Wales. Where did the Top Doctors tend to live if they worked in north west Wales? Anglesey. They colonised the area between Menai Bridge and Beaumaris in particular – that area is next to the Menai Strait, it’s very pretty, it’s where the more expensive and luxurious properties are and it’s near the hospitals in Bangor. I am not exaggerating here – that stretch is literally full of Top Doctors, I used to live there myself and huge numbers of the people living in Llanfairpwll/Menai Bridge/Llandegfan/Beaumaris were Top Doctors – or academics. It was always the reason that was given for Ysgol David Hughes in Menai Bridge performing so well academically – numerous children had mums and dads who were university lecturers or doctors. And if the residents of those villages weren’t Top Doctors, they were nurses or NHS managers or people who worked with the Top Doctors. They didn’t tend to live in Gwynedd because it was a bit wet and hilly there and the houses weren’t so grand – their colony was on Anglesey.

Widdecombe will absolutely not have kept her commitment to anti-abortion a secret during that selection. And I bet that the Anglesey Conservative Association contained a few Top Doctors or their associates who sounded the candidates out concerning their stance on abortion as well. They must have thought that Christmas had come when Widdecombe arrived – the Top Doctors of north Wales were getting very angry at the idea that they might be put under pressure to offer terminations and what would be more helpful to them than a local MP who would back them up all the way?

Sadly for Anglesey Conservatives though, it was a dream that was snatched away. Ann dropped them! A seat in Burnley had also come up and of course Ann had applied for that too (totally committed to Burnley as well!) and although Derek Laws, the Welsh Area agent, wanted Ann to withdraw from Burnley because Anglesey were so desperate to snare her, Conservative Central Office insisted that she follow procedure which meant keeping her name in the hat for Burnley and the Burnley election happened first. Anglesey seem to have been particularly miffed about this – Widdecombe’s book mentions that years later by which time she was in Parliament she bumped into someone from Anglesey and they asked her if she regretted letting them down. Ann herself has no regrets – it wasn’t a safe seat! She mentions of course that the candidate who was eventually selected for Anglesey was Keith Best and the seat was ‘lost’ from the Conservatives a few years later. She fails to mention that it was lost because Best was convicted of fraud and ended up in prison.

Ann wasn’t elected in Burnley and her search for a seat continued a while longer. Readers might well be wondering by now how Widdecombe was actually managing to sustain herself in the south east whilst spending so much time campaigning for the Tories, grovelling to influential people and indeed charging off around the UK in hot pursuit of a seat. It transpires that Ann had a very understanding employer. She got fed up of Unilever pretty quickly and took up a job as an administrator at the University of London. She wasn’t just on reception, she actually worked her way up to a very senior role in the University Court dept and ended up being responsible for the financial part of the project that merged the London medical schools ie. the merger between Guys and Tommy’s and University College and Middlesex. Ann Widdecombe will have been party to an awful lot of very interesting information in that role – and if she’d kept certain people happy she would have made some very influential friends. Which Ann seems to have been very good at doing anyway. One person who was very keen to help Ann further her career in the Conservative Party was her boss at London University, Peter Holwell.

Peter Holwell seems to have been a very useful boss to have – he allowed Ann an awful lot of time off to go campaigning (she doesn’t mention any obligation upon her to take this as unpaid leave) and she even mentions that she took her secretary from the University with her campaigning – the secretary played a full on role as well, answering letters, preparing canvassing returns etc. Did the authorities at London University know that two of their staff – a senior administrator and her secretary – were taking weeks off work in order to bag one of them a seat in Parliament? We are talking the 80s here, the Thatcher years, when universities were being berated for their wastefulness, their lack of productivity and were subjected to severe financial cuts.

But Peter Holwell didn’t just give Ann weeks off to fight elections and supply her with a secretary to do this. He seems to have participated in a great deal of subterfuge with Honest Ann. Readers of my vintage will remember that in 1982 the Tories became so vexed about the CND movement – in particular the women’s protests at Greenham – that they established a campaign in opposition to this which certainly had everyone rolling in the aisles: ‘Women and Families for Defence’, led by the dreadful Lady Olga Maitland, who doubled up as a gossip columnist for the Sunday Express. (Olga was as bad as Ann in terms of only bothering to get to know certain people. In one press interview she waxed lyrical about her love of dinner parties, but stressed that she only invited selected people ‘like Edward De Bono and his wife’. I won’t be receiving an invitation then.) Ann was involved with this campaign and was a key figure in running it – during her time at London University. She mentions that Peter Holwell was ‘keenly interested in my political activity and was a sympathiser’ – the preparations for the launch of ‘Women and Families for Defence’ were ‘carried out in secrecy’ and were referred to in London University as ‘the initiative’. Holwell was in on it all and all Ann had to do was ask for time off from the University for ‘the initiative’.

What exactly was going on in the senior ranks of the Court at London University in the 1980s?

Peter Holwell is still alive, although long retired. He’s been a busy bee though. He was listed as a Company Director for:

A.C.A. Ltd; Leeds Castle Foundation; Edge Foundation; Friends of the Courtauld Institute; Samuel Courtauld Trust; Setoncrest Ltd; Law 646 Ltd; Zoo Operations Ltd; Zoo Enterprises Ltd; Whipsnade Wild Animal Park; Zoo Restaurants Ltd.

Some of these organisations are well-known, some seem to be businesses connected to London University and some are frankly opaque and rather suspicious….

But to return to ‘the initiative’ which was so generously supported in complete secrecy by the upper echelons of London University. ‘Women and Families for Defence’ was always presented by the Tories as being a movement led by real women who wore nylons and were called Lady, rather than a bunch of screaming lesbians of doubtful sanity which of course were what made up the ranks of CND. Yet Ann tells us something else – although the initiative was supposedly led by Olga assisted by the likes of Angela Rumbold and Virginia Bottomley, Ann states clearly that it was all ‘initiated’ by a man called Michael Lingens, a Bow Group officer, who needed a ‘women’s group’ to make an ‘even bigger noise’ than the Greenham women. So who was this Michael Lingens who told the ladies what to do?

Michael Lingens was a Councillor in Hammersmith and Fulham 1982-86 and became Chairman of the Bow Group in 1984. These days he is described as a ‘corporate lawyer’. He is a partner in an organisation called CharlesRussellSpeechlys and is described on their website as being a man who ‘advises on corporate and transactional work for public and private companies, primarily in the healthcare sector’. Lingens has ‘worked with a number of the UK’s leading care home operators in recent years’. He is ‘responsible for the firm’s offices in continental Europe and Chairman of the International Committee which co-ordinates the firm’s international activities in general’.

So it sounds rather to me as though Michael Lingens these days is in the business of privatising the NHS. Which is certainly interesting – Ann’s job at London University (when she was actually at work to do it) involved overseeing the reconfiguration of some leading London hospitals/medical schools and in ‘Strictly Ann’, Ann explains that of course she’s committed to the NHS, but years after her adventures with Olga Maitland et al when she became Shadow Secretary for Health ‘a major plank of my policy was to introduce private sector money to the NHS’. Ann enjoyed the miracles of private medicine herself when she suffered a detached retina. She trotted along to Moorfields Hospital and consulted the surgeon Lyndon da Cruz expecting to hear the worst and told him that she did know that ‘lots of people go through life with the sight of only one eye’. She was delighted to be told that ‘but YOU won’t have to’. Ann recalls that ‘they were the most beautiful words I had heard in many years’ and observed ‘how blessed I am to have BUPA cover’. I didn’t realise that BUPA had a spiritual aspect to it, but at least Ann didn’t have to go blind like the rest of us who don’t have BUPA cover are obviously expected to. ‘Strictly Ann’ is full of references to the Good Book and indeed quotes from the Good Book but Ann really is no John Bell.

The corporate lawyer who is gobbling up the NHS is not the only person who assisted Ann, Olga et al with the initiative. They were, explains Ann, ‘egged on’ by Julian Lewis, who had been at Oxford with her. Ann admiringly explains how on one occasion a few years later, Julian ‘actually managed to string pro-defence banners across Whitehall under which CND had to march on it’s route to Trafalgar Square’. Julian helped Ann with her maiden speech when she finally did succeed in getting into Parliament in 1987. The subject of Ann’s maiden speech was Trident.

So who’s Julian? He’s the Tory MP for New Forest East. In 1976 he received secret funding from the far-right organisation the Freedom Association to pose as a Labour Party moderate in an attempt to expose Militant Tendency entryism in the Labour Party. He is described as a ‘leading opponent of CND and other left-wing organisations throughout the 1980s’ and between 1981-85 he was the Research Director of the Coalition of Peace Through Security. In Parliament he actively pursues the retention and renewal of the UK Trident programme. Just to reassure everyone, in Sept 2010 he was appointed as a member of Parliament’s Security and Intelligence Committee.

So that’s who was pulling the strings of Ann and her mates. Funded without anyone’s knowledge by London University, as was Ann’s path into Parliament.

Ann did eventually manage to get elected in 1987, for Maidstone. Once more Peter Holwell did her a favour and allowed her to leave her job at London University without working out her notice. She mentions an early problem arising when she was newly elected – there was an ‘acute cash crisis’ at Maidstone Hospital, which was ‘very new and flagship’ and Honest Ann was called upon to manage the crisis (or perhaps the bad publicity?), which involved a series of discussions with the Health Authority Chair Anne-Marie Nelson, the hospital management, the Top Doctors, the Angels and the Minister Tony Newton. There were obviously very much more serious problems at that hospital than Ann admitted. Maidstone Hospital hit the media in 2007 as a result of a C diff outbreak, attributed to filthy conditions and overcrowding. In total, more than 1,150 patients became infected, 90 were estimated to have died as a result of infection and it was estimated that the infection contributed towards the deaths of another 240 patients. The Chief Exec was described as ‘blameless’ but was sacked nonetheless, with a severance payment of 250k. The Health Secretary at the time, Alan Johnson, intervened and the Dept of Health advised the Trust to withhold more than 2/3 of the payment. The case went to the Court of Appeal, the payment was restored and a judgement was issued that was highly critical of the Trust. Upon publication of the judgement the whole Trust Board resigned. So Ann didn’t manage to sort that little local difficulty out then, despite ‘Strictly Ann’ containing anecdotes about the machinations that she and her colleagues used to ensure that bad news NHS stories didn’t receive high profile coverage.

After all that toadying to actually get into the Commons, Ann very nearly came unstuck in 1992 when there was an attempt to deselect her by some members of her constituency association as a result of her anti-hunting stance. (Is it not ironic that it was this which nearly caused her to come to grief rather than the rest of the insanity and duplicity.) However, fellow anti-abortion campaigner Lib Dem David Alton was so mortified at the idea of Parliament without Doris that he came to her rescue. Alton theorised that to get Ann out of hot water, she needed the support of a high profile hunter and hey presto a letter from the Duke of Norfolk in support of Ann was sent to the constituency association. Ann was really chuffed when she found out that the Duke of Norfolk had written that he wished that he’d had her at his side when he was ‘fighting the Mau Mau’. I’m wondering if Doris has any idea of what was alleged to have happened in the fight against the Mau Mau uprising – the Mau Mau militants were notoriously terrifying and vicious, so the colonial forces did not hold back where retaliation was concerned. Mau Mau were flogged until death, roasted alive, sexually assaulted with a range of objects, set alight after having paraffin poured over them and castrated. Interrogation methods used by the colonial forces included slicing off ears, boring holes in ear-drums and pushing pins into fingernails. One can only wonder in what capacity the Duke of Norfolk imagined that Ann would have proved useful.

The Duke of Norfolk’s letter did the trick and Ann lived to fight another day.

In much the same way that it took Ann a very long time to actually get into Parliament, her progress once she was there was not what she had envisaged. As with the Chukas and the Yvettes and the Tristrams et al that have wrecked the Labour Party, doing a good job for her constituents as a useful backbench MP wasn’t enough for Ann – she knew that she was meant for better things. Like Norman Tebbit, Ann is someone who seethes at the idea that much of an MP’s role has now been ‘reduced’ to that of a ‘glorified social worker’. How they hate it when those sodding constituents keep turning up with their housing problems or their benefit concerns or their complaints about the NHS. As Tebbit used to stress ‘our job is to hold the executive to account’. Well that certainly is part of the job, but Tebs and Doris don’t seem to have worked out that the reason why MPs surgeries are now brimming over with desperate people about to lose the roof over their heads or with no income because their benefits have been stopped or who have nearly been killed at the hands of the NHS and no-one will even respond to their letters, is that since 1979 successive Gov’ts have set about dismantling the infrastructure of the UK and now nothing fucking works. Desperate people have nowhere else to turn but their MPs, particularly when the public services themselves break the law. Parliament is not the Oxford Union Ann, no matter how much that you wish it was. That was you playing with a load of other pretentious spoilt idiots – when you get elected you have things called constituents to answer to.

Although Doris did notice that no-one seemed very enthusiastic about promoting her, she did what she had done previously – she hassled a lot of influential people demanding answers as to why her talents were going unacknowledged. Unbelievably it worked and Doris began to get promoted.

Now one of the early positions that Doris achieved that interests me is that of Parliamentary Under Secretary of State to Tony Newton. Doris describes that this involved a huge amount of work and that as the Parliamentary Under Secretary it was she who did the legwork – including handling all correspondence. Tony Newton was the Minister to whom Alison Taylor wrote in Feb 1988 describing the abuse of children in care in north Wales that was happening – including assaults that she had witnessed herself. Ann Widdecombe will have known about that letter. Furthermore by the time that she wrote to Tony Newton, Alison had already written to Margaret Thatcher. Tony Newton was Health Minister. This was pre-devolution, so the NHS in Wales was the responsibility of Westminster. By the time that Doris was the gofer for Newton, the authorities were aware of my allegations concerning the psychiatric services in north Wales as well.

But Doris also knew somebody who was directly involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – Peter Morrison, the MP for Chester, whom former Tory MPs now admit was known to be molesting under-aged boys and who was visiting children’s homes in north Wales. Doris mentions Morrison a number of times in her book – Doris knew him as Thatcher’s PPS and repeats a number of times that Morrison was giving Thatcher ‘bad advice’. It is fairly clear now that Thatcher’s administration were covering up what was happening in north Wales, including Peter Morrison’s activities. Ann doesn’t mention that, but she does make reference to another situation which she claims was covered up by everybody from ‘Tony Newton downwards’, that of the serious alcohol problem suffered by Nick Scott. She observes that no-one did him any favours concealing the fact that he was drunk and incapable and she is probably quite right. But I suspect that Doris knew that Tony Newton along with the Welsh Office were covering up something far worse than an alcoholic colleague – and who knows she might well have still been in contact with her old buddies the Top Doctors from Anglesey who had so wanted her as their MP, who were covering up exactly the same thing. By that time Keith Best had been elected for Anglesey – the Keith Best who was so uninterested and unhelpful when I went to see him about the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors. The Keith Best who had a role in the Welsh Office.

After her stint with Tony Newton, Doris was Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for David Hunt at the Dept of Employment. The David Hunt who was Secretary of State for Wales – twice – and who covered up the wrongdoing in north Wales as well.

Doris’s autobiography makes it obvious that she was getting pretty pissed off with only being a mere Parliamentary Under Secretary and she was greatly pleased when she finally became a Minister of State in the Home Office. She was memorably Minister for Prisons under Home Secretary Michael Howard who maintained that ‘prison works’, as the prison numbers swelled with dispossessed people who were frequently mentally ill. Or in north Wales had complained about the psychiatric services or of having been molested in children’s homes. Doris waxes lyrical about the features of prisoners – that they are usually illiterate and innumerate, that they often have mental health problems, that they usually come from ‘broken families’. The one thing that she fails to mention is that a disproportionate number have grown up ‘in care’ – but I bet she knew it. Doris was a Minister in the Home Office at the time when Mary Wynch was chewed up and spat out, ruined, by the Home Office (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Doris was sufficiently attached to Tony Newton and David Hunt to mention how ‘upset’ she was when they lost their seats in 1997.

I find it very difficult to believe that Doris, whose whole modus operandi was predicated upon making friends with powerful people and helping ensure that things ran smoothly for them, had not heard an awful lot about the barrel of shite in north Wales that so many of those whom she was hobnobbing with were so deeply involved.

But even after Hunt and Newton had left the Commons, Doris found herself yet again close to someone else who played a major role in covering up the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – she became Shadow Secretary for Health under William Hague. Whilst the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway. Doris was a big fan of Hague and her explanation for his disastrous stint as Tory leader was that he simply arrived in that position too early in his career. Even in her account of her support for Hague as leader though there are indications of Doris’s underhand activities. By the time that Hague stood in the leadership race, Doris had of course fallen out with Michael Howard in a very big way and certainly did not want him becoming leader of the party – she did of course launch a very public attack on him in which she notoriously claimed that there was ‘something of the night’ about him and what with that coming from Honest Plain Speaking Ann, it killed off Howard’s 1997 leadership chance. Ann explains in her book how Hague was actually going to support Howard for leader in 1997 until she told James Arbuthnot – the principal Hague supporter – that she was going to launch a major attack on Howard. Hague subsequently reneged on his deal to support Howard. Ann wonders whether Arbuthnot told Hague that he was supporting ‘damaged goods’ – of course she has no idea whether Arbuthnot ever did tell him that, but she remarks that it would have been ‘strange’ if Hague’s ‘first lieutenant would not have told him what he had learned’. Of course it would Doris, that’s why you set the cat among the pigeons…

Doris also had cause to call on the help of yet another person whom I have named on this blog as helping to keep the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal out of the media as much as was possible – Amanda Platell (see post ‘Did Glenda Occupy A Key Role In Keeping It All Out Of The Media?’). In 1999, by which time Platell had her feet well under the table as Head of Press at Conservative Central Office, Peter Lilley made a speech which compromised one of Doris’s policies. An early draft of Lilley’s speech was leaked by a journalist – a journalist whom it was known was regularly briefed by Doris. Suspicion fell upon Doris and rumours flew – Doris was horrified that she had fallen under suspicion (I’m not sure why, if she was known to be briefing this journo on a regular basis it would seem logical to presume that she’d done so again). Fortunately for Doris, the helpful Amanda held a full investigation using some of her contacts that I mentioned in my previous post about her, two people were identified as being the source of the leak and were sacked. Doris remained – presumably to continue briefing journalists when she found it necessary.

Readers may remember that Doris fancied herself as Tory leader but never actually got that far. What is noticeable in Doris’s book is that she had felt that this was her destination and she takes it as a matter of fact that she’d have been an absolutely brilliant PM. Fortunately for the rest of us it never actually happened. However Doris does spend quite a lot of time telling us all how she would run the world if anyone were ever rash enough to allow her to do so. She claimed to be speaking for a section of society that she termed the ‘Forgotten Decents’. Which is an interesting concept from a woman who admired so many close colleagues who had concealed a paedophile ring. Of course Ann stood down from Parliament in 2010 and although she has made it known that she was miffed not to have been offered a seat in the Lords, her career post-politics has continued. She has become a sort of cabaret act, taking part in Strictly Come Dancing and the like. She devotes quite a bit of space to these activities in her autobiography.

Doris tells us how as part of a project for one TV programme she ‘found a prostitute’ called Collette from Peterborough, who wanted to escape from prostitution ‘but could get no help’. A bit like those teenaged boys in north Wales that your colleague Morrison was molesting then Ann. Ann sadly observes that Collette disappeared with a mobile phone that the TV folk had given her and ‘went off the radar’. Well some of the former residents of the children’s homes were found dead after they’d given evidence about what had happened to them and no-one even gave them a mobile phone to bugger off with.

During the filming of another TV programme, Doris was appalled to encounter a ‘work shy’ man called Mick Philpott who ‘pretended’ to take on a job that Ann had found for him ‘but never reported for duty’. Well if Ann had found him a job as a senior administrator at London University, he wouldn’t have needed to have reported for duty, he could have pissed off around the country with the use of a secretary campaigning for a seat in Parliament. Doris was also deeply traumatised when she discovered that the work shy man had a rather complex domestic set up – he was in a sexual relationship with a number of different partners all at once (just like Marjorie Wallace then) and made reference to him ‘servicing’ them. Doris was appalled at the use of this phrase. I can tell that when Doris worked in London medical schools she was an administrator who didn’t share a tea room with Top Doctors or their minions. Do you know what the absolute bog standard phrase at St George’s was for shagging someone Doris? Servicing them. I heard it every day, among much ribald speculation relating in particular to various Top Doctors who were known to be serving – or being serviced – by numerous casual partners. Indeed one Top Doctor who achieved fame for being serviced by five different men in one weekend now appears in glossy women’s magazines in relation to her campaigning work on FGM. I saw an article featuring her the other day. Unlike Ann, I don’t really mind who services who if it’s non-exploitative and between consenting adults, but the icing on the cake was when I was told that one of the Top Doctors at another medical school in London wasn’t very popular because ‘he has a pony tail and arrives on his motorbike every day’. I remarked that was hardly earth shattering and I was then told ‘yes but the trouble is he has sex with his children, he’s too much’. Yep, they knew that a professor of gynaecology in London was having sex with his children. They didn’t like it, they gossiped about it but not one of them lifted a finger to investigate or stop it. St Georges was a medical school with a labour ward that used to be occasionally visited by social workers and police officers to remove new born babies from the care of women if they had been deemed unsuitable to care for their children. The man who was alleged to be having sex with his children is still on the Medical Register, he is actually still a very big name and is a Professor Emeritus who sits on the Boards of numerous medical charities. But of course St Georges had a Professor of Paediatrics, Oliver Brooke, who in the mid 1980s went to prison for possessing huge quantities of child porn.

Like some of the Top Doctors, Doris has rather inconsistent views where sexuality is concerned. She supported Section 28 because it was ‘about protecting children’. (So that’s why the Tories covered up a paedophile ring then!!) When discussing child sexual abuse she relies on the Margaret Hodge defence of ‘we didn’t know about it in the 70s and 80s’. Yes Doris, we did know about it. Molesting children was considered very unacceptable indeed, even in the 70s and 80s, which is why people went to such lengths to conceal it. The one thing that people didn’t tend to accept in the 70s and 80s was that respectable middle class men with families and allegedly ‘normal’ lives might be involved in such activity – it was very much seen as the preserve of a loner in a flasher’s mac. To illustrate the depths of society’s ignorance regarding paedophilia, Doris mentions that Harriet Harman and Patricia Hewitt who were famously involved with the NCCL when it was affiliated to PIE are now ‘exemplary mothers’. I’m not sure that I see the connection – Harman and Hewitt I am sure would never let their own kids near paedophiles but that did not stop them from doing some stupid things when they worked for the NCCL and then throwing hissy fits in the media when it was exposed many years later. But then Margaret Thatcher would never have let Mark and Carol near a paedophile gang but she ignored one that ran riot in north Wales on her watch because they were only molesting the kids of some sheepshaggers who were in local authority care. The one paedophile whom Doris does have harsh words for is Jimmy Savile – Doris blames the BBC. It wasn’t the BBC who nominated him for a knighthood or invited him to Chequers for Christmas – it was Thatcher. And it wasn’t the BBC who put him in charge of a high security hospital – it was Doris’s colleague Edwina Currie….

Most staggeringly though, one paedophile who Doris has nothing but warm words for is the man who when Doris’s dancing partner Craig Revel Horwood was a teenager took Craig travelling and used him, in Ann’s own words, as ‘rent boy’. This man was a lot older than Craig and Craig’s mother was told a tall story in order to ensure that the travel plans weren’t stopped. Craig told Doris that despite all this, his travelling companion was a nice man. Which he might well have been, but he was also a highly exploitative man who was happy to lie to people in order to have sex with a minor. Doris marvels at Craig’s insights and wishes that the whole world could be as forgiving (which is odd coming from someone who is very keen on the idea of hanging people). She comments that friendship is a marvellous thing. Which I think is a fairly standard line that paedophiles use when approaching young people – and they tell them not to tell their mums what is going on.

So there’s The World According To Widdecombe for you. Doris’s political life has been one of daft simplistic ideas, of telling the plebs what’s good for them, of ludicrous games learnt at the Oxford Union, of ruthlessly fawning to powerful people particularly if they have titles or a great deal of money and of chortling away with her Tory mates whilst making smug comments about socialists. As a paedophile ring ripped through north Wales, leaving a trail of death, destruction and people wrongly imprisoned in it’s wake. Although Doris doesn’t know the difference between aluminium and zinc, she considers herself a multi-talented erudite being and she spends a lot of time turning her nose up at the plebs who haven’t read their Shakespeare. Had Doris been a different sort of electoral candidate for a seat in north Wales, she might well have bothered to become acquainted with some of the literature from the region. One of north Wales’s most famous writers was someone called Kate Roberts. She wrote a book called ‘Feet In Chains’ Doris. Which just about describes the state of those kids in north Wales who were shagged senseless and beaten up in order to provide sexual services for some of your colleagues and were banged up in the North Wales Hospital or Risley Remand Centre if they complained about what was happening. Should any readers think that I might be overdoing it here, I should explain that as well as the people mentioned in this post, in her book Doris also names scores of other political chums whom she has hung out with and who helped her along her way. FIVE of those names appear on the list of names that I have been sent by a journalist as being suspected members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Doris has now retired to Dartmoor with a load of cats. But the damage that this rather dim woman inflicted because she thought that she was Prime Minister material remains.

‘One Of The Safest Pairs Of Hands At The Criminal Bar’

The title of this post is a quote that can be found on the online profile of Timothy Cray. Who he? Timothy Cray is the barrister who acted for Henry Hendron – a barrister himself – who ended up receiving much media coverage in 2016 as a result of the ‘chemsex trial’. Hendron is a barrister in his mid-thirties who was arrested and charged after his 18 year old Columbian boyfriend was found dead at their flat after Hendron had supplied him with chemsex drugs. I will return to this case later. But first I want to discuss a friend of Hendron’s, whom Hendron himself had previously provided with legal advice – Nigel Evans.

Nigel Evans is the Tory MP for Ribble Valley who in 2014 stood trial for a series of assaults on seven men. Evans was acquitted of all charges – one rape, five sexual assaults, one attempted sexual assault and two indecent assaults. So Nigel Evans was somehow either accused quite wrongly by a series of people independently of each other of very serious offences – or he had a very good barrister, obviously yet another safe pair of hands at the Criminal Bar. The circumstances of the alleged offences were all rather similar – they were committed by Evans, a senior Tory in his mid-50s, against much younger men who were working in Westminster or aspiring to do so, after sessions of very heavy drinking by Evans. Following Evans’s acquittal there was an enormous outpouring of support and sympathy for Evans from his fellow politicians and not just from Tories. Evans waxed lyrical about his ordeal and described in detail his distress at being charged and his colleagues rallied round stressing what a lovely bloke he was. Stephen Crabb, the Conservative MP for Preseli in Pembrokeshire, tweeted that his ‘friend’ Evans was ‘a good man’ and Ann Widdecombe – not known for her sympathy towards promiscuous gay sex when blind drunk – described Evans as a ‘truthful, considerate and kind individual’.

Now when Evans was arrested he was known as an MP representing a constituency in the north of England. But I knew of Evans as a rather unusual man, a Thatcherite Tory who actually came from Wales. Evans grew up in Swansea where his family ran a small business, went to Swansea University and only became the MP for Ribble Valley in 1992 after unsuccessfully contesting seats in south Wales. Before he was an MP Evans was a County Councillor in West Glamorgan (elected in 1985) and in 1990 became deputy Tory leader of that Council. He stood down as a Councillor in 1991.

In 1993 Evans became PPS to David Hunt, the Secretary of State for Employment and he remained Hunt’s PPS when Hunt was appointed Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in 1994. Readers will remember that David Hunt was Secretary of State for Wales on two occasions, between 1990-93 and again for just one month in the summer of 1995. Hunt was in that post when there was a total failure by the Welsh Office to respond to the serious abuse that was rife in children’s homes in north Wales or to the abuses that were happening in the north Wales mental health services. The Welsh Office knew about these matters and actively concealed everything. In 1995 Evans became PPS to Tony Baldry, Minister of State at the Ministry of Agriculture, Fisheries and Food. Then in 1996 Evans was appointed PPS to William Hague when he was appointed Secretary of State for Wales by John Major. William Hague’s biggest task in that post was of course arranging the public inquiry into child abuse in north Wales. Previous posts have detailed the many reasons why I think someone worked very hard at selecting those who were involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry. As Hague’s PPS, Evans will have been deeply involved in the leg work relating to that Inquiry – and Evans knew Wales very well indeed, even if Hague didn’t. Hague is a very able man and would soon have been able to research everything that is officially on record about Wales, but Evans will have known what it is really important to know and what you only find out by living and working in Wales – the gossip and the lowdown.

So Evans was involved in the most enormous cover-up of organised child abuse in Wales – child abuse that involved under-aged boys ‘in care’ being sexually molested by older men, including it would seem at least one senior Tory, Sir Peter Morrison, Thatcher’s PPS and deputy Chairman of the Party. Some of the boys giving evidence to Waterhouse maintained that they were taken to other locations where they had sex with multiple older men unknown to them. John Allen, who owned and managed the Bryn Alyn Community, a collection of children’s homes where some of the worst abuse took place, is currently serving a life sentence for abusing boys in his care. Waterhouse described John Allen as ‘kind’ and ‘generous’ as a result of John Allen buying presents and giving money to boys whom he was having sex with. Allen owned what Waterhouse called ‘unsuitable accommodation’ in London and Brighton in which some boys lived after they left children’s homes in north Wales. The boys themselves claimed that Allen owned brothels in London and Brighton and some of them worked in those brothels after they left ‘care’.

Evans could well have heard about some of this before he worked for Hague as a result of coming from Wales and being involved in local politics there, although he never mentioned it. But Evans didn’t mention something else either and he didn’t mention it until 2010. That he was gay. Not only did Evans not mention that he was gay, but he actively concealed it and states himself that he pretended to be a ‘red blooded’ heterosexual lest being openly gay damaged his political prospects in a party that was perceived as being highly homophobic in the wake of passing Section 28 in the late 1980s. Evans even voted against reducing the age of consent for gay men in 1994 and again on two following occasions. (I also seem to remember Evans appearing on a TV show arguing against reducing the age of consent for gays in 1994.) Evans also ensured that he was absent from the Commons vote on civil partnerships, he missed three votes on gay adoption and in one vote he opposed the move. In 1993 a piece appeared in ‘Private Eye’ claiming that Evans had been seen ‘canoodling’ with a young man. Evans personally phoned Ian Hislop to deny the story, although the Eye never published a retraction or an apology.

Evans came out as gay to the press in 2010 claiming that he was sick of living a lie. But he only did so after a Labour MP threatened to out him. After he came out as gay Evans constructed himself as some sort of gay rights champ for Westminster and stressed how many gay politicians there were, many of whom had not yet publicly admitted it. He also said that when he first entered Parliament he had known of loads of gay politicians who were concealing it. Evans formed an LGBT networking group in Westminster, Parliout. In the light of what was revealed during and after Evans’s trial, I would have thought that it was fairly obvious that there wasn’t any need for Parliout, Evans and others seemed to have already established a gay network at Westminster.

Young male parliamentary workers who gave evidence at Evans’s trial described how they were groped or kissed by Evans after getting completely bladdered with him in bars at the House of Commons or in Soho. Allegations then emerged in the press of a heavy drinking culture at Westminster – I had heard that from a friend years ago. But the revelations in the media became increasingly more sordid. It wasn’t just excessive drinking that was commonplace – it was alleged that there was a big problem with senior politicians expecting sexual favours from wannabes and if wannabes were unhappy with this there was no effective redress. Supplying sexual favours would ensure that your career advanced but complaining would bring it to a rapid halt. After Evans was acquitted, much was made of some of the witnesses saying in court that they had not wanted the case against Evans to go ahead, that they didn’t feel like victims and one of them claimed that after getting pissed with Evans and finding Evans’s hand down his trousers it was just a case of ‘crazy crazy Westminster’. (Why don’t women want to be politicians? Ooh it’s because they all have low self esteem and need role models like Harriet! It cannot possibly be because they do not regularly get bladdered and participate in mutual groping sessions with tosspots. Except to be fair, some of them do, a Lib Dem who believes that she’s broken the glass ceiling in Wales comes to mind.) Evans’s defence was considered to have been given a considerable boost when the judge, Justice Timothy King, instructed the jury to find Evans not guilty on one alleged offence. There was a major attempt to construct Nigel Evans’s activities as the high drunken jinks of a harmless gregarious man who had been hung out to dry by the police and the CPS. His excessive drinking was explained as the result of him having difficulty ‘coming to terms with his sexuality’ and of course the death of his dear old mum who had no idea that he was gay. Evans continued the misery memoir by explaining that the one sadness in his life was that he had never had a regular boyfriend. One suspects that Nigel Evans’s lifestyle would mitigate against a regular relationship.

There was however one witness at the trial who did not claim that he had no problem with Evans’s harmless drunken groping. That was the 22 year old man who claimed that Evans had raped him. Evans’s account was that he and this young man had participated in consensual sex ‘in a number of different positions’. The young man – who gave evidence from behind a screen and was described as ‘nervous’ and ‘whispering’ – had been a university student at the time of the incident, had stayed at Evans’s house and had maintained that he woke up to find Evans on top of him. Media accounts stressed how this young man ‘wasn’t believed’. He’s not going to have a career in politics now is he – but those spoke fondly of Evans in court and who never wanted the case against him to go ahead will still be in with a chance.

The way in which the police came to hear about the allegations against Evans is significant. One young man, a politics student, had been befriended by Evans in 2008 on Facebook. This student was later described as ‘ruthlessly ambitious’. (Just like Evans had been when he was a young man.) This man alleged that he had stayed at Evans’s house overnight in 2009 and that Evans had ‘groped his penis’. The young man told of his encounter with Evans to Adam Price (Plaid), Michael Fabricant (Conservative) and Iain Corby (a Tory policy boss). A few days later he recounted the story to the then Tory Chief Whip Patrick McLoughlin and his deputy John Randall. The student had wanted Evans to resign, which was described by McLoughlin as a ‘big ask’. Patrick McLoughlin is now Sir Patrick and in July 2016 was appointed Chairman of the Conservative Party. Randall is an MP for Derbyshire – he was elected to Matthew Parris’s seat when Parris stood down in 1986. The Matthew Parris who wrote about having sex with boys who ‘were always willing’ along with his political friends when on holiday. McLoughlin is also Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster. John Randall has also been knighted but stood down from Parliament in 2015. He is now a Trustee and Vice-Chair of the Human Trafficking Foundation – a man who was unable to respond when he was told of an allegation of sexual assault perpetrated by someone who had previously been involved in a cover-up of the sexual abuse and trafficking into prostitution of children in care. The allegations against Evans went no further – until the student told Dr Sarah Woolaston, Tory MP for Totnes. A friend of this student then revealed to him that he too had been assaulted by Evans and so he contacted Sara Woolaston. Woolaston contacted John Bercow the Speaker, who said that it was for the two young men to go to the police. But then after receiving legal advice from the Speaker’s Counsel, Michael Carpenter, Bercow’s secretary told Sarah Woolaston that the Speaker ‘cannot handle this’. Sarah Woolaston is a Top Doctor who claims experience in dealing with matters of sexual abuse and readers will guess that under most circumstances I would roll about laughing at the notion that a Top Doctor might actually know how to conduct themselves in such a situation, but to Sarah’s credit, she seems to have been the only person who had engaged her brain. Frustrated by the response from the Speaker’s office, she told the two young men that they had a responsibility to report Evans to the police because there was no telling whom he was going to do this to next and gave them a police number. Sarah also in 2013 brought the allegations to the attention of the Palace of Westminster Police. So that’s how the ball started rolling.

Yesterday’s post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’ described how over decades the CPS have worked very hard at not prosecuting people involved with the sexual abuse of young people, particularly if there are connections to political figures. It was of course the CPS who bit the bullet in the case of Nigel Evans and prosecuted. They certainly had a lot of shit thrown at them for daring to do this after his acquittal. Evans’s case was categorised with the cases of two Coronation Street actors, Michael Le Vell and Ken Roache, who had also been acquitted of sex offences. Although the cases of Le Vell and Roache were very different from Evans, Evans and his supporters discussed the three cases as if they were all very similar, ie. people making claims for which there was no evidence against public figures. Vicky Entwhistle, an actor from Coronation Street, appeared in public at Evans’s trial to support him. Not that the actors in Coronation Street have proved themselves to be particularly good judges of character – John Stalker’s book boasts of how he hung out with the Coronation Street crowd and William Roache is a former Patron of St David’s Hospice Llandudno, which seems to act a repository for disgraced NHS staff from north Wales who either left their jobs under a cloud or concealed the paedophile ring (see posts ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’ and ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’). In the wake of all this, the Attorney General Dominic Grieve demanded an explanation from DPP Alison Saunders why Evans’s prosecution had gone ahead, even though Saunders hadn’t been DPP when the decision to prosecute had been made. Saunders track record suggests that she never would have prosecuted Evans. I note that when Evans was prosecuted Saunders was actually working for the CPS as the regional case manager in London. Which explains an awful lot – sex offences against young people aren’t only committed in north Wales and a lot of high profile and powerful people live in London. Jack Straw also had a go at the CPS, suggesting that the DPP might be more cautious in bringing high profile sex offence cases in the future – the Jack who was years ago a Councillor in Islington Council when it’s children’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles, the Jack who was a leading light in New Labour which was so hopelessly compromised because of ignoring the institutionalised sexual abuse of children (see post ‘The London Connection’).

Evans angrily told the media that he had spent his life savings – £130,000 – on his legal fees and he demanded that the CPS repay him. Which was deeply ironic because the legislation that caused Evans to cough up in his particular circumstances was passed by the Coalition Gov’t of whom the Tories were the leading partners. Evans also had the support of an incredibly powerful man in the Commons, who constantly ends up in scandals himself – dear old Keith Vaz, then Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, who considered holding a separate inquiry into the prosecution of Evans. I have a friend who often expresses at length her amazement at what Keith Vaz has got away with – the expense scandals, the constant conflicts of interest or failure to declare interests, the failure to declare payments, the business of the passports and the Hinduja brothers, his narrow escape from being prosecuted by Leicestershire Police after making false allegations against a former police officer, his leading a march through Leicester demanding the banning of ‘The Satanic Verses’ after a fatwa had been issued against Salman Rushdie and much more. In Sept 2016 Vaz resigned as Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee after he was caught in a tabloid gay prostitution and cocaine expose. One month later he was appointed to the Justice Select Committee. My mate keeps asking me how he does it particularly as no-one seems to like him or trust him.

So how did Keith Vaz, a senior solicitor to Islington Council in the mid 80s (when Islington Council’s children’s homes were rife with paedophiles whilst the Council was stuffed full of Councillors who would later become some of the biggest figures in the New Labour Gov’t), then a solicitor in a Leicester Council funded law centre between 1985-87 (when Frank Beck, a Leicester social worker was abusing kids in care in Leicester along with it seems Greville Janner, Labour MP for Leicester West until he was elevated to the Lords in 1990) ever get himself so well thought of in the Labour Party that he was selected as candidate for Leicester East? Could it have been the support from his mother, who was a Labour Councillor on Leicester City Council for 14 years, from the point at which Keith was selected as a candidate? Or could it have been that a lot of people were very grateful to him for something? He continued to impress once he was elected to the Commons. By 1997 Vaz was PPs to the Attorney General John Morris – the John Morris who was Secretary of State for Wales when children in children’s homes in north Wales were being abused and trafficked by paedophiles, the John Morris whose constituency is in West Glamorgan, Nigel Evans’s old stomping ground – and between May-Oct 1999 Vaz was PPS to the Lord Chancellor’s Dept, the Lord Chancellor being Blair’s mate Lord Goldsmith. Vaz just went onwards and upwards. Surely there’s a clue somewhere in that CV as to the root of his Teflon qualities…

As in the case of Vaz, I suspect that the overwhelming ‘popularity’ of Nigel Evans is Parliament speak for ‘a lot of us are very grateful to him for something’. He was welcomed back into the Commons after his acquittal – although it transpired that a lot of his constituents in the Ribble Valley had been expressing concerns for some time about Nigel’s activities.

Whilst Evans and Hague were helping everyone out of a tight spot by employing the talents of Ronnie Waterhouse and co, there was of course a change of Gov’t. In 1997, during the Waterhouse Inquiry, Blair won the election. Blair chose to axe the post of Welsh Secretary from the Cabinet, a decision that Evans opposed. This morning I found a photo of Nigel carrying a spoof ‘Tony Blair Estate Agents’ placard, emblazoned with the slogan ‘Wales Office For Sale’. Indeed the Welsh Office had been for sale for years – the whole lot of them sold themselves to a paedophile gang and a bunch of criminals who worked in the health and welfare services as documents in my possession demonstrate. Although the Tories didn’t have any seats in Wales after the 97 General Election, John Major put Evans on his shadow frontbench as spokesman for Welsh Affairs. Evans was obviously a man who could be relied upon. When Duncan Smith became Tory leader, Evans was a member of the shadow cabinet and between 2001-2003 was shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Evans returned to the backbenches on principle (is this a man who has any principles?) when Michael Howard became leader and took the role of shadow Secretary of State for Wales outside of the shadow cabinet. Evans remained a member of the Trade and Industry and the Welsh Affairs Select Committees in 2003. In Nov 2004 he became Vice-Chair of the Conservative Party, with specific responsibility for overseeing Conservatives Abroad. With Cameron’s election in 2005 Evans returned to the backbenches. He was one of the Speaker’s three deputies until he resigned after being arrested in 2013. Although Nigel was very cross when his own party’s changes to legal aid hit him in his own pocket, Nigel isn’t too keen on other people keeping afloat financially. He voted against the introduction of the National Minimum Wage in 1999 and voted against every increase afterwards. In 2009 he was one of 11 MPs to back the Employment Opportunities Bill, which aimed to make the minimum wage optional. Presumably Nigel’s idea of employment opportunities is to sell one’s body to predatory older politicians and indeed many young people who were kids in care in north Wales in the 70s, 80s and 90s were trained or forced to do this. But what are they supposed to do for a living when they’re too old for politicians to be interested in them?

Although Parliament opened it’s heart to Nigel throughout the trial and afterwards, I would have thought that as in the case of Ken Dodd and the allegations of tax evasion, the evidence against Nigel was quite substantial. So I did what I enjoy doing in such cases, I did a bit of reading regarding the barristers and judge involved. The judge was Timothy King, who in 2006 had defended the BNP leader Nick Griffin against a charge of inciting racial hatred.

So who acted for Evans? There seems to have been two barristers involved. Evans’s friend the aforementioned Henry Hendron and Peter Wright QC. I’m not sure whether Hendron acted for Evans in a paid capacity, but he did boast about advising him during the trial – I will return to Hendron later. Peter Wright was the name that appeared in the media as Counsel for Evans.

Well Evans certainly didn’t take any risks when he sought advice, Peter Wright knows how to extract people from very deep slurry pits indeed. Wright boasts of having acted in cases of organised crime – including people who have accused of committing organised crime – and people who have been prosecuted by the Health and Safety Executive. Peter successfully defended a gang of armed robbers who shot a policewoman dead, a company that ran a care home that was prosecuted by the HSE when an elderly resident died as a result of scalding and a nurse who managed to kill a three week old baby boy whilst performing a circumcision for cultural reasons. He successfully defended a Detective Chief Inspector who was accused of misconduct in public office after leaking the identity of an IRA bomber to a journalist and a senior officer at HM Customs and Excise who was accused of conspiracy to pervert the course of justice and misconduct in public office which involved his links to organised crime. One case that must have really made Peter feel good about himself was his defence of someone who petrol bombed a family’s home leading to the death of eight members of the family. But Peter doesn’t just act for your everyday murderous scumbag. No, Peter was Counsel in the LIBOR scandal (now you know why bankers never go to prison even when they cause the global economy to collapse!) and in Operation Elveden (the police investigation into corrupt payments between journalists and public officials, which resulted in the prosecution of Cameron’s mates Rebekah Brooks and Andy Coulson as well as a few others).

In 2006 Wright was appointed as Senior Treasury Counsel by the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith. Wright boasts of being the first person to be directly appointed to this post – so presumably Goldsmith noticed his talents in defending petrol bombers, crooked bankers and Murdoch’s employees and decided that the Gov’t could utilise those talents. In 2010 Wright stood down again as Senior Treasury Counsel – well he had all those bent bankers and press barons to get out of trouble – but he continues to advise the CPS, the Attorney General and the Treasury Solicitor. Which sounds rather like multiple conflicts of interest to me.

So Evans hired the man who had worked for the Gov’t that Evans was part of. But what of Evans’s ‘friend and barrister’ Henry Hendron? We know that everyone loves Evans, even Ann Widdecombe and that poor old Evans only gets rat arsed and gropes people because he misses his mum and didn’t come out as gay when he should have. Evans’s mate Henry has fought personal demons too. Particularly after he was arrested for supplying the drugs that killed his teenaged boyfriend. The Torygraph online published a real tear jerker of an interview with Henry’s brother Richard who was also a barrister (and before that an Inspector with the Metropolitan Police) just before Henry’s trial in 2016. As well as being represented by Timothy Cray, Henry was also being advised by Richard. Richard gave the Torygraph full details of Henry’s downward spiral after his boyfriend had been found dead in his flat. How did Richard know that Henry was grieving? Because Henry ‘binged on drugs’ to mask his grief and attended chemsex parties on a non-stop basis. He collapsed at one such party after overdoing the drugs and was rushed to hospital – this was one week after his boyfriend Miguel’s death. The nation’s widows really don’t know how to grieve properly do they, all they do is rely on the cat for company.

At Henry’s trial he pleaded guilty to two counts of possession with intent to supply. The circumstances were that he purchased £1000 of goodies from a BBC producer called Andrew Parkin with the intention of flogging them to other people at chemsex parties. He gave some to his boyfriend and it killed him and when the police searched his house afterwards they found methodrone and GBL. Parkin was given 200 hours of community service and Hendron 140 hours. (That’s what I got when I was prosecuted for calling a corrupt NHS manager who was assisting in concealing a paedophile ring a fat idiot.) It was revealed at the trial that Hendron had three previous convictions – for drink driving.

Something else came to light among all the publicity around Hendron after his trial. That he had previously been fined £2000 by the Bar Council for professional misconduct. The particulars of the misconduct being that on the eve of the starting date of Nigel Evans’s trial Hendron had described the witnesses due to give evidence against Evans as ‘manipulative and duplicitous’ online. I cannot help wondering what other pressure may have been applied to those witnesses. The media hype concerning Hendron mentioned that his clients included Nadine Dorries and the Earl of Cardigan. A bit of history was dredged up as well – that as a teenager Hendron had appeared at the Tory Party Conference arguing for the reintroduction of corporal punishment. This appearance had resulted in him being tipped as a future leader. He’d be able to add S&M (or in his case probably just S) to his chemsex-drink driving-killing of teenaged boyfriends repertoire.

Prior to his trial Henry worked as a barrister at Strand Chambers and before that at 2 Kings Bench Walk. Between 2006-2008 he worked for the CPS ‘advising senior civil servants and ministerial teams’. Including the Department of Work and Pensions and the Department of Health.

After the trial the NHS and BMA made public statements regarding the major problem that is chemsex. Well if they’re not careful all the other lawyers that they use will be struck off by the Law Society as well after they’ve woken up next to a corpse resulting from the binge the previous night.

Henry himself commented after the trial that he did accept that perhaps he might not be able to work as a barrister again, although one day he hoped to. Meanwhile, he is comforting himself with regular trips to the family of his boyfriend who died – who live in Columbia. I cannot help but wonder whether with Henry’s track record Columbia might hold attractions other than the relatives of his boyfriend. Indeed I was surprised that there were no media comments at the time of Miguel’s death regarding the unlikely domestic set-up of Henry – a barrister with a passion for chemsex whose friends include a senior middle aged Tory who has faced multiple charges of sexual assault on young men, living with a teenager from Columbia who worked as a café assistant.

So how ever did this self-indulgent binging twat with so little regard for the safety of other people end up with community service after he’d managed to kill someone? Could it have been the skills of Timothy Cray, his barrister, one of the safest hands at the Criminal Bar? Cray’s online profile tells us that he has ‘unique knowledge of international organised crime’ and ‘extensive experience of defending in allegations of sexual misconduct with emphasis on sensitive and high profile cases’. Cray acts for the Serious Fraud Office – of course – and in Jan 2014 he was appointed by the Attorney General Dominic Grieve as Senior Treasury Counsel. Because he is of course used to defending criminals who work in the professions with links to Gov’t.

As for the judge who felt that a few boring but not too dreadful hours working in a charity shop or clearing footpaths was going to ensure that Henry mended his ways, that was Richard Marks QC who was appointed a circuit judge at the Old Bailey in 2012 by the Lord Chancellor Ken Clarke. Before this, one of Marks’s responsibilities was as a legal member of the restricted patients panel. Who will have been banged up for a lot less than overdosing their teenaged partners and in many cases won’t have committed any crime at all. In 2015 Marks precipitated a lot of media coverage after he was removed from a trial involving ‘Sun’ journalists who were alleged to have bribed public officials for information. The ‘Sun’ was very angry and maintained that Marks had been replaced with judge Charles Wide ‘in secret and against his will’ because Wide was perceived as being more likely to secure a conviction. This rationale was angrily denied by Sir Nigel Sweeney, the judge who was alleged to have had something to do with the decision. Sweeney had a fairly shameful history (see post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’) and I do wonder if he might have been worried what those ‘Sun’ journalists might dig up if they continued to bribe public officials for information.

There seems to be a great many safe pairs of hands at the Criminal Bar, protecting a great many people. I don’t really mind if politicians get ripped to the tits and participate in gay or indeed heterosexual orgies, but I do mind when they employ their extensive networks to protect people who have forced ‘looked after children’ to take part in such things with them. Or indeed protect people who perjure themselves repeatedly in an attempt to imprison the likes of me because we unwittingly walked into the whole sordid mess when we discovered what the Top Doctors were colluding with.

It is indeed a Criminal Bar.

So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?

Yesterday’s post ‘A UK Network’ explained why I suspect that the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal may have been precipitated as a distraction at a time when it rather looked as though the lid was about to be blown off the activities of the paedophile ring operating in north Wales and their buddies in the mental health services. I described how there was obviously a network of corrupt professional people stretching across the UK who were concealing rampant abuses in the child care and mental health services and speculated on possible links between north Wales and the north east of England. I mentioned the notorious Bryn Alyn Community, a private business run by a vicious criminal, John Allen, who was subsequently imprisoned for sexual assaults on teenage boys. Bryn Alyn was established in 1968 and accepted hundreds of children sent from Local Authorities across the UK. I’ve just read the part of the Waterhouse Report that deals with Bryn Alyn and it’s even more mind-blowing than the rest of Waterhouse’s whitewash.

The first thing that I noticed was Waterhouse’s mention of which Local Authorities sent children to Bryn Alyn – substantially London authorities, but also authorities from the north west of England, the West Midlands and Newcastle no less. So that pretty much confirms my suspicions regarding the locations of professionals who were colluding with those we know and love in north Wales, as postulated in previous posts. However there are other authorities mentioned as well – including Devon and Oxfordshire. But Waterhouse mentions something else that I was not previously aware of – that John Allen owned a villa in Bordeaux and also some sort of facility in Bordeaux where children from Bryn Alyn were taken for ‘holidays’. Someone else I know used to pop back and forth to Bordeaux for the purposes of ‘work’ which no-one ever actually specified – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones! Dafydd made frequent visits to northern France as well, again on the pretext of visiting ‘GP friends’ or ‘holding clinics’ – which I always felt was rather improbable. Regular readers will remember some other people from north Wales who enjoyed visits to France – Elfed Roberts and his mates! Elfed was a former senior police officer in the North Wales Police, left under a substantial cloud and then became Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust – one of his high points during his incumbency there was to have me arrested for having pink hair, calling his car a penismobile and because he was ‘fed up’ of my complaints (please see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). Elfed and his friends used to frequent an establishment that I remember being called Chateau de Cop – I have found online adverts for a hotel in the Loire Valley called Chateau de Cop Choux, I think that is indeed the hang-out that Elfed and his mates use. The disgraced of north Wales certainly enjoy a good standard of living – but have they not heard of something called the European Arrest Warrant? (Another disgraced name featured on the blog also has a house not a million miles away from Bordeaux – Robert Bluglass. He has (or had) a second home in the Pyrenees.)

Some of the Local Authorities had received complaints from children regarding the abuse that they had been subjected to whilst at Bryn Alyn. In 1976 Anthony David Taylor was convicted of two offences of indecent assault at Talgarth Magistrates Court. In 1975, before the Court case, Taylor wrote to the Welsh Office admitting that he’d committed previous offences against boys from Newcastle-Upon-Tyne whilst they were on a summer holiday scheme that Taylor ran for Bryn Alyn, asking the Secretary of State for anonymity for social workers when they had committed offences, citing his own case! The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was John Morris aka Lord Morris of Aberavon. But of course the Welsh Office had no idea that there were serious problems with child abuse in homes in north Wales… In previous posts I mentioned how Waterhouse used numerous techniques to dismiss or discount evidence from witnesses when they explained how they had been violently or sexually assaulted whilst in care in north Wales and ignored other evidence such as forged documents that would have set off loud alarm bells in any intelligent person. What is Waterhouse’s comment with regard to this social worker who freely fesses up to abusing children but feels able to write to John Morris asking for anonymity? Waterhouse states that the Inquiry heard from four other witnesses that Taylor sexually assaulted them whilst they were at Bryn Alyn, that the panel had ‘no reason to doubt the truth of any of the complainants’ but that Taylor is ‘now retired and ill and it is unnecessary to say anything further about him’.

This was exactly what used to be said to me when I mentioned Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s activities – ‘he’s retired’. Except Dafydd hadn’t retired, he was running private nursing homes where people alleged that they were being abused and fleeced and had been given the contract by the NHS to provide ‘substance misuse services’ (please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). As for when I mentioned Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist – people would simply yell at me ‘he’s dead, how dare you say such things’. Dr X/Dr Tony Francis and the dreadful Dr DGE Wood even documented that I had ‘even’ made terrible allegations against ‘deceased’ people. The deceased people had done some terrible things – and as the complaints about them had been ignored whilst they were alive it was hardly surprising that I was not prepared to keep quiet about them just because they had died. Another ‘deceased person’ who abused her position was Sheila Jenkins, a social worker with the appalling Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who lied about me to the police in order to have me unlawfully thrown out of Ysbyty Gwynedd – Sheila was also happy to slander me in the local community. I was told to stop ‘speaking ill of the dead’ at my own birthday party by a former colleague of Sheila’s husband. I suspect that the man at my birthday party had no bloody idea at all of the sort of things that dear old Sheila actually did, but the people who worked with her, as well as those who worked with Dafydd and the lobotomist, most definitely knew what they were all up to. But I suspect that it was DGE Wood’s valiant defence of those who concealed the paedophile gang that landed him his senior roles with the Royal College of General Practitioners and perhaps even bagged him his OBE…

A boy from Plymouth placed at Bryn Alyn made complaints to the police in Oct 1989 and Aug 1990 and a solicitor’s letter was sent to his social worker in Plymouth in June 1990. Devon Social Services reported their concerns about Bryn Alyn to the Welsh Office in Oct 1990. Boys from Sandwell and Solihull in the West Midlands made allegations of abuse whilst at Bryn Alyn and a number of complaints between 1988-1993 were also reported to the Welsh Office.

In March 1993 a 15 year old girl placed at Bryn Alyn by Oxfordshire Social Services went to Clwyd Social Services with complaints of physical abuse from staff and sexual harassment from other residents and refused to return to Bryn Alyn. She stated that at one point she had been thrown across the room by a male member of staff which resulted in injury. She was placed with foster parents. The next month she turned up at Wrexham Police Station saying that she wished to withdraw the complaint. Waterhouse notes that the police wanted to continue to pursue the complaint in the public interest, but the CPS returned the file, refusing to take further action. The Director for Public Prosecutions at this time was Dame Barbara Mills. All was well in Waterhouse World though – he noted that the girl acknowledged that the man who threw her across the room had a ‘very positive, caring and supportive relationship’ with her. When he wasn’t throwing her across the room. Or perhaps even sending the boys around to ensure that she withdrew her complaint whilst she was living with foster parents – a placement presumably arranged by whoever had sent her to Bryn Alyn.

Manchester and Salford College of Technology as well as Manchester Social Services were also told of the sort of things that happened to young people at Bryn Alyn. A mature student called Denis Williams had the misfortune to end up on a ‘placement’ at Bryn Alyn in 1983. He was so appalled at what he witnessed that he compiled a report and sent it to Manchester and Salford College of Technology. In Nov 1983 he was told by an unidentified ‘senior officer’ from Manchester Social Services Dept that his concerns had been fully investigated and that his report was ‘unfounded and unprofessional’. He was also told that John Allen was threatening legal action against him. Denis was made of stern stuff and in June 1985 went to the Home Office about events at Bryn Alyn. The Home Secretary at that time was Leon Brittan. No-one seemed to have mounted an investigation or put a stop to what was happening. Waterhouse notes that in Sept 1992 Denis was interviewed by a number of newspapers and BBC TV. Guess what? Denis was unable to be traced by the Tribunal so wasn’t available as a witness! Of course by the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was held, a number of former residents of Bryn Alyn and the other homes in north Wales had been found dead. I wonder if Denis too had been found dead in suspicious circumstances by then? Because I’ve not heard of him since. But Ronnie has an explanation! ‘The picture given by Denis Williams is truly alarming…but he stayed only three days…his strictures upon particular individuals were not mirrored by the volume of substantial complaints about them’. Denis did what any good student should do – he noted everything, got the hell out of there and sent a report to the college who had sent him on the placement. He was rubbished, threatened with legal action by a vicious paedophile, alerted the Home Office in the wake of the threats, got nowhere, went to the press and then disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie merely notes that not many other people had complained…

Waterhouse documents that the ‘principal witness on behalf of the Welsh Office’, John Lloyd, ‘told us of a number of allegations of physical and sexual abuse at the Community’s various premises that were reported to the Welsh Office between 1989 and 1992’. In May 1993 there were two other reports to the Welsh Office of boys at Bryn Alyn who had been injured after alleged assaults.

Waterhouse was told again and again of sexual assaults and assaults so brutal that young people sustained injuries. One boy suffered anal bleeding after a sexual assault, was taken to a GP and was – interestingly – told that he had haemorrhoids. So there was a tame Top Doctor on tap as well then. Waterhouse was told by another witness that he had been tied to a tree with a piece of rope, the end of the rope being tied around his neck. Ronnie noted that the witness who related this anecdote was now a patient at Broadmoor. I wonder how he ended up there? Were there perhaps allegations made regarding his extreme dangerousness by any of the people previously named on this blog, in the face of no evidence at all? Or had the poor sod been driven crazy after a few years at Bryn Alyn? (Waterhouse notes that placements at Bryn Alyn were long-term, most being about three years.) There were other allegations of abuse against the man who tied this person to a tree – but Ronnie concludes that the evidence was ‘so limited’ that he was ‘not persuaded he was party to child abuse’. (Of course if someone really wasn’t going to be party to child abuse at Bryn Alyn they’d walk out after three days. And find that they were called a liar and then find themselves threatened with legal action.) A young woman gave evidence that when she was at Bryn Alyn as a teenager, she was forced into a chair by two staff and strong bleach was rubbed into her scalp. Her hair subsequently fell out. Other people gave evidence that they were punched, kicked and thrown around. But all poor old Ronnie could do was observe that these were ‘troublesome’ children, that some former residents were ‘too emotionally disturbed to give oral evidence and be cross examined’, that staff hadn’t had training in restraint so were just doing their best really, that one man constantly accused of violently assaulting children was ‘strong, a disciplinarian’ but ‘fair’…

It just goes on and on, as this silly old fucker was confronted with the most damning evidence stretching back over decades and constantly explained it away. Of course sometimes he couldn’t explain it away, so as he did in the case of the forged document that was compiled in an attempt to get Nefyn Dodd off the hook (please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), he just notes it and moves on. For example he noted that ‘for unexplained reasons’ details on the P45s given out to two of the staff at Bryn Alyn are inconsistent with the employment records of Bryn Alyn. In other chapters of his Report he notes that the dates that certain witnesses maintained that they were resident in various children’s homes in north Wales are inconsistent with the records of the establishments themselves. So Waterhouse concludes that the witnesses can’t be relied upon. Of course, the records compiled by the criminals running these institutions – criminals who had a track record of abusing children, lying, forging documents and altering documentation – couldn’t possibly be wrong… Ronnie observes without comment that the records of the children placed at Bryn Alyn had all been stored together, at a Pickford’s storage depot in Hoole near Chester and on 25 Oct 1996 had all gone up in flames, so most of the children placed at Bryn Alyn could never be traced and therefore couldn’t be invited to give evidence.

I have mentioned in a previous post that the only people whom Waterhouse found it in his heart to condemn in his Report were the staff who had actually been convicted of offences against children and were already serving – or had served – prison sentences. So what did he have to say about John Allen, the owner of the nightmare that was Bryn Alyn, who at the time of the Inquiry had been convicted of sexual offences against young people in his care and who was in prison? Waterhouse was told repeatedly of the numerous sexual assaults that Allen carried out on boys at Bryn Alyn and was also told that Allen gave large sums of money and gifts – substantial gifts as well, on one occasion a motorbike – to favoured boys with whom he regularly had sex. He was told about Allen’s violent temper, which resulted in ferocious attacks on children leaving them with injuries. He was even told that there were a number of boys at Bryn Alyn who were openly referred to as ‘Allen’s bum boys’. Waterhouse states of Allen that ‘his reputation was that of a caring and generous person’. Waterhouse stresses how staff had told him that Allen lavished money and gifts on certain boys, of how ‘kind and generous’ he was. Of course Waterhouse is aware that there was ‘some contemporaneous discussion and gossip about Allen’s predilections among both staff and residents’ and that there ‘was some talk of Allen’s ‘bum boys’ but it did not amount to a great deal’.

I had heard something similar to this many years ago when I first complained about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. I was castigated for referring to his ‘private life’ ie. his shagging of female patients. I too was told that a lot of people thought that Jones was a nice man because he ‘helped’ patients by giving them somewhere to live and finding them jobs. The patients concerned were invariably young female patients, the accommodation that they were provided with was Jones’s own house and the jobs in question were located in his house, as nannies and housekeepers. Whilst all this was going on, five female patients made statements to a local MIND representative that they had had sexual relationships with him. As for Dafydd himself – when I told him that he was nothing short of a psychopath, he replied ‘I think that I am a nice man. I’m kind to children.’ Well Dafydd was nuts, of course he would come out with some silly, obviously untrue statement, but he was surrounded by dozens of people who knew exactly what he was doing – just like all those people who waxed lyrical about John Allen’s generosity knew what he was doing. Waterhouse had an interesting take on John Allen’s violent attacks on children as well: ‘We do not think that he was an habitually violent man: the complaints against him of using excessive force are heavily outweighed by the allegations against him of sexual misconduct’.

One allegation that victims of Allen made was that he ran a gay prostitution racket, including a number of brothels and also a gay porn business. Waterhouse makes reference to Allen’s ‘film studio’ and boys alleged that they’d been taken there and asked to pose naked, but still old Ronnie doesn’t click. Ronnie did note however that Allen continued his contact with some of the boys long after they’d left Bryn Alyn. Ronnie takes a dim view of this, mentioning that boys were ‘encouraged to live in unfamiliar surroundings such as Brighton or London in accommodation provided or subsidised by Allen….at a time when they were highly likely to fall prey to many temptations’. Temptations such as working in a brothel in Brighton or London owned by Allen one presumes.

By the time that Waterhouse stumbled through this Inquiry with his eyes tightly closed, a lot of former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. Some had been killed in a fire in Brighton, whilst they were attending a party at which John Allen agreed to meet them. John Allen didn’t turn up but an arsonist did (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Waterhouse even manages to mention that a Court had reached a verdict of ‘unlawful killing’ after the Brighton fire, but then he passes on… He also mentions another witness who had made allegations of abuse against Allen – this witness had given evidence at John Allen’s trial for sexual assault and had been found dead days later… All in a day’s work for Ronnie though, he moves on to the next brutalised terrified witness who’s dared come forward, no doubt busily working out how he can discredit them or dismiss their evidence…It is also mentioned in the Waterhouse Report that the police had admitted that there were 280 ‘absconders’ from the Bryn Alyn Community between Jan 1 1991 and 19 June 1991. ‘Absconders’ in this case being kids running away from people who were battering them and raping them, rather than armed robbers escaping from the Scrubs. I bet that the police returned every one of them to the caring embrace of John Allen as well. What on earth did the police – and Ronnie – think had caused 280 kids to flee during a period of six months?

So what did Ronnie conclude was the prevailing situation at Bryn Alyn? Get ready, here comes a summary worthy of Perry Mason: ‘…(John Allen apart) sexual abuse by members of staff of the Community was not rife…’ Ronnie did have a reservation though – that ‘the…few girl residents were specifically vulnerable’ to the sexual abuse that he did admit was happening at Bryn Alyn…’ No Ronnie, you’ve got it wrong. The girls were comparatively safe – as much as anyone could ever be safe in that hell-hole – because it was the BOYS that they wanted to force to work in their male prostitution racket. That Ronnie is why the girls weren’t getting expensive presents like hi fis and motorbikes – it wasn’t them being bribed and beaten into providing sexual favours for all and sundry, including it would seem a few bigwigs from Westminster, it was the boys… One would have thought that Ronnie would have realised that something was amiss though – even he noted that it was ‘a grave concern that so many members of staff were named in a major police investigation’…

The numerous reports that were given to the Welsh Office regarding complaints from the youngsters at Bryn Alyn apart, it seems that the Welsh Office had long since been aware of the unsuitability of Bryn Alyn as a facility for children. Ronnie explains that Bryn Alyn was finally removed from the register by the Welsh Office in 1997 but it would be ‘unnecessarily tedious’ to detail the exchanges between the Welsh Office and the Bryn Alyn Community (indeed – who knows what was revealed in those exchanges). However, Ronnie mentions that Welsh Office Inspectors recognised in 1975 that Allen’s ‘expansionist regime’ (Allen was certainly packing the kids in – at it’s peak the ‘Community’ housed some 250 children and there were frequently insufficient facilities such as bedrooms for them), did not have the infrastructure to cater for the residents and that ‘basic problems’ were allowed to ‘proliferate’ over twenty years. It seems that during those 20 years, the Welsh Office raised a few questions and their own inspections of Bryn Alyn – when they actually did them – noted serious problems. But John Allen was allowed to continue with his trade in people unhindered…

Regarding the connections between people who worked at Bryn Alyn and the wider UK – there were other links as well as those with the Local Authorities that were placing children there. For a start although most of the Bryn Alyn Community was based around Wrexham, there were branches of it in Cheshire and Shropshire. Many staff members had worked in previous children’s homes and moved onto work at other children’s homes, both within and outside of the north Wales region. One member of staff was a former Liverpool probation officer. Some of the ‘senior managers’ had certificates in the residential care of children from Salford Polytechnic. Some of the teachers who worked there had qualifications in special needs from Chester College. One member of staff had previously worked for Derbyshire Social Services and had responded to one of the recruitment adverts in ‘New Society’ placed by John Allen. ‘New Society’ was, at that time, considered very much the journal for social work and carried pages of adverts for social work positions, including very senior ones, such as for Directors of Social Services. So John Allen was recruiting via the reputable professional journal, he did not even have to resort to the recruitment methods of Bryn Estyn ie. by word of mouth via the local Rugby Club. ‘New Society’ considered itself a liberal, progressive journal for the enlightened. I do not ever remember it carrying articles suggesting that the practices which were routine at Bryn Alyn even existed. Yet surely, word of life at Bryn Alyn must have reached the ears of many of it’s readers. John Allen seems to have been a bit of a Jimmy Savile – his abuses were an open secret. And not even that much of a secret.

My co-researcher has sent me a brief summary of John Allen’s brushes with the law. At some point in the 1970s he was sentenced to six years in prison for offences against children. In 2002 he was arrested for historic offences against children in the Wrexham and Flintshire areas. In 2003 a judge threw out 44 charges against him on the grounds that due to the publicity and the time lapse he would not get a fair trial. In August 2013 Allen was charged again under Operation Pallial. In November 2014 he appeared at Mold Crown Court, charged with 40 offences of indecent assault and another 20 sex offences against children. He was subsequently found guilty on 26 charges of child abuse and in December 2014 was jailed for life.

The Waterhouse Inquiry was ordered by William Hague whilst he was Secretary of State for Wales. His PPS at the time was Nigel Evans. The Permanent Secretary will have been either Rachel Lomax or Sir Michael Scholar. Sir Michael Scholar is a man with many fingers in many pies. Between 1982 and 1983 he was Private Secretary to Margaret Thatcher. He was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office between 1993 and 1996. He was appointed President of St John’s College, University of Oxford in August 2001. He is also Pro Vice Chancellor, Chairman of the Conference of Colleges and Chair of the Oxford University Careers Service. In 2008 he was appointed Chair of the UK Statistics Authority, which oversees the Office of National Statistics. He is an honorary fellow of the Universities of Aberystwyth and Cardiff and has an honorary doctorate from the University of South Wales (like so many others who seemed to play a role in concealing the dreadful reality of the north Wales children’s services or mental health services – please see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’). Michael’s son Tom is a civil servant too. He was appointed Chief of Staff at Number 10 Downing Street when Gordon Brown became PM – that was the Gordon who appointed Patricia Scotland as Attorney General.

Ronnie’s own autobiography, in Chapter 24, explains that when he was approaching retirement, he received a call out of the blue from the Welsh Office, telling him that he was going to be leading the Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Two other people made up Ronnie’s panel whom I haven’t yet mentioned. That was Margaret Clough and Morris Le Fleming. The reason that I haven’t mentioned them before is because there is very little information available about them. Margaret was something in social work and Le Fleming was involved in a company called ‘Groundworks’. They would seem to be literally nonentities.

Now would William Hague, Nigel Evans or Sir Michael Scholar like to tell us all who it was exactly who decided to appoint a man who personally knew some of those who in key political or public roles in the region under investigation; who knew even more people who knew other people directly connected with the scandal; who systematically discredited just about every witness except those who actually carried out the beatings, the buggery and the rapes; who ignored forged and doctored evidence and who somehow failed to notice that key witnesses had disappeared off the face of the earth or had been found dead? And who appointed two anonymous deadbeats to assist him as he conducted his Inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK?

 

After the publication of the Waterhouse Report, there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth and quite understandably, as numerous people alleged that it had been a whitewash. One major criticism was of the terms of reference, which had been set by William Hague. The Inquiry only looked at the abuse of children within Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils by the care staff. This of course meant that it failed to investigate what those care staff or other people connected with them did to the residents of children’s homes from north Wales outside of north Wales. If anyone wanted to find a more effective way of ensuring that no part of that Inquiry would touch on children from those homes being taken to other locations by their ‘carers’ to be molested by public figures – or indeed even being molested by public figures within the homes – they could not have thought of a better way to do so. In response to the questions raised about the limited remit of the Inquiry, a spokesman for Hague was quoted as saying ‘The Terms of reference were prepared by officials in the Welsh Office and agreed by Ministers and widely supported by Parliament. There were no serious representations from MPs or the judge to challenge them at any time’. What were the names of those officials and Ministers?

Lest anyone’s still in a sound sleep out there about how hard somebody was working to chuck a spanner in the works, my co-researcher has reminded me that the Welsh Office had a pretty big hand in things before they even got round to appointing the corrupt old git Ronnie and the two stooges. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office DURING the Jillings investigation (please see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’) to examine the need for a judicial inquiry. Why was this and who in the Welsh Office made the decision and subsequently appointed her? Davies subsequently stated that a judicial inquiry into the abuse allegations would not be in the public interest. The Jillings Report was suppressed on the advice of lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC – did Nicola Davies’s decision not to hold a judicial inquiry influence this decision? Yet only twelve months later, Hague announced that a judicial inquiry would be held and appointed Ronald Waterhouse to lead it.

Of course, the allegations of Waterhouse being a massive cover-up exploded again after the Jimmy Savile revelations. The Home Secretary at the time announced that there would be a review of Waterhouse, carried out by another judge, Lady Justice Macur. That Home Secretary was Theresa May. When the Macure Review was finally published it was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst reassuring everyone that of course no-one would ever seek to protect child abusers, stated that Macur was ‘satisfied’ with Waterhouse’s Inquiry and that there was ‘no reason to undermine Waterhouse’s findings’.

I am happy to tell Stephen Crabb, Theresa May and Lady Justice Macur that I am currently in possession of nearly 10,000 documents covering a period of nearly thirty years that were compiled by some of the social workers who facilitated the abuse of children in north Wales, by the corrupt lawyers who encouraged social workers and others to perjure themselves in attempts to have me imprisoned – one of those corrupt lawyers, Ron Evans, actually acted for the Local Authorities in north Wales at the Inquiry – and by scores of other ‘professionals’ who were involved in concealing what was happening. It is particularly farcical that at the very month that one of the very brave souls went to Clwyd Council and told them what had happened to her, refusing to go back to Bryn Alyn but who then suddenly withdrew her complaint, I was being dragged through the Courts in Bangor – accused of staring at a fucking social worker in Safeways. Of course, the original allegations against me were much more serious – that I had shouted and sworn at her and threatened to assault her. When cross-examined in Court, she started crying and admitted that I had not even spoken to her. And no-one asked any questions. But then no-one asked any questions on any of the occasions on which these people took me to Court and the cases collapsed because they had committed perjury – even when the charges were so serious that had I been found guilty I’d have faced a lengthy prison sentence. I invite Theresa, Stephen and Lady Justice Macur to read this blog, acquaint themselves with the full details and tell me that Waterhouse was no cover-up. Keen readers will of course have spotted that several names on today’s post have cropped up in the media in connection with the elusive Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Just to remind you all, here is the list of Secretaries of State for Wales who were in office whilst the Bryn Alyn Community was in operation:

Cledwyn Hughes, George Thomas, Peter Thomas, John Morris, Nicholas Edwards, Peter Walker, David Hunt, John Redwood, David Hunt (again), William Hague.

I was asked the other day if I was going to attend any further meetings of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board because people are missing my reviews of the Board meetings. Much as I know that I would derive much entertainment from observing those meetings, unfortunately I am not able to. That is because I am currently living at a secret location under police protection. Because somebody wants to kill me. I’m sure that I don’t need to explain why somebody might want to kill me.

Now, would the many people who have been outed on this blog care to start preparing their statements for the police, because believe me, the police are interested in you all.

Theresa May – I await an explanation for what your Gov’t and indeed your party have done to Wales.