Badlands

One of my comments which followed my post ‘Rivers Of Blood’ provided a brief bit of background information about events in the early 1990s when the paedophile gang launched an attack on Graham Day, a senior sociologist at Bangor University and caused much grief in the process. ‘The Guardian’ were happy to publish the lies and false allegations of the paedophiles’ friends which resulted in the smeared sociologist being harassed by the world’s media. At about that time, the paedophiles’ friends misled and then screwed over one member of staff at Bangor University so badly that he attempted suicide. The one person to offer him support after the suicide bid was Graham, who had been attacked by ‘The Guardian’. I don’t think that Peter Preston ever published anything about that.

I was reminded of this when I heard Alan Rusbridger interviewed on Radio 4 about his new book, ‘Breaking News’. Rusbridger took over the editorship of ‘The Guardian’ from Preston; Rusbridger was a senior journo on ‘The Guardian’ when Peter Preston provided so much help to a gang of paedophiles who were under investigation by the police and who really hated an honest sociologist and wanted him out of his job. Rusbridger knew what was happening in north Wales at the time.

Alan Rusbridger stepped down as Editor of ‘The Guardian’ in 2014 and is now Principal of Lady Margaret Hall, Oxford. He is visiting Fellow of Nuffield College, Oxford and Visiting Professor of History at Queen Mary, University of London. Between 2004 and 2013 Rusbridger was Chair of the National Youth Orchestra of Great Britain. He is a governor of the Ditchley Foundation. 

When ‘The Guardian’ published what they knew were lies fed to them by a trafficking gang, the Chairman of the Scott Trust, which owns ‘The Guardian’, was Hugo Young.

Hugo Young was born in Sheffield into an old recusant family. He was head boy at Ampleforth College. In recent years it has been acknowledged that for decades there was serious abuse of children at Ampleforth which was concealed by the Catholic Church (see previous posts’). A Top Doc has explained in comments on this blog that Top Docs knew about the abuse at Ampleforth and about the wider paedophile ring in Yorkshire and made ludicrous excuses to take no action, even in the face of children with anal injuries.

Hugo Young read law at Balliol College, Oxford and began working for the ‘Yorkshire Post’ in Leeds in 1961. In 1963, Young spent a year as a Harkness Fellow in the US and he spent the next year working as a congressional fellow. In 1965, Young returned to the UK and was recruited by Denis Hamilton of ‘The Sunday Times’. In his second year there, Young became chief leader writer, a position he kept until 1977. From 1973–84, he was also the political editor for ‘The Sunday Times’. He was joint Deputy Editor of ‘The Sunday Times’ from 1981, but his relationship with the paper cooled notably when Murdoch took the ‘The Sunday Times’ over in 1981. The conflict culminated in a series of battles with Editor Brillo, which ultimately led to Young leaving The Sunday Times and joining The Guardian in 1984.

Young continued to write a twice-weekly political column at The Guardian until his death and was widely acclaimed as one of the most important and influential figures in modern British journalism. Young remained on good terms with British Gov’t Ministers, including Blair and Thatch. He wrote a critical biography of Thatch, One of Us (1989), but didn’t mention that her two close friends Jimmy Savile and Sir Peter Morrison were known to be molesting children while supping with her. Young wrote other books, including This Blessed Plot: Britain And Europe From Churchill To Blair (1998).

Young’s Yorkshire/Leeds background and his position as a big beast in the media will have meant that he knew Mark Byford, the former Deputy DG of the BBC and Head of BBC journalism, 2004-11. Mark Byford’s dad was Sir Lawrence Byford, HM Chief Inspector of Constabulary between Jan 1983-March 1987. Between 1979 and 1983, Lawrence Byford was a regional Inspector of Constabulary. Byford had served as a senior officer with the endemically corrupt West Yorkshire Police – throughout the years when Jimmy Savile enjoyed a very cosy relationship with that force. Byford was HMI Chief Inspector of Constabulary while Dafydd and the gang in north Wales were causing havoc and when the utterly rotten North Wales Police colluded with and even assisted them, as well as during the years when the British police stood accused of acting as the personal army of the Thatcher’s Gov’t. See post ‘Top Of The Cops’.

Mark Byford’s boss at the BBC was DG Mark Thompson, under Chairman Michael Grade, frequent star of this blog and someone else who wilfully ignored serious crime committed by a gang of traffickers and did favours for those in high places who facilitated that gang.

 

Hugo Young became Chairman of the Scott Trust in 1989 and helped ‘The Guardian’ through important developments such as the purchase of ‘The Observer’. Young died in 2003, so was still there to help with the fall-out from the Waterhouse Inquiry and Waterhouse Report. I’m only surprised that ‘The Guardian’ didn’t launch another attack on Graham Day. Or indeed on me.

Here’s Hugo with a corrupt Home Secretary who ignored the serious crimes of Dafydd and the gang, with Peter Hain peeping around the corner:

There is now an annual Hugo Young lecture, organised by ‘The Guardian’ in Young’s memory. Those who have delivered the Hugo Young lecture include Cameron, Nick Clegg, Ed Miliband and Alex Salmond. 

 

My post ‘The Cry Of The Lunatic’ promised information about Ronnie Campbell, the Labour MP for Blyth Valley. Ronnie succeeded the crook John Ryman, who had succeeded Eddie Milne, a Labour MP who had taken on the endemic civic corruption in the region and had his career destroyed as a result.

Ronald Campbell was elected for Blyth Valley in 1987.  He was born in Tynemouth, attended Blyth Ridley County High School and left at 14 to become a coal miner. Campbell worked as a miner between 1958 and 1986; before entering Parliament he was a lay official of the NUM, led picket lines in the 1984-85 miners’ strike and was arrested twice. Campbell was also a District Councillor on Blyth Valley Borough Council from 1969. So he was a Councillor in the north east during the years when the Councillors in that region were endemically corrupt and participating in the sort of enormous wrongdoing which involved people like John Poulson and T. Dan Smith that Campbell’s predecessor Eddie Milne tried to challenge, only to find his political career ruined (see post ‘The Cry Of The Lunatic’ and other posts). Campbell was of course serving as a District Councillor for Blyth Valley Borough Council when the Councils in the north east were hosting a trafficking ring linked to Dafydd et al in north Wales and were sending kids in care to north Wales children’s homes.

Arthur Scargill was a good mate of Michael Mansfield QC, one of the many radical lawyers who kept quiet about organised abuse and trafficking across the UK, including in north Wales, although I wrote to him in 1993 about what was happening to me at the hands of Gwynedd Social Services and the courts. Mansfield famously acted for Scargill when Scargill was arrested during the miners’ strike. Other people involved in Supporting The Miners also turned their backs on those targeted by criminal trafficking gangs. Meleri Tudor, a lawyer from north Wales, was one of those who gave her expertise free of charge to miners during the strike, yet managed to witness en masse perjury and conspiracy in an attempt by Dafydd’s gang to have me imprisoned and not mention anything to anyone about this (see post ‘It’s Just Another Gold Digger’).

Meleri told me quite a bit about her work during the miners’ strike, including her conversations with people in mining communities who read the press coverage of their behaviour and said to Meleri ‘I didn’t realise that the newspapers lied’. Meleri knew that newspapers lied, she knew that mountains of garbage was published for years regarding the non-existence of the paedophile ring in north Wales and she knew that the newspapers were lying when they maintained that people complaining of being abused in north Wales were liars seeking financial reward. Meleri also knew that ‘The Guardian’ was publishing lies when it accused that senior sociologist at Bangor University of discriminating against Welsh people…

Ronnie Campbell often voted against Blair’s Gov’t on issues such as the Iraq War, being an outspoken member on the left of the Party. When the Gov’t nationalised Northern Rock in 2008, Campbell declared it ‘the People’s Bank’ and opened an account. In May 2009, during the MPs expenses scandal, Campbell agreed to return over £6,000 that he had claimed for furnishings in his London home.

In 2013, Campbell was one of 22 Labour MPs to vote against same-sex marriage.

Upon re-election in May 2015, Campbell announced that he would stand down at the next general election, although this did not materialise.

Campbell was one of 36 Labour MPs to nominate Jeremy Corbyn as a candidate in the Labour leadership election of 2015 and one of a handful of Labour MPs to publicly support leaving the EU. 

Campbell was one of thirteen MPs to vote against triggering the 2017 General Election. Having previously said that he would stand down at the next election, he changed his mind stating: ‘It was my intention to stand down at the next general election, however due to circumstances following the announcement of the snap election I have decided to stand again for Blyth Valley.’

Ronnie married Deirdre McHale in 1967, who serves on Northumberland County Council. 

In September 2016, Campbell underwent chemotherapy after being diagnosed with stomach cancer and returned to Parliament on 30 November 2016. Just as well that you and Deirdre never mentioned that huge paedophile ring which has operated in the north east for most of your adult life then Ronnie, or you might have found that somehow the Top Docs couldn’t treat you for that stomach cancer! Having said that, where stomach cancer is concerned it was a close run thing anyway. In 1990, the paedophiles’ friends of Ysbyty Gwynedd, assisted by none other than Sir Richard Doll no less, needing to generate a bit of good PR for themselves, perpetrated a laughable research fraud regarding the supposed cause of stomach cancer, which had it not been exposed within weeks would have thrown a spanner in the works regarding that whole field of research (see post ‘They Think It’s All Over – It Is Now’). Not that it held their careers back – one of them has spent the last few decades teaching statistics to psychology students at Bangor University and another one ended up leading the clinical trials unit at Bangor University.

 

My post ‘No Cuts’ provided details of Tony Benn’s career, another Champion of the Oppressed who ignored the organised abuse of vulnerable people, even when I wrote to him about it. Despite his undying loyalty to the white collar criminals who were sexually exploiting children and vulnerable adults, Tony Benn nevertheless went for a belt and braces approach and ensured that he remained very, very good mates with them all at St Thomas’s Hospital, an institution which not only employed/employs a few of those who directly protected Dafydd and the gang, but which also has a sizeable proportion of very rich Top Docs who run lucrative Harley Street practices as well as pulling in fat NHS salaries.

Tony Benn was a fourth generation MP – his father, his paternal grandfather Lord Stansgate and his great-grandfathers Sir John Benn and Daniel Holmes were all MPs, mostly with factions of the Liberal Party. Benn’s own children – and grandchildren – are politically active as well. Benn’s son Hilary became a Labour MP and was notoriously Blairite/centrist, at a time when Blair was known to loathe Tony Benn. Tony Benn always stressed that Hilary being to the right of him politically never caused any strain between them.

Hilary James Wedgwood Benn has been the Labour MP for Leeds Central since 1999. Hilary will therefore have known about Jimmy Savile’s activities in the Leeds area, including in the NHS there. Hilary will also remember the case of the two Yorkshire psychiatrists, Michael Haslam and William Kerr, who raped and sexually abused female patients for decades. Complaints were repeatedly made over a period of years by more than 100 patients but were ignored. One brave Angel who spoke out was demoted. An academic at Leeds University threatened to go public on what Kerr and Haslam were doing and was told that he’d lose his job if he did. Kerr and Haslam’s offending finally became public in 1996, at the end of their careers (see post ‘All The Ingredients Of A Scandal’). They both retired with their pensions intact and only Haslam went to prison, in 2003 – Kerr provided medical evidence of illness – and that was for a matter of just a few months. It was also revealed that the women whom these Top Docs had repeatedly assaulted were not permitted to have recorded upon their medical records that they had been assaulted by the Top Doctors who had compiled their records and described the nature of their ‘problems’.

When Kerr and Haslam were finally exposed, MIND spokespeople were all over the media expressing their outrage. At the time, I was repeatedly raising my concerns regarding the mistreatment of patients in north Wales at the hands of Dafydd et al only to be ignored by everyone, including MIND.

Dafydd held ‘clinics’ in Yorkshire, including in, of all places, the Queen’s Hotel, Leeds. Jimmy Savile hung out at the Queen’s Hotel Leeds and lay in state there after his death.Sir Jimmy Savile's funeral held in Leeds - BBC News

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When Dafydd finally turns his toes up, I look forward to his coffin being pulled through the streets of north Wales by black horses with their manes plaited a la Ronnie Kray, while the route is lined with weeping mourners throwing flowers at the coffin.

Perhaps Dafydd can be buried on Church Island at Menai Bridge, a sort of north Wales variant of Princess Di’s resting place.

‘We didn’t know.’

Neither of course did Hilary Benn.

Hilary served in the Cabinet, 2003-10, under both Blair and Brown. From 2010 to 2016, Hilary served in various Labour Party Shadow Cabinets, most recently as Shadow Foreign Secretary, May 2015 until June 2016, when he was dismissed by Jeremy. In October 2016, Hilary was elected as the Chair of the Exiting the European Union Select Committee.

Hilary was the second son of Tony and Caroline Benn – Caroline was an educationalist who also kept quiet about the abuse of children (see post ‘No Cuts’). Hilary studied at Sussex University, which has excellent radical credentials, but is also located near Brighton, along with the brothels owned by John Allen, who trafficked kids from north Wales to those brothels. A number of senior figures at Sussex University have been complicit with concealing organised abuse and Merfyn Jones, a former Sussex student from north Wales who spilt the paedophiles’ pints decades ago has never been allowed to forget it. Neither have any of Merfyn’s friends or indeed members of his family. See post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’. Merfyn later became VC of Bangor University and while he was in that role, some rather odd things were happening at Bangor University. Such as my computer being stolen by John McTernan’s brother-in-law – that was in 2005. Hilary was in Blair’s Cabinet at the time. Hilary, do you have any idea why Blair’s adviser’s brother-in-law might have made off with my computer?

By the way Hilary, among the many seriously bizarre people whom Brown and I found ourselves approached by over the many years since we complained about a paedophile gang who were murdering witnesses, was someone who asked me to accompany them to the Labour Party conference who said that they wanted to introduce me to your dad. This was just after John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer. The person who wanted to introduce me to your dad was someone called Rachel, whom I later found out was transgender. I only discovered that because, after asking me and Brown to act as ‘expert witnesses’ in court to get her off driving offences and then offering us money to do it when we said no, Rachel told me that she had been abused by a therapist in Brighton called Karen and sent me heaps of documents relating to it all. Among the documents was a statement from Karen in which Karen said that she was very angry that Rachel had not told her that she had previously been male. Karen also alleged that Rachel had admitted to past membership of fascist groups and taking part in violent attacks on gays and blacks. Rachel e mailed me stressing that this allegation was CRAP.

Rachel was an HGV driver and was in danger of losing her licence as a result of a drink driving charge, which is why she had the bright idea of asking Brown and me to falsely represent ourselves in return for money to get her out of trouble. Rachel told me that a Top Doctor had helpfully lied on oath for her the last time that she was caught bladdered behind the wheel. I stressed that we were not lying Top Docs, we were honest sociologists.

Rachel also gave me a great deal of dirt on Diane Abbott whom she seemed to know and told me all about the role that she (Rachel) played in the attempt to get John McDonnell elected as Labour Party leader a few years ago. Rachel certainly had an exciting life, I’m not surprised that a drip of a therapist was completely confused by her. One thing that I was never able to understand was Rachel’s desire for the body of Bill Clinton, which she told me about as well.

Strange but true

At one point Rachel was threatening to come to north Wales to see me. So I told everyone whom I knew that if they spotted an HGV lorry travelling in the direction of Caernarfon with a drunk transgendered person behind the wheel, could they please tip me off so that I could make myself scarce.

Rachel was most disappointed when I refused to accompany her to the Labour Party conference to meet Wedgie Benn and John McDonnell et al, but I’d realised by then that there was no telling what was going to happen to me if I ever met Rachel in the flesh, so I made my excuses in the tradition of a good ‘News Of The World’ reporter. Rachel did try her hardest though, she left eleven mad messages for me on my boss’s answer machine and then started ringing up a whole variety of people in the University, asking them if they knew me.

Do you happen to know Rachel Hilary? Was she a regular chez Tony and Caroline?

After graduating, Hilary worked as a research officer for ASTMS and was then Head of Policy for MSF. Regular readers will remember that it was the corrupt MSF reps David Hole and his mates who colluded with the wrongdoing at St George’s Hospital Medical School and used their knowledge of patient harm and serious crime – including the facilitating of Dafydd’s trafficking ring in north Wales and the linked ring which operated in south London – to shore up their own positions (see previous posts).

My documents contain letters to Wandsworth Social Services – who were colluding with Dafydd et al as well as running the south London gang – from Dr Tony Francis, explaining how dangerous I was and that if they needed further information about the threat that I posed to other people, they were welcome to write to Lucille Hughes for further info. I have never met Lucille Hughes. See previous posts eg ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’.

After Dr Tony Francis took early retirement from the NHS – following a well-publicised breakdown and after falling out with the rest of the paedophiles’ friends – he enrolled for a history degree at Bangor University. The VC of Bangor who received such grief from the paedophiles’ friends held a Chair in the School of History.

Dr Sadie Francis followed her husband into retirement a few years after, as the paedophiles’ friends at the Hergest Unit began to rip each others throats out. Sadie enrolled for a course in Bangor University’s School of Lifelong Learning. The Head of Lifelong Learning at that time was dear old Meri Huws, who in the 1980s had been a community social worker employed by Gwynedd Social Services. Meri’s patch had included the Ty’r Felin children’s home, where children were abused and trafficked, including to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

Hilary Benn was Head of Policy at MSF when MSF was using to its maximum advantage the conviction of Professor Oliver Brooke at St George’s for the possession of child porn. A number of St George’s consultants were also discovered in Cynthia Payne’s brothel for members of high society at Ambleside Avenue in Streatham during the various police raids on Cynthia’s place, but that info was never made public. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’.

After joining the Labour Party, Benn was elected as a Councillor on Ealing Borough Council in 1979, on which he served for several years, rising to the rank of Deputy Leader, 1986-90. When I worked at St George’s, one of the obstetricians there lived at Ealing. When I was doing my MSc at Royal Postgraduate Medical School/Hammersmith Hospital, one of my fellow postgrads was a dentist who lived at Ealing. Neither of these Ealing residents, to my knowledge, were abusing their positions themselves, but they knew that other people were and kept quiet.

After the 1997 General Election, Benn was appointed as a Spad to David Blunkett, then the Secretary of State for Education and Employment. By 1997, there had been scandal after scandal regarding the abuse of children in schools, particularly special schools and residential schools. Many of those scandals had concerned schools in north Wales. In 1997, the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway and Ronnie Waterhouse was hearing about the most serious abuse of children in residential schools/schools attached to children’s homes in north Wales. Blunkett has been around since the dawn of time, he knew all about Dafydd and the related gangs, as well as Jimmy Savile – after all Blunkett ran the People’s Republic of Sheffield, 1980-87 – and in his role as Home Secretary, Blunkett concealed further layers of wrongdoing by Dafydd et al and awarded a medal for ‘good citizenship’ to a woman who lived in Gwynedd who had a track record of intimidating ‘service users’ who lived in her village. This Good Citizen has a close relative who raped a six year old girl, but it was made quite clear to me by a Top Doctor and his lovely wife – who is an aspiring Lady Vicar – that I had to keep my mouth shut about that. See earlier posts for info about David Blunkett’s previous.

Since Labour’s defeat at the 2010 General Election, Benn has served on the front bench in the Shadow Cabinets of Harriet, Ed Miliband and Jezza. Harriet’s dad was a Harley Street Top Doctor, as was her granddad and Ed’s Uncle Harry was of course a consultant at Guy’s and Tommy’s, along with Dafydd’s mates and protectors.

In 2002, Hilary Benn became the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Prisons and Probation in the Home Office, serving as a Deputy to Lord Charlie Falconer as Minister of State (Criminal Justice). At the Home Office, Benn led a task force investigating internet paedophilia, which subsequently recommended the introduction of the new offence of ‘grooming’.  In January 2003, Hilary had responsibility for introducing the Sexual Offences Bill in the Commons.

It was while Hilary was at the Home Office that the paedophiles’ friends participated in yet another round of industrial scale perjury in another attempt to have me imprisoned – that time for ‘threats to kill’. Alun Davies, the senior NHS manager who was a key mover and shaker in it all, told everyone who would listen that I would be going to prison for seven years. I was on bail for two years, during which time I lost my job and my house. The case collapsed on the first day of the trial, when it was clear that eight or so Angels as well as Alun Davies had lied to the police. See post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’. There was no investigation into the perjury or into an assault on me by an Angel and three Angelic assistants.

Hilary Benn served as Secretary of State for the Dept of International Development, 2003-07, in Blair’s Gov’t. In 2007, the ‘New Statesman’ noted that ‘Benn’s work at DfID … has often been at odds with the Bush administration’. In particular, an example was Benn’s opposition to the United States policy of increasing abstinence when it came to fighting AIDS in Africa, whereas Benn took a ‘harm reduction’ approach. Benn was also dismissive of US policy, saying: ‘Abstinence-only programmes are fine if you want to abstain, but not everybody does.’ Indeed not Hilary, some of those sexually abusing kids in care in north Wales refused to abstain, even when they contracted HIV, such as Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, the son of Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon aka Lord Kenyon. Lord Kenyon was a Director of Lloyds Bank, President of UCNW, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, a Flintshire County Councillor, a member of the North Wales Police Authority, the highest ranking Freemason in north Wales and many other things as well (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

In late October 2006, Benn announced that he would be standing in the 2007 Labour Party Deputy Leadership election. One of his earliest backers was Dennis Skinner, who kept quiet about the paedophile ring on his patch in Derbyshire, which was linked to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. Like many people of his generation who became big names in the Labour movement, Skinner attended Ruskin College. Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, taught at Ruskin College in the mid-1960s and Peter Howarth, Arnold’s friend and colleague at Axwell Park Approved School and then at Bryn Estyn, was taught by Arnold at Ruskin. John Prescott was a student at Ruskin while Arnold and Howarth were there.

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The Lord Prescott managed to remain in high office despite barely being able to string a coherent sentence together – ‘This Labour Gov’t will increase ‘omelessness’ – and punching someone in the chops, twice, when on a walkabout in north Wales. The nation was subsequently entertained when Tracy Temple Opened Her Heart to the ‘Daily Mail’ and supplied details of her Ugandan discussions with Prezza.

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Prezza subsequently went for the sympathy vote by claiming to have an eating disorder. He won’t have sought treatment for that at St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital, because an Angel admitted to me that the genius which was Professor Arthur Crisp simply discharged and refused to treat patients who weren’t making a good recovery. That is why Crisp had the best recovery rate among his patients of any Top Doc in the UK. I do hope that Prezza didn’t risk his sanity with The Priory Group either, because their Clinical Lead for Eating Disorders is Dr Adrienne Key, who ‘trained’ and worked at St George’s/ Springfield when those institutions were concealing and facilitating paedophile/trafficking gangs. I used to watch Adrienne shut the door in the face of distressed patients who were trying to talk to her. If the patients still didn’t piss off, Adrienne would shut herself in the Angels’ office and tell the Angels to get rid of them. Therefore an Angel would emerge from the office and yell at the patient to ‘leave Dr Key alone’. If the ward manager Stephanie, a particularly aggressive Australian Angel, was on duty, Stephanie would really push the boat out and swear at the patient. I always expected to see Stephanie opening a can of ale with her teeth, but she must have only drunk when off duty. See previous posts for details of the wonders of Arthur Crisp as well as Adrienne and her glorious career.

In 2007, Benn was the bookmakers’ favourite for the Deputy Leadership of the Labour Party, which was triggered by the resignation of Prezza. In the event Harriet won. 

In 2007, Benn was appointed as the Secretary of State for Environment, Food and Rural Affairs, following Gordon’s election as Leader. Benn succeeded David Miliband in this post and therefore took over what had been Miliband’s responsibility to respond to the threat to cattle from bovine TB. The recommended option from the Chief Scientific Advisor until 2007, Sir David King, was a badger cull. In April 2010, on Benn’s watch, a badger cull was announced in Wales, after the High Court in Cardiff rejected a legal challenge from the Badger Trust.

Bovine TB led to some very strange events in Wales. There is just as much evidence that TB is not transferred to cattle by badgers as there is that badgers do transmit TB, which was why the cull was so controversial. Vets with sound credentials opposed the cull. Anxieties over bovine TB in Wales led to the extraordinary scenes involving Shambo, a bull who became famous. Shambo was a sacred bull who lived in the interfaith Skanda Vale Temple near Llanpumsaint. In April 2007, a routine skin test for bovine TB bovine indicated that Shambo may have been in contact with the bacterium that causes the disease. As a result, the Welsh Government required that Shambo be slaughtered. Skanda Vale disputed this and campaigned for a reprieve. They were backed by the Hindu religious community at large and by other well-wishers. Skanda Vale also set up a camera so that the public could go online and watch Shambo.

Shambo:

On 15 July 2007, Deputy High Court judge Gary Hickinbottom ruled that slaughtering Shambo would be unlawful, since the two slaughter orders had failed to give enough weight to the rights of the monks. He ruled that killing Shambo would violate the human rights of the Skanda Vale community, which has a right to ‘manifest’ its religious faith, according to Article 9 of the European Convention on Human Rights. A spokesman for the Farmers’ Union of Wales called the ruling ‘ludicrous,’ arguing that it ‘contradicts the principles upon which successful TB eradication programmes throughout the world have been based for generations.’ On 23 July 2007, the Court of Appeal upheld the Welsh Assembly Government’s appeal. Lord Justice Pill said former Rural Affairs Minister Jane Davidson acted lawfully when she refused to make an exception for Shambo as a sacred bull. David Miliband, who was at the time still Secretary of State for DEFRA, confirmed on his official blog that the matter came under the jurisdiction of the Welsh Assembly, not the House of Commons.

It is widely accepted in Wales, even by the most loyal of Labour Party supporters, that Labour at Westminster tell Labour in the Welsh Assembly what to do, even though there is much strife between the two groups.

Skanda Vale was notified that Shambo would be taken away for slaughter on 26 July 2007 at 8 am. Veterinarians arrived at the temple at 08:50 on 26 July accompanied by police and other officials, but without a cattle truck to remove Shambo. They were refused entry by the monks because they had no warrant and so they left to obtain one from a local magistrate. A warrant could not be issued until they had been refused entry, according to ‘The Guardian’. One of the monks said ‘They will have to physically desecrate a temple to get him … we will be having an act of worship in front of where he is. If the Welsh Assembly Government want to take him out of there, they will have to interrupt an act of worship…Our religious laws prevent us from assisting in the killing of any life and so we will not help the inspectors remove Shambo.’ At 2:00 pm the officials returned with two warrants which gave them permission to enter within one calendar month, but failed to gain access to the bull. At about 4:00 pm, police used bolt cutters to get through the gate and move their vehicles – including an animal trailer and four riot vans. The bull was removed from the site at around 7:25 pm, after protesters had been removed, who had come from as far away as New Zealand and Switzerland. Shambo was taken to a local abattoir and officials confirmed on 27 July that Shambo had been slaughtered.

Here are a few observations.

Testing ‘positive’ for bovine TB is not a conclusive or definitive process. Furthermore, animals which do test positive may not necessarily be carrying, let alone be suffering from, bovine TB; they may merely have been exposed to the bacterium. A similar process led to me, in my thirties, ‘testing positive’ for Rubella. I have never been vaccinated against Rubella, caught Rubella or even as far I know been near someone suffering from it.

Even if Shambo did have bovine TB, treatment was available and Skanda Vale were prepared to pay for it – no human would be slaughtered for testing positive for, or indeed for developing full blown, TB. Slaughtering Shambo was completely unnecessary.

Those involved in the murder of Shambo included two paedophiles’ friends. Jane Davidson, the then Rural Affairs Minister, is from Birmingham and has been involved with teaching/lecturing and knows much about Dafydd and the paedophiles but has spent her career keeping quiet (see previous posts). Lord Justice Pill, who upheld Davidson’s decision to murder Shambo after Skanda Vale appealed, was the man who in his previous incarnation as Sir Justice Pill, sat in the High Court in Cardiff in May 1989 for more than an hour and entertained the lies that Dafydd and the paedophile gang told about me in their attempt to gain a High Court injunction which would have prevented me writing to anyone in Gwynedd Health Authority in an attempt to pursue my complaints against them. Sir Malcolm Pill didn’t actually give Gwynedd Health Authority an injunction with the terms that they requested, which really pissed the Health Authority off. Their response was to instruct Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer employed by the Welsh Office, to collaborate with Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd’s corrupt lawyer Ron Evans, in order to gain an injunction on the terms that Pill had refused. My documentation shows that Park and Evans from then on encouraged even more false allegations, conspiracy and perjury.

While I was grateful that Malcolm Pill did not give Gwynedd Health Authority what they wanted, Malcolm Pill read scores of documents which showed quite clearly that patients in north Wales were complaining of being abused, assaulted, unlawfully arrested and imprisoned and that these complaints were not being investigated. Pill also saw evidence of perjury, conspiracy and of Dafydd intimidating people – including police officers – with his Doberman dog. Pill said not a word about any of this. Neither did the two barristers presenting the arguments to Pill – Ian Murphy and Crispin Masterman. Ian Murphy and Crispin Masterman later became judges themselves and both have presided over child abuse trials in Wales.

See post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ for the full story regarding Sir Malcolm Pill and the perjury that was involved in the attempt to gain the desired injunction.

When I was working as a post-doc at Bangor University in 2006 I encountered someone who knew Ian Murphy and Crispin Masterman as a result of previously working as a secretary in a Chambers in Swansea. She was a woman called Sue Davies who turned up as a secretary at Bangor University. Sue Davies lied, bullied other members of staff so badly that at least one secretary left her job because of her, forged documentation in order to cover for her many ‘sick days’ and threatened to sue me for defamation of character when I e mailed her and asked her to please stop trying to access confidential information about me. Davies wrote me a splendid letter in such a way that I was obviously supposed to believe that it had been written by a solicitor and e mailed it to me at 7 am one morning. My response was to laugh, so Davies then arrived at the office of the corrupt HR Director, Lyn Meadows, a good friend of the paedophiles herself, demanding that a bullying investigation be launched with regard to my shocking tendencies to laugh at attempts to intimidate me.

Sue – I know that you enjoyed telling people that you were ‘Clerk to the Chambers’ but I know that you weren’t. Because the Clerk to the Chambers is a lawyer, not a daft unqualified bint who is a member of the typing pool.

Not that Sue Davies intended to remain as an admin assistant for long, she clearly wanted to really be Chief Clerk to the Chambers, because I subsequently discovered that she had applied for a place on the law degree at Bangor University and had even been offered a place. This was after Davies had bullied, harassed, lied and produced forged documentation. Did Lyn Meadows ever investigate the many complaints that Davies’s line manager made against her, which were backed up by evidence? No. Instead Meadows did some crooked deal with Davies which resulted in Davies walking away from her job at Bangor University with a settlement. Jaws hit the ground. Then we found out about the offer of a place on the law degree…

Sue Davies was offered the place to study law by the Buffet Slayer, Aled Griffiths, who was the admissions tutor for the School of Law. Aled Griffith’s sister is Gwenan Carrington, the former Director of Gwynedd Social Services; his wife is Joanna Griffiths, the former Director of Conwy Social Services; his brother is Huw Griffiths, who is a grossly incompetent solicitor who was one of those who in the 1980s and 1990s watched the paedophile gang stitch people up in the various courts of north Wales. Every one of the Buffet Slayer’s nearest and dearest were up to their necks re Dafydd and the gang. See previous posts for further information on the Slayer and his Mafia.

The person who provided a glowing reference for Sue Davies so that boxes could be ticked re the application for the law degree was Professor Ian Russell, latterly of Bangor University, now of Swansea University. The Ian Russell who made as many fallacious allegations about colleagues as did Sue Davies and who was doing his best to do everything possible to smear and undermine the VC. See previous posts for info about Ian Russell, who even went as far as to make up lies about his RAE results and publish them on his Christmas Round Robins. I found the aforementioned Round Robins Of Lies after Ian used the University photocopiers to print them, fell asleep in his office and forgot to collect them from the photocopier.

Duw it’s hard and that bastard of a VC won’t give us redundancy packages big enough to make us go away. I have mentioned in previous posts the corrupt UCU rep at Bangor, Eileen Tilley and her funny little ways. One of the biggest laughs that I had when I worked at Bangor was after the combined forces of Tilley, Lyn Meadows and Professor Fergus Lowe opened fire on the Professor of Sociology, who was a friend and colleague of Graham, the target of the paedophiles’ friends and Hugo Young/Peter Preston in the 1990s. Fungus had demanded that the contract of a particularly hopeless paedophiles’ friend – the woman who was at the centre of the action that so excited Hugo Young et al – should finally be terminated. The rest of the paedophiles’ friends swung into action and were clearly hoping to re-enact the Battle Of Yesteryear and within hours, I was hearing how the Professor of Sociology had treated a ‘lovely, lovely lady’ ‘appallingly’. Who was broadcasting this across the University? Eileen Tilley. Who knew damn well that the paedophiles’ friend in question was in no way a ‘lovely, lovely lady’, she’d nearly caused World War III in her pursuit of a job for which she was not qualified and could not do 20 years previously and furthermore it was Fungus who kicked her out, not the Professor of Sociology. However, Tilley was able to come to the rescue of the lovely, lovely, lady and the full force of UCU was brought to bear on the University and the lovely, lovely lady was given a full-time, permanent lecturing job. The lovely, lovely, lady tried to plagiarise my work but was too thick to understand it, so the result was yet more entertainment for the rest of us.

The lovely, lovely, lady was such a wow with the students that the number of them opting for the course which she ran was in single figures.

 

Of course, as Clerk to the Chambers, Sue Davies had all the lowdown on the criminals of Wales, including, according to the Clerk to the Chambers, Peter Hain. Sue Davies was so disgusted by Peter Hain that she voted Tory.

  • Strange but true

One organisation who were fully behind Jane Davidson’s execution warrant for Shambo was the Farmers’ Union of Wales (FUW). Bob Parry has been both Deputy President and President of the FUW. Bob Parry has also been an Anglesey County Councillor since the 1980s and throughout his long and glorious time on that Council, Bob Parry ignored the criminal conduct of his fellow Councillors, the serious abuse of kids in care on Anglesey and the selling of Chinese babies to anyone who had the dosh (see post ‘The Old Devils’). Bob Parry served as Mayor of the Borough Council in 1989/90. He was elected as the Chairman of the Isle of Anglesey County Council for 2016/17. Cllr Parry first became a member of the Isle of Anglesey Borough Council in 1981 as a Plaid Cymru councillor, representing the communities of Bryngwran and Gwalchmai.

Bryngwran is the home of Dr Delyth Morris aka Duckula. Duckula was the best mate of the Lovely, Lovely, Lady and it was Duckula who spearheaded the assault in defence of the Lovely, Lovely, Lady in the 1990s which ended up requiring reinforcements from Hugo Young. Duckula was formerly employed as a social worker with Gwynedd Social Services. Duckula also plagiarised my work and succeeded in using it to net a research grant from the Board Of Celtic Studies. I suspect that Duckula plagiarised some work of the senior sociologist’s who found himself in the sight of Hugo Young’s cross-hairs in the 1990s as well. This man had an excellent idea for a community study, began discussing it with colleagues, only to discover some weeks later that Duckula had sprung up a friendship with the Scottish sociologist of religion from Aberdeen University, Professor Steve Bruce, who, bugger me, was embarking on exactly the same community study that the senior sociologist at Bangor was planning! Duckula sent an e mail to the Bangor sociologist cheerily explaining that she was advising Steve Bruce on the fieldwork. Steve Bruce may well have been entirely innocent and probably just thought that he’d discovered a wonderfully helpful lady in north Wales, but it was clear from Duckula’s gloating e mail to the Bangor sociologist that she was far from innocent.

Duckula was a magistrate at Holyhead but she was obliged to stand down when it was discovered that she had tried to use her influence with the police to get her son off an assault charge. I was told by one of Duckula’s son’s friends that Duckula’s bungaloid was used to store his drugs on the grounds that she wouldn’t be raided, but he might well be. Duckula’s son did his PhD at Bangor University, but no-one realised that he was Duckula’s son because he had a different surname. Duckula didn’t think to tell anyone that he was her son. Duckula’s son received funding for his PhD from Tesco. I have no idea why, that was years before Tesco began talking about creating their own University. Amazingly enough, sometime afterwards, a huge Tesco store was built in Holyhead, despite much local opposition. There was one public spirited citizen who campaigned on behalf of Tesco however – one Dr Duckula Morris.

Duckula was very much more affluent than a lot of her colleagues. I was told that this was as a result of her flogging a field of hers at Bryngwran after she received planning permission to build bungaloids on it.

Anglesey County Council is famous for taking backhanders in return for granting planning permission and at least one Councillor – who went to prison for various offences – became a millionaire when he gained planning permission to build all sorts of things on his land.

Duckula really hates English people who have second homes in Gwynedd. Duckula’s daughter, Gillian, Daughter of Duckula, was engaged to – although I don’t know whether she ever married – one of the few people who has served a prison sentence for violent Welsh activism. I think that he sent or planted a bomb. Duckula told the world that she was delighted to welcome him into the clan.

Duckula has a second home in France but doesn’t talk about it much because she ‘doesn’t want people to know’. Duckula’s mentor, Professor Glyn Williams, a now retired academic from Bangor who also really hated English people, had a second home in France too.

John Allen owned a villa in France, to which he took kids in care ‘on holiday’. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones used to hold ‘clinics’ in France.

We needn’t worry about Duckula participating in crime though, because Duckula had a family connection to the Ethics Committee at Bangor University. Her sister served as its secretary and helpfully provided Duckula with full details of everybody else’s projects which had been submitted for ethical approval. Including those projects which Duckula plagiarised. Not that anybody knew that the Ethics Committe secretary was Duckula’s sister – like Duckula’s son, she had a different surname from Duckula and Duckula didn’t think to enlighten anyone.

Duckula’s sister was as busy as Duckula. When I was conducting some fieldwork on Anglesey, I was surprised to be asked by someone whom I was interviewing, who did not work at the University or have any friends or relations who did, whether it was true that the VC was planning to close certain depts and sack staff, because Delyth Morris’s sister has told me that she is and is asking us all to protest about it.

The VC did not have plans to close down bits of the University as accused by Duckula’s sister. However Professor Fergus Lowe did and he tried to do this – Fungus wanted to close five Depts. He was unable to go ahead with his plans because the VC announced his retirement on the day that Fungus tried to force the closure plans through, assisted by the awful Professor Hilary Lappin-Scott. The Chancellor, Lord Dafydd Elis-Thomas, told Fungus that no such decisions could be made now that the VC had announced his retirement.

The vile Hilary Satan-Scott is now inflicting huge damage on Swansea University, having left Bangor under a massive cloud, following the suicide of a member of staff who had been told that his Dept would be closing. See previous posts for more Satan-Scott laffs.

Bob Parry is a friend of Ieuan Wyn Jones, the former Plaid MP and AM for Anglesey/Ynys Mon. Ieuan Wyn Jones comes from Denbighshire and before he entered politics he was a solicitor. Ieuan did his degree at Liverpool Poly. One of the governors of Liverpool Poly was John Hamilton, the Leader of Liverpool City Council when Derek Hatton was Deputy Leader. John Hamilton was much quieter than Degsy, but he will have known about the corruption in Liverpool City Council and he also knew that Liverpool was a branch of Dafydd’s empire (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). John Hamilton nearly died in a house fire just before the Waterhouse Report was published. So if he ever did feel like mentioning the names of anyone in High Places who were involved, lying in that bed suffering from third degree burns would have probably taken his mind off that. When Liverpool Poly became Liverpool John Moores University, Cherie Booth served a stint as Chancellor.

When younger, Ieuan Wyn Jones worked as a solicitor in Ruthin, in the same office as paedophiles’ friend and Freemason David Jones, who is now the Tory MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP). David Jones then relocated to a practice in Bangor, where, like Huw Griffiths, he spent many years watching the paedophile gang frame victims and witnesses. David Cameron appointed David Jones Secretary of State for Wales just when Operation Pallial was opened and when the Macur Review of the Waterhouse Inquiry was being organised. David Jones is married to an Angel.

Ieuan was a pal of Alwyn Jones, the lawyer who acted for me but found himself indisposed when the paedophile gang took me to Court in Chester on the basis of their perjury and tried to have me imprisoned (see post ‘It’s Just Another Gold Digger’).

bob parry chairman

Ieuan Wyn Jones:

Ieuan Wyn Jones

Bob Parry will know another past leading light of the FUW, Henry Brookes, the brother of Beata Brookes. Beata was a particularly unpleasant Tory politician who came from a farming family in Denbighshire. Beata had many strings to her bow. She was a former social worker who held responsibilities in the Social Services, in Clwyd Health Authority and in many charidees for the disabled. Wherever there was a victim of the paedophile gang there was Beata. See post ‘The ‘Celtic Iron Lady’ And Yet More Recent History’. In 1955, George Brookes, Beata’s father (I presume that it was her father), became involved in a relatively trivial dispute with a local authority and ended up hiring some of the most famous, priciest lawyers in the UK to represent him, including Lord Hailsham; it was so mind blowing that Ronnie Waterhouse wrote about it in his autobiography. See post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’. The dispute involved the location of some caravans on Brookes’s land and it would never have been worth his while employing the sort of lawyers that he did over such a matter, so I suspect that famille Brookes were actually up to something else at the time, something which could not under any circumstances be exposed.

Henry and Beata were rather grandiose and considered themselves a cut above your ordinary farmer. Henry wasn’t just involved with the FUW, Henry concerned himself with country sports and country landowning organisations. Lord Kenyon was involved with agriculture on that level, as was Carlo’s friend, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster. The Duke was the President of the City of Chester Conservative Association when Sir Peter Morrison was the constituency MP and was molesting kids in care in north Wales, Chester and other locations.

Mary Wynch was working as a secretary at the Dept of Agriculture at UCNW/Bangor University when Dafydd and the gang had her unlawfully arrested and imprisoned. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW at the time.

The Buffet Slayer, who in his youth was the President of the Students’ Union at UCNW, hates Carlo. If I was the Buffet Slayer I’d be thanking my lucky stars for Carlo, because without Carlo, the Slayer and his mates would be in prison by now.

For more background on Bob Parry, see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’.

One final point about the murder of Shambo. On 26 July 2007, the Govardhan Charitable Trust, a sanctuary for cows in Maharashtra state, India, wrote to the temple offering Shambo a home. The Trust appealed to the Welsh Assembly to refrain from killing Shambo until the Trust could arrange for the government of India to approve the import. The Trust’s letter quoted Gandhi: ‘We should be willing to refuse to live if the price of living be the torture of sentient beings.’ Transportation for Shambo was organised by a supporter from Switzerland.

After the slaughter of Shambo, Skanda Vale community leader ‘Brother Alex’ threatened that a ‘nightmare’ was just beginning for the Welsh Assembly. Secretary General Ramesh Kallidai said ‘Ignorant people have chosen to desecrate our temple and have chosen to destroy life unnecessarily,’ and he wanted ‘to check how agricultural law can cater to the needs of sacred animals in Hindu temples in Britain’. The Hindu Conference of Canada expressed ‘shock and dismay’ at the decision of the Welsh Gov’t.

What Happens If Australia Is Hit By A Nuclear Bomb ...

This is what happens when a nation is run entirely by a collection of Pathetic Sharks who do not have sufficient scientific knowledge to make appropriate decisions and who have only achieved their positions by colluding with a trafficking gang who were murdering witnesses.

The Welsh Gov’t Minister for Rural Affairs is now Lesley Griffiths. She doesn’t know her arse from her elbow, is an on-going disaster in that role and there was yet another feature on ‘Farming Today’ this morning on Radio 4, which featured farmers who were pissed off with Lesley. Lesley Griffiths grew up near Wrexham, worked as a medical secretary at the Wrexham Maelor Hospital and served as a Wrexham Councillor, before being elected as an AM. Throughout the years in which Griffiths was doing this, Wrexham Maelor staff and Wrexham Councillors ignored, colluded with and concealed a vicious paedophile ring operating on their doorstep. Lesley Griffiths is a paedophiles’ friend of the highest order. Lesley Griffiths was the Welsh Gov’ts Minister for Heath, 2011-13.

I wrote to Lesley Griffiths repeatedly during that time, informing her of the escalating threats which were being made toward me by the trafficking gang which she had spent her whole life ignoring. I did not receive any replies. My documents show that Griffiths received my e mails, but the concerns of the officials working for her were that I was e mailing my friends at Bangor University providing them with details of those threats as well as of a violent assault on me by a barrister’s daughter. Furthermore, Griffiths’ officials and NHS managers had documented that I had visited a Welsh Gov’t Minister’s house. I have never visited a Welsh Gov’t Minister’s house, I do not know where any Welsh Gov’t Minister lives.

For further details of Lesley – including her performance in front of a group of wimmin who aspired to be politicians during which Lesley told the wimmin that she used to get nervous speaking in front of ‘all the men’, but when she was a Councillor she found that she could ‘help the mums’ by campaigning for better street lighting – and the numerous bombs that went off when she was Health Minister, see post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’.

It is worth noting that not only did Lesley fail to help the mums who’s kids were in the hands of a vicious paedophile gang, but Lesley oversaw some pretty terrible suffering of dads as well. When I was unlawfully detained at the Heddfan Unit at Wrexham Maelor Hospital, after being assaulted by that barrister’s daughter, Lesley was Health Minister. I made friends with another patient who was sectioned and prevented from seeing his own children because he wasn’t allowed out and there was pressure on his partner not to take the kids in to such a place to see their dad. He was in Heddfan for a long while and the family home was located just behind the Heddfan Unit. If he went outside to sit in the garden, he could hear his daughters playing. But he couldn’t actually have any contact with them. For months.

I think that we ought to campaign for Lesley to become FM. Russia’s got Putin who trained with the KGB. Wales will have Lesley, who’s suits don’t fit, who sports ankle-swingers and who gets nervous speaking in front of all the men.

A former Lieutenant Colonel in the KGB:

Lesley Griffiths AM (28170808445).jpg

 

A Welsh Gov’t Minister:
Vladimir Putin (2017-07-08) (cropped).jpg

In September 2015, both Leadership and Deputy Leadership elections took place in the Labour Party. Hilary Benn supported Andy Burnham in the Leadership election. The Andy who ignored somewhere in the region of 80 requests to hold an Inquiry into the Mid-Staffordshire NHS. While thousands and thousands of people died.

On 2 December 2015, Benn made the closing speech for the official opposition in the House of Commons debate on airstrikes against ISIL in Syria. Benn’s speech was described as ‘one of the truly great speeches in Commons history’. Speaking to the BBC the following day, John McDonnell – he who is admired by Rachel the transgender HGV driver – compared Benn’s speech to that given by Blair in 2003 ahead of the Iraq War. Was that one of the occasions on which Blair lied to the House perhaps? McDonnell described Benn’s speech as an ‘excellent’ piece of oratory, but added: ‘The greatest oratory can lead us to the greatest mistakes.’ Perhaps John McDonnell had in mind another giant of Labour history who was renowned for his ‘oratory’:Socialist Appeal | Socialist Appeal

On 25 June 2016, ‘The Observer’ revealed that Benn ‘called fellow MPs over the weekend to suggest that he will ask Corbyn to stand down if there is significant support for a move against the leader. He has also asked shadow cabinet colleagues to join him in resigning if the Labour leader ignores that request.’ During a phone call in the early hours of 26 June, Benn told Corbyn that Labour MPs and shadow cabinet members had ‘no confidence in our ability to win the election’ under his leadership. Corbyn then dismissed Benn from his position as Shadow Foreign Secretary. In a statement issued at 03:30 – Hilary had obviously been up all night worrying – Benn said: ‘It has now become clear that there is widespread concern among Labour MPs and in the shadow cabinet about Jeremy Corbyn’s leadership of our party. In particular, there is no confidence in our ability to win the next election, which may come much sooner than expected, if Jeremy continues as leader.’ Later in the morning, Heidi Alexander, the Shadow Secretary of State for Health, also resigned. Throughout the day, a further eight members of the shadow cabinet resigned.

Jezza is still in place. Considerably helped by Margaret Hodge constantly mouthing off and reminding everyone why so many people voted for Jezza rather than any of the selection of New Labour tossers who were on offer at the same time.

When in September 2016, Benn announced his intention to stand for Chairman of the new Exiting the European Union Select Committee. His bid was supported by Uncle Harry’s nephew Ed Miliband, as well as other senior Labour Party figures including Angela Eagle and Andy Burnham. In a former life Angela worked for COHSE, an NHS union which represented many an abuser of patients. The General Secretary of COHSE was David Williams, who trained as an Angel at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. See post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’.

I have a schedule of future blog posts planned, but if I have time to do so, I will blog about two people who have been loyal servants to Hilary’s career who have done a few interesting things…

Hilary’s predecessor as Labour MP for Leeds Central was Derek John Fatchett, who was elected in 1983.  Derek Fatchett was predicted to have a great future in the Labour Party, possibly as its Leader one day, but he died suddenly in 1999 at the age of 53.

Fatchett attended Lincoln School and then Birmingham University, where he studied law, graduating in 1966. Fatchett joined the Labour Party in 1964. He took an MSc at the LSE in 1968, where he was a student activist. When young, Fatchett was on the left, but when an MP he migrated to the right…

Fatchett was a Councillor on Wakefield Metropolitan Council, 1980-84. He became a Lecturer in Industrial Relations at the University of Leeds in 1971, staying there until he became an MP.

Fatchett was a Leeds City Councillor and working at Leeds University when the Yorkshire Ripper was murdering unhindered thanks to police corruption and incompetence. One of the Sutcliffe’s victims was a student at Leeds and a friend of mine who was a student there at the time said that there was an atmosphere of sheer terror across the whole area. Fatchett will have heard about Savile and the rampant police corruption that prevailed in Leeds/Yorkshire at the time.

After Labour’s 1997 election victory, Fatchett was soon made a Minister of State at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Derek Fatchett died suddenly on the night of 9 May 1999 (aged 53), from a massive heart attack after collapsing whilst relaxing with his wife and close friend in a Wakefield pub. At the time of his death, it was predicted in political circles that he was soon to be Defence or N Ireland Secretary.

A BBC article on Fatchett’s life mentioned his ‘inner city constituency’, which will have contained people who had been or were being targeted by the trafficking gang operating in the area remembered that Derek Fatchett had said that ‘he was once a bearded leftie Marxist’.

[ image: Mr Fatchett said he was once a bearded leftie Marxist]

 

Derek gave up being a bearded leftie under the Windbag’s ‘modernising leadership’. Fatchett will have known that the Windbag was staking his whole future on concealing the organised abuse gangs which were causing ructions in Wales and elsewhere, because the Windbag was so desperate for the votes of welfare professionals (see post ‘I Warn You…’). Fatchett then joined ranks behind Blair. He quit the left-wing Campaign Group of which Tony Benn was a leading light in 1985. He subsequently persuaded the Tribune Group to support the Windbag and Fattersley. Fattersley held a seat in an inner-city, poor Birmingham constituency for decades and knew about the massive corruption in civic life in Birmingham, including the excesses of the West Midlands Serious Crime Squad and the trade in abused and trafficked kids between Birmingham and north Wales.

Derek Fatchett joined the Foreign Office after Labour’s 1997 victory and was a close friend of his boss at the Foreign Office, Robin Cook.

Robin Cook, who died after a severe heart attack on 6 August 2005:

[ image: Robin Cook: Close friend]

 

The day prior to his own death, Mr Fatchett joined Mr Cook at the daily Ministry of Defence briefing on the Kosovo conflict. He had recently visited East Timor and had also accompanied Lilibet on the previous month’s visit to South Korea. Earlier that year, Derek met with the Taleban’s Deputy Foreign Minister Abdul Rahman Zahidc in Islamabad in the first ever contact between the UK and the Islamic organisation. Mr Fatchett had became a Privy Councillor in October 1998.

One of Derek Fatchett’s responsibilities in Blair’s Gov’t was to sell the ‘Cool Britannia’ image abroad. A major contribution to ‘Cool Britannia’ was ‘Cool Cymru’, which was virtually entirely based upon a group of Welsh rock stars who were the children of the people who had been the key figures in facilitating and concealing the organised abuse and trafficking in Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

‘The Guardian’ obituary for Fatchett mentioned that he had been involved in Cook’s highly successful initiative to bring the Lockerbie bombers to trial. There were constant allegations and counter-allegations regarding the conviction of one of the Lockerbie bombers – that he was a stooge, that a dirty deal had been done with Col Gadaffi – who after all became a Blairite at one point – and that false medical evidence regarding his condition had been submitted etc. See previous posts.

The Dear Departed:

Massive heart attack, 12 May 1994

John Smith 1992.jpg

Massive heart attack, 9 May 1999BBC News | UK Politics | From Marxist to minister

Massive heart attack, 6 August 2005

Robin Cook-close crop.jpg

 Someone Who Is Still With Us, Who’s Heart Problem Was Diagnosed And Successfully Fixed By Top Doctors:

Tony Blair crop.jpg

 

Recent posts and comments have discussed the meteoric rise through Scottish Labour politics of Lord Jack McConnell, who was at Stirling University with my best friend from school, who knew what was happening to me in north Wales and who found herself pursued by gangsters and having her career ruined when that was happening to me as well. Lord Jack was a maths teacher who spent the years between 1984 and 1992 as a leading light on Stirling District Council, including when there was an abuse scandal there. Lord Jack became General Secretary of Scottish Labour Party in 1992 and was credited with the splendid Scottish General Election result for Labour in 1997, in which the Tories were wiped out.

Lord Jack was elected as an MSP in 1999 and by 2001 he was FM! Fancy that happening just as the Waterhouse Inquiry was ending and then while Waterhouse published his Report. When Lord Jack was FM, he appointed Professor Alex Jay to the most senior role in social work in Scotland. Alexis had previously overseen many an abuse scandal and had been responsible for the chaos that was the Orkney Satanic Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’). Alexis is now Chairing the IICSA, which is falling apart.

Lord Jack has a particularly high opinion of Dennis Andrew Canavan, who was MP for Falkirk West, 1974-2000 (known as West Stirlingshire, 1974-83), first as a member of the Labour Party and then as an Independent. Canavan then served as an Independent MSP for Falkirk West, 1999-07.

Canavan was educated at St. Bride’s and St Columba’s Schools, Cowdenbeath, St Andrew’s College, Drygrange and at the University of Edinburgh. He worked as a schoolteacher from 1968 until 1974 and was Assistant Head of Holy Rood High School, Edinburgh at the time of his first election to Parliament. Canavan was also Head of the Maths Department at St Modan’s High in Stirling.

Canavan was leader of the Labour Party Group on Stirling District Council in 1974 and was Chair of the Scottish Parliamentary Labour Group, 1980-81.

Canavan is still a member of CND and Amnesty International, as are many on the left who have remained silent about the abuse of children and young people in welfare settings. He Chaired the N Ireland Committee of the PLP, 1989-97, and led several Parliamentary delegations to Ireland during the Troubles. Canavan served on the British-Irish Inter-Parliamentary Body, 1992-2000. Whatever it was that was going on at the Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, Canavan knows about it.

As a member of the European and External Relations Committee of the Scottish Parliament, Canavan was author of a report on the potential for co-operation between Scotland and Ireland.

Throughout his entire political life, Canavan played a leading part in the campaign for a Scottish Parliament. Which within two years of its creation was being led by his good mate Jack. However, in 1999, when the first elections to the Scottish Parliament were held, the New Labour leadership rejected Canavan as an official Labour candidate, despite the fact that he had the support of 97% of local party members. He therefore stood as an Independent and was consequently expelled from the Party. Canavan won with almost 55% of the vote, the biggest majority of any MSP in that election. Canavan resigned his Westminster seat in 2000 to concentrate on representing his constituents in the Scottish Parliament. Canavan retained his Holyrood seat in 2003 with 55.7% of the vote, again the biggest majority in Scotland.

In the Scottish Parliament, Canavan was a member of the European and External Relations Committee and Convener of the All-Party Sports Group from 1999.

Canavan is President of Ramblers Scotland.

When Canavan announced his retirement before the 2007 Scottish Parliament elections, he was the longest serving parliamentarian in the Scottish Parliament, having completed a combined 33 years at Westminster and Holyrood. He was praised by his mate the then FM Jack as ‘an outstanding parliamentarian over a long, long period of time’.

The careers of Canavan and Lord Jack are strikingly similar, but Canavan is a lot older than Lord Jack and entered politics years before Lord Jack did. I suspect that Canavan was Lord Jack’s big mate and mentor – back in the days when my friend found Lord Jack getting into her bed without so much as a by-your-leave – but Jack’s career then accelerated past old Dennis, particularly when Dennis was having dust-ups with New Labour. This is pure speculation, but I’m wondering if Dennis gave Lord Jack a leg-up when Lord Jack was a whippersnapper – when he was getting into my friend’s bed, I heard all about it at the time Jack! – but then when Lord Jack realised that my friend had the dynamite on the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, he was able to clobber New Labour over the head with that and rise to the very top, even though they hated his best mate Dennis.

Am I right Dennis?fazzledown: New year/New, erm...

So where does Dennis’s answer leave these two?

Tony Blair

 

Gordon Brown

On May 31 1994, 19 days after John Smith died, the two pictured above are famously alleged to have made a deal which dictated that Gordon would stand aside to give Blair a clear run for the Party leadership and then after Blair had been PM for a few years, he’d give Gordon a go. Gordon became mighty angry when Blair broke the deal years later. The deal was made over a meal in the Granita restaurant, Islington, when Tony and Cherie still lived in Islington. There was a paedophile/trafficking ring operating in Islington’s children’s homes at the time, with links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales.

I was the person who told Tony Francis that John Smith had died – I was in the Hergest Unit at the time, I heard the newsflash on the radio and told the other patients. Francis heard me, came out of his office, interrogated me re the circumstances of Smith’s death and dashed off quite excited. My documents show that very shortly after that, Francis, Dafydd et al began yet another conspiracy to have me incarcerated in a secure hospital (see post ‘The Banality Of Evil’).

Tony Francis knew the Windbag when they were at university in Cardiff.

John Smith died on 12 May 1994 at Barts hospital after they were ‘unable to revive’ him. Dafydd’s mate Professor Linford Rees ruled the roost at Barts for years (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Lady Juliet Bingley was also very influential at Barts, due to having worked there as a social worker and her father being a surgeon there. Lady Juliet was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley, who served with Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’). Lady Juliet and her son William spent their careers colluding with Dafydd et al when Lady Juliet and William held senior positions at MIND and when William was Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission. See previous posts for details. On 9 June 1994 Matt Arnold, the Headmaster of Bryn Estyn, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June 1994 the trial of Peter Howarth, Arnold’s friend and colleague from Bryn Estyn, for sexually abusing boys in care in north Wales opened. Paul Wilson was put on trial alongside Howarth. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where boys had been abused. They relocated to Bryn Estyn in 1973.

The friend of mine who found Jack McConnell in her bed and subsequently came under attack from gangsters sought advice from the Islington Council harassment officer in 1988. Tony and Cherie were still living in Islington at the time. Margaret Hodge was the Council leader – it was Hodge who nominated Blair for the Labour Party Leadership. Islington Council were given full details of the threats and aggression to which my friends were being subjected and was the reason why they had to move house quickly. Islington did rehouse them, but to somewhere equally as dangerous (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).

Once my friend and her husband arrived at their new flat, an old friend of theirs from Stirling, Sheena, known to Jack McConnell, moved in and wreaked havoc, just about destroying their lives.

Do you know anything about why Sheena did this Lord Jack?

My friend and her husband were then hounded out of their jobs in the media. My friend worked at the Royal Television Society and her husband worked at the BBC. Lord Jack is a big mate of Kirsty Wark, who was a stalwart of BBC’s ‘Newsnight’.

In April 2010, Lord Jack’s mate Dennis Canavan declared his support for John McNally, the SNP candidate for Falkirk in the 2010 general election. Falkirk is the successor to Canavan’s former Westminster constituency.

 

Now for someone who gave a big helping hand to the Gang Of Four, all of whom were up to their eyeballs in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring, including that branch in north Wales/Cheshire which was facilitated by Dafydd et al. Dr Death personally knew some of the Top Docs involved with the gang in north Wales. My post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’ mentioned that in a recent radio interview the Gang Of Four explained that after they made the Limehouse Declaration at Dr Death’s house, they received a most generous offer from David Kingsley, who gave his time free of charge and organised masses of free PR and advertising for them, utilising some of the most well-known names in the business.

David Kingsley died in 2014 and ‘The Guardian’ published an obituary for him. Kingsley was described as the first ‘moderniser’ in British politics and Labour’s first spin doctor.

Kingsley played a role – which only emerged much later – in Harold Wilson’s dramatic first speech as Labour leader to his Party’s 1963 annual conference, offering a new vision of socialism and a Britain ‘forged in the white heat’ of a scientific and technological revolution. The electorate liked it and Wilson won his first general election victory the following year.

Kingsley was one of the ‘three wise men’ who were brought in to help Wilson in 1962; Kingsley’s particular expertise being in advertising. Kingsley, Peter Lovell-David, a media-management expert and Denis Lyons, from the world of PR, formed a team of unpaid advisers to Wilson, deliberately situated outside of the Party hierarchy. They were responsible for the campaign slogans ‘Let’s go with Labour and we’ll get things done’ in 1964 and ‘You know Labour government works’ in 1966. The optimism that they helped convey on the party’s behalf, which lay behind the ‘white heat’ speech at Scarborough, offered an alternative to the austerity of the postwar years and would serve to end Labour’s 13 years in Parliamentary opposition.

After 1964, Kingsley was regarded as someone of considerable significance at No 10 and as the most talented of the ‘wise men’, who visited the PM once a fortnight. Wilson himself had written a report in the 1950s on the need to modernise the Labour Party organisation and he was determined to use people like Kingsley to introduce new ideas of presentation and public promotion of the party. With Kingsley’s help and advice, he also brought in regular opinion polling, using the services of Bob Worcester – later the founder of Mori – to look at the reasons behind the voting intentions of the electorate. This was an almost unknown science in British politics at the time and, in Kingsley’s view, if it had been taken more seriously would have averted Labour’s narrow and unexpected election defeat in 1970.

Kingsley proposed that politicians should use the latest marketing techniques to try to get through to people by using language rather than just headlines and that they should explain their policies and principles. In the event, the Labour 1970 election slogan ‘Yesterday’s men’, portraying the Conservative leader, Edward Heath and his team as plastic puppets in the dustbin of history, misfired badly. It had been planned by Kingsley and his colleagues as the first half of a two-part campaign and the follow-up was intended to convey the positive message ‘Make Britain great again’. But Wilson unexpectedly brought forward the General Election to June, apparently persuaded by his political adviser, Marcia Williams and the negative nature of the ‘Yesterday’s men’ slogan rebounded to his disadvantage. A BBC TV programme the following year, about how Wilson and his Ministers were adjusting to life in opposition, caused an enormous kerfuffle when it was broadcast under the same title and suggested that the former PM had unashamedly profiteered from the publication of his account of his time in Gov’t.

Kingsley was born in south London, but the family moved and he was educated at Southend High School for boys, before going to the LSE. He did his national service with the RAF, returned to be President of the Students’ Union at the LSE in 1952 and the following year became Vice-President of the NUS. Kingsley remained closely attached to the LSE throughout his life, as a governor for 40 years until 2006, an honorary fellow and Chairman of the alumni association. He will have known Brian Abel-Smith and Richard Titmuss, two LSE academics who were crucial to the early development of the NHS and welfare state very well. Abel-Smith in particular knew exactly how severely the NHS was abusing the most vulnerable citizens  and he knew that the Top Doctors were facilitating organised abuse gangs (see post ‘The Great Stink’). David Kingsley will have known this as well, in addition to the wrongdoing of MPs such as Leo Abse and George Thomas which Wilson and his colleagues were concealing. The gang in north Wales was linked to Abse and George Thomas in south Wales.

The role of the Top Doctors in north Wales concealing sexual exploitation and abuse went back decades. My post ‘The Village’ describes how the situation can be traced as far back as before WWII, involving visitors from the Bloomsbury/Islington area to Cwm Croesor in north Wales.

David Kingsley had been adopted as the prospective Labour candidate for East Grinstead in 1952, but decided on a career in advertising, working in New York before returning to the UK and founding his own company, KMP, in 1964. With his business partners, Michael Manton and Brian Palmer, he created a ground-breaking agency that challenged some of the US giants at a difficult time for the industry.

Kingsley’s ideas were strongly opposed by the traditionalists at Labour HQ, particularly the General Secretary, Ron Hayward and the Head of the press operation, Percy Clark. Unlike his two colleagues, Kingsley was not given a peerage. He offered his professional advice to various foreign governments, including those of Zambia and Mauritius and of course to the SDP 1981-87.

Kingsley undoubtedly knew what Dr Death and his colleagues had colluded with in their role as healthcare professionals and knew exactly what the Gang Of Four were sitting on in their capacities as politicians who knew all about the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Any advice given to the SDP will have taken that into account. It was why Shirl and Woy targeted those seats at Crosby and Hillhead which had such strong links with people involved in the Westminster Paedophile Ring (see post ‘We’ve Been Expecting You…’).

A few years before he died, Kingsley gave an interview with blogger Oliver Shah. The interview tells us that Kingsley worked ‘in New York for Proctor & Gamble, the founders of modern advertising’ and that Kingsley ‘made regular TV appearances and knew the power players in London’s blossoming advertising scene’. But Kingsley insisted it was the Three Wise Men – together with their friend Bob Worcester, the founder of Mori – who started using regular opinion polls to guide party strategy, years ahead of Tony Blair: ‘In fact to my mind, introducing the Labour party to proper opinion poll research was one of the most important things we did…Bob [Worcester] was very good. If they’d used him more we needn’t have lost the 1970 election. I know everyone always looks back, but he was tracking very clearly what was happening and what the problems were in a way the Labour party had never experienced before.’

Shah’s blog notes that ‘the art of spin’ was ‘now so associated with vicious briefings and irresponsible hype’. Kingsley described Wilson as ‘a marvellous chap’ who would ‘bring his wife and children to parties and would charm friends and foes with his bluff northern manner’.

Wilson might have wheeled out his wife and kids for PR purposes, but Wilson knew that George Thomas was a child abuser, he was good friends with George Thomas and he also knew that Leo Abse, George Thomas’s friend and protector, was an aggressive bent lawyer who was in the process of rewriting legislation concerning children in care solely on the advice of people who were facilitating and concealing child abuse (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’).

Dafydd too maxed out on his children. Dafydd told third parties that I had used ‘foul and abusive language’ in front of his young children – I didn’t even know that he had young children when that allegation was made; Dafydd moved onto telling people that I was a ‘danger’ to his ‘young children’; Dafydd gave an interview to a local newspaper telling them that his children ‘say their prayers at night and I’m rather proud of that’; Dafydd told people that he was ‘kind to children’. Meanwhile Dafydd ran a paedophile gang, along with his mistress, children’s social worker Lucille Hughes and was so infrequently at home that he employed nannies – who were young female patients of his who lived with him – to look after his children.

Dafydd’s constant references to ‘children’ were a running joke among the Hergest Unit patients.

Dafydd’s teenaged children boasted of hurling abuse at and taking the piss out of Dafydd’s patients.

Oliver Shah’s blog tells us that David Kingsley ‘parted amicably’ from the Wise Men and the Labour party when Ted Heath’s Tories scraped to power in 1970 and ‘He says he has never been tempted to return to the heart of British politics, preferring to split his time between charity work and advising a number of African governments.’

Yet Kingsley moved heaven and earth, free of charge, to help the Gang Of Four.

Shah’s blog states that ‘Kingsley lets slip a surprising revelation: he didn’t draw a penny in salary from the government in all his time as its communications maestro. Offering his services for free gave him a feeling of distance from the political machine, he says and the freedom to do as he liked. His only remuneration came in the form of a Havana cigar, itself a gift from Fidel Castro to Harold Wilson.’

People like David Kingsley do not do things out of the goodness of their hearts or because of an ideological commitment. If Kingsley was ever to do that he would not have become an advertising/PR man.

So what was Kingsley’s real reason for tripping over himself to help the Gang Of Four? Where did his reward lie? What did this past master of vicious tawdry spin resort to in order to try and get Dr Death a job as PM?

Kingsley is dead, but his pal – and the pal of those Top Doctors in north Wales who facilitated the trafficking gang – Dr Death, is not. Dr Death, would you happen to know anything about the stream of people who befriended Brown, me and the friends of ours who knew what was happening to me in north Wales, who turned out to be a little peculiar and grossly abusive into the bargain? They worked in the media and in healthcare, they moved into house shares with us, they had relationships with Brown, they tried to split up our friendships and relationships and some of them knew Dafydd and other colleagues of yours Dr Death. Furthermore, references to them are to be found in documents from my medical records now in my possession.

You’re welcome to e mail me Dr Death or leave a comment on the blog! You’ve got nothing to lose you nasty old bugger – after all you never did become PM, although your colleagues in north Wales imprisoned and killed all those witnesses to their wrongdoing.

 

Previous posts have discussed how Donna Ockenden, the ‘independent consultant’ who recently was commissioned to ‘leave no stone unturned’ and to ‘get to the bottom of’ whatever has gone so terribly wrong with mental healthcare in north Wales is yet another person who has now run away screaming and abandoned the patients of north Wales after she discovered from documents that I sent her relating to my own case just how serious the crime in the NHS in north Wales was/is and how many people colluded with it.

I have explained in previous posts how Donna invited me to meet her, but after I sent her documentation demonstrating perjury, conspiracy, the destruction of evidence, wrongful arrest and the unlawful denial of NHS treatment to patients who had complained, Donna e mailed me and cancelled our meeting and I never heard from her again.

Before Donna cancelled, she invited me to meet her and someone else whom she told me was assisting her in the investigation into the Betsi Cadwaladr University NHS Trust, but who’s name has never been made public. It was Dr Graeme Zaki, an Oral and Maxillofacial surgeon who practices at Havant in Hampshire. Dr Zaki can be found listed on the website of Spire Healthcare, a private company. A number of the Betsi consultants are making good incomes from working for Spire. There is a Spire Hospital just down the road from Wrexham Maelor Hospital. If you want an appointment with a Spire consultant, you ring their NHS secretary and the NHS secretary arranges it.

For the past few years, waiting lists for joint surgery at the Betsi have been so long that I know of patients who expressly told their surgeons that they did not approve of private medicine and did not want to jump the queue when told that they could be treated within weeks rather than in nearly two years time, but who did end up going to the Spire because they were in so much pain that they could bear it no longer. One man I know suspected that this was going to happen so he logged the whole process and correlated dates. He told me that he could only conclude that the surgeons at the Betsi had got together and organised appointments and waiting lists such that they ensured that patients would be forced to go private. The consultants themselves have told the media that they do not tell any patients that they will be treated more quickly if they go private. No, the consultants don’t. The GPs do that bit and then let the consultants know who has agreed to go private because they can bear the agony no longer.

In 2005 Graeme Zaki was in the media. The BBC reported a scandal which involved a doctor at a South African health care firm who had been flown in to do hip replacements for the NHS being blamed for botching operations on six patients. The surgeon worked for Netcare and carried out the operations at the Royal Hospital Haslar in Gosport, Hampshire, between 10 and 20 November 2003. The BBC reported that another Top Doctor had described the surgeon’s work as ‘totally substandard and probably negligent’. Two of the surgeon’s patients had to have corrective surgery. It was Portsmouth Hospitals NHS Trust who had contracted Netcare and the surgeon. The Medical Director of that Trust at the time was Graeme Zaki. Zaki apologised.

In 2008 the Portsmouth Hospitals NHS Trust were facing a big negligence action after a young woman died in circumstances which they had admitted should never have arisen. The Medical Director of the Trust, Graeme Zaki, apologised.

I’ll do a bit of digging and see if I can find any direct links between Graeme Zaki and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales.

 

My post ‘It’s Just Another Gold Digger’ mentioned that the man who prosecuted Rebecca Teacher at the Old Bailey for conspiracy to blackmail in 1993 after Rebecca blew the whistle on the physical and sexual abuse of children at a commune near Bethesda – abuse which was widely known among local solicitors, the North Wales Police, the Top Doctors and Angels and of course Gwynedd Social Services – was a David Bate. I’ve tried to find out who David Bate was/is, but I have drawn a blank. I noticed his name because there is a family who live in Bangor called Bate.

Chris Bate is an accountant and his wife Nan Bate is a magistrate. I don’t know where Chris Bate grew up, but Nan is the daughter of the man who was the leading Top Doctor in the Caernarfon and Bangor area during the postwar years. Chris is the accountant for two friends of mine and before I got the hell out of Wales, one of those friends had a stroke – he’d had a stroke previously, but the Top Doctors told him that he had a middle ear infection, so he was left untreated and then had an even bigger stroke – and I went to visit him in hospital. Chris and Nan Bate turned up to visit him at the same time. During the visit, the wife of the man who’d had the stroke began reminiscing how, as a child, at Christmas, her Methodist Minister dad used to take her and her siblings to visit children in hospitals and orphanages. Nan piped up and said that when she was a child, her father and mother too used to take her to visit children in hospital on Christmas morning and she hated it. The children whom Nan was taken to visit were children in the very hospital that we were sitting in, when it had been used for a different purpose! The reason why Nan hated the visits was that she didn’t like the children – they were ‘nutters’ with awful hairstyles and naff clothes. So I asked Nan if the children were what would now be called learning disabled or whether they were children with mental health problems. Nan said that she didn’t know, they were just nutters and she hated them.

Nan Bate’s Top Doctor father will have known Gwynne the lobotomist and he probably knew the young Dafydd as well. When Dafydd had that infamous photo taken of himself which he used to show to young women and say ‘This is me when I began my medical training. Don’t ewe think I was handsome?’

Dafydd: as someone who saw that photo, I can absolutely assure you that even when you began your ‘medical training’ at the Sodom and Gomorrah that was Liverpool University Medical School, you were not in the least bit handsome. Instead of being an insane horrible old man, you were merely an insane horrible young man. You also looked really bonkers in that photo. Furthermore, I’m not sure what passed for ‘medical training’ at Liverpool in the 1950s, but it only seemed to train you in the ways of idiocy and crime.

Nan: those junior nutters will not have chosen their awful hairstyles and clothes. Your father’s colleagues did that for them. Furthermore, it was your father and his colleagues who had such a bad attitude to those kids that they didn’t even enlighten you, his own daughter, as to the harsh reality of their lives. What was the point of taking you to visit them on Christmas morning when you hated them and dismissed them as nutters? Or was that part of your training for your future career as a magistrate, when the nutters came up before you in Court, on the basis of the perjury of the people who were trained by the Top Docs of your father’s generation?

Oh Nan – tell us what you know about the paedophile ring in north Wales which was facilitated by your father, his colleagues and those with whom you sat/sit on the Bench will you? The ring who targeted the nutters.

Nan and her husband benefit from the sort of perks that nutters don’t. One one occasion some years ago, Nan got her paws on free tickets for a Rugby International in Cardiff and offered tickets and a lift down to some people whom I knew. They were a bit worried that they’d be cramped and uncomfortable on the long drive to Cardiff, particularly as they knew that the traffic would be bad and they’d be in a jam for quite a while. Nan told them that they didn’t need to worry, she had just purchased a new Merc, it was top of the range and had every adaption necessary to ensure passenger comfort even on the longest of journeys.

The nutters would have to go on the bus. If they ever could afford the tickets to the big match.

One man who has famously travelled to many big rugby matches is Max Boyce, who became famous in the 1970s for singing songs about the hardship of mining as well as lighter ditties regarding getting pissed with the lads at Twickers and taking detours to Soho. Max Boyce is gay and has been for years. How do I know? Because a paedophiles’ friend from north Wales told me some years ago. He should know – he knew the people in Cardiff who were alleged to be, to use Brown’s phrase, ‘peddling their arses’ to Max and friends. The paedophiles’ friend also knew boys in care in north Wales who were peddling their arses more locally, including to a solicitor in Caernarfon. That particular solicitor is a friend of Aled Griffiths the Buffet Slayer and in the past has been invited to give talks to visiting international students at Bangor Law School. Not that the Slayer told the visitors that they were meeting a solicitor from Caernarfon – the visitors were told that they were meeting a ‘real British judge’.

Strange but true

It’s a rat trap Nan – and you’ve been caught..FreeCovers.net - The Boomtown Rats - A Tonic For The TroopsJam - Town Called Malice - Amazon.com Music

Having a good laugh at the nutters:

Inspecting and measuring a nutter:

The final solution:North Wales Hospital, Denbigh - County Asylums

As one of the nutters said to Dafydd back in the 1990s, regarding the death of Mary Wynch’s mother: ‘I’m not saying that you were the doctor responsible – but it looks like you did it.’

 

A major beano has been planned for Carlo’s 70th birthday in November. It will include a gala at the London Palladium starring a few folk from the Magic Circle whom Carlo has ‘supported’. I was surprised to read in the Torygraph that Carlo himself is a member of the Magic Circle, he has been since the mid-1970s. My post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’ mentioned that Sir Owen Saunders, a paedophiles’ friend who used his knowledge of serious crime on the part of the Top Doctors and others to vastly expand his empire at Imperial College and who was VC of London University, 1967-69, was an enthusiastic member of the Magic Circle. As of course was Greville Janner.

Does anyone have any dirt on Ali Bongo, the children’s favourite of the 1970s, who memorably always wore a pair of ladies tights when he used to appear on TV?

Badlands movie poster.jpg

Little Shop Of Horrors

This blog has already featured many people who knew me who used their knowledge of what happened to me at the hands of Dafydd et al for personal gain, often in the shape of securing jobs or promotions. I’m revisiting some of these people in this post, but now I’ll explain the links between them.

 

Throwback Thursday 'Little Shop of Horrors' (1986)

 

I’ll begin with Dr Dee Gray – formerly known as Dee Jones – as well as a frequent star of this blog, Meri Huws. Dee and Meri both worked at Bangor University when I did my PhD there and for a few years subsequently as well. I have discussed Dee previously, but not by name. However, what she did was disgusting and the paedophiles’ friends won’t stop squealing, so I’m naming her now.

Dee is a former Angel from Liverpool who shared an open plan office with me and Meri was Head of the Dept of Lifelong Learning. Meri was subsequently appointed PVC for Welsh Language and Cultural Affairs at Bangor, which resulted in comparisons between Meri and Sir Les Patterson, the Cultural Attache. Meri’s promotion also led to even more bawdy jokes circulating than had been doing the rounds previously, as a result of allegations that she had only landed the job as a result of pressure on the University from the Welsh Gov’t after Meri had relationships with Welsh Gov’t Ministers Alun Pugh and Andrew Davies and was rumoured to have had a fling with Rhodri Morgan as well (see post ‘People With Energy’). Regular readers will know that in the 1980s Meri was a ‘community social worker’ for Gwynedd Social Services on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, which was the location of Ty’r Felin children’s home. Kids at Ty’r Felin were severely abused and trafficked to local venues where they were sold for sex and boys were taken to Dolphin Square in London as well (see post ‘Are You Local?’). I suspect that it was Meri’s role in or knowledge of this which was her real source of influence, rather than her multiple flings with people in the Welsh Gov’t, although that will have helped.

Meri was widely loathed by other paedophiles’ friends, but because they are all utterly pathetic and not very good at anything, the whole lot of them rely upon their own and each others’ pasts as paedophiles’ friends to land jobs and research grants. One person who particularly loathed Meri was Dee. Dee was a source of crude comments about Meri – references to Meri’s ‘oral skills’ were made when Meri’s many roles on bodies concerned with the Welsh language were mentioned and it was also observed that Meri was indulging in ‘animal behaviour’ as she tripped over herself in her unsuccessful attempts to bag another man who would have given her career a boost.

The irony was that whilst Dee sat in our office hurling insults at Meri, Dee was manager of a NHS ‘risk assessment’ project in collaboration with the NW Wales NHS Trust, the funding of which had been obtained by Meri. My post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’ discussed how Dee’s colleagues on the risk management project – Patricia Gaskell, the solicitor for Ysbyty Gwynedd and John Bowles, the risk manager for the NW Wales NHS Trust – were two of the very people who were failing to investigate serious complaints and perverting the course of justice and destroying/fabricating evidence in order to secure convictions against patients who had complained. When Dee had project meetings, the drinks and nibbles would be carefully placed on tables next to my desk, so the delightful Mr Bowles would stand next to me reading the papers on my desk, having a good look at what was on my computer screen and listening in to my phone calls.

Whilst I worked in that office, someone rifled through my desk and accessed my computer when I was out of the office. I suspected that it was Dee or an accomplice. Then John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer.

I have covered the excesses of Dee and Gaskell and Bowles in previous posts, as well as Dee’s anger when she saw that Brown and me had appeared in the lay press discussing the slaughter in the mental health services in north Wales. Days after the piece about the mental health services appeared – I had also previously featured in ‘The Guardian’ in an article about HE policy – Dee approached me in private and asked me if I could get an article about Bangor University in the press. I presumed that she meant an article about some aspect of the University’s research – I thought that she was angling for a free plug for her lame NHS propaganda. Er – no. When I asked Dee what she was thinking of, she told me that I ought to write an article about the VC, who was ‘causing so much damage to the university’. This was the VC who had challenged the paedophiles’ friends and who was at that time under full attack from them. I said no and days later Dee screamed at me that me writing about the NHS was damaging her career.

In fact Dee did really well out of me. She was in the office on the day that I was showing a friend the letter that Alun Davies had written and CC’d to Top Docs and other managers in which he detailed his plans to fit me up in court. She called across the office that Alun Davies should be ‘exposed and pilloried in the press’. Then Dee let the NW Wales NHS Trust know that she knew about that letter and screwed a research grant out of them in return for her silence. That was only the beginning. Keith Thomson, the Trust CEO, had resigned the day after my lawyers had subpoenaed him to appear before a judge in the High Court in Cardiff, who had threatened him with prison if he didn’t hand over my medical records. Dee knew about that. She knew about Dr Robert Kehoe, the ‘expert witness’, who lied in his report about me, Brown and some of my colleagues (see post ‘An Expert In Resistant Service Users’). Dee knew about the assaults on and deaths of Hergest patients; about an agreement between the Top Docs and Angels at Ysbyty Gwynedd to refuse a witness to the serious wrongdoing all NHS treatment, although it was acknowledged that this man had a life-threatening condition; and she also knew about the misconduct of the obstetricians and gynaecologists at Ysbyty Gwynedd, which had included a sexual assault on one patient. Dee herself had previously suffered at the hands of the obstetric service of Gwynedd Health Authority. She successfully sued them.

Dee also knew that there was such a serious bullying problem in the School of Healthcare Sciences that at least two members of staff had become ill and had been forced out of their jobs. One, an Angel, Jan Stanley-Smith, then joined the paedophiles’ friends of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and the other, Professor Fiona Poland, relocated to UEA. Jan and Fiona know much about the paedophiles’ friends and the abuse of patients in north Wales and Fiona’s knowledge of the abuse of vulnerable people stretches back to her days in Manchester in the late 1970s.

Dee sued someone else as well as Gwynedd Health Authority. After her NHS risk management project imploded because neither she, Bowles or Gaskell knew what they were doing, Dee sued Bangor University, because her incompetence and deceit was somehow their fault. The two PhD students whom Dee had failed to supervise who did not get their PhDs were seething and told me that Dee had somehow shafted the University and walked away with a great deal of money, but no-one knew how she did it.

I have recently been told that Dee and some corrupt union reps used their knowledge of what was happening to me at the hands of the NHS as leverage – some Bangor University staff have dual appointments with the University and the NHS. I have also been told that Meri Huws played a role in it all.

Dee then rocked up in a senior role at Public Health Wales. Leading on leadership no less. Only the NHS would ever employ someone to lead on leadership, let alone someone who had been sacked from at least three previous jobs and who, when working as an Angel, had given the wrong advice to a man with diabetes such that he fell into a coma. In her role at Public Health Wales, Dee was given control of some purse strings. She later delighted in telling staff at Bangor University that in this role, Public Health Wales sent her to see the VC of Bangor University. According to Dee, the VC realised that she was now ‘a very important person’ and that ‘he had fear in his eyes’.

Interestingly enough, when Dee turned up, what the VC actually did was tell her that he was too busy to see her and told his PA to send her to see Meri Huws. So as Brown summarised, Dee was sent off to wander the corridors with Meri. Yeh, he had so much fear in his eyes Dee, that he knew just how well a pair of pig-shit thick paedophiles’ friends who have spent their entire lives screwing people over would get on together and he wasn’t going to waste time with either of you.

The Very Important Person subsequently left Public Health Wales under a cloud and set up an ‘executive coaching agency’ – ‘Gray’s Learning’ – and was recently paid thousands of pounds by her old mates at the Betsi for her ‘consultancy’ in teaching Top Doctors about transformational change, learning organisations and, no doubt, leadership. Since I blogged about her executive coaching agency, Dee has disappeared from the internet, but her photo remains so she can be recognised if she is bumped into on a dark night. I think that Dee still lives at Deiniolen should any customers of the executive coaching agency wish to ask for a refund. Dee’s website didn’t explain that she is an Angel who has been sacked three times and who nearly killed a patient, it stated that she was a university senior manager and a Gov’t adviser.

 

Meri of course had rather bigger ambitions than Dee. Meri’s track record has already featured on this blog, including her unlawful sacking of a member of staff because they dared have a visual impairment. A local psychotherapist who was employed by the Dept of Lifelong Learning sued Meri for unfair dismissal. Meanwhile, Meri et al were running courses in partnership with Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Someone else knew about the numerous complaints from students, the litigation and the failed ‘research projects’ run by Lifelong Learning – the former UCNW Dean of the Faculty of Science Dr Eifion Jones’s daughter, who is Prof Richard Bentall’s ex-wife (see post ‘Interesting Facts’). Richard Bentall had done his degree and PhD at UCNW whilst Dafydd ruled the roost in the Psychology Dept and Richard then returned to take up a Chair of Psychology at Bangor when Prof Fergus Lowe had expanded his empire after overthrowing Dafydd.

Fergus was Senior PVC when Meri was PVC. Fergus befriended Meri, pumped her for info – guess what and who that info was about?? – and then treated her with complete contempt. Meri eventually departed for the greener grass of Trinity St David University, where she joined other paedophiles’ friends, including some former theologians from Bangor University. One of whom was Dr Catrin Haf Williams, who’s father was the clergyman who officiated at the wedding of William and Ffion Hague (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’).

Trinity St David is located in west Wales, where a paedophile ring operated which had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. By the time that Meri had arrived in a senior job at Trinity St David, Keith Thomson had been appointed CEO of the NHS Trust for Pembrokeshire and Dyfed. Thomson was given that job when Dr Brian Gibbons was Health Minister. The Gibbons who wrote to me telling me that our correspondence was ‘closed’ after I told him that I had evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales. The evidence related to Keith Thomson, amongst others.

I mentioned in my post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ that I have in my possession documents demonstrating that e mails sent from me to friends of mine at Bangor University somehow ended up in the hands of the civil servants of the Welsh Gov’t – it seems to have happened when Lesley Griffiths was Health Minister – and that the identity of my friends had been commented upon. This info had been communicated to two corrupt mental health service managers in the Betsi, Dr Adrian Harris and Simon Pyke. There was also a fallacious allegation that I had visited the home of a Welsh Gov’t Minister. God knows who dreamed that one up, but I expect that I went to murder them in cold blood, it’s what I’m usually up to. My e mails to my friends had concerned a vicious unprovoked attack on me – which resulted in injury – by the daughter of a local barrister. The attack was never investigated by the police because when a Top Doc was called to document my injuries, instead of doing that, he sectioned me when he heard who had attacked me. I was taken to Wrexham Maelor Hospital, where they admitted that I had been unlawfully detained – the section papers had not been signed. I was told that I was free to go, so I did (see post ‘Five Find A Mystery (Partially) Illuminated’). Whereupon I was reported missing by the Betsi Board, my mugshot appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ and I was then traced by the police to Cumbria, where I was on a walking holiday. A mental health team from Cumbria were sent to section me but refused to do so (see post ‘The Real Check And Balance – Which Was Ignored’).

One friend whom I e mailed about the assault on me also knew that I and another witness had been threatened by a rogue policeman with a gun. Why might the civil servants and the Betsi have been interested in the identity of my friend I wonder? Someone else knew that I was friends with this man as well – Dee Jones. She asked me who he was one day.

This man shared an office at Bangor University with another member of staff, Jamie Burrows. Jamie’s mum was Mary Burrows, who was the CEO of the Betsi and who came under such sustained attack by the BMA and the paedophiles’ friends that she resigned. My friend told me that Jamie was being treated appallingly at Bangor University because of who his mum was.

Fergus Lowe will have known a great deal about all these matters, but he’s dead so sadly he can’t be arrested and questioned.

 

As for Meri, not only did she get completely pissed at every University function that she attended, but she would drive back to her home on Anglesey immediately afterwards. On one occasion, a senior member of staff physically removed Meri’s car keys from her to stop her getting into her car bladdered, but most people don’t have the stomach to fight a pissed, screaming Meri, so she was frequently behind the wheel drunk. I witnessed her regularly driving whilst using her mobile phone as well. Was Meri ever prosecuted? Of course not. But then she had previously facilitated a paedophile gang with which the police had colluded. The University police officer was a paedophiles’ friend, as was at least one of the Ysbyty Gwynedd police officers.

Meri did her first degree at Aberystwyth University and claims to have a postgrad social work qualification from Oxford, but no-one is quite sure if this is true. However, because Meri worked as a social worker for Gwynedd in the 1980s, she will know that the Student’s Union Community Action group in UCNW colluded with the abuse of children at Ty’r Felin, because the students volunteering with CA used to work at Ty’f Felin. CA was the wealthiest student society in UCNW, it employed a paid manager and owned and ran a minibus in which the abused kids were ferried around. Perhaps Meri could let us know where all that dosh for CA came from.

One of the leading lights in CA in the late 1970s/early 1980s was an English Lit student called Anita Purkis. Her younger sister Ros was a student at UCNW when I was there. I was friends with Ros, she was my neighbour in hall in the first year. Ros became ill and attempted suicide after an encounter with Gwynne the lobotomist. She ended up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh under the care of Tony Francis and killed herself a few years ago after years of neglect at the hands of one of Tony Francis’s former colleagues in Manchester. Francis knew that Ros’s sister had been involved with CA.

Meri’s neighbour Prof Bob Woods knew about Meri and the drunk driving. Not that it will have bothered him, Bob Woods is a clinical psychologist colleague of Dafydd and the paedophiles, a bit of drunk driving is neither here nor there.

Bob Woods is a lay preacher. He used to turn up at Penrallt Baptist Church in Bangor to do a turn. Some of the people at Penrallt were very nice, a number of my friends went there. Penrallt was very popular with the staff of Bangor University and local health and social care professionals, so that Church contained a great many people who knew about the paedophile gang but were far too compromised – or frightened – to say a word.

 

Here’s a few accessories who were regulars at Penrallt: Peter Brindley, the retired head technician from the School of Plant Biology and his wife; Judy and Malcolm Stammers, two former psychiatric social workers and their offspring Ben and Jonathan (see post ‘Feet In Chains’); Joan Beer, the widow of Top Doctor Bill Beer, who was killed in a car crash in Dec 1999, two months before the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘The Think It’s All Over – It Is Now’); Neil and Joan Rymer.

Joan Rymer used to work as a teacher at Hillgrove School, which came under serious attack from the paedophile gang and their friends when I worked as a teacher there, after the Headmaster dared challenge Keith Fearns of the Arfon CMHT when Fearns paid him a visit and demanded that he sack me (see post ‘Have The Lambs Stopped Screaming?’). At the same time, another teacher at Hillgrove with whom I was friends who was in a violent marriage discovered that Hillgrove School had been approached by her abusive husband with a Top Doc in tow demanding that she be fired on the grounds that she was a ‘drug addict’. The ‘drugs’ in question were valium, which had been prescribed by the Top Doctor. Shortly after this, I heard Joan Rymer telling her mates in Penrallt that someone was going to sort the Head of Hillgrove School out. They did, the stress of a false accusation and a court case nearly killed him.

‘What would Jesus do?’ asked a recent Penrallt newsletter. Well he wouldn’t have done what Joan Rymer and her friends did.

Joan Rymer’s friend social worker Judy Stammers was mates with paedophiles’ friend and vicious lying social worker Sheila Jenkins, whose husband Prof David Jenkins worked at Bangor University, as well as with Sally Atkinson, who was a teacher at Hillgrove School. Sally was also someone who had the knives out for the Headmaster and his wife – so Sally asked her friend Judy Stammers what could be done about him. The initial plan was to accuse him of failing to implement child protection policies. I heard the plan being formulated in the staff room with another paedophiles’ friend who held a grudge. Sally Atkinson’s father had been a lecturer at the teacher training institute, Bangor Normal College, along with so many other paedophiles’ friends. Meri Huws had lectured at the Normal College.

The cowardly attack on Hillgrove School began in 2002, but continued for a number of years. At the time, Blair was PM and his PPS was the paedophiles’ friend David Hanson (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’). David Hanson is married to Margaret Hanson, who is currently Vice-Chair of the Betsi Board. Margaret formerly worked as a family and children’s social worker in Cheshire, when Dafydd et al ran the paedophile gang in north Wales/Cheshire. Margaret was also a Councillor in Cheshire, as was David Hanson.

It was during all this when Brown’s mum was found dead. As was Dr Dafydd Arthur Jones, a member of Meri’s staff who was being badly bullied by Meri and was desperate to escape from the Dept of Lifelong Learning. The paedophiles’ friends knew that I was friends with Dafydd Arthur. He was found dead on a mountain, a fit man who was only in his 40s. Dafydd Arthur went to the same chapel as one of Dafydd’s contacts, the former Deputy Principal of the Normal College. The Principal of the Normal College had been Professor Gareth Roberts, who became Head of the School of Education after the Normal College merged with Bangor University. Meri and Dee worked in Depts which were part of the School of Education.

Neil Rymer, the husband of the arch-plotter Joan Rymer, was, like Prof Gareth Roberts, a mathematician. Neil Rymer had been a lecturer in the UCNW Dept of Maths, which was closed down in a round of Gov’t cuts many years ago.

Another member of staff in the Maths Dept was Dr Jan Abas, who’s daughter Melanie is a Top Doc at the Maudsley. Melanie Abas, her father and her mother knew all about the paedophile gang on her native soil and she featured in my post ‘The Old Devils’.

Some of those who had been put out to grass from the Maths Dept never forgave the University, one being the husband of Gwerfyl Roberts. Gwerfyl is a former Angel who lectured in the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University. The delightful Gwerfyl’s racist bullying and other scams are detailed in my post ‘What Time’s Chaos?’.

 

The toxic brew at the School of Healthcare Sciences was strengthened by the arrival of Dr Chris Burton – now Prof Chris Burton – a ‘stroke specialist’. Chris Burton was not a complete fool like Gwerfyl et al and he was very contemptuous of her and her pals. Chris had never wanted to work at Bangor, loathed the institution and everyone in it. He took the job there after he had been obliged to leave a number of previous jobs after doing a few things that he should not have. One of Chris Burton’s previous bosses was paedophiles’ friend Professor Mike Nolan, who had previously worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Chris shafted Nolan, but I suspect that before he did that, Chris Burton had extracted info regarding the paedophile gang from Nolan, which was no doubt how Chris then landed a job at Bangor University when he had become untouchable. Like all the best Angels, Chris had his bullying skills down to a fine art – he left one student suicidal after months of intense victimisation and undermining.

Chris is a high profile out gay and in his youth he earned extra money in various capacities in gay clubs and as a dancer on TV. Chris Burton didn’t know this, but one of the people who’s life he made miserable entertained themselves by watching old video clips of Chris Burton dressed up as a Roman centurion performing with a dance troupe on the 1980s quiz show ‘3-2-1′, which starred a character called Dusty Bin. Chris became known in Bangor as the Dusty Bin Dancer. So that’s the Welsh Gov’ts stroke expert for you.

 

Another old lag at Bangor University who played the same game as Dee – toadying to Meri in order to gain jobs that he couldn’t do whilst despising her – was Dr Eben Muse. Eben spent a while under Meri’s wing at the Dept of Lifelong Learning, thought that his prospects would be improved in another Dept and when that Head of that Dept was massacred by Fungus for daring to challenge the paedophiles’ friends, Eben returned to the arms of Meri and walked away with the offer of what he thought was another job. Only Meri shafted him and Eben had to beg for shelter  in the School of Creative Studies and Media, where he then tried to wreck the career of one of the best academics in Bangor University. What currency had Eben acquired which enabled him to twist the arms of people and ensure that they continued to employ him in the wake of his track record of mediocrity? Dee Jones et al told him about me of course and the evidence that I had re the paedophile gang. Furthermore Eben’s wife is a teacher in Gwynedd, so Eben and Mrs Muse are implicated in the wrongdoing in a major way.

Eben learnt Welsh at the knee of Meri and although his conversational Welsh is good, every Welsh language specialist who knows him maintains that his formal Welsh is nowhere near good enough for the series of jobs as a Welsh language specialist that he has bagged in competition with first language Welsh speakers.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us.’

 

My post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ supplied details regarding Prof John Farrar, a now retired plant biologist who spent years working at Bangor University and who was a PVC along with Fungus and Meri. Farrar was a contemporary of the junior lecturer in the School of Plant Biology who was known to be picking up under-aged girls for sex, whose colleagues knew about his activities and were worried that he would be arrested. Farrar hated this man – although Farrar hated everyone – and had explosive rows with him. But not about him having sex with school girls. Farrar was a colleague of Dr Chris Wood, who was married to the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the paedophile/sex trafficking ring in north Wales. As if any lecturer in UCNW was ever going to be investigated for sexually exploiting young people…

Before Farrar retired after keeling over from a heart-attack induced by a particularly dreadful row with Fungus, Farrar’s pride and joy was the Environment Centre Wales at Bangor University. It cost a great deal of money and was very much Farrar’s empire. However there were a number of structural problems due to design faults, but no-one was allowed to mention them when the VIP guest arrived to open the Good Ship Farrar. The VIP concerned was Gordon Brown!

So Bangor University received two visits from New Labour big wigs in rapid succession. Charlie Falconer, who turned up at the behest of Betty Williams, paedophiles’ friend and the former MP for Conwy, 1997-10 (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and then Gordon.

Betty was known to be hopeless and the world looked forward to her retirement. However as the big day neared, north Wales was gripped by panic. It transpired that Meri had her eyes on Betty’s seat and was said to have been ripe for selection as a time expired Blair’s babe. The nightmare only stopped when a delegation of local Labour Party activists made representation and firmly stated that Meri was ‘unsuitable’ to be a candidate. They didn’t have to say WHY the pissed, shagging colleague of a paedophile gang was unsuitable – Labour Party HQ knew why. It was for the very reasons that New Labour big wigs wanted her to succeed Betty Williams.

 

John Farrar’s former wife Stel worked as a Welsh for adults tutor in Meri’s Dept of Lifelong Learning and Farrar and Stel’s son Robin has for some years now held high office in Cymdeithas yr Iaith. Meri used to be Chair of Cymdeithas.

 

A helpful stranger has assisted me in joining up a few of the dots regarding events at the Agriculture Dept at UCNW in the 1970s, 80s and 90s and the possible reasons why it was a stronghold of the paedophiles’ friends. I knew that it was, but I couldn’t work out WHY. Mary Wynch had worked there as a secretary and had uncovered something so dreadful that Dafydd and the gang unlawfully imprisoned her for a year in 1979. Following that, a new Prof and Head of Dept arrived from Aberdeen University, the dreadful J.B. Owen. Under J.B. Owen’s watchful eye, the farm run by the Agri Dept went bankrupt – and after being bailed out went bankrupt again a few years later – vindictive attacks were launched against staff and students leading to an exodus of students to other Depts and academic standards were laughable. Yet one of this crew, the agricultural economist Prof Richard Howarth, became an adviser to Thatcher (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

The students who left the Agri Dept in droves did so because they wanted to study agricultural science, as opposed to what the Agri Dept were teaching, which was how to run large estates by extracting the generous Gov’t subsidies which were available at the time. The students who were the children of large landowners, of which there were quite a few, were very happy with what the Agri Dept delivered. The Agri Dept had no time for SSSIs or organic farming or applied biology or indeed anything but how to get those Gov’t subsidies for your estate. J.B. Owen, when still new to the post, gave an interview to ‘Farmer’s Weekly’ in which he said that he wanted ‘graduates with mud on their boots’. What he meant was that he wanted graduates who employed people with mud on their boots – Owen was making a (successful) pitch for the children of large landowners who were a bit more academic than those who went to Seale-Hayne, Harper Adams or the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester.

 

In the 1980s, estate management was still mostly the preserve of men, so the girls who graduated from the Agri Dept in those days tended to work for ADAS (the Gov’t agricultural advisory service) or agri-chemical companies.

 

J.B. Owen was a landowner on Anglesey himself and his forefathers had provided the dosh which founded the Agri Dept. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon – Lord Kenyon – was President of UCNW, 1947-82 and was a landowner in the north east of Wales. Lord Kenyon’s obituary described him as having done much for agriculture in north Wales. Including I suspect calling J.B. Owen back from Aberdeen University when the paedophile gang sent up the distress flare. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was sexually abusing at least one boy in the care of the social services in north Wales and later died of HIV/AIDS. Lord Kenyon held leading roles in the NHS in the region, including as Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority for several years during the 1970s. He sat on the North Wales Police Authority, on Flintshire County Council, was a magistrate and was north Wales’s most senior Freemason. Lord Kenyon held many other roles, including that as a Director of Lloyds Bank. For further details see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Beata Brookes, the Tory MEP for north Wales, 1979-89, was a UCNW graduate, a former social worker for Denbighshire County Council who later sat on Clwyd Social Services Committee and from 1973 was a member of Clwyd Health Authority. Brookes was involved in just about every disability charity or organisation in north Wales. Brookes’s toxic presence in north Wales caused a crisis in the regional Tory Party. She – and her family – farmed in north east Wales. Brookes’s brother was a Freemason who also held office in the NFU and was involved in other organisations associated with farming and countryside sports. To read the details that was the extreme horror of Beata Brookes’s lifetime of helping the unfortunate, see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’.

 

Ian Mackeson Sandbach was another estate farmer in north east Wales. Mackeson Sandbach was the most senior Freemason in north Wales some years after Lord Kenyon held that honour. Mackeson Sandbach’s granddaughter Antoinette Sandbach is a barrister, a former Tory AM and now the Tory MP for Eddisbury in Cheshire. Antoinette’s gran Geraldine was President of the Royal College of Midwives branch in Denbigh. Now there’s a useful job for someone who might want to conceal a sex trafficking and paedophile gang who are banging their victims up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. See previous posts for full details of the Sandbach clan.

 

The richest and grandest ‘farmer’ in the region was of course the Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor. One of Grosvenor’s estates was in Cheshire. Previous posts have detailed Grosvenor’s connections with St George’s Hospital Medical School when that institution was concealing both Dafydd and the gang in north Wales and a related paedophile gang in south London and how Thatcher’s Gov’t allowed Grosvenor to purchase a piece of real estate in Knightsbridge worth millions for £6k in a deal which involved everyone keeping quiet about Dafydd, the paedophile gang and Thatcher’s friend and Minister Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing children in north Wales and elsewhere. See post ‘Dates For Your Diary’ for further background on Grosvenor and his family.

Grosvenor was, among many other things: President, Holstein UK & Ireland (formerly British Holstein Society), 1988; President, Institution of Environmental Sciences, 1989-13; Life Governor, Royal Agricultural Society; Vice-President, Royal Smithfield Club, 2004-death; Vice-President, Country Landowners Association, 1999-death.

Grosvenor’s close friend was Carlo, who was Chancellor of UCNW. The sister of Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester who was abusing kids in care, was Dame Mary Morrison, Woman of the Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum HM Lilibet. Grosvenor was President of the City of Chester Constituency Conservative Association. Peter Morrison used to turn up for events in Cheshire held by the farming community.

Carlo was also friendly with the Marquess of Anglesey, whose family were leading lights in the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party. Every Anglesey MP including Keith Best, Tory MP, 1979-87 and Welsh Office Minister, has concealed the paedophile gang. See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

 

The Agri Dept at UCNW was a laughing stock, but it served a lot of people very well.

 

There is a farm shop and cafe/restaurant near Corwen called Rhug Farm Shop. It’s very nice, but far too expensive to be the place where one buys the weekly groceries. The shop is owned by Lord Newborough, who owns much land in north Wales, including land near Corwen and near Caernarfon. Lord Newborough specialises in foodie-things, like salt marsh lamb and he even grazes bison. His farm is organic and as one enters the farm shop, one is greeted by a huge photo of Carlo and Camilla doing a bit of shopping at Lord Newborough’s place. I think that they are mates with him. Lord Newborough calls himself a farmer and he certainly does some interesting things on his land, but Lord Newborough only felt the call of the sheep and the bison when his dad died. Prior to that Lord Newborough worked in global capitalism. You can watch a video in his cafe – or at least you could the last time that I was in there – and it tells you all about Lord Newborough’s adventures in the money markets of places like Hong Kong.

I suspect that Lord Newborough’s dad did very well out of the Tories’ agricultural policies in the 1980s and 90s, as dreamed up by the paedophiles’ friend Richard Howarth.

Fungus will have known all about it; if only the departed were still here to spill the beans.

 

I have speculated that J.B. Owen was called back to base by the paedophiles’ friends in 1979-80, after the Mary Wynch crisis. My post ‘Now Then…’ discusses Lord Stewart Sutherland, an Aberdeen graduate who in the mid-1960s worked as a lecturer at UCNW, between 1977-90 held senior roles at King’s College London and who was VC of London University, 1990-92, whilst the paedophiles’ friends were up to their eyes in wrongdoing in King’s College and London University.

Stewart Sutherland was appointed as Head of the newly created OFSTED in 1992, ie. Chief Inspector of Education, Children’s Services and Skills. Chris Woodhead succeeded him in 1994 and remained in post until 2000, throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry. Woodhead was appointed by PM John Major, remained in post under Blair and had his term extended by David Blunkett in Blunkett’s capacity as Education Secretary. Chris Woodhead was loathed by many people in education, especially the teaching unions, because he constantly banged on about the evils of ‘progressive’ teaching and maintained that nearly all teachers were hopeless and that it was his job to root them out. So a lot of people squealed with delight when it became public that Chris Woodhead, whilst a teacher at Gordano School in Bristol, had had a relationship with one of his pupils.

Woodhead lived with his former pupil for nine years. They insisted that their relationship had begun after they had left the school, but in 2015, immediately after Woodhead’s death, it was reported that his former wife disputed this version of events and stated that she had been asked to consider a menage a trois with Woodhead’s former pupil when the latter was just 17, a claim in which Woodhead’s former wife was supported by a number of Woodhead’s colleagues at Gordano and Tony Robinson of ‘Blackadder’ fame, who knew the Woodheads in Bristol.

Woodhead didn’t do himself any favours when he stated in 1999 that sexual relationships between teachers and their pupils could be ‘experiential and educative on both sides’.

Someone who did teacher training with me at Bangor University later became involved with one of his sixth formers and resigned his post to cohabit with her. There have been requests for me to name him on this blog, but I don’t know the full circumstances so I’m not going to. Keith Fearns and the paedophiles’ friends made fallacious accusations against me but remained silent about this man who qualified with me, but my former fellow student may have formed a genuine relationship with a girl who was 18 and resigned his post in order to live with her. So at the moment I’m keeping an open mind.

 

Woodhead went to Selsdon Primary School in South Croyon, then Wallington County Grammar School in Surrey. Later, he went to Bristol University, where he did his first degree and a PGCE.  Woodhead briefly worked as an English teacher at Wallington County Grammar School for Boys. Subsequently, he taught at the Priory School in Shrewsbury, 1969-72, moving to Newent Community School from 1972-74 as assistant Head of English. Woodhead obtained a MA in English from Keele University in 1974. Woodhead’s final teaching position was at Gordano School in Portishead as Head of English. During this period, he was noted for his espousal of ‘progressive’ educational ideology, something he later recanted.

In 1976, Woodhead left teaching, and subsequently moved into teacher education. He worked as a tutor on the PGCE teacher training course at the University of Oxford and held a number of posts in education development, including Deputy Chief Education Officer in Devon, 1988–90, as well as posts in Shropshire and Cornwall, 1990–1. From 1991-93, Woodhead was Chief Executive of the National Curriculum Council and also of the SCAA from 1993-94 (the School Curriculum and Assessment Authority), later replaced by the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority), which replaced the National Curriculum Council and the School Examinations and Assessment Council from 1 Oct 1993.

On 2 November 2000 Woodhead announced his resignation.

In Feb 2005, ‘The Guardian’ confirmed that in 1997 Woodhead had over-ruled a unanimous decision by his own inspectors and a subsequent inspection visit by HMI inspectors, to declare that Islington Green School was failing and required special measures. According to the head of the school at the time, ‘the consequences for staff and pupils were catastrophic’.

Woodhead was employed as a columnist for ‘The Daily Telegraph’ and ‘The Sunday Times’ newspapers. In approx 2002 Woodhead was appointed a Professor of Education at the University of Buckingham, long associated with paedophiles’ friends in high places of a right wing persuasion (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’).

In 2004 Woodhead became Chairmain of Cognita, a company that owns and runs independent schools. Woodhead and Cognita were reported in the press as having expelled pupils and were accused of ‘milking profits’ and dismissing a whistleblower who accused the company of allowing ineligible teachers to participate in the state run Teachers’ Pension Scheme.

Cognita became embroiled in a sexual abuse scandal when it emerged that one of its teachers at its Southbank International School, had systematically sexually abused at least 60 pupils at the school over a period of years. The man concerned taught at the school from 2009-13. Woodhead was the Chairman of the school board. Hugh Davies QC, who was appointed to look into the scandal, stated that at the school: ‘The structures of governance did not deliver effective supervision of those with operational responsibility for child protection,’ and that child protection policies were not ‘fully understood and/or implemented’ and there was a lack of training among the school’s child protection officers.

Woodhead married again in 2006 and lived in Herefordshire.

Woodhead was knighted in 2011. 

Woodhead was diagnosed with the MND in 2006. He was a Patron of Dignity in Dying and campaigned for an assisted dying law.

Woodhead was on the Advisory Council of the think tank Reform. 

 

Here are a few observations. My housemate Anne who was killed in a car crash in 1986 caused by the paedophiles’ friends came from the same place as Woodhead and attended Wallington Grammar School for Girls. Anne’s mum was a teacher in the area. Woodhead’s dad was an accountant – so was Anne’s dad. Dafydd, John Allen and the paedophiles had a branch of their gang operating in Shropshire when Woodhead taught there and later held senior roles in education development. Woodhead was at Keele University in 1974. Keele had a problem with paedophiles who were teaching on some of their courses, most notably social work academic Peter Righton, who was a member of PIE and was convicted of child sex offences. Righton worked closely with Barbara Kahan, who concealed child abuse throughout her career, including in Oxfordshire, where she and her Top Doctor husband Vladimir Kahan lived and worked for most of their lives (Always On The Side Of The Children’). The Kahans were there when Woodhead worked at Oxford. Jeremy Thorpe and his associates were still colonising Devon when Woodhead held a senior role in the education service in that county.

Woodhead went to Bristol University, as did D.G.E. Wood and David Hunt, who spent so many years in the Welsh Office concealing the crimes of Wood et al. Wood’s father was a Top Doc near Bristol and Wood grew up there. Woodhead lived in Herefordshire at the same time that Sir Ronnie Waterhouse did. Woodhead was Head of OFTSED throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry and he resigned some months after the Waterhouse Report was published. Woodhead was knighted just before Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

Woodhead, being ambitious, fancying himself as an intellectual with political interests and holding senior positions in education, will undoubtedly have known at least some of the stars whom he found himself in close proximity to.

 

Towards the end of his life, Woodhead did something even more interesting than living with one of his pupils and mouthing off about the evils of incompetent, progressive teachers. Woodhead went to live in north Wales – in Llanfrothen. I even bumped into him in Morrison’s in Caernarfon. Llanfrothen is the neighbouring village to Croesor, the village featured in my post ‘The Village’, which was a favourite destination for high profile radicals and activists on the left during the middle years of the 20th century. They knew about organised sexual abuse in the region, they knew about Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist and a few of the local people in the area had been ruined by Dafydd and Gwynne.

In 2011 Thomas Merfyn Hughes, a social work manager for Gwynedd Social Services who had challenged the paedophiles’ friends – although he was Of Them – and who had also been the election agent of paedophiles’ friend Elfyn Llwyd MP, was found dead near his home in Croesor. Merfyn Hughes’s body was found some time after he died, concealed, in someone else’s garden, at the bottom of an embankment. The explanation supplied for his death at the inquest did not make sense on any level. See post ‘A Particularly Worrying Death’.

I don’t know exactly when Woodhead moved to Llanfrothen, but he was there when he launched an attack on Bangor University in his ‘Sunday Times’ column, which must have been in about 2009-10.

Woodhead claimed to have received a letter from the mother of a law student at Bangor denouncing the dreadful standards at Bangor Law School. Woodhead named and shamed Bangor Law School and a lecturer there. The sins of the lecturer were alleged to include having such a poor grasp of English that he couldn’t be understood. This wasn’t true. The lecturer concerned was Asian, but he was sound academically and his English was good. There was a lecturer in the School of Law who’s English was very poor and there had been complaints, but that was a female Chinese lecturer, so there can’t have just been a simple mis-identification. The law students then revealed that the student who’s mum had complained had gone to so few lectures that she’d barely had time to draw conclusions about the competence of the staff. Some of the law students then made allegations that this girl had been nakedly racist towards other people.

Chris Woodhead then disclosed that the student’s mother was a law lecturer herself, So She Knew and furthermore she was African, so the allegations of racism could not possibly be true. I was very friendly with a Bangor law student at the time and was given full details. It sounded very much as though Woodhead and ‘The Sunday Times’ had set Bangor University up.

The odd thing was that there were huge problems at Bangor Law School, but they were not caused by the man who had been named by Woodhead. The problems were caused by the paedophiles’ friends, who had given places to some highly unsuitable students. These included a former police officer who had criminal convictions and who then offended again and was returned to prison; two female mature students who committed a huge fraud and were sent to prison; a former social worker who just seemed to be completely nuts and spread unpleasant fantasies about the other students; and an associate of Dafydd’s who had served a prison sentence and was defrauding local businesses whilst telling them that he was a barrister. The person who gave these students places was Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer, who’s wife Joanna Griffiths was Director of Social Services for Conwy, who’s sister Gwen Carrington was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and who’s brother Huw was a grossly incompetent solicitor who spent years sitting in the courts in north Wales watching the paedophile gang fit up their victims. For more details about the branch of the Mafia which is the Slayer’s family, see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’. The Buffet Slayer had previously been a lecturer at the Normal College. It was alleged that the two women who were jailed for fraud were personal friends of the Buffet Slayer’s sister.

The Slayer’s activities had made the Law School so notorious that law firms were refusing to employ Bangor graduates and the University authorities were tearing their hair out over the havoc presiding. Except for Fungus. I mentioned in a previous post that before I left Bangor, Fungus knew that I was watching the paedophiles’ friends at work and whenever I was engaged in conversation with anyone, Fungus would appear behind me eavesdropping and glowering. Fungus virtually followed me around the University if he saw me with my friend the law student.

It was at this time that I had heard of plans on the part of the paedophiles’ friends to fit the VC up for a criminal offence after his wife had died. The VC originally came from Llanfrothen. Some of his friends and relatives were still living there when Woodhead moved in.

 

Do you know anything about all of this Cherie and Blair? It all kicked off after John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer and after Dee and Meri had been busy.

Cherie and Blair are friends with Michael Beloff QC. Who’s dad Max was one of the founders of the University of Buckingham (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’). Max knew Ioan Bowen-Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council when the paedophile ring operated within the Council’s children’s homes (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Michael Beloff was the legal adviser to the insurers of Clwyd County Council – he was responsible for ensuring that the Jillings Report was not made available to anyone but the Council’s insurers and lawyers (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). One member of the Jilliings Panel was a social work academic at Keele University.

 

As for David Blunkett who thought that Woodhead was a jolly good thing – when Blunkett was Home Secretary, he gave a resident of a village near Caernarfon a Citizens Award and she was later awarded an MBE. Her neighbours were horrified. She had carried out vigilante action against people who dared to have mental health problems, had appeared in the local paper commenting on black people who are violent and then one of her family was imprisoned for the rape of a girl under seven yrs old.

It was Blunkett who used his powers as Home Secretary to extend the prison sentence of Howard Hughes from Llandudno, who was convicted of the rape and murder of a little girl called Sophie Hook in the mid-1990s. There was no forensic evidence against Howard Hughes, who has learning disabilities. Many of the people involved in the investigation and trial were paedophiles’ friends. Hughes had previously spent time at Bryn Estyn, where he maintains that he was sexually assaulted. His claim for compensation was turned down on the grounds that he is a convicted murderer. Hughes also spent time in the paedophiles’ prison Garth Angharad near Dolgellau. Hughes is one of three people serving the longest sentences in the UK. There are concerns that he has been the victim of a serious miscarriage of justice. See post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’.

 

 

So stop squealing paedophiles’ friends, you’ve had a good innings. You’ve lied, you’ve cheated, you’ve plagiarised other people’s work, you smeared innocent people and fitted some of them up for criminal offences and you’ve ignored serious sexual offences and even the murders of witnesses. Furthermore I haven’t finished naming all of you yet.

 

Some of the cast:

Dr Dee Gray, Transformative Leader and Angel of Death:

Grays Learning » Dr. Dee Gray

 

The Crack of Doom:

  • Meri Huws | Folly Farm | ZoomInfo.com

 

Bring that computer back!

Let us prey:
Presentations now Available DSIDC Annual Conference ...
Professor Chris Burton:
The Brave Rabbit. Dusty Bin Money Box
Dusty Bin:
Prof Chris Burton
Professor Mike Nolan, another world leader who’s genius and excellence benefited the citizens of north Wales:

Mike Nolan

 

 

 

More Than Politics And Local Government

I have just purchased a copy of Martin Shipton’s biography of George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy, ‘Political Chameleon, In Search of George Thomas’ for a bit of Christmas reading.

At the very beginning of the book there are comments from Lord Patrick Cormack, former Conservative MP and David Seligman, solicitor and former Chair, Cardiff West Constituency Labour Party. Cormack and Seligman were both friends with George Thomas and although they noticed things that puzzled them – for Seligman it was why George Thomas ever accepted a Viscountcy from Margaret Thatcher, as Thomas had claimed to detest the House of Lords – both Cormack and Seligman refuse to believe the allegations of child abuse that have been levelled at George Thomas.

Although I’ve only just skimmed through a couple of chapters of Shipton’s book, I’ve noticed that Shipton mentions a number of incidents that haven’t received widespread media coverage but did cause concern among people who did know about them, including a complaint made to the South Wales Police that Thomas had raped a nine year old boy, other complaints against Thomas from teenaged boys that Thomas had ‘touched them up’, a young man to whom for some reason Thomas paid a large amount of money in order for him to move to Australia and offers by Thomas’s mate solicitor and fellow Labour MP Leo Abse to ‘deal with’ other people who made allegations against Thomas. At one point Thomas was hospitalised for some type of STD but his hospital stay was repackaged as being for ‘waterworks trouble’. I expect to find out a lot more that I didn’t know when I read Shipton’s book.

I thought that I’d find out a bit more about Seligman and Cormack, who both maintained that their own children loved George Thomas and that they really did not have any concerns about his conduct towards them. Not that paedophiles abuse every child that they come into contact with anyway…

Patrick Cormack was the Conservative MP for Cannock, 1970-74 (he won the seat from Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow) and then for South Staffordshire, 1974-83. So Cormack was one of the local MPs when the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal was happening, when people who dared complain that children in care were being abused were framed for serious offences themselves and imprisoned, when the police framed the Bridgewater Four for the murder of schoolboy Carl Bridgewater yet ignored the masses of evidence which pointed to ambulanceman Bert Spencer and as things began to go very wrong in the NHS in Staffordshire. Patrick Cormack seems to have missed so much that I’m not in the least bit surprised that he never noticed anything untoward about George Thomas.

Cormack came from Grimsby and as a young man contested that seat whilst Tony Crosland was the sitting Labour MP as well as the Secretary of State for Education and Science. This was the bisexual Tony Crosland who was almost certainly used by Blair’s mate Hilary Armstrong’s father Ernest to conceal the abuse of children at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead by Peter Howarth, whilst Howarth’s boss Matt Arnold colluded. Arnold and Howarth later relocated to Bryn Estyn where they established a paedophile ring which included Sir Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester and Thatcher’s aide.

Cormack graduated from Hull University in 1961 and until 1966 taught at his old school in Lincolnshire, St James’s Choir School. He then worked as an assistant housemaster at Wrekin College, Wellington, Shropshire, 1967-69 and in 1969 became head of Brentwood Grammar School.

Prior to 1970 Cormack was a member of the Bow Group and the Monday Club, although he resigned from both at the end of 1971.

Patrick Cormack was PPS in the DHSS, 1970-73, whilst Sir Keith Joseph was Secretary of State under Ted Heath. So Cormack was in that post whilst the paedophiles’ friend Barbara Kahan was a senior advisor to Joseph in the DHSS re children in care (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). The Barbara who later Co-Chaired the Inquiry into the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal.

By 1997 Cormack had spent 27 years on the backbenches – suddenly William Hague felt generous enough to promote him to the position of Opposition Deputy Leader of the Commons. The previous year Hague had orchestrated the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry in his capacity as John Major’s Secretary of State for Wales and in 1997 Sir Ronald Waterhouse had begun taking evidence and the most dire accounts of abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales were finding their way into some media outlets – not many admittedly because there wasn’t quite the sort of interest from the media that one would expect in view of what had gone on…

Patrick Cormack was Chair of the N Ireland Affairs Select Committee, 2005-10.

In 2010 Cormack was given a peerage.

In 2011 Cormack was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Staffordshire.

Patrick Cormack is a committed Christian and was warden at Parliament’s parish church, St Margaret’s of Westminster, 1978-90. But then the STD infected child abusing George Thomas was a Methodist lay preacher.

 

David Seligman is the former Chair of Cardiff West Constituency Labour Party. In 1983 Seligman stood as the Labour Party candidate for Cardiff West, George Thomas’s former seat, but lost to the Conservative candidate Stefan Terlezki who held the seat until 1987.

Stefan Terlezki was born in what was then part of Poland but is now Western Ukraine and lived under both the Nazi’s and Stalin’s regimes. Terlezki came to Wales and ended up working in hotel management, running establishments in Aberystwyth and Swansea. His political career started in 1968 when he became a member of Cardiff City Council. Stefan was Chair of Cardiff City F.C., 1975-77. In 1989 Thatcher’s Gov’t appointed him the British Gov’t Representative of the Council of Europe’s Human Rights Committee on the basis that he had experienced life under totalitarian regimes. The Labour Party were very angry about this because in the 1970s Terlezki had recommending flogging football hooligans. As the whole lot of them were well aware of what George Thomas got up to I don’t think that any of them were suitable to be representatives on a Human Rights Committee.

Stefan Terlezki lost his seat in 1987 to the Labour candidate Rhodri Morgan. Rhodri originally had his eye on Jim Callaghan’s seat, Cardiff South and Penarth. When Callaghan retired in 1987 Rhodri trotted along to see Mr Big in the Labour Party in south Wales, Lord Jack Brooks, with his masterplan but Jack Brooks told him to take a running jump and suggested that he try for Cardiff West instead.

Jack Brooks was never elected to the Commons but he called most of the shots in the Labour Party in south Wales. Brooks was educated at Coleg Harlech and was Secretary of the Cardiff South East Constituency Labour Party, 1966-84. Brooks was Chair of Cardiff Labour Party from 1968 and was the first leader of the old Cardiff City Council until the Labour Group lost control in 1977, but he returned as leader of South Glamorgan County Council in 1986. Jack Brooks was Jim Callaghan’s election agent, which explains why he bagged a peerage in 1979.

Brooks was Deputy Chair of CDDC (Cardiff Bay Development Corporation) – Geoffrey Inkin was Chair. My post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ describes how the development of Cardiff Bay was meticulously planned by a group of people – including some of members of South Glamorgan County Council – who used many millions of taxpayers money to fund the redevelopment of Cardiff Docks, the redevelopment of which benefited businesses that they or their friends had interests in. There is much resentment in Wales concerning the lack of benefit to the rest of Wales from Cardiff Bay – the south Wales valleys are still wrecked and Cardiff Bay doesn’t touch the life of the rest of Wales unless one is an AM and works there. But a small group of people became very rich indeed as a result of Cardiff Bay. Jack Brooks died last year and Wales Online’s tribute to him mentioned that his ‘willingness to work across political boundaries with people like Nicholas Edwards’ was instrumental in the establishment of CBDC. Nicholas Edwards aka Lord Crickhowell was Secretary of State for Wales, 1979-87, under Thatcher and not only made a fortune out of Cardiff Bay but also concealed the criminal activity in north Wales related to the abuse of children and mental health patients.

Jack Brooks determined much of what eventually happened at Cardiff Bay. A lot of people opposed the building of the barrage, but old Jack wanted it and it happened. The proposed building of the new County Hall on Atlantic Wharf was highly controversial but Jack thought that it was a great idea – in 1984 a meeting of the County Labour Party announced that the Labour Group on South Glamorgan County Council had decided to go ahead with the building. A lot of people became very excited when it was proposed that an opera house should be built at Cardiff Bay. The architect Zaha Haddid even got as far as designing one. Jack stated that it would be built over his dead body – the opera house didn’t happen.

Jack lost his seat at the 1993 Council elections.

In 1995 Jack was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of South Glamorgan.

Jack was the Chairman of the Welsh Sports Hall of Fame from 1988 and of Sportsmatch Wales from 1992. He was Vice-Chair of the British Board of Boxing Control in 1999 and 2000 and President from 2004. The former boxer Michael Watson won a negligence case against the Board in 2001 after suffering a serious brain injury in a boxing match with Chris Eubanks – Watson’s damages were huge as a result of there being inadequate medical assistance and no oxygen supply at the match and the Board had to sell their London HQ to raise the compensation. They had to reduce their overheads to avoid bankruptcy and Brooks was instrumental in moving their head office to Cardiff to achieve this. Michael Watson may have suffered a catastrophic brain injury which nearly killed him and left him permanently disabled, but I was delighted to read that Lilibet gave him a gong for his contribution to disabled sport and that he was allowed to hold the torch at the Paralympics. Obviously that’s enough to make up for the loss of a few billion neurones.

I am wondering if Jack Brooks was anything to do with the BMA dropping their campaign against boxing some years ago.The BMA really had it in for boxing and their campaign was gathering a lot of steam – they wanted boxing outlawed. The BMA of course were playing a major role in concealing the paedophile gang in north Wales and the associated Westminster Paedophile Ring, along with the criminal activities in the mental health services. They suddenly fell completely silent about boxing and it is now being once again promoted as harmless fun for boys and young men and as ’empowering’ for young women. I would have thought that Michael Watson nearly dying in the ring would have been all the evidence that the Top Doctors needed.

Jack Brooks was a leading light in the Wales Anti-Apartheid movement with Paul Flynn – Paul Flynn knew about the abuses in north Wales and even appeared on the Vincent Kane show with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Flynn challenged dear old Dafydd concerning his idiotic theories about cannabis  psychosis but he never said a word about the paedophile gang that Dafydd and others at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were concealing. Flynn had stood for election in Denbigh in the 1970s and nearly every person in that town had a job which was dependent upon the North Wales Hospital.

 

Whilst Jack Brooks Chaired South Glamorgan County Council’s Committee for driving the redevelopment of Cardiff Bay, the Council was led by Bob Morgan. Councillor Bob was actually a Canon in the Church in Wales, the Rev Bob Morgan. The Rev Bob has a daughter who is a Baroness – although no-one quite knows what she did to become a Baroness, except make friends with the first Family of Troughing,the Kinnocks – Eluned Morgan. Eluned has starred on this blog before as well as on the Welsh political blog Jac O The North. The Baroness is fond of telling a deprivation narrative in public – she enjoys advertising the fact that she ‘came from an estate in Ely’, Ely having had a rather rough reputation in previous times particularly in 1991 when the ‘Ely Bread Riots’ kicked off. Ely was a tough place but the Baroness likes to give the impression that she lived in cardboard box in’t middle of road and has become a Baroness because she is an emblem of New Labour’s social mobility. She doesn’t advertise the fact that her dad was the leader of a rotten borough whilst it devised the most enormous scam for fleecing the tax-payer and making some of the Council members and their mates seriously rich. Neither does the Baroness ever explain that her dad did this in cahoots with the likes of Lord Crickhowell – the Baroness probably sits next to him in the House of Lords – Thatcher’s henchman who completely screwed the rest of Wales and concealed a paedophile gang.

A Mystery surrounds the Baroness. She has now been given responsibility for the Welsh language in her capacity as an AM and I suspect that like everything else that the Baroness has been given responsibility for, she hasn’t got the ability to perform the tasks required. The Baroness told the BBC the other day that when she was a girl the other kids threw stones at her school bus because it was a bus taking her to a Welsh medium school. The Baroness used this an anecdote to demonstrate how much hostility existed towards the Welsh language in Cardiff at the time. When the Baroness was a lass, schools in Cardiff were generally English medium (schools in north Wales were Welsh medium) but one group of people who did aspire to send their children to Welsh medium schools were a contingent of Welsh middle class people – because Welsh medium schools were often very good, receiving the support of a lot of committed well-educated parents. I rather suspect that the Baroness’s bus was being stoned by the chavs because she and her fellow travellers were literally being bussed out of Ely because Bob didn’t want the Baroness mixing with the riff raff in the Ely schools. Then someone told me via the comments thread on Jac O The North that the Baroness went to Atlantic College. Atlantic College is a co-educational international school and it charges people a great deal of money to send their kids there. Atlantic College is a great school if you’ve got the money to pay for it, but plebs don’t get through the gates. Stephen Kinnock sent his daughter there and her mum is the Prime Minister of Denmark – although Stephen tried to pretend that his daughter was at a local comp. A few years ago when I was in Armenia I bumped into some Atlantic College students on an archeology trip and the teenager to whom I was chatting had a mum who was a hedge fund manager. I presume that the Baroness braved the stones on the bus to the Welsh medium school until she transferred to Atlantic College. What I’m wondering is how did the Rev Bob ever find the money to pay the fees? Clergymen don’t get paid that much – they’re not really supposed to be living it up at the expense of their neighbours, let alone bussing their kids out a la apartheid and waving through corrupt get rich quick schemes in their capacity as Council leaders. I don’t know if Atlantic College offers scholarships but Eluned has always struck me as a Baroness of Very Little Brain, I doubt that she’d have bagged one.

Furthermore if Bob was a leading light on the Council, the state of Ely will have been something to do with him and his fellow Councillors.

There were a few other illustrious people on or associated with South Glamorgan County Council back in that era. Rhodri Morgan worked as an industrial development officer for them before he was elected to the Commons in 1987. Mark Drakeford (who worked as a social worker in Ely as well as in Dyfed where a paedophile gang raged) was a Councillor, as was this blog’s friend former social worker Jane Hutt – someone else who managed to ignore the criminal abuse of vulnerable people – and Rhodri’s wife Julie Morgan who also worked as a social worker, in Barry.

Alun Michael was a Councillor who worked closely with Jack Brooks – Michael described Brooks as one of the ‘towering influences’ in the development of Cardiff in the 1970/80s. Jack was so fond of Alun Michael that he didn’t snub Michael in the way that he did Rhodri – thus it was Alun Michael who ended up succeeding Jim Callaghan in the Cardiff South and Penarth seat in 1987. Rhodri joined Blair’s shadow environment and then energy team and was then shadow Welsh Affairs spokesman, 1992-97. Blair didn’t make Rhodri a Welsh Office Minister once Labour gained power in 1997. Obviously Rhodri wasn’t doing enough to assist paedophiles – he was merely ignoring them. Blair’s choice of Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary following devolution was Ron Davies. Being a man who picked up male prostitutes on Clapham Common Ron was obviously Blair’s ideal candidate. Sadly Ron was caught in the company of one prostitute – Boogie – and Blair couldn’t withstand the scandal, so Wales was initially given Alun Michael as First Secretary. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner, after all those years of faithful service on a rotten borough whose members lined their own pockets and kept schtum about George Thomas’s activities.

When Rhodri contested Cardiff West in 1987, his Conservative opponent was Ivor Richard. Ivor Richard came from Carmarthenshire, went to school at Llanelli and then at Cheltenham College. After this he studied at Pembroke College, Oxford where he joined the Labour Party and the Fabian Society. Richard was called to the Bar in 1955. He worked as a barrister in London and in 1963 defended – under Lewis Hawser QC, who was a friend of Jeremy Thorpe – Brian Field, a solicitor’s clerk who played an essential role in the conspiracy to commit the Great Train Robbery. Field’s share of the swag was found in Dorking wood. Nevertheless he was acquitted of conspiracy to rob on appeal.

Richard was MP for Baron’s Court, a constituency near Hammersmith and Fulham, 1964-74. It was a marginal constituency which benefited from good media coverage from the BBC TV Centre which was located nearby. Not only were Jimmy Savile’s employers – and protectors – on Ivor Richard’s doorstep, but that bastion of wrongdoing and research fraud Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School is nearby as well.

Richard was briefly an assistant to Denis Healey whilst Healey was Secretary of State for Defence and was then Minister for the Army in 1969. Richard lost his seat in 1974 and was unable to find another nomination because of his pro-EEC stance. In June 1974 Harold Wilson’s Gov’t appointed him the UK Permanent Representative to the UN, a post he held until 1979. In 1980 the Labour Party chose Richard to replace the paedophiles’ friend Roy Jenkins as a European Commissioner – he had responsibility for Employment, Social Policy, Education and Training. In 1985 Richard was appointed Chairman of World Trade Centre Wales Ltd, supposedly to encourage overseas investment in Wales.

Richard was made a life peer in 1990. In 1992 he became leader of the Labour peers and was made a Privy Councillor. In 1997 Richard was appointed Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the Lords – he succeeded that man who did the paedophiles of Wales so many favours, Lord Cledwyn.

Ivor Richard Chaired the Richard Commission, 2002-04, which examined the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly for Wales. The Commission members included: Eira Davies from Wrexham, a member of the Boards of S4C and Coleg Llandrillo Cymru; Tom Jones, Chair of the WCVA; Laura McAllister; Lord Ted Rowlands, former Labour MP for Cardiff North (1966-70), Methyr Tydfil and Rhymney (1972-01) and Welsh Office Minister whilst the Welsh Office concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales; Vivienne Sugar, Chief Executive of the City and County of Swansea; Huw Thomas, former CEO of Denbighshire County Council (whilst a paedophile gang operated in its Dept of Social Services), former CEO of Gwynedd County Council (whilst a paedophile gang operated in its Dept of Social Services), Director of Taro Consultancy Ltd, lay member of the Law Society – please see post ‘ I Know Nuzzing…’ for further details of Huw’s proud record and his extensive appointments which include Auditor General for Wales; Paul Valerio, Lord Mayor of Swansea in 1982, Councillor on City of Swansea Council.

Jack Brooks’s protege was the notorious Russell Goodway. Russell’s head start in politics in the south Wales Labour Party was nearly as good as that enjoyed by the Baroness of Ely. As a 17 year old in the sixth form at Barry Comprehensive, Russell was sent on a secondment to the Labour Party’s HQ to work for Jack Brooks during the General Election campaign of Feb 1974 by the head teacher Teifion Philips, President of the Barry Labour Party. By the time that Jack turned his toes up in 2016, he had been Russell’s comrade, mentor and friend for 42 years.

Russell Goodway was a Councillor for Ely, is the former Lord Mayor of Cardiff and the former CEO of Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. In 1985 he was elected to South Glamorgan County Council and became leader in 1992. At the turn of the 21st century Russell was the highest paid Council leader in Great Britain. South Glamorgan County Council was replaced by Cardiff City Council in 1996 but Russell didn’t stand down as leader of the Labour Group until 2004.

In late 2004 Russell became CEO of Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. In late 2007/08 the Chamber financially collapsed following an overpaid training grant from ELWa of £5000k which could not be repaid due to interest payments totalling £500k and other debts totalling £1 million. Thirty five staff were immediately made redundant and the Chamber was liquidated. ELWa was an Assembly funded public body for post-16 learning whose interim Chief Exec, 2004-05, was Dr Peter Higson, who spent years concealing the criminal activities of the mental health services in north Wales. Obviously after the disaster that was ELWa’s arrangement with the Cardiff Chamber of Commerce, there was only one thing to do with Higson – appoint him Chief Exec of Health Inspectorate Wales, where he wiled away a few more happy years concealing serious wrongdoing in the NHS. When HIW was deemed not fit for purpose, Higson was appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board – which is now in special measures and effectively bankrupt, having hosted the biggest mental health scandal that there has been in recent years in the UK. I look forward to seeing Peter Higson joining the Baroness, Lord Crickhowell, Lord Rowlands, Lord Richard and the rest of the gang in a sound sleep on the benches of the Upper House very soon.

Another Chair of ELWa was former Welsh Office civil servant Steve Martin. After ELWa became a national embarrassment and Steve fessed up to serious mismanagement, he was given a job leading HEFCW. Steve now has a Chair at Cardiff University’s Business School – the Baroness also has a Chair at Cardiff University.

In the light of all this, if anyone has any interesting ideas as to where the Rev Bob might have found those fees to send the Baroness to Atlantic College, please do let me know.

In April 2016 Russell Goodway paid tribute to Jack Brooks in an article on the IWA (Institute of Welsh Affairs) website, explaining that Jack Brooks was ‘more than politics and local government’ – indeed he was, he was large scale municipal corruption and I suspect a concealer of child abuse as well, along with everyone else down there.

Whilst Russell was at school in Barry, his local MP was someone else who will have been rather more than just politics and local gov’t – Tory MP Sir Raymond Gower. Raymond Gower went to Neath Grammar School, Cardiff High School, University College Cardiff and Cardiff School of Law. He qualified as a solicitor in 1944 and in 1964 became a partner in S.R. Freed and Co, Harewood Place, London W1 and also worked as a journalist and a broadcaster. Gower was MP for Barry, 1951-83 and then for the Vale of Glamorgan, 1983-89. He was PPS for Reginald Maudling and John Profumo, so he learnt at the knees of the best.

Gower was the Director of a large number of commercial companies and was Chairman of the Barry Herald, 1955-64. He was a Governor of the National Museum of Wales and the National Library of Wales. Gower was a member of the Courts of University College Cardiff and University College Aberystwyth. He was a member of the Welsh Executive and Council of the UNA (United Nations Association), Chair of the Welsh Conservative MPs Group and in 1966 was appointed Treasurer of the Welsh Parliamentary Group.

 

George Thomas was raised to the Viscountcy by Margaret Thatcher in 1983. David Seligman may have been loyal enough to Thomas to be baffled as to why he accepted an hereditary peerage but as it has now been admitted by even the Tories that Thatcher’s aide Tory MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison was abusing children in care in Wales – the Peter Morrison whose sister Dame Mary was a courtier to HM the Queen and whose Constituency Association was headed by the Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster and Prince Charles’s friend – it’s pretty obvious why Thatcher gave him one.

The investiture of Prince Charles in Caernarfon was an idea enthusiastically embraced by George Thomas.

 

 

The ‘Celtic Iron Lady’ And Yet More Recent History

The press in north Wales is currently publishing tributes to someone who has just died who was described as a farmer from Denbighshire and a ‘leading figure’ in country life in the region. It was mentioned that the man in question purchased a large pig farm he was younger, was keen on racehorses and was a leading light in the NFU as well as in the Conservative Party. Intriguingly the article in the Daily Post Online stated that this farmer was a freemason. Details of his family were supplied and it seems that his family were actually a local wealthy family with multiple business interests. Of course my antennae started twitching when I saw the words ‘Denbighshire’, ‘leading figure’ and ‘freemason’ in close proximity. A mate of Dafydd and Gwynne’s perhaps?  The ‘farmer’ would be about the right age to be a mate of theirs. But then I noticed something even more interesting – at the end of the article, it named the siblings of this farmer who had predeceased him. One was his sister – Beata Brookes, a Conservative politician.

Beata Brookes is a name from the past. When I arrived in Bangor in 1981 most people whom I came across supported Plaid, but every so often Bangor would be covered in blue Vote Conservative posters with the name of Beata Brookes emblazoned across them. I learned that Beata Brookes was the MEP for north Wales. I also soon found out that she was hated by many people, truly loathed, but no-one ever explained why – although to be fair, I never asked. In much the same way that in parts of the UK in the 1980s one would overhear people using the phrase ‘it’s that bloody woman’ and know that they were talking about Margaret Thatcher, in north Wales it was often a phrase used about Beata Brookes. Last night I did a bit of research. As is so often the case these days, I wish that I had done this research years ago – and I also wished that when I was young I had stopped to enquire further when local people had told me how much they hated Beata Brookes.

Beata Brookes was born in 1931, the daughter of a wealthy family in Denbighshire. So she’s about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille, the paedophiles’ friends then. Beata studied at UCNW (now Bangor University) and became a social worker – just like Lucille! Of course, Beata was about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille. Readers familiar with north Wales will already understand that with the region having the networks that it does, Beata will definitely have known Lucille. She therefore probably knew Dafydd as well. For readers in England who  might need more convincing, not knowing how north Wales works – and certainly worked in the mid-twentieth century – here’s the clincher. Beata worked as a social worker for Denbighshire County Council, although it is documented that she also worked as a ‘director for a north Wales company’ and as a ‘farmer’. I can’t find a record of the name of the company, I presume that it was a family business – and presumably, as with her brother, ‘farmer’ meant landowner. So Beata was from an affluent local Tory family (Beata joined the Young Conservatives at fifteen and ended up as the national vice-chairman), the male members of whom were freemasons and she worked as a social worker for the Council which collaborated with and concealed the wrongdoing of Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Beata will have known what was going on in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I bet she’ll have known about something else as well – the physical and sexual abuse of children, which had been going on in the region for decades. Scores of those who were named in the Jillings Report and Waterhouse Report as senior managers of the children’s ‘services’ which by the 1970s were known to be rife with paedophiles had worked for Denbighshire County Council as far back as the 1950s, as detailed in previous blog posts.

Was it possible that Beata was one of those who knew about the beatings, the buggery, the rapes, the lobotomies of awkward customers, the incarceration of anyone who crossed Gwynne or Dafydd’s path, the sexual abuse of psychiatric patients as well as of children, the financial abuse of vulnerable adults, the incarceration of homosexuals, the deaths and disappearances, but felt completely overwhelmed and helpless? Er, no – as Beata progressed in her career, she acquired positions which point to her being one of the key figures who ensured that the lid was kept on all of it. In 1963 the Conservative Government appointed her to the Welsh Hospitals Board, the authority directly responsible for the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. She remained in that post for eleven years. Whereupon she became a member of the new Clwyd Health Authority – which took over the running of the North Wales Hospital! And nothing changed at all – homosexuals were still tortured in the name of ‘aversion therapy’ although homosexuality had been decriminalised, women who had given birth outside of marriage were still incarcerated in there, Gwynne the lobotomist was still employed there (and I bet that he was still carrying out lobotomies as well, they were breaking every other law out there, they won’t have given up on their most effective weapon), young people who had been abused were being banged up in Denbigh in the 70s, Dafydd was shagging his way around the institution – life carried on in that place as it had for the previous decades. Of course by 1974, John Allen had established the Bryn Alyn Community and business was booming – children in care from across the UK were being ‘placed’ there, to be sexually abused and trafficked into prostitution. As were the boys at Bryn Estyn at that time. Jillings and Waterhouse admit that by 1974, children in care right across north Wales were being starved, used as free labour, violently assaulted and sexually abused. Some ended up in London and Brighton being abused by the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dissenters found themselves in the North Wales Hospital or Risley Remand Centre.

So Beata was up to her eyes in it as a member of Clwyd Health Authority. But Beata was a member of a few other things as well – including Clwyd County Council Social Services Committee! So she definitely knew about the kids who were being abused in the ‘care’ of the social services then. Beata played a blinder though – like Dafydd and Lucille, she ensured that she was involved in so many organisations that she remained in control of all outlets. She sat on the Family Practitioners Committee for Clwyd and she was a member of the Council for Professions Supplementary to Medicine – that will have kept any GPs or others who were unhappy with what was going on silent – and she also held ‘several voluntary sector posts in north Wales relating to the disabled and mentally handicapped’. Beata was even President of the North Wales Association for the Disabled! There was no escape for complaining patients or relatives – or indeed other healthcare professionals – from Beata, Gwynne, Dafydd and Lucille. They had the whole region completely stitched up. Although Beata and Lucille couldn’t join the masons because they were women, Dafydd, Beata’s brother and no doubt Gwynne were able to do that bit to gain dominance there.

Not only was Beata occupying influential positions in the local authority and voluntary sector, but she began her political climb at an early age too. After her stint with the Young Conservatives, she joined the grown-ups clubs. She was elected to the National Union of Conservatives and Unionist Associates. In 1955 she was elected as a Conservative Councillor for Rhyl Urban District Council. In the same year she fought Widnes for the Tories in the General Election. In 1961 Beata was the Tory candidate in the Warrington by-election. In 1964 she stood for the Tories for Manchester Exchange in the General Election. In 1970 she threw her hat in the ring for the West Flintshire nomination for the Tories but was beaten by Sir Anthony Myers. My God Beata was desperate to get into Parliament. I don’t think she wanted to do that to help the poor sods whom Dafydd and Gwynne were abusing and killing or the kids that Lucille – and indeed Beata’s colleagues in Clwyd Social Services – were prostituting either.

In 1979 Beata was elected to the European Parliament as MEP for north Wales! Did she use her power to try and assist those in the clutches of Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille? Of course not – Beata ended up on a number of committees and is remembered as feistily fighting for agricultural and industrial interests in north Wales, but no, she didn’t give a stuff about the welfare or indeed the lives of those who had fallen into the hands of a bunch of pimps and gangsters. It was of course in 1979 that Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre and the North Wales Hospital – for a year (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). That hit the London based media. Of course Beata knew about it.

Beata remained an MEP for ten years. Throughout the Mary Wynch scandal and the aftermath – and during those years in the mid and late 80s when Alison Taylor went public on the paedophile ring that was operating in the social services in north Wales. Beata remained silent throughout. Yet every account of Beata’s political career stresses how effective she was, what a ‘fighter’ she was, how she was ‘formidable’ (which in politics usually translates as ‘vile’) and how she was known as the ‘Celtic Iron Lady’. (Brookes was a hard-right Thatcherite.)

In 1983 Brookes’s desperation to bag a seat in the Commons – although she was a sitting MEP – caused a crisis in the Conservative Party. What is now described as a ‘bitter feud’ broke out which centred around Brookes. Boundary changes resulted in the creation of a new constituency, Clwyd North West, a seat that was centred on Colwyn Bay, the location of the HQ of the North Wales Police which was mired in corruption and concealing the paedophile ring. Gordon Anglesea, an Inspector at Colwyn Bay, was actually a member of the paedophile ring. Colwyn Bay also housed a few other bent professionals, including Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for the Welsh Office, who concealed Dafydd’s criminal activities in the late 1980s. Denbigh was a town virtually entirely populated by staff or the relatives of staff of the North Wales Hospital, but people occupying the more senior positions in Clwyd County Council and it’s services frequently lived in the Colwyn Bay area or in the Conwy Valley. They’re the posh bits of that region.

The natural candidates for the Tory nomination for Clwyd North West were the sitting Conservative MP for West Flintshire, Sir Anthony Meyer and the sitting Conservative MP for Denbigh, Geraint Morgan. Some people were grumbling about Geraint Morgan who was perceived to be rather more committed to his work as a barrister than his duties as an MP and although Anthony Meyer was very popular in some quarters, he was dangerously civilised for Thatcher’s Conservative Party and kept disgracing himself by doing things like making positive noises about the EU, not wanting to hang people and not wanting to kill the Argies. It didn’t go down very well at all with some. A group of local Tory activists urged Brookes to put her name forward for the nomination. Meanwhile, Conservative Central Office produced a list of 65 possible names – Brookes’s was not among them. A huge row followed and complaints were made to the 1922 Committee. The Chairman of that Committee, Edward Du Cann, even discussed postponing the selection meeting with the Conservative Party Chairman Cecil Parkinson, such was the rumpus. In the end the selection meeting went ahead.

Brookes, Meyers and Morgan all attended the meeting, at which Brookes made a speech praising Thatcher. Brookes won the selection vote among the Clwyd North East Conservative Executive. Meyers alleged that the meeting was a fix, that Brookes had set out to oust him by stealth by using EU funds to promote her candidacy and ‘usurp the functions’ of the House and that Conservative Central Office were in on the conspiracy. Morgan observed that speaking at the meeting was like ‘speaking to a nobbled jury’. Meyers maintained that the local members were ‘resigning in droves’ and threatened to run as an Independent. He then discovered that he had not been invited to the adoption meeting. Myers challenged this in the High Court and won – they ruled that he should have been invited. Some 800 members turned up to the meeting where the decision not to invite Myers was reversed. Sir Anthony Myers was subsequently nominated and then won the seat for the Tories by a long way.

Whilst I was reading about all this, I couldn’t help noticing the year in which the Tories in Clwyd tore themselves apart – it was 1983. We know that Beata was ruthlessly ambitious, was a woman who bludgeoned people into submission and was sitting on a paedophile ring supplying under-aged boys to Westminster figures and was keeping a lid on the criminal activities of a mental health service that was concealing the paedophile ring. It has been admitted by member of the Conservative Party that Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester, was abusing boys in care in north Wales. Between 1981 and 1985 the Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens held his campaign to expose ‘VIPs’ that he maintained were sexually abusing children. Dickens maintained that this abuse was associated with a trade in child pornography worth a great deal of money. This was exactly the business that John Allen ran. Dickens began his campaign in 1981 when he named Sir Peter Hayman in the House using Parliamentary privilege. In 1983 Geoffrey Dickens handed the then Home Secretary Leon Brittan a dossier with the names and details of VIPs, including Westminster figures, that Dickens maintained were paedophiles. Brittan ‘lost’ that dossier. Since then of course, there have been allegations that Brittan was one of those paedophiles himself. Before he died Geoffrey Dickens talked about the serious unpleasantness and threats that he received after he spoke out.

So Beata herself and a group of ‘local activists’ were very keen for Beata to get into Parliament – so keen that some unlawful dirty tricks were employed, which Meyers alleged had involved Conservative Central Office. The constituency involved in the bun-fight was home to numerous police officers, local officials and professionals who were concealing the paedophile ring that Dickens was trying to expose. I wonder if they were among the ‘local activists’ who were doing pretty much anything to get Brookes into that seat? What if they were worried that Dickens’s campaign was going to gain traction and the whole bloody lot of them would be caught? Sir Anthony Myers sounds the sort of person who would not be complicit with such serious criminal activity, but Beata had been already, for years. The ideal candidate!

The cunning plan didn’t work, but Beata continued as an MEP until 1989 when she was ousted by the Labour candidate. Beata continued to mouth off if she felt like it – in 1983 she protested after the BBC held an interview with John Jenkins, a Welsh activist who had been imprisoned for a bombing campaign at the time of the Investiture. Oh the irony – in his younger day, Dafydd made links with Irish Republican activists after declaring his commitment to the nationalist cause (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’). He also participated in the Tryweryn campaign. Like Dafydd, Beata had some media connections – she had worked as an ‘occasional television interviewer’ when she was younger.

Even being voted out didn’t stop Brookes. In 1993 she became Chair of the Welsh Conservative Party and supported John Major whilst he was under fire. She was also Chair of the Welsh Consumer Council and was re-appointed in 1994, despite criticism of her potential conflict of interest by the National Consumer Council and by Rhodri Morgan, who told John Major that the appointment ‘undermined an already disreputable system of patronage’.

The evil cow was awarded a CBE in 1996. In her old age there were still indications of the deals that she was doing on a local level. Brookes hit the media in 2003 regarding a dispute over car boot sales that she was holding on her land in Rhuddlan. In 2000 she had managed to gain permission to hold car boot sales on 28 Sundays every year and then in 2003 she gained permission to hold car boot sales on 14 Saturdays every year. She offered the land on which the car boots were held for the use of the National Eisteddfod. Helping out the National Eisteddfod can work wonders, particularly as Dafydd and many of the paedophiles’ friends are involved with it. (A true but horrible story – some years ago there was an awful shock for a lot of people when it was revealed that one of the people who had been appointed to run something for the children at the Eisteddfod, a nursery I think, was someone from the south of England with convictions for paedophilia. Any ideas how he got in there then Dafydd?) Beata won the day, but the dispute cost the local council many thousands of pounds. What Brookes’s passion for car boot sales was all about I don’t know, but it does remind me of a quip from ‘Private Eye’ years ago, when they were still publishing the imaginary letters from Denis Thatcher, ‘Dear Bill’. One of the letters made a reference to a ‘friend of Maurice’s’ who ran car boot sales – Denis commented that ‘I had no idea that he was a member of the Mafia’.

Readers may remember that in my post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’, I described how Anglesey Conservative Association were desperate to snare a then unknown Ann Widdecombe as their candidate despite Doris knowing absolutely nothing about Wales or Anglesey and not showing much interest either. I speculated that back in those days of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’), it may very well have been Widdecombe’s uncompromising anti-abortion stance that was the attraction. I wonder if Brookes was involved with that selection panel. Welsh Tories are a bit thin on the ground, it is highly likely that they either roped Brookes in or that she insisted on being part of the process.

There is an outstanding conundrum. Brookes’s obituaries mention that she married a fellow Tory activist Anthony Arnold, but that they divorced in 1963 and Brookes then insisted on being addressed by her maiden name and title, Miss Beata Brookes. It was highly unusual to be a divorcee in 1963 – although dispensing with an unwanted husband was very much easier if you were a woman with money as was Brookes – and divorced women routinely still referred to themselves as Mrs whatever their married name was. The only divorced women who persisted in calling themselves Miss were ageing starlets like Miss Diana Dors or Miss Zsa Zsa Gabor who still called themselves Miss no matter how many times they had been married and divorced. (Miss Joan Collins still does.) So Brookes really broke the mould there – if any readers know what that was all about, please do tell, Beata would hardly be the first to be flying the feminist flag.

In 2013 Brookes joined UKIP. She became very angry with Tories like Cameron calling UKIP ‘fruitcakes’ and ‘clowns’ and stated that ‘you don’t behave like that in politics’. No, what you do is take part in a conspiracy to conceal a vicious paedophile ring and remain silent even when the victims who have been brave enough to give evidence against that ring start turning up dead. Lest anyone needs reminding of just what the Celtic Iron Lady was party to, here’s another quick resume – witnesses were found hanging from trees, hanging from stairwells, dead from overdoses although they’d given up drugs years previously, were found inexplicably dead in cars, some were run over and killed on roads and one teenaged boy was found in a local town with unexplained injuries so serious that he died from them a few hours later. This doesn’t include the people who ‘committed suicide’ after being ‘helped’ by Dafydd and his colleagues. Neither does it include the five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who were killed in an arson attack at a party in Brighton, to which they had all been invited. The partygoers variously died from smoke inhalation or burns and some people escaped by jumping out of windows and were impaled on the railings below. A man who was alleged to have ‘confessed’ to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed himself a few days later.

Beata Brookes died in her eighties in the comfort of the Spire Yale Hospital (a private hospital in Wrexham) in 2015. So she didn’t risk her neck with the NHS that she had helped poison or in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. Upon hearing of her death, Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Welsh Conservatives, described Beata as an ‘incredibly talented politician who will be sorely missed’ whose ‘career was varied and hugely successful and I pay tribute to everything she did within public life, the voluntary sector and for the Welsh Conservative Party’.

Victorian Values anyone? Or shall we just go Back To Basics?

 

What of Beata’s rivals from the 1983 campaign whom she had so ruthlessly tried to shaft?

 

Geraint Morgan was the Conservative MP for Denbigh between 1959-83. So he spanned the Years of Brutality and Lobotomies then. He cannot possibly been have been as bad as Beata Brookes, but like others who have held political ambitions in the direction of the Denbigh area such as Ieuan Wyn Jones and Paul Flynn, Geraint wasn’t going to even whisper in protest – he was after the votes of all the Denbigh staff, the patients didn’t have votes to cast. Although Geraint was appreciated for being a Welsh speaker and was known to dutifully reply to constituents when they raised issues with him, Geraint had other interests. He was a barrister and busied himself with that. After the 1983 dust-up, Morgan resigned from the Conservative Party and supported Plaid, although he never became a member. That’s the Plaid who embraced Dafydd as an activist and candidate and included so many other people who said nothing about the paedophile gang or the abuses at the North Wales Hospital, although they all knew about it. Geraint Morgan was eventually appointed a Crown Court Recorder. He worked on the Northern Circuit. As did Sir John Kay, who issued a High Court injunction against me on the basis of Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns perjuring themselves, Keith Fearns never having met me and Brandt having met me two or three times. At the time Fearns and Brandt were employed as social workers by Gwynedd Social Services and I now have copies of the letters exchanged between Lucille Hughes (Director of Gwynedd Social Services), Ron Evans (the lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council), Jackie and Fearns, in which Evans and Lucille instruct Fearns and Brandt to make statements about me. John Kay issued that injunction just before Geraint Morgan was appointed a judge. Like so many featured on this blog, Geraint was a law graduate from Aberystwyth University and a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

 

The one person who does not seem to have been dwelling in the same cesspool as everyone else was Sir Anthony Meyer. He had previously had a career as a diplomat in the Foreign Office and served in the British Embassies in Paris and Moscow. He was elected as the Conservative MP for Eton and Slough in 1964 but lost the seat to the Labour MP Joan Lestor in 1966. His defeat was attributed to his refusal to play the ‘race card’ in what had become a heated debate about immigration. He sought another Tory seat, but had great difficulty, being on the very liberal wing of the Tory party and being a very enthusiastic European. An old Etonian contact, Nigel Birch, who was the MP for West Flintshire, then asked Sir Anthony if he would replace him as the candidate as he was standing down. Sir Anthony was elected for West Flintshire in 1970. He was popular but very critical of Thatcher. After surviving the bunfight in 1983, in 1989 he famously stood as the stalking horse against Thatcher in a leadership challenge. He knew that he didn’t have a hope of winning, but it did the trick – it encouraged a few other people to challenge her soon afterwards. He was deselected by the Conservative Party for his ‘treachery’ in 1992 and later joined the Lib Dems. So although it was Geoffrey Howe who delivered the killer blow, we have Sir Anthony to thank for kick-starting Thatcher’s demise. We also have him to thank for keeping a bloody monster out of Parliament when he mounted a High Court challenge to her and her henchmen in 1983.

 

Whilst I was reading about Beata, I saw across another name that I’d previously come across as well – Tom Ellis. Brookes was re-elected as MEP for north Wales after defeating Ellis in 1984, when he stood for the SDP.

Tom Ellis went to Ruabon Grammar School and studied chemistry at UCNW (Bangor University). In 1957 he became manager of Bersham Colliery. He was President of Wrexham Fabian Society and in 1970 was elected the Labour MP for Wrexham. In 1981 he defected to the SDP – Ellis was one of the founder members. He became President of the Welsh Social Democrats. After boundary changes in 1983 he stood for the SDP in Clwyd South West but lost. As MP for Wrexham, Tom Ellis is someone else who will have heard about the paedophile ring – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn were located just outside Wrexham. He’ll have known about the horrors of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh as well. But as I detailed in my post ‘Dr Death’, the Top Doctors of north Wales were attracted to David Owen like flies around a honeypot. And their support was just so much more valued than the support of people who ended up dying so that the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends could continue with their noses in the proverbial trough. Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille really did have it all sewn up nicely – although virtually everyone knew what they were doing.

 

 

 

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.

 

 

 

 

It’s Yet Another E Mail To The Chairman of the Betsi

 


Regular readers will know that since December 2016 I have been e mailing the Betsi regarding the constant damaging lies that have been documented upon my medical records as fact and have been trying to obtain a full copy of my medical records. I don’t seem to be getting any closer to a resolution, so this morning I e mailed Peter Higson, the Chairman of the Betsi, yet again. Here is the text of my e mail:
Dear Dr Higson
I am writing to you yet again regarding my ongoing problems in retrieving a copy of my medical records from the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. In January 2017 I made a formal complaint about this and other matters which has still not been resolved. Among the other matters, my complaint concerned the numerous fallacies and serious unsubstantiated allegations that now populate my medical records (please see the e mail below for a little reminder of just a few of the nasty fallacies that are enshrined as fact upon my records). I have heard nothing from the Betsi regarding their proposals to rectify this matter. Neither have I yet received a copy of my medical records, despite asking repeatedly and paying an access fee of £50. Time and again I am told by Betsi staff that I now have ‘all’ of my records. Last week I collected another bundle from Ysbyty Gwynedd, having been told that it contained ‘all’ my records from the Hergest Unit. It doesn’t – most of the bundle was made up of copies of records from the Heddfan Unit – copies of which were released to me some weeks ago – and there are hardly any copies of records from the Hergest Unit there. However there are records relating to another patient, including e mails between Denbighshire Social Services and the Betsi Older People’s Team and the funding arrangements for this person’s care. Furthermore, I am still awaiting an explanation as to why some of my medical records had been ‘removed’ from my file many years ago, as admitted to me by a member of your Access to Health Records team, when he was doing his best to track down my records.
To summarise, you have failed to release my records to me despite numerous requests to do so. You have failed to even begin discussions with me regarding a possible solution to rectify the numerous libels on my medical records. And you have breached confidence by releasing records concerning another patient to me. All of these things of course have happened before – when the North West Wales NHS Trust was in operation, when Keith Thomson was its CEO and when you were CEO of Health Inspectorate Wales maintaining that all was well in the North West Wales NHS Trust.
If these matters are not addressed within the next four weeks I will be raising them with the Data Protection Commissioner.
yours,
Sally Baker
As with my other e mails concerning access to my records and the libels upon them, I have copied this e mail to Vaughan Gething, Minister for Health in the Welsh Govt. Just in case Vaughan and Carwyn are thinking of claiming that they are unaware of serious problems in the NHS in north Wales. I will report back on the blog if or when I receive a response.

An Update On Those Missing Medical Records

Previous blog posts ‘Missing Documents, Perjury and Yet More Lies’ and ‘An E Mail To The Betsi Chairman’ describe how, in the autumn of 2016, I requested a copy of all of the records that the Betsi hold concerning me and paid the requested fee of £50. The previous posts detail how I was lied to repeatedly, constantly told that I had now been given ‘all’ the records when I very obviously hadn’t and how one member of staff admitted that some of my records had been ‘removed’ many years ago.

Today I went to Ysbyty Gwynedd having been told, once again, that ‘all’ my records from the Hergest Unit were ready for me to collect. I wondered what I would actually be given. Well, I’ve been given hardly any records at all from the Hergest Unit. I have been given copies of records from the Heddfan Unit – which I was given previously, so I’ve now got two copies of those – and copies of some records from Gwynedd Social Services, as well as records from a highly abusive hospital in Glasgow, Parkhead Hospital, where I was admitted some three years ago and copies of records from a dreadful ‘assessment unit’ at Langley Green in the south of England. (I have briefly mentioned Parkhead and Langley Green on the blog, but will be blogging more about these places in the future.)

However, I have been given someone else’s records, as well as copies of e mails relating to this person’s care between Denbighshire Social Services and the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board’s Older Person’s Team. I’ve also been given copies of the funding arrangements for this other person’s care. This is not the first time that I’ve received copies of someone else’s records. When my lawyers obtained a High Court Order against the North West Wales NHS Trust in 2005, summoned the CEO Keith Thomson in front of a Judge and forced the Trust to hand over my records, there were details of eighteen other peoples complaints and notes in the files released. Furthermore, back in 2005, there were approximately thirty A4 box files of records that had been compiled. Since my request to the Betsi in 2016, approximately three box files of records have been released and most of those relate to shenanigans since 2005. So where have thirty box files of notes disappeared? Have they perhaps been delivered to someone else?

I am also still waiting to hear from the Betsi regarding the records of mine that were ‘removed’ many years ago. I can see that I’m going to have to send a few more e mails…