Little Shop Of Horrors

This blog has already featured many people who knew me who used their knowledge of what happened to me at the hands of Dafydd et al for personal gain, often in the shape of securing jobs or promotions. I’m revisiting some of these people in this post, but now I’ll explain the links between them.

 

Throwback Thursday 'Little Shop of Horrors' (1986)

 

I’ll begin with Dr Dee Gray – formerly known as Dee Jones – as well as a frequent star of this blog, Meri Huws. Dee and Meri both worked at Bangor University when I did my PhD there and for a few years subsequently as well. I have discussed Dee previously, but not by name. However, what she did was disgusting and the paedophiles’ friends won’t stop squealing, so I’m naming her now.

Dee is a former Angel from Liverpool who shared an open plan office with me and Meri was Head of the Dept of Lifelong Learning. Meri was subsequently appointed PVC for Welsh Language and Cultural Affairs at Bangor, which resulted in comparisons between Meri and Sir Les Patterson, the Cultural Attache. Meri’s promotion also led to even more bawdy jokes circulating than had been doing the rounds previously, as a result of allegations that she had only landed the job as a result of pressure on the University from the Welsh Gov’t after Meri had relationships with Welsh Gov’t Ministers Alun Pugh and Andrew Davies and was rumoured to have had a fling with Rhodri Morgan as well (see post ‘People With Energy’). Regular readers will know that in the 1980s Meri was a ‘community social worker’ for Gwynedd Social Services on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, which was the location of Ty’r Felin children’s home. Kids at Ty’r Felin were severely abused and trafficked to local venues where they were sold for sex and boys were taken to Dolphin Square in London as well (see post ‘Are You Local?’). I suspect that it was Meri’s role in or knowledge of this which was her real source of influence, rather than her multiple flings with people in the Welsh Gov’t, although that will have helped.

Meri was widely loathed by other paedophiles’ friends, but because they are all utterly pathetic and not very good at anything, the whole lot of them rely upon their own and each others’ pasts as paedophiles’ friends to land jobs and research grants. One person who particularly loathed Meri was Dee. Dee was a source of crude comments about Meri – references to Meri’s ‘oral skills’ were made when Meri’s many roles on bodies concerned with the Welsh language were mentioned and it was also observed that Meri was indulging in ‘animal behaviour’ as she tripped over herself in her unsuccessful attempts to bag another man who would have given her career a boost.

The irony was that whilst Dee sat in our office hurling insults at Meri, Dee was manager of a NHS ‘risk assessment’ project in collaboration with the NW Wales NHS Trust, the funding of which had been obtained by Meri. My post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’ discussed how Dee’s colleagues on the risk management project – Patricia Gaskell, the solicitor for Ysbyty Gwynedd and John Bowles, the risk manager for the NW Wales NHS Trust – were two of the very people who were failing to investigate serious complaints and perverting the course of justice and destroying/fabricating evidence in order to secure convictions against patients who had complained. When Dee had project meetings, the drinks and nibbles would be carefully placed on tables next to my desk, so the delightful Mr Bowles would stand next to me reading the papers on my desk, having a good look at what was on my computer screen and listening in to my phone calls.

Whilst I worked in that office, someone rifled through my desk and accessed my computer when I was out of the office. I suspected that it was Dee or an accomplice. Then John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer.

I have covered the excesses of Dee and Gaskell and Bowles in previous posts, as well as Dee’s anger when she saw that Brown and me had appeared in the lay press discussing the slaughter in the mental health services in north Wales. Days after the piece about the mental health services appeared – I had also previously featured in ‘The Guardian’ in an article about HE policy – Dee approached me in private and asked me if I could get an article about Bangor University in the press. I presumed that she meant an article about some aspect of the University’s research – I thought that she was angling for a free plug for her lame NHS propaganda. Er – no. When I asked Dee what she was thinking of, she told me that I ought to write an article about the VC, who was ‘causing so much damage to the university’. This was the VC who had challenged the paedophiles’ friends and who was at that time under full attack from them. I said no and days later Dee screamed at me that me writing about the NHS was damaging her career.

In fact Dee did really well out of me. She was in the office on the day that I was showing a friend the letter that Alun Davies had written and CC’d to Top Docs and other managers in which he detailed his plans to fit me up in court. She called across the office that Alun Davies should be ‘exposed and pilloried in the press’. Then Dee let the NW Wales NHS Trust know that she knew about that letter and screwed a research grant out of them in return for her silence. That was only the beginning. Keith Thomson, the Trust CEO, had resigned the day after my lawyers had subpoenaed him to appear before a judge in the High Court in Cardiff, who had threatened him with prison if he didn’t hand over my medical records. Dee knew about that. She knew about Dr Robert Kehoe, the ‘expert witness’, who lied in his report about me, Brown and some of my colleagues (see post ‘An Expert In Resistant Service Users’). Dee knew about the assaults on and deaths of Hergest patients; about an agreement between the Top Docs and Angels at Ysbyty Gwynedd to refuse a witness to the serious wrongdoing all NHS treatment, although it was acknowledged that this man had a life-threatening condition; and she also knew about the misconduct of the obstetricians and gynaecologists at Ysbyty Gwynedd, which had included a sexual assault on one patient. Dee herself had previously suffered at the hands of the obstetric service of Gwynedd Health Authority. She successfully sued them.

Dee also knew that there was such a serious bullying problem in the School of Healthcare Sciences that at least two members of staff had become ill and had been forced out of their jobs. One, an Angel, Jan Stanley-Smith, then joined the paedophiles’ friends of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team and the other, Professor Fiona Poland, relocated to UEA. Jan and Fiona know much about the paedophiles’ friends and the abuse of patients in north Wales and Fiona’s knowledge of the abuse of vulnerable people stretches back to her days in Manchester in the late 1970s.

Dee sued someone else as well as Gwynedd Health Authority. After her NHS risk management project imploded because neither she, Bowles or Gaskell knew what they were doing, Dee sued Bangor University, because her incompetence and deceit was somehow their fault. The two PhD students whom Dee had failed to supervise who did not get their PhDs were seething and told me that Dee had somehow shafted the University and walked away with a great deal of money, but no-one knew how she did it.

I have recently been told that Dee and some corrupt union reps used their knowledge of what was happening to me at the hands of the NHS as leverage – some Bangor University staff have dual appointments with the University and the NHS. I have also been told that Meri Huws played a role in it all.

Dee then rocked up in a senior role at Public Health Wales. Leading on leadership no less. Only the NHS would ever employ someone to lead on leadership, let alone someone who had been sacked from at least three previous jobs and who, when working as an Angel, had given the wrong advice to a man with diabetes such that he fell into a coma. In her role at Public Health Wales, Dee was given control of some purse strings. She later delighted in telling staff at Bangor University that in this role, Public Health Wales sent her to see the VC of Bangor University. According to Dee, the VC realised that she was now ‘a very important person’ and that ‘he had fear in his eyes’.

Interestingly enough, when Dee turned up, what the VC actually did was tell her that he was too busy to see her and told his PA to send her to see Meri Huws. So as Brown summarised, Dee was sent off to wander the corridors with Meri. Yeh, he had so much fear in his eyes Dee, that he knew just how well a pair of pig-shit thick paedophiles’ friends who have spent their entire lives screwing people over would get on together and he wasn’t going to waste time with either of you.

The Very Important Person subsequently left Public Health Wales under a cloud and set up an ‘executive coaching agency’ – ‘Gray’s Learning’ – and was recently paid thousands of pounds by her old mates at the Betsi for her ‘consultancy’ in teaching Top Doctors about transformational change, learning organisations and, no doubt, leadership. Since I blogged about her executive coaching agency, Dee has disappeared from the internet, but her photo remains so she can be recognised if she is bumped into on a dark night. I think that Dee still lives at Deiniolen should any customers of the executive coaching agency wish to ask for a refund. Dee’s website didn’t explain that she is an Angel who has been sacked three times and who nearly killed a patient, it stated that she was a university senior manager and a Gov’t adviser.

 

Meri of course had rather bigger ambitions than Dee. Meri’s track record has already featured on this blog, including her unlawful sacking of a member of staff because they dared have a visual impairment. A local psychotherapist who was employed by the Dept of Lifelong Learning sued Meri for unfair dismissal. Meanwhile, Meri et al were running courses in partnership with Dafydd’s charity CAIS. Someone else knew about the numerous complaints from students, the litigation and the failed ‘research projects’ run by Lifelong Learning – the former UCNW Dean of the Faculty of Science Dr Eifion Jones’s daughter, who is Prof Richard Bentall’s ex-wife (see post ‘Interesting Facts’). Richard Bentall had done his degree and PhD at UCNW whilst Dafydd ruled the roost in the Psychology Dept and Richard then returned to take up a Chair of Psychology at Bangor when Prof Fergus Lowe had expanded his empire after overthrowing Dafydd.

Fergus was Senior PVC when Meri was PVC. Fergus befriended Meri, pumped her for info – guess what and who that info was about?? – and then treated her with complete contempt. Meri eventually departed for the greener grass of Trinity St David University, where she joined other paedophiles’ friends, including some former theologians from Bangor University. One of whom was Dr Catrin Haf Williams, who’s father was the clergyman who officiated at the wedding of William and Ffion Hague (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’).

Trinity St David is located in west Wales, where a paedophile ring operated which had links to Dafydd’s gang in north Wales. By the time that Meri had arrived in a senior job at Trinity St David, Keith Thomson had been appointed CEO of the NHS Trust for Pembrokeshire and Dyfed. Thomson was given that job when Dr Brian Gibbons was Health Minister. The Gibbons who wrote to me telling me that our correspondence was ‘closed’ after I told him that I had evidence of serious criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales. The evidence related to Keith Thomson, amongst others.

I mentioned in my post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ that I have in my possession documents demonstrating that e mails sent from me to friends of mine at Bangor University somehow ended up in the hands of the civil servants of the Welsh Gov’t – it seems to have happened when Lesley Griffiths was Health Minister – and that the identity of my friends had been commented upon. This info had been communicated to two corrupt mental health service managers in the Betsi, Dr Adrian Harris and Simon Pyke. There was also a fallacious allegation that I had visited the home of a Welsh Gov’t Minister. God knows who dreamed that one up, but I expect that I went to murder them in cold blood, it’s what I’m usually up to. My e mails to my friends had concerned a vicious unprovoked attack on me – which resulted in injury – by the daughter of a local barrister. The attack was never investigated by the police because when a Top Doc was called to document my injuries, instead of doing that, he sectioned me when he heard who had attacked me. I was taken to Wrexham Maelor Hospital, where they admitted that I had been unlawfully detained – the section papers had not been signed. I was told that I was free to go, so I did (see post ‘Five Find A Mystery (Partially) Illuminated’). Whereupon I was reported missing by the Betsi Board, my mugshot appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ and I was then traced by the police to Cumbria, where I was on a walking holiday. A mental health team from Cumbria were sent to section me but refused to do so (see post ‘The Real Check And Balance – Which Was Ignored’).

One friend whom I e mailed about the assault on me also knew that I and another witness had been threatened by a rogue policeman with a gun. Why might the civil servants and the Betsi have been interested in the identity of my friend I wonder? Someone else knew that I was friends with this man as well – Dee Jones. She asked me who he was one day.

This man shared an office at Bangor University with another member of staff, Jamie Burrows. Jamie’s mum was Mary Burrows, who was the CEO of the Betsi and who came under such sustained attack by the BMA and the paedophiles’ friends that she resigned. My friend told me that Jamie was being treated appallingly at Bangor University because of who his mum was.

Fergus Lowe will have known a great deal about all these matters, but he’s dead so sadly he can’t be arrested and questioned.

 

As for Meri, not only did she get completely pissed at every University function that she attended, but she would drive back to her home on Anglesey immediately afterwards. On one occasion, a senior member of staff physically removed Meri’s car keys from her to stop her getting into her car bladdered, but most people don’t have the stomach to fight a pissed, screaming Meri, so she was frequently behind the wheel drunk. I witnessed her regularly driving whilst using her mobile phone as well. Was Meri ever prosecuted? Of course not. But then she had previously facilitated a paedophile gang with which the police had colluded. The University police officer was a paedophiles’ friend, as was at least one of the Ysbyty Gwynedd police officers.

Meri did her first degree at Aberystwyth University and claims to have a postgrad social work qualification from Oxford, but no-one is quite sure if this is true. However, because Meri worked as a social worker for Gwynedd in the 1980s, she will know that the Student’s Union Community Action group in UCNW colluded with the abuse of children at Ty’r Felin, because the students volunteering with CA used to work at Ty’f Felin. CA was the wealthiest student society in UCNW, it employed a paid manager and owned and ran a minibus in which the abused kids were ferried around. Perhaps Meri could let us know where all that dosh for CA came from.

One of the leading lights in CA in the late 1970s/early 1980s was an English Lit student called Anita Purkis. Her younger sister Ros was a student at UCNW when I was there. I was friends with Ros, she was my neighbour in hall in the first year. Ros became ill and attempted suicide after an encounter with Gwynne the lobotomist. She ended up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh under the care of Tony Francis and killed herself a few years ago after years of neglect at the hands of one of Tony Francis’s former colleagues in Manchester. Francis knew that Ros’s sister had been involved with CA.

Meri’s neighbour Prof Bob Woods knew about Meri and the drunk driving. Not that it will have bothered him, Bob Woods is a clinical psychologist colleague of Dafydd and the paedophiles, a bit of drunk driving is neither here nor there.

Bob Woods is a lay preacher. He used to turn up at Penrallt Baptist Church in Bangor to do a turn. Some of the people at Penrallt were very nice, a number of my friends went there. Penrallt was very popular with the staff of Bangor University and local health and social care professionals, so that Church contained a great many people who knew about the paedophile gang but were far too compromised – or frightened – to say a word.

 

Here’s a few accessories who were regulars at Penrallt: Peter Brindley, the retired head technician from the School of Plant Biology and his wife; Judy and Malcolm Stammers, two former psychiatric social workers and their offspring Ben and Jonathan (see post ‘Feet In Chains’); Joan Beer, the widow of Top Doctor Bill Beer, who was killed in a car crash in Dec 1999, two months before the Waterhouse Report was published (see post ‘The Think It’s All Over – It Is Now’); Neil and Joan Rymer.

Joan Rymer used to work as a teacher at Hillgrove School, which came under serious attack from the paedophile gang and their friends when I worked as a teacher there, after the Headmaster dared challenge Keith Fearns of the Arfon CMHT when Fearns paid him a visit and demanded that he sack me (see post ‘Have The Lambs Stopped Screaming?’). At the same time, another teacher at Hillgrove with whom I was friends who was in a violent marriage discovered that Hillgrove School had been approached by her abusive husband with a Top Doc in tow demanding that she be fired on the grounds that she was a ‘drug addict’. The ‘drugs’ in question were valium, which had been prescribed by the Top Doctor. Shortly after this, I heard Joan Rymer telling her mates in Penrallt that someone was going to sort the Head of Hillgrove School out. They did, the stress of a false accusation and a court case nearly killed him.

‘What would Jesus do?’ asked a recent Penrallt newsletter. Well he wouldn’t have done what Joan Rymer and her friends did.

Joan Rymer’s friend social worker Judy Stammers was mates with paedophiles’ friend and vicious lying social worker Sheila Jenkins, whose husband Prof David Jenkins worked at Bangor University, as well as with Sally Atkinson, who was a teacher at Hillgrove School. Sally was also someone who had the knives out for the Headmaster and his wife – so Sally asked her friend Judy Stammers what could be done about him. The initial plan was to accuse him of failing to implement child protection policies. I heard the plan being formulated in the staff room with another paedophiles’ friend who held a grudge. Sally Atkinson’s father had been a lecturer at the teacher training institute, Bangor Normal College, along with so many other paedophiles’ friends. Meri Huws had lectured at the Normal College.

The cowardly attack on Hillgrove School began in 2002, but continued for a number of years. At the time, Blair was PM and his PPS was the paedophiles’ friend David Hanson (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’). David Hanson is married to Margaret Hanson, who is currently Vice-Chair of the Betsi Board. Margaret formerly worked as a family and children’s social worker in Cheshire, when Dafydd et al ran the paedophile gang in north Wales/Cheshire. Margaret was also a Councillor in Cheshire, as was David Hanson.

It was during all this when Brown’s mum was found dead. As was Dr Dafydd Arthur Jones, a member of Meri’s staff who was being badly bullied by Meri and was desperate to escape from the Dept of Lifelong Learning. The paedophiles’ friends knew that I was friends with Dafydd Arthur. He was found dead on a mountain, a fit man who was only in his 40s. Dafydd Arthur went to the same chapel as one of Dafydd’s contacts, the former Deputy Principal of the Normal College. The Principal of the Normal College had been Professor Gareth Roberts, who became Head of the School of Education after the Normal College merged with Bangor University. Meri and Dee worked in Depts which were part of the School of Education.

Neil Rymer, the husband of the arch-plotter Joan Rymer, was, like Prof Gareth Roberts, a mathematician. Neil Rymer had been a lecturer in the UCNW Dept of Maths, which was closed down in a round of Gov’t cuts many years ago.

Another member of staff in the Maths Dept was Dr Jan Abas, who’s daughter Melanie is a Top Doc at the Maudsley. Melanie Abas, her father and her mother knew all about the paedophile gang on her native soil and she featured in my post ‘The Old Devils’.

Some of those who had been put out to grass from the Maths Dept never forgave the University, one being the husband of Gwerfyl Roberts. Gwerfyl is a former Angel who lectured in the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University. The delightful Gwerfyl’s racist bullying and other scams are detailed in my post ‘What Time’s Chaos?’.

 

The toxic brew at the School of Healthcare Sciences was strengthened by the arrival of Dr Chris Burton – now Prof Chris Burton – a ‘stroke specialist’. Chris Burton was not a complete fool like Gwerfyl et al and he was very contemptuous of her and her pals. Chris had never wanted to work at Bangor, loathed the institution and everyone in it. He took the job there after he had been obliged to leave a number of previous jobs after doing a few things that he should not have. One of Chris Burton’s previous bosses was paedophiles’ friend Professor Mike Nolan, who had previously worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Bangor University (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). Chris shafted Nolan, but I suspect that before he did that, Chris Burton had extracted info regarding the paedophile gang from Nolan, which was no doubt how Chris then landed a job at Bangor University when he had become untouchable. Like all the best Angels, Chris had his bullying skills down to a fine art – he left one student suicidal after months of intense victimisation and undermining.

Chris is a high profile out gay and in his youth he earned extra money in various capacities in gay clubs and as a dancer on TV. Chris Burton didn’t know this, but one of the people who’s life he made miserable entertained themselves by watching old video clips of Chris Burton dressed up as a Roman centurion performing with a dance troupe on the 1980s quiz show ‘3-2-1′, which starred a character called Dusty Bin. Chris became known in Bangor as the Dusty Bin Dancer. So that’s the Welsh Gov’ts stroke expert for you.

 

Another old lag at Bangor University who played the same game as Dee – toadying to Meri in order to gain jobs that he couldn’t do whilst despising her – was Dr Eben Muse. Eben spent a while under Meri’s wing at the Dept of Lifelong Learning, thought that his prospects would be improved in another Dept and when that Head of that Dept was massacred by Fungus for daring to challenge the paedophiles’ friends, Eben returned to the arms of Meri and walked away with the offer of what he thought was another job. Only Meri shafted him and Eben had to beg for shelter  in the School of Creative Studies and Media, where he then tried to wreck the career of one of the best academics in Bangor University. What currency had Eben acquired which enabled him to twist the arms of people and ensure that they continued to employ him in the wake of his track record of mediocrity? Dee Jones et al told him about me of course and the evidence that I had re the paedophile gang. Furthermore Eben’s wife is a teacher in Gwynedd, so Eben and Mrs Muse are implicated in the wrongdoing in a major way.

Eben learnt Welsh at the knee of Meri and although his conversational Welsh is good, every Welsh language specialist who knows him maintains that his formal Welsh is nowhere near good enough for the series of jobs as a Welsh language specialist that he has bagged in competition with first language Welsh speakers.

‘We’re the paedophiles’ friends and you can’t get us.’

 

My post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ supplied details regarding Prof John Farrar, a now retired plant biologist who spent years working at Bangor University and who was a PVC along with Fungus and Meri. Farrar was a contemporary of the junior lecturer in the School of Plant Biology who was known to be picking up under-aged girls for sex, whose colleagues knew about his activities and were worried that he would be arrested. Farrar hated this man – although Farrar hated everyone – and had explosive rows with him. But not about him having sex with school girls. Farrar was a colleague of Dr Chris Wood, who was married to the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, who was facilitating the paedophile/sex trafficking ring in north Wales. As if any lecturer in UCNW was ever going to be investigated for sexually exploiting young people…

Before Farrar retired after keeling over from a heart-attack induced by a particularly dreadful row with Fungus, Farrar’s pride and joy was the Environment Centre Wales at Bangor University. It cost a great deal of money and was very much Farrar’s empire. However there were a number of structural problems due to design faults, but no-one was allowed to mention them when the VIP guest arrived to open the Good Ship Farrar. The VIP concerned was Gordon Brown!

So Bangor University received two visits from New Labour big wigs in rapid succession. Charlie Falconer, who turned up at the behest of Betty Williams, paedophiles’ friend and the former MP for Conwy, 1997-10 (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and then Gordon.

Betty was known to be hopeless and the world looked forward to her retirement. However as the big day neared, north Wales was gripped by panic. It transpired that Meri had her eyes on Betty’s seat and was said to have been ripe for selection as a time expired Blair’s babe. The nightmare only stopped when a delegation of local Labour Party activists made representation and firmly stated that Meri was ‘unsuitable’ to be a candidate. They didn’t have to say WHY the pissed, shagging colleague of a paedophile gang was unsuitable – Labour Party HQ knew why. It was for the very reasons that New Labour big wigs wanted her to succeed Betty Williams.

 

John Farrar’s former wife Stel worked as a Welsh for adults tutor in Meri’s Dept of Lifelong Learning and Farrar and Stel’s son Robin has for some years now held high office in Cymdeithas yr Iaith. Meri used to be Chair of Cymdeithas.

 

A helpful stranger has assisted me in joining up a few of the dots regarding events at the Agriculture Dept at UCNW in the 1970s, 80s and 90s and the possible reasons why it was a stronghold of the paedophiles’ friends. I knew that it was, but I couldn’t work out WHY. Mary Wynch had worked there as a secretary and had uncovered something so dreadful that Dafydd and the gang unlawfully imprisoned her for a year in 1979. Following that, a new Prof and Head of Dept arrived from Aberdeen University, the dreadful J.B. Owen. Under J.B. Owen’s watchful eye, the farm run by the Agri Dept went bankrupt – and after being bailed out went bankrupt again a few years later – vindictive attacks were launched against staff and students leading to an exodus of students to other Depts and academic standards were laughable. Yet one of this crew, the agricultural economist Prof Richard Howarth, became an adviser to Thatcher (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

The students who left the Agri Dept in droves did so because they wanted to study agricultural science, as opposed to what the Agri Dept were teaching, which was how to run large estates by extracting the generous Gov’t subsidies which were available at the time. The students who were the children of large landowners, of which there were quite a few, were very happy with what the Agri Dept delivered. The Agri Dept had no time for SSSIs or organic farming or applied biology or indeed anything but how to get those Gov’t subsidies for your estate. J.B. Owen, when still new to the post, gave an interview to ‘Farmer’s Weekly’ in which he said that he wanted ‘graduates with mud on their boots’. What he meant was that he wanted graduates who employed people with mud on their boots – Owen was making a (successful) pitch for the children of large landowners who were a bit more academic than those who went to Seale-Hayne, Harper Adams or the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester.

 

In the 1980s, estate management was still mostly the preserve of men, so the girls who graduated from the Agri Dept in those days tended to work for ADAS (the Gov’t agricultural advisory service) or agri-chemical companies.

 

J.B. Owen was a landowner on Anglesey himself and his forefathers had provided the dosh which founded the Agri Dept. Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon – Lord Kenyon – was President of UCNW, 1947-82 and was a landowner in the north east of Wales. Lord Kenyon’s obituary described him as having done much for agriculture in north Wales. Including I suspect calling J.B. Owen back from Aberdeen University when the paedophile gang sent up the distress flare. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon was sexually abusing at least one boy in the care of the social services in north Wales and later died of HIV/AIDS. Lord Kenyon held leading roles in the NHS in the region, including as Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority for several years during the 1970s. He sat on the North Wales Police Authority, on Flintshire County Council, was a magistrate and was north Wales’s most senior Freemason. Lord Kenyon held many other roles, including that as a Director of Lloyds Bank. For further details see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.

 

Beata Brookes, the Tory MEP for north Wales, 1979-89, was a UCNW graduate, a former social worker for Denbighshire County Council who later sat on Clwyd Social Services Committee and from 1973 was a member of Clwyd Health Authority. Brookes was involved in just about every disability charity or organisation in north Wales. Brookes’s toxic presence in north Wales caused a crisis in the regional Tory Party. She – and her family – farmed in north east Wales. Brookes’s brother was a Freemason who also held office in the NFU and was involved in other organisations associated with farming and countryside sports. To read the details that was the extreme horror of Beata Brookes’s lifetime of helping the unfortunate, see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’.

 

Ian Mackeson Sandbach was another estate farmer in north east Wales. Mackeson Sandbach was the most senior Freemason in north Wales some years after Lord Kenyon held that honour. Mackeson Sandbach’s granddaughter Antoinette Sandbach is a barrister, a former Tory AM and now the Tory MP for Eddisbury in Cheshire. Antoinette’s gran Geraldine was President of the Royal College of Midwives branch in Denbigh. Now there’s a useful job for someone who might want to conceal a sex trafficking and paedophile gang who are banging their victims up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. See previous posts for full details of the Sandbach clan.

 

The richest and grandest ‘farmer’ in the region was of course the Duke of Westminster, Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor. One of Grosvenor’s estates was in Cheshire. Previous posts have detailed Grosvenor’s connections with St George’s Hospital Medical School when that institution was concealing both Dafydd and the gang in north Wales and a related paedophile gang in south London and how Thatcher’s Gov’t allowed Grosvenor to purchase a piece of real estate in Knightsbridge worth millions for £6k in a deal which involved everyone keeping quiet about Dafydd, the paedophile gang and Thatcher’s friend and Minister Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing children in north Wales and elsewhere. See post ‘Dates For Your Diary’ for further background on Grosvenor and his family.

Grosvenor was, among many other things: President, Holstein UK & Ireland (formerly British Holstein Society), 1988; President, Institution of Environmental Sciences, 1989-13; Life Governor, Royal Agricultural Society; Vice-President, Royal Smithfield Club, 2004-death; Vice-President, Country Landowners Association, 1999-death.

Grosvenor’s close friend was Carlo, who was Chancellor of UCNW. The sister of Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester who was abusing kids in care, was Dame Mary Morrison, Woman of the Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum HM Lilibet. Grosvenor was President of the City of Chester Constituency Conservative Association. Peter Morrison used to turn up for events in Cheshire held by the farming community.

Carlo was also friendly with the Marquess of Anglesey, whose family were leading lights in the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party. Every Anglesey MP including Keith Best, Tory MP, 1979-87 and Welsh Office Minister, has concealed the paedophile gang. See post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

 

The Agri Dept at UCNW was a laughing stock, but it served a lot of people very well.

 

There is a farm shop and cafe/restaurant near Corwen called Rhug Farm Shop. It’s very nice, but far too expensive to be the place where one buys the weekly groceries. The shop is owned by Lord Newborough, who owns much land in north Wales, including land near Corwen and near Caernarfon. Lord Newborough specialises in foodie-things, like salt marsh lamb and he even grazes bison. His farm is organic and as one enters the farm shop, one is greeted by a huge photo of Carlo and Camilla doing a bit of shopping at Lord Newborough’s place. I think that they are mates with him. Lord Newborough calls himself a farmer and he certainly does some interesting things on his land, but Lord Newborough only felt the call of the sheep and the bison when his dad died. Prior to that Lord Newborough worked in global capitalism. You can watch a video in his cafe – or at least you could the last time that I was in there – and it tells you all about Lord Newborough’s adventures in the money markets of places like Hong Kong.

I suspect that Lord Newborough’s dad did very well out of the Tories’ agricultural policies in the 1980s and 90s, as dreamed up by the paedophiles’ friend Richard Howarth.

Fungus will have known all about it; if only the departed were still here to spill the beans.

 

I have speculated that J.B. Owen was called back to base by the paedophiles’ friends in 1979-80, after the Mary Wynch crisis. My post ‘Now Then…’ discusses Lord Stewart Sutherland, an Aberdeen graduate who in the mid-1960s worked as a lecturer at UCNW, between 1977-90 held senior roles at King’s College London and who was VC of London University, 1990-92, whilst the paedophiles’ friends were up to their eyes in wrongdoing in King’s College and London University.

Stewart Sutherland was appointed as Head of the newly created OFSTED in 1992, ie. Chief Inspector of Education, Children’s Services and Skills. Chris Woodhead succeeded him in 1994 and remained in post until 2000, throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry. Woodhead was appointed by PM John Major, remained in post under Blair and had his term extended by David Blunkett in Blunkett’s capacity as Education Secretary. Chris Woodhead was loathed by many people in education, especially the teaching unions, because he constantly banged on about the evils of ‘progressive’ teaching and maintained that nearly all teachers were hopeless and that it was his job to root them out. So a lot of people squealed with delight when it became public that Chris Woodhead, whilst a teacher at Gordano School in Bristol, had had a relationship with one of his pupils.

Woodhead lived with his former pupil for nine years. They insisted that their relationship had begun after they had left the school, but in 2015, immediately after Woodhead’s death, it was reported that his former wife disputed this version of events and stated that she had been asked to consider a menage a trois with Woodhead’s former pupil when the latter was just 17, a claim in which Woodhead’s former wife was supported by a number of Woodhead’s colleagues at Gordano and Tony Robinson of ‘Blackadder’ fame, who knew the Woodheads in Bristol.

Woodhead didn’t do himself any favours when he stated in 1999 that sexual relationships between teachers and their pupils could be ‘experiential and educative on both sides’.

Someone who did teacher training with me at Bangor University later became involved with one of his sixth formers and resigned his post to cohabit with her. There have been requests for me to name him on this blog, but I don’t know the full circumstances so I’m not going to. Keith Fearns and the paedophiles’ friends made fallacious accusations against me but remained silent about this man who qualified with me, but my former fellow student may have formed a genuine relationship with a girl who was 18 and resigned his post in order to live with her. So at the moment I’m keeping an open mind.

 

Woodhead went to Selsdon Primary School in South Croyon, then Wallington County Grammar School in Surrey. Later, he went to Bristol University, where he did his first degree and a PGCE.  Woodhead briefly worked as an English teacher at Wallington County Grammar School for Boys. Subsequently, he taught at the Priory School in Shrewsbury, 1969-72, moving to Newent Community School from 1972-74 as assistant Head of English. Woodhead obtained a MA in English from Keele University in 1974. Woodhead’s final teaching position was at Gordano School in Portishead as Head of English. During this period, he was noted for his espousal of ‘progressive’ educational ideology, something he later recanted.

In 1976, Woodhead left teaching, and subsequently moved into teacher education. He worked as a tutor on the PGCE teacher training course at the University of Oxford and held a number of posts in education development, including Deputy Chief Education Officer in Devon, 1988–90, as well as posts in Shropshire and Cornwall, 1990–1. From 1991-93, Woodhead was Chief Executive of the National Curriculum Council and also of the SCAA from 1993-94 (the School Curriculum and Assessment Authority), later replaced by the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority), which replaced the National Curriculum Council and the School Examinations and Assessment Council from 1 Oct 1993.

On 2 November 2000 Woodhead announced his resignation.

In Feb 2005, ‘The Guardian’ confirmed that in 1997 Woodhead had over-ruled a unanimous decision by his own inspectors and a subsequent inspection visit by HMI inspectors, to declare that Islington Green School was failing and required special measures. According to the head of the school at the time, ‘the consequences for staff and pupils were catastrophic’.

Woodhead was employed as a columnist for ‘The Daily Telegraph’ and ‘The Sunday Times’ newspapers. In approx 2002 Woodhead was appointed a Professor of Education at the University of Buckingham, long associated with paedophiles’ friends in high places of a right wing persuasion (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’).

In 2004 Woodhead became Chairmain of Cognita, a company that owns and runs independent schools. Woodhead and Cognita were reported in the press as having expelled pupils and were accused of ‘milking profits’ and dismissing a whistleblower who accused the company of allowing ineligible teachers to participate in the state run Teachers’ Pension Scheme.

Cognita became embroiled in a sexual abuse scandal when it emerged that one of its teachers at its Southbank International School, had systematically sexually abused at least 60 pupils at the school over a period of years. The man concerned taught at the school from 2009-13. Woodhead was the Chairman of the school board. Hugh Davies QC, who was appointed to look into the scandal, stated that at the school: ‘The structures of governance did not deliver effective supervision of those with operational responsibility for child protection,’ and that child protection policies were not ‘fully understood and/or implemented’ and there was a lack of training among the school’s child protection officers.

Woodhead married again in 2006 and lived in Herefordshire.

Woodhead was knighted in 2011. 

Woodhead was diagnosed with the MND in 2006. He was a Patron of Dignity in Dying and campaigned for an assisted dying law.

Woodhead was on the Advisory Council of the think tank Reform. 

 

Here are a few observations. My housemate Anne who was killed in a car crash in 1986 caused by the paedophiles’ friends came from the same place as Woodhead and attended Wallington Grammar School for Girls. Anne’s mum was a teacher in the area. Woodhead’s dad was an accountant – so was Anne’s dad. Dafydd, John Allen and the paedophiles had a branch of their gang operating in Shropshire when Woodhead taught there and later held senior roles in education development. Woodhead was at Keele University in 1974. Keele had a problem with paedophiles who were teaching on some of their courses, most notably social work academic Peter Righton, who was a member of PIE and was convicted of child sex offences. Righton worked closely with Barbara Kahan, who concealed child abuse throughout her career, including in Oxfordshire, where she and her Top Doctor husband Vladimir Kahan lived and worked for most of their lives (Always On The Side Of The Children’). The Kahans were there when Woodhead worked at Oxford. Jeremy Thorpe and his associates were still colonising Devon when Woodhead held a senior role in the education service in that county.

Woodhead went to Bristol University, as did D.G.E. Wood and David Hunt, who spent so many years in the Welsh Office concealing the crimes of Wood et al. Wood’s father was a Top Doc near Bristol and Wood grew up there. Woodhead lived in Herefordshire at the same time that Sir Ronnie Waterhouse did. Woodhead was Head of OFTSED throughout the Waterhouse Inquiry and he resigned some months after the Waterhouse Report was published. Woodhead was knighted just before Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

Woodhead, being ambitious, fancying himself as an intellectual with political interests and holding senior positions in education, will undoubtedly have known at least some of the stars whom he found himself in close proximity to.

 

Towards the end of his life, Woodhead did something even more interesting than living with one of his pupils and mouthing off about the evils of incompetent, progressive teachers. Woodhead went to live in north Wales – in Llanfrothen. I even bumped into him in Morrison’s in Caernarfon. Llanfrothen is the neighbouring village to Croesor, the village featured in my post ‘The Village’, which was a favourite destination for high profile radicals and activists on the left during the middle years of the 20th century. They knew about organised sexual abuse in the region, they knew about Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist and a few of the local people in the area had been ruined by Dafydd and Gwynne.

In 2011 Thomas Merfyn Hughes, a social work manager for Gwynedd Social Services who had challenged the paedophiles’ friends – although he was Of Them – and who had also been the election agent of paedophiles’ friend Elfyn Llwyd MP, was found dead near his home in Croesor. Merfyn Hughes’s body was found some time after he died, concealed, in someone else’s garden, at the bottom of an embankment. The explanation supplied for his death at the inquest did not make sense on any level. See post ‘A Particularly Worrying Death’.

I don’t know exactly when Woodhead moved to Llanfrothen, but he was there when he launched an attack on Bangor University in his ‘Sunday Times’ column, which must have been in about 2009-10.

Woodhead claimed to have received a letter from the mother of a law student at Bangor denouncing the dreadful standards at Bangor Law School. Woodhead named and shamed Bangor Law School and a lecturer there. The sins of the lecturer were alleged to include having such a poor grasp of English that he couldn’t be understood. This wasn’t true. The lecturer concerned was Asian, but he was sound academically and his English was good. There was a lecturer in the School of Law who’s English was very poor and there had been complaints, but that was a female Chinese lecturer, so there can’t have just been a simple mis-identification. The law students then revealed that the student who’s mum had complained had gone to so few lectures that she’d barely had time to draw conclusions about the competence of the staff. Some of the law students then made allegations that this girl had been nakedly racist towards other people.

Chris Woodhead then disclosed that the student’s mother was a law lecturer herself, So She Knew and furthermore she was African, so the allegations of racism could not possibly be true. I was very friendly with a Bangor law student at the time and was given full details. It sounded very much as though Woodhead and ‘The Sunday Times’ had set Bangor University up.

The odd thing was that there were huge problems at Bangor Law School, but they were not caused by the man who had been named by Woodhead. The problems were caused by the paedophiles’ friends, who had given places to some highly unsuitable students. These included a former police officer who had criminal convictions and who then offended again and was returned to prison; two female mature students who committed a huge fraud and were sent to prison; a former social worker who just seemed to be completely nuts and spread unpleasant fantasies about the other students; and an associate of Dafydd’s who had served a prison sentence and was defrauding local businesses whilst telling them that he was a barrister. The person who gave these students places was Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer, who’s wife Joanna Griffiths was Director of Social Services for Conwy, who’s sister Gwen Carrington was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and who’s brother Huw was a grossly incompetent solicitor who spent years sitting in the courts in north Wales watching the paedophile gang fit up their victims. For more details about the branch of the Mafia which is the Slayer’s family, see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’. The Buffet Slayer had previously been a lecturer at the Normal College. It was alleged that the two women who were jailed for fraud were personal friends of the Buffet Slayer’s sister.

The Slayer’s activities had made the Law School so notorious that law firms were refusing to employ Bangor graduates and the University authorities were tearing their hair out over the havoc presiding. Except for Fungus. I mentioned in a previous post that before I left Bangor, Fungus knew that I was watching the paedophiles’ friends at work and whenever I was engaged in conversation with anyone, Fungus would appear behind me eavesdropping and glowering. Fungus virtually followed me around the University if he saw me with my friend the law student.

It was at this time that I had heard of plans on the part of the paedophiles’ friends to fit the VC up for a criminal offence after his wife had died. The VC originally came from Llanfrothen. Some of his friends and relatives were still living there when Woodhead moved in.

 

Do you know anything about all of this Cherie and Blair? It all kicked off after John McTernan’s brother-in-law stole my computer and after Dee and Meri had been busy.

Cherie and Blair are friends with Michael Beloff QC. Who’s dad Max was one of the founders of the University of Buckingham (see post ‘The Bloody State We’re In’). Max knew Ioan Bowen-Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council when the paedophile ring operated within the Council’s children’s homes (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Michael Beloff was the legal adviser to the insurers of Clwyd County Council – he was responsible for ensuring that the Jillings Report was not made available to anyone but the Council’s insurers and lawyers (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). One member of the Jilliings Panel was a social work academic at Keele University.

 

As for David Blunkett who thought that Woodhead was a jolly good thing – when Blunkett was Home Secretary, he gave a resident of a village near Caernarfon a Citizens Award and she was later awarded an MBE. Her neighbours were horrified. She had carried out vigilante action against people who dared to have mental health problems, had appeared in the local paper commenting on black people who are violent and then one of her family was imprisoned for the rape of a girl under seven yrs old.

It was Blunkett who used his powers as Home Secretary to extend the prison sentence of Howard Hughes from Llandudno, who was convicted of the rape and murder of a little girl called Sophie Hook in the mid-1990s. There was no forensic evidence against Howard Hughes, who has learning disabilities. Many of the people involved in the investigation and trial were paedophiles’ friends. Hughes had previously spent time at Bryn Estyn, where he maintains that he was sexually assaulted. His claim for compensation was turned down on the grounds that he is a convicted murderer. Hughes also spent time in the paedophiles’ prison Garth Angharad near Dolgellau. Hughes is one of three people serving the longest sentences in the UK. There are concerns that he has been the victim of a serious miscarriage of justice. See post ‘News Round Up – And Murder Most Foul’.

 

 

So stop squealing paedophiles’ friends, you’ve had a good innings. You’ve lied, you’ve cheated, you’ve plagiarised other people’s work, you smeared innocent people and fitted some of them up for criminal offences and you’ve ignored serious sexual offences and even the murders of witnesses. Furthermore I haven’t finished naming all of you yet.

 

Some of the cast:

Dr Dee Gray, Transformative Leader and Angel of Death:

Grays Learning » Dr. Dee Gray

 

The Crack of Doom:

  • Meri Huws | Folly Farm | ZoomInfo.com

 

Bring that computer back!

Let us prey:
Presentations now Available DSIDC Annual Conference ...
Professor Chris Burton:
The Brave Rabbit. Dusty Bin Money Box
Dusty Bin:
Prof Chris Burton
Professor Mike Nolan, another world leader who’s genius and excellence benefited the citizens of north Wales:

Mike Nolan

 

 

 

More Than Politics And Local Government

I have just purchased a copy of Martin Shipton’s biography of George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy, ‘Political Chameleon, In Search of George Thomas’ for a bit of Christmas reading.

At the very beginning of the book there are comments from Lord Patrick Cormack, former Conservative MP and David Seligman, solicitor and former Chair, Cardiff West Constituency Labour Party. Cormack and Seligman were both friends with George Thomas and although they noticed things that puzzled them – for Seligman it was why George Thomas ever accepted a Viscountcy from Margaret Thatcher, as Thomas had claimed to detest the House of Lords – both Cormack and Seligman refuse to believe the allegations of child abuse that have been levelled at George Thomas.

Although I’ve only just skimmed through a couple of chapters of Shipton’s book, I’ve noticed that Shipton mentions a number of incidents that haven’t received widespread media coverage but did cause concern among people who did know about them, including a complaint made to the South Wales Police that Thomas had raped a nine year old boy, other complaints against Thomas from teenaged boys that Thomas had ‘touched them up’, a young man to whom for some reason Thomas paid a large amount of money in order for him to move to Australia and offers by Thomas’s mate solicitor and fellow Labour MP Leo Abse to ‘deal with’ other people who made allegations against Thomas. At one point Thomas was hospitalised for some type of STD but his hospital stay was repackaged as being for ‘waterworks trouble’. I expect to find out a lot more that I didn’t know when I read Shipton’s book.

I thought that I’d find out a bit more about Seligman and Cormack, who both maintained that their own children loved George Thomas and that they really did not have any concerns about his conduct towards them. Not that paedophiles abuse every child that they come into contact with anyway…

Patrick Cormack was the Conservative MP for Cannock, 1970-74 (he won the seat from Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow) and then for South Staffordshire, 1974-83. So Cormack was one of the local MPs when the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal was happening, when people who dared complain that children in care were being abused were framed for serious offences themselves and imprisoned, when the police framed the Bridgewater Four for the murder of schoolboy Carl Bridgewater yet ignored the masses of evidence which pointed to ambulanceman Bert Spencer and as things began to go very wrong in the NHS in Staffordshire. Patrick Cormack seems to have missed so much that I’m not in the least bit surprised that he never noticed anything untoward about George Thomas.

Cormack came from Grimsby and as a young man contested that seat whilst Tony Crosland was the sitting Labour MP as well as the Secretary of State for Education and Science. This was the bisexual Tony Crosland who was almost certainly used by Blair’s mate Hilary Armstrong’s father Ernest to conceal the abuse of children at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead by Peter Howarth, whilst Howarth’s boss Matt Arnold colluded. Arnold and Howarth later relocated to Bryn Estyn where they established a paedophile ring which included Sir Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester and Thatcher’s aide.

Cormack graduated from Hull University in 1961 and until 1966 taught at his old school in Lincolnshire, St James’s Choir School. He then worked as an assistant housemaster at Wrekin College, Wellington, Shropshire, 1967-69 and in 1969 became head of Brentwood Grammar School.

Prior to 1970 Cormack was a member of the Bow Group and the Monday Club, although he resigned from both at the end of 1971.

Patrick Cormack was PPS in the DHSS, 1970-73, whilst Sir Keith Joseph was Secretary of State under Ted Heath. So Cormack was in that post whilst the paedophiles’ friend Barbara Kahan was a senior advisor to Joseph in the DHSS re children in care (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). The Barbara who later Co-Chaired the Inquiry into the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal.

By 1997 Cormack had spent 27 years on the backbenches – suddenly William Hague felt generous enough to promote him to the position of Opposition Deputy Leader of the Commons. The previous year Hague had orchestrated the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry in his capacity as John Major’s Secretary of State for Wales and in 1997 Sir Ronald Waterhouse had begun taking evidence and the most dire accounts of abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales were finding their way into some media outlets – not many admittedly because there wasn’t quite the sort of interest from the media that one would expect in view of what had gone on…

Patrick Cormack was Chair of the N Ireland Affairs Select Committee, 2005-10.

In 2010 Cormack was given a peerage.

In 2011 Cormack was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Staffordshire.

Patrick Cormack is a committed Christian and was warden at Parliament’s parish church, St Margaret’s of Westminster, 1978-90. But then the STD infected child abusing George Thomas was a Methodist lay preacher.

 

David Seligman is the former Chair of Cardiff West Constituency Labour Party. In 1983 Seligman stood as the Labour Party candidate for Cardiff West, George Thomas’s former seat, but lost to the Conservative candidate Stefan Terlezki who held the seat until 1987.

Stefan Terlezki was born in what was then part of Poland but is now Western Ukraine and lived under both the Nazi’s and Stalin’s regimes. Terlezki came to Wales and ended up working in hotel management, running establishments in Aberystwyth and Swansea. His political career started in 1968 when he became a member of Cardiff City Council. Stefan was Chair of Cardiff City F.C., 1975-77. In 1989 Thatcher’s Gov’t appointed him the British Gov’t Representative of the Council of Europe’s Human Rights Committee on the basis that he had experienced life under totalitarian regimes. The Labour Party were very angry about this because in the 1970s Terlezki had recommending flogging football hooligans. As the whole lot of them were well aware of what George Thomas got up to I don’t think that any of them were suitable to be representatives on a Human Rights Committee.

Stefan Terlezki lost his seat in 1987 to the Labour candidate Rhodri Morgan. Rhodri originally had his eye on Jim Callaghan’s seat, Cardiff South and Penarth. When Callaghan retired in 1987 Rhodri trotted along to see Mr Big in the Labour Party in south Wales, Lord Jack Brooks, with his masterplan but Jack Brooks told him to take a running jump and suggested that he try for Cardiff West instead.

Jack Brooks was never elected to the Commons but he called most of the shots in the Labour Party in south Wales. Brooks was educated at Coleg Harlech and was Secretary of the Cardiff South East Constituency Labour Party, 1966-84. Brooks was Chair of Cardiff Labour Party from 1968 and was the first leader of the old Cardiff City Council until the Labour Group lost control in 1977, but he returned as leader of South Glamorgan County Council in 1986. Jack Brooks was Jim Callaghan’s election agent, which explains why he bagged a peerage in 1979.

Brooks was Deputy Chair of CDDC (Cardiff Bay Development Corporation) – Geoffrey Inkin was Chair. My post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ describes how the development of Cardiff Bay was meticulously planned by a group of people – including some of members of South Glamorgan County Council – who used many millions of taxpayers money to fund the redevelopment of Cardiff Docks, the redevelopment of which benefited businesses that they or their friends had interests in. There is much resentment in Wales concerning the lack of benefit to the rest of Wales from Cardiff Bay – the south Wales valleys are still wrecked and Cardiff Bay doesn’t touch the life of the rest of Wales unless one is an AM and works there. But a small group of people became very rich indeed as a result of Cardiff Bay. Jack Brooks died last year and Wales Online’s tribute to him mentioned that his ‘willingness to work across political boundaries with people like Nicholas Edwards’ was instrumental in the establishment of CBDC. Nicholas Edwards aka Lord Crickhowell was Secretary of State for Wales, 1979-87, under Thatcher and not only made a fortune out of Cardiff Bay but also concealed the criminal activity in north Wales related to the abuse of children and mental health patients.

Jack Brooks determined much of what eventually happened at Cardiff Bay. A lot of people opposed the building of the barrage, but old Jack wanted it and it happened. The proposed building of the new County Hall on Atlantic Wharf was highly controversial but Jack thought that it was a great idea – in 1984 a meeting of the County Labour Party announced that the Labour Group on South Glamorgan County Council had decided to go ahead with the building. A lot of people became very excited when it was proposed that an opera house should be built at Cardiff Bay. The architect Zaha Haddid even got as far as designing one. Jack stated that it would be built over his dead body – the opera house didn’t happen.

Jack lost his seat at the 1993 Council elections.

In 1995 Jack was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of South Glamorgan.

Jack was the Chairman of the Welsh Sports Hall of Fame from 1988 and of Sportsmatch Wales from 1992. He was Vice-Chair of the British Board of Boxing Control in 1999 and 2000 and President from 2004. The former boxer Michael Watson won a negligence case against the Board in 2001 after suffering a serious brain injury in a boxing match with Chris Eubanks – Watson’s damages were huge as a result of there being inadequate medical assistance and no oxygen supply at the match and the Board had to sell their London HQ to raise the compensation. They had to reduce their overheads to avoid bankruptcy and Brooks was instrumental in moving their head office to Cardiff to achieve this. Michael Watson may have suffered a catastrophic brain injury which nearly killed him and left him permanently disabled, but I was delighted to read that Lilibet gave him a gong for his contribution to disabled sport and that he was allowed to hold the torch at the Paralympics. Obviously that’s enough to make up for the loss of a few billion neurones.

I am wondering if Jack Brooks was anything to do with the BMA dropping their campaign against boxing some years ago.The BMA really had it in for boxing and their campaign was gathering a lot of steam – they wanted boxing outlawed. The BMA of course were playing a major role in concealing the paedophile gang in north Wales and the associated Westminster Paedophile Ring, along with the criminal activities in the mental health services. They suddenly fell completely silent about boxing and it is now being once again promoted as harmless fun for boys and young men and as ’empowering’ for young women. I would have thought that Michael Watson nearly dying in the ring would have been all the evidence that the Top Doctors needed.

Jack Brooks was a leading light in the Wales Anti-Apartheid movement with Paul Flynn – Paul Flynn knew about the abuses in north Wales and even appeared on the Vincent Kane show with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Flynn challenged dear old Dafydd concerning his idiotic theories about cannabis  psychosis but he never said a word about the paedophile gang that Dafydd and others at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were concealing. Flynn had stood for election in Denbigh in the 1970s and nearly every person in that town had a job which was dependent upon the North Wales Hospital.

 

Whilst Jack Brooks Chaired South Glamorgan County Council’s Committee for driving the redevelopment of Cardiff Bay, the Council was led by Bob Morgan. Councillor Bob was actually a Canon in the Church in Wales, the Rev Bob Morgan. The Rev Bob has a daughter who is a Baroness – although no-one quite knows what she did to become a Baroness, except make friends with the first Family of Troughing,the Kinnocks – Eluned Morgan. Eluned has starred on this blog before as well as on the Welsh political blog Jac O The North. The Baroness is fond of telling a deprivation narrative in public – she enjoys advertising the fact that she ‘came from an estate in Ely’, Ely having had a rather rough reputation in previous times particularly in 1991 when the ‘Ely Bread Riots’ kicked off. Ely was a tough place but the Baroness likes to give the impression that she lived in cardboard box in’t middle of road and has become a Baroness because she is an emblem of New Labour’s social mobility. She doesn’t advertise the fact that her dad was the leader of a rotten borough whilst it devised the most enormous scam for fleecing the tax-payer and making some of the Council members and their mates seriously rich. Neither does the Baroness ever explain that her dad did this in cahoots with the likes of Lord Crickhowell – the Baroness probably sits next to him in the House of Lords – Thatcher’s henchman who completely screwed the rest of Wales and concealed a paedophile gang.

A Mystery surrounds the Baroness. She has now been given responsibility for the Welsh language in her capacity as an AM and I suspect that like everything else that the Baroness has been given responsibility for, she hasn’t got the ability to perform the tasks required. The Baroness told the BBC the other day that when she was a girl the other kids threw stones at her school bus because it was a bus taking her to a Welsh medium school. The Baroness used this an anecdote to demonstrate how much hostility existed towards the Welsh language in Cardiff at the time. When the Baroness was a lass, schools in Cardiff were generally English medium (schools in north Wales were Welsh medium) but one group of people who did aspire to send their children to Welsh medium schools were a contingent of Welsh middle class people – because Welsh medium schools were often very good, receiving the support of a lot of committed well-educated parents. I rather suspect that the Baroness’s bus was being stoned by the chavs because she and her fellow travellers were literally being bussed out of Ely because Bob didn’t want the Baroness mixing with the riff raff in the Ely schools. Then someone told me via the comments thread on Jac O The North that the Baroness went to Atlantic College. Atlantic College is a co-educational international school and it charges people a great deal of money to send their kids there. Atlantic College is a great school if you’ve got the money to pay for it, but plebs don’t get through the gates. Stephen Kinnock sent his daughter there and her mum is the Prime Minister of Denmark – although Stephen tried to pretend that his daughter was at a local comp. A few years ago when I was in Armenia I bumped into some Atlantic College students on an archeology trip and the teenager to whom I was chatting had a mum who was a hedge fund manager. I presume that the Baroness braved the stones on the bus to the Welsh medium school until she transferred to Atlantic College. What I’m wondering is how did the Rev Bob ever find the money to pay the fees? Clergymen don’t get paid that much – they’re not really supposed to be living it up at the expense of their neighbours, let alone bussing their kids out a la apartheid and waving through corrupt get rich quick schemes in their capacity as Council leaders. I don’t know if Atlantic College offers scholarships but Eluned has always struck me as a Baroness of Very Little Brain, I doubt that she’d have bagged one.

Furthermore if Bob was a leading light on the Council, the state of Ely will have been something to do with him and his fellow Councillors.

There were a few other illustrious people on or associated with South Glamorgan County Council back in that era. Rhodri Morgan worked as an industrial development officer for them before he was elected to the Commons in 1987. Mark Drakeford (who worked as a social worker in Ely as well as in Dyfed where a paedophile gang raged) was a Councillor, as was this blog’s friend former social worker Jane Hutt – someone else who managed to ignore the criminal abuse of vulnerable people – and Rhodri’s wife Julie Morgan who also worked as a social worker, in Barry.

Alun Michael was a Councillor who worked closely with Jack Brooks – Michael described Brooks as one of the ‘towering influences’ in the development of Cardiff in the 1970/80s. Jack was so fond of Alun Michael that he didn’t snub Michael in the way that he did Rhodri – thus it was Alun Michael who ended up succeeding Jim Callaghan in the Cardiff South and Penarth seat in 1987. Rhodri joined Blair’s shadow environment and then energy team and was then shadow Welsh Affairs spokesman, 1992-97. Blair didn’t make Rhodri a Welsh Office Minister once Labour gained power in 1997. Obviously Rhodri wasn’t doing enough to assist paedophiles – he was merely ignoring them. Blair’s choice of Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary following devolution was Ron Davies. Being a man who picked up male prostitutes on Clapham Common Ron was obviously Blair’s ideal candidate. Sadly Ron was caught in the company of one prostitute – Boogie – and Blair couldn’t withstand the scandal, so Wales was initially given Alun Michael as First Secretary. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner, after all those years of faithful service on a rotten borough whose members lined their own pockets and kept schtum about George Thomas’s activities.

When Rhodri contested Cardiff West in 1987, his Conservative opponent was Ivor Richard. Ivor Richard came from Carmarthenshire, went to school at Llanelli and then at Cheltenham College. After this he studied at Pembroke College, Oxford where he joined the Labour Party and the Fabian Society. Richard was called to the Bar in 1955. He worked as a barrister in London and in 1963 defended – under Lewis Hawser QC, who was a friend of Jeremy Thorpe – Brian Field, a solicitor’s clerk who played an essential role in the conspiracy to commit the Great Train Robbery. Field’s share of the swag was found in Dorking wood. Nevertheless he was acquitted of conspiracy to rob on appeal.

Richard was MP for Baron’s Court, a constituency near Hammersmith and Fulham, 1964-74. It was a marginal constituency which benefited from good media coverage from the BBC TV Centre which was located nearby. Not only were Jimmy Savile’s employers – and protectors – on Ivor Richard’s doorstep, but that bastion of wrongdoing and research fraud Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School is nearby as well.

Richard was briefly an assistant to Denis Healey whilst Healey was Secretary of State for Defence and was then Minister for the Army in 1969. Richard lost his seat in 1974 and was unable to find another nomination because of his pro-EEC stance. In June 1974 Harold Wilson’s Gov’t appointed him the UK Permanent Representative to the UN, a post he held until 1979. In 1980 the Labour Party chose Richard to replace the paedophiles’ friend Roy Jenkins as a European Commissioner – he had responsibility for Employment, Social Policy, Education and Training. In 1985 Richard was appointed Chairman of World Trade Centre Wales Ltd, supposedly to encourage overseas investment in Wales.

Richard was made a life peer in 1990. In 1992 he became leader of the Labour peers and was made a Privy Councillor. In 1997 Richard was appointed Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the Lords – he succeeded that man who did the paedophiles of Wales so many favours, Lord Cledwyn.

Ivor Richard Chaired the Richard Commission, 2002-04, which examined the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly for Wales. The Commission members included: Eira Davies from Wrexham, a member of the Boards of S4C and Coleg Llandrillo Cymru; Tom Jones, Chair of the WCVA; Laura McAllister; Lord Ted Rowlands, former Labour MP for Cardiff North (1966-70), Methyr Tydfil and Rhymney (1972-01) and Welsh Office Minister whilst the Welsh Office concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales; Vivienne Sugar, Chief Executive of the City and County of Swansea; Huw Thomas, former CEO of Denbighshire County Council (whilst a paedophile gang operated in its Dept of Social Services), former CEO of Gwynedd County Council (whilst a paedophile gang operated in its Dept of Social Services), Director of Taro Consultancy Ltd, lay member of the Law Society – please see post ‘ I Know Nuzzing…’ for further details of Huw’s proud record and his extensive appointments which include Auditor General for Wales; Paul Valerio, Lord Mayor of Swansea in 1982, Councillor on City of Swansea Council.

Jack Brooks’s protege was the notorious Russell Goodway. Russell’s head start in politics in the south Wales Labour Party was nearly as good as that enjoyed by the Baroness of Ely. As a 17 year old in the sixth form at Barry Comprehensive, Russell was sent on a secondment to the Labour Party’s HQ to work for Jack Brooks during the General Election campaign of Feb 1974 by the head teacher Teifion Philips, President of the Barry Labour Party. By the time that Jack turned his toes up in 2016, he had been Russell’s comrade, mentor and friend for 42 years.

Russell Goodway was a Councillor for Ely, is the former Lord Mayor of Cardiff and the former CEO of Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. In 1985 he was elected to South Glamorgan County Council and became leader in 1992. At the turn of the 21st century Russell was the highest paid Council leader in Great Britain. South Glamorgan County Council was replaced by Cardiff City Council in 1996 but Russell didn’t stand down as leader of the Labour Group until 2004.

In late 2004 Russell became CEO of Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. In late 2007/08 the Chamber financially collapsed following an overpaid training grant from ELWa of £5000k which could not be repaid due to interest payments totalling £500k and other debts totalling £1 million. Thirty five staff were immediately made redundant and the Chamber was liquidated. ELWa was an Assembly funded public body for post-16 learning whose interim Chief Exec, 2004-05, was Dr Peter Higson, who spent years concealing the criminal activities of the mental health services in north Wales. Obviously after the disaster that was ELWa’s arrangement with the Cardiff Chamber of Commerce, there was only one thing to do with Higson – appoint him Chief Exec of Health Inspectorate Wales, where he wiled away a few more happy years concealing serious wrongdoing in the NHS. When HIW was deemed not fit for purpose, Higson was appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board – which is now in special measures and effectively bankrupt, having hosted the biggest mental health scandal that there has been in recent years in the UK. I look forward to seeing Peter Higson joining the Baroness, Lord Crickhowell, Lord Rowlands, Lord Richard and the rest of the gang in a sound sleep on the benches of the Upper House very soon.

Another Chair of ELWa was former Welsh Office civil servant Steve Martin. After ELWa became a national embarrassment and Steve fessed up to serious mismanagement, he was given a job leading HEFCW. Steve now has a Chair at Cardiff University’s Business School – the Baroness also has a Chair at Cardiff University.

In the light of all this, if anyone has any interesting ideas as to where the Rev Bob might have found those fees to send the Baroness to Atlantic College, please do let me know.

In April 2016 Russell Goodway paid tribute to Jack Brooks in an article on the IWA (Institute of Welsh Affairs) website, explaining that Jack Brooks was ‘more than politics and local government’ – indeed he was, he was large scale municipal corruption and I suspect a concealer of child abuse as well, along with everyone else down there.

Whilst Russell was at school in Barry, his local MP was someone else who will have been rather more than just politics and local gov’t – Tory MP Sir Raymond Gower. Raymond Gower went to Neath Grammar School, Cardiff High School, University College Cardiff and Cardiff School of Law. He qualified as a solicitor in 1944 and in 1964 became a partner in S.R. Freed and Co, Harewood Place, London W1 and also worked as a journalist and a broadcaster. Gower was MP for Barry, 1951-83 and then for the Vale of Glamorgan, 1983-89. He was PPS for Reginald Maudling and John Profumo, so he learnt at the knees of the best.

Gower was the Director of a large number of commercial companies and was Chairman of the Barry Herald, 1955-64. He was a Governor of the National Museum of Wales and the National Library of Wales. Gower was a member of the Courts of University College Cardiff and University College Aberystwyth. He was a member of the Welsh Executive and Council of the UNA (United Nations Association), Chair of the Welsh Conservative MPs Group and in 1966 was appointed Treasurer of the Welsh Parliamentary Group.

 

George Thomas was raised to the Viscountcy by Margaret Thatcher in 1983. David Seligman may have been loyal enough to Thomas to be baffled as to why he accepted an hereditary peerage but as it has now been admitted by even the Tories that Thatcher’s aide Tory MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison was abusing children in care in Wales – the Peter Morrison whose sister Dame Mary was a courtier to HM the Queen and whose Constituency Association was headed by the Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster and Prince Charles’s friend – it’s pretty obvious why Thatcher gave him one.

The investiture of Prince Charles in Caernarfon was an idea enthusiastically embraced by George Thomas.

 

 

The ‘Celtic Iron Lady’ And Yet More Recent History

The press in north Wales is currently publishing tributes to someone who has just died who was described as a farmer from Denbighshire and a ‘leading figure’ in country life in the region. It was mentioned that the man in question purchased a large pig farm he was younger, was keen on racehorses and was a leading light in the NFU as well as in the Conservative Party. Intriguingly the article in the Daily Post Online stated that this farmer was a freemason. Details of his family were supplied and it seems that his family were actually a local wealthy family with multiple business interests. Of course my antennae started twitching when I saw the words ‘Denbighshire’, ‘leading figure’ and ‘freemason’ in close proximity. A mate of Dafydd and Gwynne’s perhaps?  The ‘farmer’ would be about the right age to be a mate of theirs. But then I noticed something even more interesting – at the end of the article, it named the siblings of this farmer who had predeceased him. One was his sister – Beata Brookes, a Conservative politician.

Beata Brookes is a name from the past. When I arrived in Bangor in 1981 most people whom I came across supported Plaid, but every so often Bangor would be covered in blue Vote Conservative posters with the name of Beata Brookes emblazoned across them. I learned that Beata Brookes was the MEP for north Wales. I also soon found out that she was hated by many people, truly loathed, but no-one ever explained why – although to be fair, I never asked. In much the same way that in parts of the UK in the 1980s one would overhear people using the phrase ‘it’s that bloody woman’ and know that they were talking about Margaret Thatcher, in north Wales it was often a phrase used about Beata Brookes. Last night I did a bit of research. As is so often the case these days, I wish that I had done this research years ago – and I also wished that when I was young I had stopped to enquire further when local people had told me how much they hated Beata Brookes.

Beata Brookes was born in 1931, the daughter of a wealthy family in Denbighshire. So she’s about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille, the paedophiles’ friends then. Beata studied at UCNW (now Bangor University) and became a social worker – just like Lucille! Of course, Beata was about the same age as Dafydd and Lucille. Readers familiar with north Wales will already understand that with the region having the networks that it does, Beata will definitely have known Lucille. She therefore probably knew Dafydd as well. For readers in England who  might need more convincing, not knowing how north Wales works – and certainly worked in the mid-twentieth century – here’s the clincher. Beata worked as a social worker for Denbighshire County Council, although it is documented that she also worked as a ‘director for a north Wales company’ and as a ‘farmer’. I can’t find a record of the name of the company, I presume that it was a family business – and presumably, as with her brother, ‘farmer’ meant landowner. So Beata was from an affluent local Tory family (Beata joined the Young Conservatives at fifteen and ended up as the national vice-chairman), the male members of whom were freemasons and she worked as a social worker for the Council which collaborated with and concealed the wrongdoing of Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd. Beata will have known what was going on in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I bet she’ll have known about something else as well – the physical and sexual abuse of children, which had been going on in the region for decades. Scores of those who were named in the Jillings Report and Waterhouse Report as senior managers of the children’s ‘services’ which by the 1970s were known to be rife with paedophiles had worked for Denbighshire County Council as far back as the 1950s, as detailed in previous blog posts.

Was it possible that Beata was one of those who knew about the beatings, the buggery, the rapes, the lobotomies of awkward customers, the incarceration of anyone who crossed Gwynne or Dafydd’s path, the sexual abuse of psychiatric patients as well as of children, the financial abuse of vulnerable adults, the incarceration of homosexuals, the deaths and disappearances, but felt completely overwhelmed and helpless? Er, no – as Beata progressed in her career, she acquired positions which point to her being one of the key figures who ensured that the lid was kept on all of it. In 1963 the Conservative Government appointed her to the Welsh Hospitals Board, the authority directly responsible for the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. She remained in that post for eleven years. Whereupon she became a member of the new Clwyd Health Authority – which took over the running of the North Wales Hospital! And nothing changed at all – homosexuals were still tortured in the name of ‘aversion therapy’ although homosexuality had been decriminalised, women who had given birth outside of marriage were still incarcerated in there, Gwynne the lobotomist was still employed there (and I bet that he was still carrying out lobotomies as well, they were breaking every other law out there, they won’t have given up on their most effective weapon), young people who had been abused were being banged up in Denbigh in the 70s, Dafydd was shagging his way around the institution – life carried on in that place as it had for the previous decades. Of course by 1974, John Allen had established the Bryn Alyn Community and business was booming – children in care from across the UK were being ‘placed’ there, to be sexually abused and trafficked into prostitution. As were the boys at Bryn Estyn at that time. Jillings and Waterhouse admit that by 1974, children in care right across north Wales were being starved, used as free labour, violently assaulted and sexually abused. Some ended up in London and Brighton being abused by the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Dissenters found themselves in the North Wales Hospital or Risley Remand Centre.

So Beata was up to her eyes in it as a member of Clwyd Health Authority. But Beata was a member of a few other things as well – including Clwyd County Council Social Services Committee! So she definitely knew about the kids who were being abused in the ‘care’ of the social services then. Beata played a blinder though – like Dafydd and Lucille, she ensured that she was involved in so many organisations that she remained in control of all outlets. She sat on the Family Practitioners Committee for Clwyd and she was a member of the Council for Professions Supplementary to Medicine – that will have kept any GPs or others who were unhappy with what was going on silent – and she also held ‘several voluntary sector posts in north Wales relating to the disabled and mentally handicapped’. Beata was even President of the North Wales Association for the Disabled! There was no escape for complaining patients or relatives – or indeed other healthcare professionals – from Beata, Gwynne, Dafydd and Lucille. They had the whole region completely stitched up. Although Beata and Lucille couldn’t join the masons because they were women, Dafydd, Beata’s brother and no doubt Gwynne were able to do that bit to gain dominance there.

Not only was Beata occupying influential positions in the local authority and voluntary sector, but she began her political climb at an early age too. After her stint with the Young Conservatives, she joined the grown-ups clubs. She was elected to the National Union of Conservatives and Unionist Associates. In 1955 she was elected as a Conservative Councillor for Rhyl Urban District Council. In the same year she fought Widnes for the Tories in the General Election. In 1961 Beata was the Tory candidate in the Warrington by-election. In 1964 she stood for the Tories for Manchester Exchange in the General Election. In 1970 she threw her hat in the ring for the West Flintshire nomination for the Tories but was beaten by Sir Anthony Myers. My God Beata was desperate to get into Parliament. I don’t think she wanted to do that to help the poor sods whom Dafydd and Gwynne were abusing and killing or the kids that Lucille – and indeed Beata’s colleagues in Clwyd Social Services – were prostituting either.

In 1979 Beata was elected to the European Parliament as MEP for north Wales! Did she use her power to try and assist those in the clutches of Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille? Of course not – Beata ended up on a number of committees and is remembered as feistily fighting for agricultural and industrial interests in north Wales, but no, she didn’t give a stuff about the welfare or indeed the lives of those who had fallen into the hands of a bunch of pimps and gangsters. It was of course in 1979 that Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in Risley Remand Centre and the North Wales Hospital – for a year (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). That hit the London based media. Of course Beata knew about it.

Beata remained an MEP for ten years. Throughout the Mary Wynch scandal and the aftermath – and during those years in the mid and late 80s when Alison Taylor went public on the paedophile ring that was operating in the social services in north Wales. Beata remained silent throughout. Yet every account of Beata’s political career stresses how effective she was, what a ‘fighter’ she was, how she was ‘formidable’ (which in politics usually translates as ‘vile’) and how she was known as the ‘Celtic Iron Lady’. (Brookes was a hard-right Thatcherite.)

In 1983 Brookes’s desperation to bag a seat in the Commons – although she was a sitting MEP – caused a crisis in the Conservative Party. What is now described as a ‘bitter feud’ broke out which centred around Brookes. Boundary changes resulted in the creation of a new constituency, Clwyd North West, a seat that was centred on Colwyn Bay, the location of the HQ of the North Wales Police which was mired in corruption and concealing the paedophile ring. Gordon Anglesea, an Inspector at Colwyn Bay, was actually a member of the paedophile ring. Colwyn Bay also housed a few other bent professionals, including Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman for the Welsh Office, who concealed Dafydd’s criminal activities in the late 1980s. Denbigh was a town virtually entirely populated by staff or the relatives of staff of the North Wales Hospital, but people occupying the more senior positions in Clwyd County Council and it’s services frequently lived in the Colwyn Bay area or in the Conwy Valley. They’re the posh bits of that region.

The natural candidates for the Tory nomination for Clwyd North West were the sitting Conservative MP for West Flintshire, Sir Anthony Meyer and the sitting Conservative MP for Denbigh, Geraint Morgan. Some people were grumbling about Geraint Morgan who was perceived to be rather more committed to his work as a barrister than his duties as an MP and although Anthony Meyer was very popular in some quarters, he was dangerously civilised for Thatcher’s Conservative Party and kept disgracing himself by doing things like making positive noises about the EU, not wanting to hang people and not wanting to kill the Argies. It didn’t go down very well at all with some. A group of local Tory activists urged Brookes to put her name forward for the nomination. Meanwhile, Conservative Central Office produced a list of 65 possible names – Brookes’s was not among them. A huge row followed and complaints were made to the 1922 Committee. The Chairman of that Committee, Edward Du Cann, even discussed postponing the selection meeting with the Conservative Party Chairman Cecil Parkinson, such was the rumpus. In the end the selection meeting went ahead.

Brookes, Meyers and Morgan all attended the meeting, at which Brookes made a speech praising Thatcher. Brookes won the selection vote among the Clwyd North East Conservative Executive. Meyers alleged that the meeting was a fix, that Brookes had set out to oust him by stealth by using EU funds to promote her candidacy and ‘usurp the functions’ of the House and that Conservative Central Office were in on the conspiracy. Morgan observed that speaking at the meeting was like ‘speaking to a nobbled jury’. Meyers maintained that the local members were ‘resigning in droves’ and threatened to run as an Independent. He then discovered that he had not been invited to the adoption meeting. Myers challenged this in the High Court and won – they ruled that he should have been invited. Some 800 members turned up to the meeting where the decision not to invite Myers was reversed. Sir Anthony Myers was subsequently nominated and then won the seat for the Tories by a long way.

Whilst I was reading about all this, I couldn’t help noticing the year in which the Tories in Clwyd tore themselves apart – it was 1983. We know that Beata was ruthlessly ambitious, was a woman who bludgeoned people into submission and was sitting on a paedophile ring supplying under-aged boys to Westminster figures and was keeping a lid on the criminal activities of a mental health service that was concealing the paedophile ring. It has been admitted by member of the Conservative Party that Sir Peter Morrison, the Tory MP for Chester, was abusing boys in care in north Wales. Between 1981 and 1985 the Conservative MP Geoffrey Dickens held his campaign to expose ‘VIPs’ that he maintained were sexually abusing children. Dickens maintained that this abuse was associated with a trade in child pornography worth a great deal of money. This was exactly the business that John Allen ran. Dickens began his campaign in 1981 when he named Sir Peter Hayman in the House using Parliamentary privilege. In 1983 Geoffrey Dickens handed the then Home Secretary Leon Brittan a dossier with the names and details of VIPs, including Westminster figures, that Dickens maintained were paedophiles. Brittan ‘lost’ that dossier. Since then of course, there have been allegations that Brittan was one of those paedophiles himself. Before he died Geoffrey Dickens talked about the serious unpleasantness and threats that he received after he spoke out.

So Beata herself and a group of ‘local activists’ were very keen for Beata to get into Parliament – so keen that some unlawful dirty tricks were employed, which Meyers alleged had involved Conservative Central Office. The constituency involved in the bun-fight was home to numerous police officers, local officials and professionals who were concealing the paedophile ring that Dickens was trying to expose. I wonder if they were among the ‘local activists’ who were doing pretty much anything to get Brookes into that seat? What if they were worried that Dickens’s campaign was going to gain traction and the whole bloody lot of them would be caught? Sir Anthony Myers sounds the sort of person who would not be complicit with such serious criminal activity, but Beata had been already, for years. The ideal candidate!

The cunning plan didn’t work, but Beata continued as an MEP until 1989 when she was ousted by the Labour candidate. Beata continued to mouth off if she felt like it – in 1983 she protested after the BBC held an interview with John Jenkins, a Welsh activist who had been imprisoned for a bombing campaign at the time of the Investiture. Oh the irony – in his younger day, Dafydd made links with Irish Republican activists after declaring his commitment to the nationalist cause (see post ‘A Network Stretching Back Decades…’). He also participated in the Tryweryn campaign. Like Dafydd, Beata had some media connections – she had worked as an ‘occasional television interviewer’ when she was younger.

Even being voted out didn’t stop Brookes. In 1993 she became Chair of the Welsh Conservative Party and supported John Major whilst he was under fire. She was also Chair of the Welsh Consumer Council and was re-appointed in 1994, despite criticism of her potential conflict of interest by the National Consumer Council and by Rhodri Morgan, who told John Major that the appointment ‘undermined an already disreputable system of patronage’.

The evil cow was awarded a CBE in 1996. In her old age there were still indications of the deals that she was doing on a local level. Brookes hit the media in 2003 regarding a dispute over car boot sales that she was holding on her land in Rhuddlan. In 2000 she had managed to gain permission to hold car boot sales on 28 Sundays every year and then in 2003 she gained permission to hold car boot sales on 14 Saturdays every year. She offered the land on which the car boots were held for the use of the National Eisteddfod. Helping out the National Eisteddfod can work wonders, particularly as Dafydd and many of the paedophiles’ friends are involved with it. (A true but horrible story – some years ago there was an awful shock for a lot of people when it was revealed that one of the people who had been appointed to run something for the children at the Eisteddfod, a nursery I think, was someone from the south of England with convictions for paedophilia. Any ideas how he got in there then Dafydd?) Beata won the day, but the dispute cost the local council many thousands of pounds. What Brookes’s passion for car boot sales was all about I don’t know, but it does remind me of a quip from ‘Private Eye’ years ago, when they were still publishing the imaginary letters from Denis Thatcher, ‘Dear Bill’. One of the letters made a reference to a ‘friend of Maurice’s’ who ran car boot sales – Denis commented that ‘I had no idea that he was a member of the Mafia’.

Readers may remember that in my post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’, I described how Anglesey Conservative Association were desperate to snare a then unknown Ann Widdecombe as their candidate despite Doris knowing absolutely nothing about Wales or Anglesey and not showing much interest either. I speculated that back in those days of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’), it may very well have been Widdecombe’s uncompromising anti-abortion stance that was the attraction. I wonder if Brookes was involved with that selection panel. Welsh Tories are a bit thin on the ground, it is highly likely that they either roped Brookes in or that she insisted on being part of the process.

There is an outstanding conundrum. Brookes’s obituaries mention that she married a fellow Tory activist Anthony Arnold, but that they divorced in 1963 and Brookes then insisted on being addressed by her maiden name and title, Miss Beata Brookes. It was highly unusual to be a divorcee in 1963 – although dispensing with an unwanted husband was very much easier if you were a woman with money as was Brookes – and divorced women routinely still referred to themselves as Mrs whatever their married name was. The only divorced women who persisted in calling themselves Miss were ageing starlets like Miss Diana Dors or Miss Zsa Zsa Gabor who still called themselves Miss no matter how many times they had been married and divorced. (Miss Joan Collins still does.) So Brookes really broke the mould there – if any readers know what that was all about, please do tell, Beata would hardly be the first to be flying the feminist flag.

In 2013 Brookes joined UKIP. She became very angry with Tories like Cameron calling UKIP ‘fruitcakes’ and ‘clowns’ and stated that ‘you don’t behave like that in politics’. No, what you do is take part in a conspiracy to conceal a vicious paedophile ring and remain silent even when the victims who have been brave enough to give evidence against that ring start turning up dead. Lest anyone needs reminding of just what the Celtic Iron Lady was party to, here’s another quick resume – witnesses were found hanging from trees, hanging from stairwells, dead from overdoses although they’d given up drugs years previously, were found inexplicably dead in cars, some were run over and killed on roads and one teenaged boy was found in a local town with unexplained injuries so serious that he died from them a few hours later. This doesn’t include the people who ‘committed suicide’ after being ‘helped’ by Dafydd and his colleagues. Neither does it include the five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who were killed in an arson attack at a party in Brighton, to which they had all been invited. The partygoers variously died from smoke inhalation or burns and some people escaped by jumping out of windows and were impaled on the railings below. A man who was alleged to have ‘confessed’ to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed himself a few days later.

Beata Brookes died in her eighties in the comfort of the Spire Yale Hospital (a private hospital in Wrexham) in 2015. So she didn’t risk her neck with the NHS that she had helped poison or in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. Upon hearing of her death, Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Welsh Conservatives, described Beata as an ‘incredibly talented politician who will be sorely missed’ whose ‘career was varied and hugely successful and I pay tribute to everything she did within public life, the voluntary sector and for the Welsh Conservative Party’.

Victorian Values anyone? Or shall we just go Back To Basics?

 

What of Beata’s rivals from the 1983 campaign whom she had so ruthlessly tried to shaft?

 

Geraint Morgan was the Conservative MP for Denbigh between 1959-83. So he spanned the Years of Brutality and Lobotomies then. He cannot possibly been have been as bad as Beata Brookes, but like others who have held political ambitions in the direction of the Denbigh area such as Ieuan Wyn Jones and Paul Flynn, Geraint wasn’t going to even whisper in protest – he was after the votes of all the Denbigh staff, the patients didn’t have votes to cast. Although Geraint was appreciated for being a Welsh speaker and was known to dutifully reply to constituents when they raised issues with him, Geraint had other interests. He was a barrister and busied himself with that. After the 1983 dust-up, Morgan resigned from the Conservative Party and supported Plaid, although he never became a member. That’s the Plaid who embraced Dafydd as an activist and candidate and included so many other people who said nothing about the paedophile gang or the abuses at the North Wales Hospital, although they all knew about it. Geraint Morgan was eventually appointed a Crown Court Recorder. He worked on the Northern Circuit. As did Sir John Kay, who issued a High Court injunction against me on the basis of Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns perjuring themselves, Keith Fearns never having met me and Brandt having met me two or three times. At the time Fearns and Brandt were employed as social workers by Gwynedd Social Services and I now have copies of the letters exchanged between Lucille Hughes (Director of Gwynedd Social Services), Ron Evans (the lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council), Jackie and Fearns, in which Evans and Lucille instruct Fearns and Brandt to make statements about me. John Kay issued that injunction just before Geraint Morgan was appointed a judge. Like so many featured on this blog, Geraint was a law graduate from Aberystwyth University and a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

 

The one person who does not seem to have been dwelling in the same cesspool as everyone else was Sir Anthony Meyer. He had previously had a career as a diplomat in the Foreign Office and served in the British Embassies in Paris and Moscow. He was elected as the Conservative MP for Eton and Slough in 1964 but lost the seat to the Labour MP Joan Lestor in 1966. His defeat was attributed to his refusal to play the ‘race card’ in what had become a heated debate about immigration. He sought another Tory seat, but had great difficulty, being on the very liberal wing of the Tory party and being a very enthusiastic European. An old Etonian contact, Nigel Birch, who was the MP for West Flintshire, then asked Sir Anthony if he would replace him as the candidate as he was standing down. Sir Anthony was elected for West Flintshire in 1970. He was popular but very critical of Thatcher. After surviving the bunfight in 1983, in 1989 he famously stood as the stalking horse against Thatcher in a leadership challenge. He knew that he didn’t have a hope of winning, but it did the trick – it encouraged a few other people to challenge her soon afterwards. He was deselected by the Conservative Party for his ‘treachery’ in 1992 and later joined the Lib Dems. So although it was Geoffrey Howe who delivered the killer blow, we have Sir Anthony to thank for kick-starting Thatcher’s demise. We also have him to thank for keeping a bloody monster out of Parliament when he mounted a High Court challenge to her and her henchmen in 1983.

 

Whilst I was reading about Beata, I saw across another name that I’d previously come across as well – Tom Ellis. Brookes was re-elected as MEP for north Wales after defeating Ellis in 1984, when he stood for the SDP.

Tom Ellis went to Ruabon Grammar School and studied chemistry at UCNW (Bangor University). In 1957 he became manager of Bersham Colliery. He was President of Wrexham Fabian Society and in 1970 was elected the Labour MP for Wrexham. In 1981 he defected to the SDP – Ellis was one of the founder members. He became President of the Welsh Social Democrats. After boundary changes in 1983 he stood for the SDP in Clwyd South West but lost. As MP for Wrexham, Tom Ellis is someone else who will have heard about the paedophile ring – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn were located just outside Wrexham. He’ll have known about the horrors of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh as well. But as I detailed in my post ‘Dr Death’, the Top Doctors of north Wales were attracted to David Owen like flies around a honeypot. And their support was just so much more valued than the support of people who ended up dying so that the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends could continue with their noses in the proverbial trough. Dafydd, Gwynne and Lucille really did have it all sewn up nicely – although virtually everyone knew what they were doing.

 

 

 

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.

 

 

 

 

It’s Yet Another E Mail To The Chairman of the Betsi

 


Regular readers will know that since December 2016 I have been e mailing the Betsi regarding the constant damaging lies that have been documented upon my medical records as fact and have been trying to obtain a full copy of my medical records. I don’t seem to be getting any closer to a resolution, so this morning I e mailed Peter Higson, the Chairman of the Betsi, yet again. Here is the text of my e mail:
Dear Dr Higson
I am writing to you yet again regarding my ongoing problems in retrieving a copy of my medical records from the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. In January 2017 I made a formal complaint about this and other matters which has still not been resolved. Among the other matters, my complaint concerned the numerous fallacies and serious unsubstantiated allegations that now populate my medical records (please see the e mail below for a little reminder of just a few of the nasty fallacies that are enshrined as fact upon my records). I have heard nothing from the Betsi regarding their proposals to rectify this matter. Neither have I yet received a copy of my medical records, despite asking repeatedly and paying an access fee of £50. Time and again I am told by Betsi staff that I now have ‘all’ of my records. Last week I collected another bundle from Ysbyty Gwynedd, having been told that it contained ‘all’ my records from the Hergest Unit. It doesn’t – most of the bundle was made up of copies of records from the Heddfan Unit – copies of which were released to me some weeks ago – and there are hardly any copies of records from the Hergest Unit there. However there are records relating to another patient, including e mails between Denbighshire Social Services and the Betsi Older People’s Team and the funding arrangements for this person’s care. Furthermore, I am still awaiting an explanation as to why some of my medical records had been ‘removed’ from my file many years ago, as admitted to me by a member of your Access to Health Records team, when he was doing his best to track down my records.
To summarise, you have failed to release my records to me despite numerous requests to do so. You have failed to even begin discussions with me regarding a possible solution to rectify the numerous libels on my medical records. And you have breached confidence by releasing records concerning another patient to me. All of these things of course have happened before – when the North West Wales NHS Trust was in operation, when Keith Thomson was its CEO and when you were CEO of Health Inspectorate Wales maintaining that all was well in the North West Wales NHS Trust.
If these matters are not addressed within the next four weeks I will be raising them with the Data Protection Commissioner.
yours,
Sally Baker
As with my other e mails concerning access to my records and the libels upon them, I have copied this e mail to Vaughan Gething, Minister for Health in the Welsh Govt. Just in case Vaughan and Carwyn are thinking of claiming that they are unaware of serious problems in the NHS in north Wales. I will report back on the blog if or when I receive a response.

An Update On Those Missing Medical Records

Previous blog posts ‘Missing Documents, Perjury and Yet More Lies’ and ‘An E Mail To The Betsi Chairman’ describe how, in the autumn of 2016, I requested a copy of all of the records that the Betsi hold concerning me and paid the requested fee of £50. The previous posts detail how I was lied to repeatedly, constantly told that I had now been given ‘all’ the records when I very obviously hadn’t and how one member of staff admitted that some of my records had been ‘removed’ many years ago.

Today I went to Ysbyty Gwynedd having been told, once again, that ‘all’ my records from the Hergest Unit were ready for me to collect. I wondered what I would actually be given. Well, I’ve been given hardly any records at all from the Hergest Unit. I have been given copies of records from the Heddfan Unit – which I was given previously, so I’ve now got two copies of those – and copies of some records from Gwynedd Social Services, as well as records from a highly abusive hospital in Glasgow, Parkhead Hospital, where I was admitted some three years ago and copies of records from a dreadful ‘assessment unit’ at Langley Green in the south of England. (I have briefly mentioned Parkhead and Langley Green on the blog, but will be blogging more about these places in the future.)

However, I have been given someone else’s records, as well as copies of e mails relating to this person’s care between Denbighshire Social Services and the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board’s Older Person’s Team. I’ve also been given copies of the funding arrangements for this other person’s care. This is not the first time that I’ve received copies of someone else’s records. When my lawyers obtained a High Court Order against the North West Wales NHS Trust in 2005, summoned the CEO Keith Thomson in front of a Judge and forced the Trust to hand over my records, there were details of eighteen other peoples complaints and notes in the files released. Furthermore, back in 2005, there were approximately thirty A4 box files of records that had been compiled. Since my request to the Betsi in 2016, approximately three box files of records have been released and most of those relate to shenanigans since 2005. So where have thirty box files of notes disappeared? Have they perhaps been delivered to someone else?

I am also still waiting to hear from the Betsi regarding the records of mine that were ‘removed’ many years ago. I can see that I’m going to have to send a few more e mails…