That’s Entertainment

Readers might remember the popular police drama series on ITV that ran between 1984-2010, The Bill. In the 80s The Bill did have some good story lines which centred around some entertaining if stereotyped characters. There was June Ackland, a WPC who was good with female victims of crime, Reg Hollis who was the Sun Hill Police Station nerd and Burnside and Roach who were corrupt. Roach was a ladies man but Burnside didn’t have much patience with Birds. The weird – or perhaps as Dr Dafydd Alun Jones would say, ‘chilling’ – thing about The Bill was that two of the leading actors came unstuck in a big way in real life and a third one nearly did.

In May 1998 it was reported that Kevin Lloyd, the actor who played DC ‘Tosh’ Lines, had died after a drinking binge at the age of 49. The initial media reports portrayed Kevin Lloyd in a very negative light. It was stressed that he was an ‘overweight alcoholic’ who had neglected himself, that he was separated from his wife with whom he had seven children, that he had been violent to his wife on occasions and that the previous week he had been sacked from his job on The Bill after he turned up pissed and hadn’t learned his lines.

It soon became clear that the circumstances of Kevin’s death were very worrying. It was stated that he had been receiving treatment for alcoholism in a specialist rehab clinic, but had been refused  further treatment after he left the clinic and went out boozing in a pub. There were reports that he had begged to be readmitted to the clinic but this was refused. I took an interest in this, because there had been a number of deaths of Hergest Unit patients under such circumstances.

A different story emerged at the inquest in Oct 1998. Kevin had been a patient in the Dove Clinic in Rolleston, Staffordshire and had discharged himself on the morning of his death. Dorothy Tonks, an Angel at the Dove Clinic, told the inquest that the clinic had received a call from the landlady of a local pub saying that Kevin was trying to buy alcohol there. He then returned to the clinic ‘very drunk’ and ‘lay on his bed’. So they must have readmitted him. Tonks told the inquest that Kevin was ‘not fit to be left’, that he was very drunk and shouting and swearing. She also stated that Kevin had returned to the clinic with a bottle of whisky and a can of lager. It was stated at his inquest that when he died Kevin had been three times over the drink drive limit. Kevin had been put to bed in the ‘recovery position’ and was watched by two members of staff until about 4-40 pm. At that time, staff ‘were called away’ and it was decided that Kevin would be observed every 5 or 10 minutes. At 5 pm Kevin was found with vomit in his mouth and he was blue. Efforts were made to resuscitate him but were unsuccessful.

The inquest heard that Kevin had been prescribed a ‘cocktail of drugs’ to fight alcoholism and Dr David Green a pathologist explained that the drugs would have impaired Kevin’s level of consciousness and his reflexes, including his ability to cough up material blocking his airway.

Dr Pradheep Singhal of the Dove Clinic told the inquest that Mr Lloyd felt that he was a ‘prisoner’ and had ‘abused’ the staff. Dr Singhal said that he had met Kevin and refused to treat him because he would not abide by the clinic’s rules. It was after this that Kevin left the clinic and tried to buy alcohol in the pub.

South Staffordshire Coroner Reginald Browning recorded a verdict of misadventure and observed that ‘It is always tragic if anybody dies in circumstances such as these. It is even more poignant when that person is so talented. He crumpled under the burden of stress. He took to alcohol and in the end it killed him’.

Kevin had also been suffering from cirrhosis of the liver.

Kevin’s ex-wife told the inquest that when Kevin died he was ‘at his lowest ebb ever’. She had spoken to him the day before he died and had arranged to visit him the next week. His girlfriend attended the inquest and spoke of how Kevin drank when under stress, had tried to give up alcohol several times and had been ‘devastated’ after losing his job. Both women spoke fondly of him, expressing their deep sorrow. His children later spoke of their distress. Did anyone talk about a drunken violent git? No. What was mentioned after the inquest was that Kevin’s family were now seeking legal advice with a view to taking action against the clinic.

There was no mention anywhere of what it was that had caused Mr Lloyd such stress – his ex wife mentioned that they separated in the mid-1990s because of his drinking. That was before he was sacked – but something was distressing him which went unmentioned.

Kevin was born in Derby, the son of a police sergeant, Ellis Lloyd. Ellis was killed in 1970 when his car skidded off the road during an emergency call. Kevin trained to be a solicitor but switched career to acting and trained at the East 15 Acting School in Essex, 1970-1973. Off screen, Lloyd often talked of his happy family life although he and his wife lost one of their daughters from meningitis at 17 months. In 1991, despite already having six children, they adopted a Romanian girl. It was a surprise when the couple split up in 1995 after 22 years of marriage. The family home was in Derbyshire.

Kevin’s police officer father was originally from Betws-y-coed in Gwynedd, but had moved to Derbyshire by the time that Kevin was born in 1949. So Ellis Lloyd wasn’t in north Wales in the 1960s when Dr Dafydd Alun Jones first made an appearance at the North Wales Hospital, Denbigh. Kevin’s grandfather and one of his uncles were also police officers. The 1996 Jillings Report, which investigated the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974, stated that there was evidence that the organised abuse of children in north Wales had stretched back decades – the horrors of the North Wales Hospital certainly did. The Jillings Investigation was Chaired by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services. Jillings wrote such a damning report that it was heavily redacted and then pulped (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’). Some of those who had been named as abusers of children in north Wales had previously worked in Derbyshire and there were allegations that Jillings had not dared admit just how serious the abuse of children in Clwyd was, or the extent of it. Jillings refused to comment on whether he found evidence of a paedophile ring in operation.

The Jillings Report was witheld from everyone except for the lawyers and insurers acting for Clwyd County Council and then pulped on the advice of Michael Beloff QC, Counsel acting for the Council’s insurers. Beloff is a friend of the Blairs and was one of their guests at Chequers. A very heavily redacted version of the Jillings Report did become public in 2013. It transpired that someone had managed to preserve one copy when the order to pulp everything had been sent out 17 years previously. No-one except for the lawyers and insurers of the former Clwyd County Council has ever seen the full version.

I have discussed in previous posts the allegations and evidence suggesting that Freemasonry played a part in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the constant cover-ups. I am currently reading an account of Masonic activity in the UK in the 1970s and 80s – I will be returning to this in detail in a future blog post – and it is alleged that north Wales was virtually controlled by Freemasons. Freemasonry may not have such influence now, but 30 years ago in regions like north Wales it was a major force in the police, local authorities and business. The other areas of the UK where Freemasonry exerted a particular stranglehold right into the 1980s included Derbyshire and Staffordshire. There was organised abuse of children in care in both Derbyshire and Staffordshire, which as in north Wales was facilitated and concealed by the Top Doctors and was known about by local and national politicians.

Kevin Lloyd’s father remained in touch with people in north Wales. He joined Derby Borough Police in the late 1940s, became a Sergeant in 1964 and was one of the police officers from Derby who attended the Investiture of Prince Charles at Caernarfon in 1969. The Investiture itself took place without incident – although on the eve of the Investiture two bombers were killed whilst placing a bomb outside a Gov’t office in Abergele – despite fears that Charles would be harmed by nationalist activists. Charles et al remaining unscathed was the factor that resulted in the promotion of Sir Philip Myers to the position of Chief Constable of North Wales in 1970. Sir Philip Myers presided over a high degree of police corruption in north Wales, corruption which continued during his time as one of HM Inspectors of Constabulary, 1982-93. Sir Philip was noticeably ineffective at curtailing the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’). This is not a surprise when one considers that Philip Myers went to school in Wrexham, grew up in Denbighshire, served in the Shropshire and then the West Mercia Police and was Deputy Chief Constable of Gwynedd Constabulary before becoming Chief Constable of North Wales. He had probably met every one of the paedophiles and their associates and shaken them by the hand.

The road accident in which Ellis Lloyd was killed occurred when Ellis’s car hit a lamp post in the early hours of the morning in wet weather in a hail storm when the roads were slippery, whilst he was answering a call to attend a burglary – which turned out to be a false alarm. An inquest returned a verdict of accidental death. Ellis had served in the CID in Derbyshire. His funeral was attended by many high ranking police officers.

I also note from Kevin’s CV that he worked in theatres and on productions at times and places when some of his colleagues were alleged to have been abusing children.

Kevin developed a serious drink problem during the years when there were investigations into child abuse in north Wales. At the time of his death, the Waterhouse Inquiry was in progress and had heard evidence from the witnesses, including former residents of the children’s homes who had been abused. By the time that Kevin died, victims of and witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were dropping like lemmings.

Kevin’s widow sued the Dove Clinic for damages following his death.

In March 2003, six months before Kevin’s widow heard the decision regarding her action against the Dove Clinic, Kevin’s only sibling – his brother Terry – was killed.

Terry Lloyd was a war correspondent for ITN with nearly 20 years of experience in reporting from the Middle East. Lloyd’s colleagues were troubled by his death because they all maintained that he knew how not to put himself in danger, but nonetheless he was shot and killed in southern Iraq.

Terry began his career as a journalist with the Raymonds News Agency in Derby and went on to work for Central Television as a regional news reporter. He started at ITN in 1983 and in the mid-1980s was sent to Beirut. Terry reported from Halabja in 1988 and brought to world attention the effects of Saddam Hussein’s chemical warfare against the Kurds. In 1994, he reported on the discovery of mass graves in the former Yugoslavia which contained the remains of several hundred refugees who had disappeared from a local hospital. Terry reported on the plight of refugees in Bosnia  and was in Sarajevo at the time of the Nato air strikes.

In 50 years of ITN’s war reporting, Terry was the first staff reporter to have been killed.

The negligence case that Kevin’s widow had brought against the Dove Clinic was heard six months after Terry’s death at Nottingham Crown Court. On 19 Sept  2003, BBC News reported that Richard Burns, acting on behalf of Kevin’s widow, told the Court that nurses at the Dove Clinic stopped continuously checking Kevin 30 minutes before his death. Mr Burns said that ‘Had almost anything else been done other than putting him to bed in his room, he probably would have lived’, that the clinic had ‘a cavalier attitude’ to recording the checks on Kevin and had insufficient protocols regarding what to do in an emergency. He also stated that if clinics don’t have guidance on what to do in an emergency, they are likely to do what they did to Kevin – ‘leave them in their room to die’ rather than take them to hospital.

The Dove Clinic was owned by Speciality Care (Rehab) who denied negligence. Dominic Nolan, acting for the clinic, maintained that what was done by the nurses was of the ‘standard expected’ of them. Judge David Brunning reserved judgement for four weeks.

On 10 Dec 2003 – rather more than four weeks later – BBC News reported that David Brunning sitting at Nottingham County Court had rejected  the damages claim and had found ‘no fault’ with the treatment that Kevin had received. Brunning stated that Kevin’s death was ‘an accident’. Frank Cummins, Director of Speciality Care, said after the court case that their staff had cared for Kevin ‘professionally and with compassion’.

David Brunning came from Burton-Upon-Trent, a town near the Dove Clinic and was brought up in the Church of England. From the age of four he was very deeply involved in a church in Burton-Upon-Trent. In his late teens, before going to Oxford University, he  became involved with the Methodist Church and served as a lay preacher. Throughout his university years Brunning continued his involvement with the Methodist Church and preached in Staffordshire and in Oxfordshire. After he graduated David trained as a lawyer and in 1969 began working as a barrister in a Chambers in Leicester. He continued his involvement in the Methodist Church.

So David will have almost certainly have heard about the doings of Greville Janner and Frank Beck in Leicestershire and he will have known the child molester George Thomas who became Speaker of the House through the Methodist Church as well (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). In 1982 David became a Deputy Judge and in 1988 a full time Judge. In 1987 Dr James Earp, a senior forensic psychiatrist in Leicester, concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales (see post ‘An Expert From England’). In the 1990s David Brunning returned to the Church of England and was once more a lay reader in the Church in Leicester. He retired as a judge in 2008.

Before he retired, one of the last cases that Brunning tried was that of a magistrate and his wife from Nottingham who appeared before him in Derby Crown Court charged with trying to avoid a speeding fine by swapping their car number plates and changing the appearance of their car. They couple admitted intending to pervert the course of justice, but Brunning was merciful and they avoided imprisonment. It was mentioned in the press reports that the magistrate – who was the registered keeper of the car – was a deputy churchwarden. So he almost certainly knew Judge Brunning.

David Brunning was a regular visitor to the island of Sark in the Channel Islands for 50 years and later on in his career he purchased a house on Sark, spending much time there. In 2014 he took up office in the Church of England in Sark, with the intention of dividing his time between parishes in Leicester and Sark.

 

Neither David Brunning or anyone else made any comments with regard to the misleading reports that found their way into the media immediately after Kevin Lloyd’s death or why a specialist rehab clinic had no knowledge of basic first aid or of the effect of the drugs which its medical staff had prescribed for Kevin on reflex actions.

At the time that Kevin died, Blair’s Gov’t knew – as did John Major’s Gov’t before them – that the NHS in Staffordshire was lethal and that hundreds of patients had died unnecessarily. When Kevin died Frank Dobson was Health Secretary – Dobson had remained quiet for years about the abuse and neglect of vulnerable kids in care and mental health patients (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’). By the time that Kevin’s widow’s case was heard, the deaths at Mid-Staffs had run into thousands – between them Blair’s Health Secretaries Alan Johnson and Andy Burnham refused over 80 requests to hold a Public Inquiry into the matter. So although Kevin died in a private clinic, he may well not have been cared for any better if he had been taken to hospital. The remit of Health Secretary covers private as well as NHS provision.

On 13 Oct 2006, after conducting the inquest into Kevin’s brother Terry’s death, Assistant Deputy Coroner Andrew Walker returned a verdict of unlawful killing.

Terry, his two cameramen and an interpreter, had been caught in crossfire in Basra between US and Iraqi forces. Terry and his interpreter were both shot by US forces. The Royal Military Police (RMP) carried out an investigation and testified at Terry’s inquest that a videotape of the incident had been edited before it had been passed onto the British investigation – about 15 mins had been removed from the start of the recording. The RMP testified at the inquest that they were sent the tape ‘some months’ after the incident and were told by US authorities that the footage handed over was ‘everything that they had’.

The ITN team were driving cars clearly marked as press vehicles. They encountered an Iraqi convoy and American forces shot at the convoy. The wife of the one of the cameramen (who was missing presumed killed) received a letter from US authorities who denied being at the scene when the ITN News team was attacked. Terry was hit by an Iraqi bullet, an injury from which he could have recovered. He was put into a civilian minibus that had stopped to pick up casualties. US forces shot at the minibus after it had turned around to leave the area, killing Terry.

Andrew Walker recorded a verdict of unlawful killing by the US military and announced that he would write to the DPP to ask him to investigate the possibility of bringing charges. Walker formally cleared ITN of all blame and said that the US tanks had been first to open fire on the ITN vehicles. However he also stated that he was ‘unable to determine’ whether the bullets that killed Terry were fired by US ground forces or helicopters. Terry was killed as he was being carried away from the fighting in the civilian minibus. Walker said: ‘If the vehicle was perceived as a threat, it would have been fired on before…I have no doubt it was the fact that the vehicle stopped to pick up survivors that prompted the  Americans to fire on that vehicle’. The NUJ said that Terry’s killing was a war crime.

On 25 October 2006 Sir Menzies Campbell, Leader of the Lib Dems, raised the matter at PMQs. He asked ‘When may we expect the Attorney-General to make an application for the extradition and trial in Britain of those American soldiers against whom there is a  prima facie case for the unlawful killing in Iraq of the ITN journalist Terry Lloyd?’

On 19 March 2007, BBC reported that ITN released the names of the 16 US Marines in the unit involved in Terry’s death. The CPS decided in July 2008 that there was ‘insufficient evidence’ to prosecute Terry’s killers.

The DPP at the time was Lord Kenneth Macdonald. Our Ken was the first pupil barrister of Helena Kennedy – who was friends with and worked with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’) – who concealed the criminal activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’). In the late 1990s Ken co-founded Matrix Chambers with Cherie Booth and returned to work at Matrix when he retired as DPP in Oct 2008. In June 2010 Macdonald was made a Lib Dem peer, so that will have shut Ming Campbell up. In July 2010 Theresa May informed Parliament that she had asked Macdonald to oversee a Gov’t review of counter-terrorism and security powers. For more background on Macdonald, see post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’).

Between them, Kevin and Terry Lloyd had a great deal of knowledge about organised child abuse associated with serious crime which was concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t over many years, as well as of war crimes which constituted an embarrassment to a number of Gov’ts and Prime Ministers and the subsequent lies that were told.

There were lies told concerning the circumstances of the deaths of both Kevin and Terry and after these lies were exposed and legal redress was sought, senior legal professionals employed by the British state simply brought an end to proceedings. Kevin died when Blair was PM and the negligence claim against the Dove Clinic was thrown out whilst Blair was still PM and Charlie Falconer was Lord Chancellor. Terry died whilst Blair was PM during an illegal war which Blair had launched and about which lies were told constantly – including by Blair to Parliament. Although Gordon Brown was PM when the DPP refused to prosecute those responsible for Terry’s death, that DPP had been appointed by Blair and was a personal friend of the Blairs as well as Cherie’s business partner.

Kevin was dead by the time that the Waterhouse Report was published and Terry the award winning journalist was dead by the time that the Chilcot Report was published – and of course Terry was dead by the time that the Dove Clinic was cleared of all responsibility for his brother’s death.

Thank goodness that Blair is a pretty straight kind of guy, or someone might suspect foul play.

This may be a complete coincidence, but the actor who played Reg Hollis in The Bill attempted suicide in 2008 and Colin Tarrant, the actor who played Inspector Monroe, was found dead with knife wounds in the bathroom of his Bristol home in Jan 2012.

 

My post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ discussed Sir Peter Morrison’s responsibility for oil whilst he was an Energy Minister, 1987-90 and what a risk Thatcher was taking giving this role to a man who was known by her and many others to be molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and elsewhere. Whilst Peter Morrison was at Energy, the Gov’ts privatisation of BP went pear shaped as a result of Black Monday. Despite a paedophile being appointed as the Minister responsible and the stock market crash causing havoc for the BP shares sale, the career of Lord John Browne really took off during that period of time, as I explained.

The Permanent Secretary for the Department of Energy, 1985-89, was Sir Peter Gregson. Like everyone else who worked with Morrison, Gregson will have heard that Morrison was abusing children. When Gregson left Energy, he was Permanent Secretary for the DTI until he retired in 1996 – the year after Morrison was found dead and the year that William Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Gregson was born in Yorkshire but moved to Nottingham when he was eleven and went to Nottingham High School and then to Balliol College, Oxford. After graduation he served in the British Army and then in 1961 he joined the civil service, the Board of Trade to be precise, where he helped negotiate Britain’s unsuccessful bid to join the Common Market under Harold Macmillan.

By 1968 Gregson was working at Downing Street. He was Harold Wilson’s Private Secretary for economic affairs and drafted replies for PMQs. Gregson also had responsibility for N Ireland. Then he was Private Secretary for all economic and home affairs under Edward Heath and gave advice as Heath’s Gov’t faced industrial action. So Gregson will have known about the corruption that Harold Wilson was reputed to have been involved with, as well as the high level cover-ups in the early 1970s of the abuse of boys at Kincora in Belfast and at Bryn Estyn.

When Labour returned to office in 1974 Gregson found himself working for Tony Benn at the Dept of Industry and responsible for organising the creation of the National Enterprise Board. After a number of other posts, in 1981 Gregson returned as Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet Office, in response to a specific request from Thatcher.

In May 1985 Gregson was appointed Permanent Secretary of the Department of Energy. His relationship with the Secretary of State, Peter Walker, was not close but they did conclude the successful privatisation of the British Gas Corporation. The 1986 sale of shares was very heavily promoted as yet another bonanza for people who wanted to get rick quickly and in line with Thatcher’s notion of converting the labouring classes to the joys of capitalism. The adverts referred to a fictional character named ‘Sid’ – obviously what Saatchi and Saatchi imagined working class people were most likely to be called. As opposed to ‘Lord St John of Fawsley’ or ‘Alexander Patrick Greysteil Ruthven, 2nd Earl of Gowrie aka Grey Gowrie’ for example. The decision to build Sizewell B nuclear power station was made whilst Gregson was at Energy.

After Peter Walker had served as Energy Secretary, he was then Secretary of State for Wales, June 1987-May 1990 – just as Sir Peter Morrison moved to the post of Minister of State for Energy. So whilst Morrison held that crucial role, it was Walker who presided over the Welsh Office, as Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I did all we could to raise concerns about the criminal activities of Dafydd et al but were harassed and threatened. Walker was in post whilst children’s homes in north Wales were not even inspected although there were complaints of serious abuse and whilst I was arrested on ludicrous charges with the collusion of the Home Office and the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Security, Security’). The victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned in Dafydd’s dungeon and complaints about children’s homes and the mental health services were simply never investigated.

Whilst Walker was Secretary of State the medical records of mental health patients were fabricated. ‘Assessments’ of patients were written by Top Doctors and Angels who had never met the patient in question and discharge dates were entered upon patients records that were many weeks away from when the patient had been discharged – it wasn’t a matter of a day or two which could have just been a slip up. When one bears in mind how many children in care and psych patients in north Wales were being found dead or simply disappearing off the face of the earth, this fabrication of patients’ records is even more worrying. The worst scenario – patient is kept in the dungeon or dies but their records state that they were discharged and there’s the discharge note signed by the discharging Top Doctor. I have in my bundle of documents a full written assessment of me by a senior Angel whom I never met and who was never on duty in Bryn Golau Ward whilst I was in there. I also have a document stating that I was discharged from Denbigh on a date when I was actually in London and had been in London for the past three weeks. But there’s the discharge note, signed by a Top Doctor whom I had never met, saying that on the date that I left Denbigh – I was sitting in a lecture in Hammersmith Hospital on the date in question – I was suffering from schizophrenia no less. As opposed to having been abducted by a sex trafficking ring who subsequently fabricated a load of documentation about me.

In 1987 Cecil Parkinson succeeded Walker as Energy Secretary and Parkinson was keen to privatise the electricity industry. It was Gregson who advised that the CEGB should be broken up in order to permit a competitive market in electricity generation, despite the warnings of Lord Walter Marshall, the Chairman of the CGEB, regarding the risks of continuity of supply.

Gregson joined the Board of Scottish Power as a Senior Independent Director and served until 2004.

In June 1991, the Chairman of British Gas plc Robert Evans sparked controversy by accepting a pay rise of 66%, ten times above the rate of inflation at the time. This took his salary from £222,000 to £370,000, followed allegations of greed against the organisation a month earlier when it reported a 42% rise in pre-tax profits. So Robert Evans did rather better out of it all than Sid.

Gregson’s 2015 Guardian obituary explained that in his capacity as Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet Office he played a pivotal role advising Thatcher in handling the 1984 miners’ strike. Thatcher asked Gregson to prepare for the confrontation with the NUM and he Chaired a secret Cabinet committee of senior civil servants. Thatcher’s Gov’t always maintained that they did not wish to have a confrontation with the NUM, but Gregson’s role Chairing this committee demonstrated that they planned for a clash with the NUM at least one year  before the strike, which does add weight to the belief that Thatcher wanted to get Scargill and the NUM for political reasons and as payback for bringing the Tory Gov’t of 1970-74 down. Before the first miners went on strike in 1984, the committee had made sure there was a huge stockpile of coal for the power stations and looked into building new oil- or gas-fired power stations. The Whitehall catchphrase ‘endurance’, which was used to describe how Government could withstand the onslaught of the miners’ strike, also came from this committee. Gregson’s contemporaries say he plunged himself into the work and acquired a comprehensive knowledge of the workings of the power industry. From then on Thatcher relied on Gregson’s advice to conduct the strike both in terms of taking precautions and in not overreacting.

Papers released from the National Archives detailed in the Guardian in Jan 2014 give an idea of Gregson’s role and some of what was happening behind the scenes at the time. Thatcher had contingency plans to use the Army during the miners’ strike and sought the advice of the Attorney General Sir Michael Havers as to whether she could call a state of emergency for political purposes. Havers had a long and glorious tradition of failing to prosecute Westminster and Whitehall figures for sex offences. Norman Tebbit wanted to take out High Court injunctions against the NUR and Aslef because they were hampering the transport of coke and coal supplies to the power stations.

Tebbit was Secretary of State for Trade during the miners’ strike. Following that, he was Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1985-87. For nearly a year, Sir Peter Morrison was his Deputy Chairman. Tebbit has since admitted that perhaps the Tories should have taken the concerns that some politicians were sexually abusing children more seriously. I think that Tebbit took those concerns very seriously indeed at the time, because whilst he was Party Chairman, I was threatened, harassed, unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital – along with a number of victims of the paedophile gang of which Morrison was a member – and then subjected to an attempt to frame me for ‘attempting to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’).

So what have you got to say about the witnesses who were found dead then Tebbit?

In July 1984 the dockers joined the strike which shook that Gov’t. Gregson advised that they needed to end the dock strike as soon as possible because he knew that once the dockers walked out, ‘serious disruption to industry will soon be felt’. Gregson maintained that if the dock dispute could be ended quickly, the ‘coal dispute can be played as long as possible’.

In Oct 1984 NACODS the Pit Deputies Union threatened a strike ballot – the Gov’t knew that if NACODS joined the strike, power cuts would follow along with a three days week and a total shutdown of industry could well result. Tebbit expressed fears that if that happened the Gov’t would be brought down. NACODS did ballot in favour of striking, but then called off the strike and the Gov’ts ‘daily coal report’ dated 24 Oct mentioned that this ‘represents a massive blow for Scargill’. I need to do a bit of research into why NACODS called that strike off…

The Tories were quite obsessed with Arthur Scargill. The first politician whom I approached about the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends was Keith Best, the MP for Ynys Mon, in the summer of 1985 – I didn’t know at the time that Best was one of the people in the Welsh Office who were concealing the criminal activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). When I was waiting to see Best at his surgery, I sat opposite a poster saying ‘The Tory Cuts – Arthur Scargill, Down To Size’.

Arthur Scargill and his mate Michael Mansfield, as well as many others on the left, remained silent about the same gang of paedophiles that Best was concealing (see post ‘Workers Play Time’).

The Cabinet papers released from the National Archive also contained details referring to the violence at the Orgreave coking plant in South Yorkshire in June 1984, when pickets were violently attacked by the police who then fitted the pickets up for assault. It was recently admitted that the police officers who fabricated evidence in the wake of Orgreave were from the same force – South Yorkshire – as those who fabricated statements after the Hillsborough disaster in 1989. In June 1984 Peter Wright was the Chief Constable of South Yorkshire – if north Wales wasn’t Paedophilia Central, then South Yorkshire was. South Yorkshire covered Rotherham, where, as in north Wales, the problem of every state agency colluding with the organised abuse of children and teenagers has never been effectively dealt with despite all the empowerment and the zero tolerance. Peter Wright grew up in Cheshire, served in the Greater Manchester Police and was then Deputy Chief Constable of Merseyside. So he was mates with Dafydd and the paedophiles as well then. Wright served as President of the ACPO.

The papers released from the National Archives showed that senior Home Officials believed that the Metropolitan Police units sent to picket lines were ‘valued in violent confrontations’. These were the units whose members were notorious for removing their numbers from their uniforms and covering their faces with their visors before they gave the strikers and pickets a kicking and when they were being friendly waved wads of dosh at the strikers to remind them that the police were raking in the overtime whilst the miners were living on food parcels and offerings from soup kitchens. Whilst the Home Office was deploying thugs from the Met to beat up the miners, the Met was riddled with corruption and was turning a blind eye to the trafficking of children in care in the Boroughs of Islington, Lambeth and Richmond-Upon-Thames.

Meanwhile under Leon Brittan the Home Office was complicit with much serious wrongdoing including the concealing of child abuse and even managed to provide funding for the Albany Trust, an organisation campaigning for paedophiles’ rights.

In Aug 1984 the Association of Chief Police Officers told Thatch that the miners, ‘frustrated by the failure of mass picketing, were taking to ‘geurrilla warfare’, based on the intimidation of individuals and companies’. As opposed to Thatcher’s Gov’t, who were intimidating those witness to the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

The released papers from the National Archives also give an indication of the propaganda battle that was being fought on the part of Thatcher’s Gov’t. The papers admit that the much publicised ‘return to work’ of the miners during the first months of the strike was actually only a trickle. I had some idea of the Lord Haw Haw bit played by the pro-Thatcher media because at the time Brown was working on a project concerning the media portrayal of the strike and told me many interesting anecdotes after he’d conducted fieldwork in Yorkshire. In fact Dr D.G.E. Wood always felt very obviously threatened by Brown’s habit of publishing material about the skulduggery of the establishment. A red under the bed! As opposed to a paedophile in the bed. Or indeed in the children’s home eh Wood?

The NHS is currently employing the tactics exposed many years ago by those other reds under the bed, the Glasgow Media Group ie. Howard Davis, Greg Philo et al. Davis et al explained how when reporting on industrial disputes, the media news reports used to say things like ‘the management requests’ but ‘the unions demand’. Indeed during the NUM strike, BBC news used to juxtapose footage of Ian McGregor sitting in a chair saying quietly ‘we are ready to talk to the miners at any time’ with a shot of Arthur Scargill yelling through a megaphone ‘we will smash this Tory Government’. Tebbit famously managed to successfully get everybody referring to ‘old fashioned trade unions’ in the 1980s. As opposed to thoroughly modern paedophiles. Vaughan Gething, the Welsh Gov’t Health Minister, was complaining about ‘reactionary’ social media criticism of the NHS the other day. I wonder which blog he might have been thinking of???

 

Peter Gregson’s hagiographers claim that the miners’ strike brought out all the key qualities that Gregson possessed – including his role as a ‘tactician’ where he could ‘see what was needed’ and give Ministers ‘valuable options to confront a highly delicate and difficult situation’. His colleagues felt that without his advice Thatcher could not have so roundly defeated the miners.

Gregson had connections with the security services and was a ‘lifelong bachelor’. Before he retired in 1996 in the New Year Honours he was promoted to the rank of a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath. Just in time for the Waterhouse Inquiry!

 

This blog has concentrated on what was happening in Wales whilst Thatcher, Major, Blair and others concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang. Less often I’ve discussed what was happening in Westminster and the catastrophic consequences which would have followed if what was being done to conceal the activities of Sir Peter Morrison – and other high profile sex offenders – had ever been revealed. What I have discussed less often – except for in my post ‘A Trabant That Wants To Be A Ferrari…’ which detailed the activities of Sir Salvadore Moncada, now a leading pharmacologist who in a previous life was a geurrilla in El Salvador – are world events. Whilst victims of Dafydd and the sex traffickers in north Wales were being framed, illegally held in Dafydd’s dungeon or killed lest anyone find out that one of Thatcher’s friends and political aides was molesting kids in care in north Wales, Thatcher herself was of course at the centre of world events. There was her backing for Reagan’s war on drugs, a US policy which backfired disastrously (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’) – quite symbolic really because whilst that was going on, Dafydd was being allowed to build up a nice drug trade in north Wales under the nose of Bing Spear, the corrupt Chief Inspector of the Home Office’s Drugs Branch (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’).

The big issue through the Thatcher years was of course diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, which then became the former Soviet Union.

In Jan 2014 the Guardian reported on released National Archives files which revealed that Thatcher’s Gov’t saw Gorbachov’s first official visit to Britain in Dec 1984 as an opportunity to ‘get inside the minds’ of the next generation of Soviet leaders. Thatcher had asked the Foreign Office to invite the politburo to London, although she did ask Charles Powell, her Private Secretary, not to invite Konstantin Chernenko (the General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party) because ‘it is much too soon’.

The British ambassador in Moscow, Sir Iain Sutherland, had warned in a telegram about his experience of meeting Chernenko: ‘It was not the performance of an automaton, but it was pretty inept and confirmed the impression that, at least on international issues, the central figure in the Soviet leadership lacks authority and sophistication of thought’. Gorbachev, by contrast, was recognised as being ‘intelligent and confident’. His visit to the UK, Charles Powell informed Thatcher, ‘will be a unique opportunity to try and get inside the minds of the next generation of Soviet leaders’. Britain’s objectives, another note suggested, ‘should be to teach him something about how a western democracy works, to establish personal and political links, [and] raise UK profile in Soviet eyes’. This was a Gov’t which was concealing the murders of people who had evidence regarding a vicious paedophile gang of which Thatcher’s aide and friend Morrison was a member.

Gorbachev and his party arrived in London on 16 December 1984. Their private lunchtime conversation was a frank exchange in which Thatcher accused Gorbachev of funding the miners’ strike in Britain. Gorbachev insisted that the Soviet Union had transferred no funds to the NUM.

The archives state that when the fate of dissidents inside the USSR was raised, the ‘unemotional mask’ of Gorbachov slipped. At the official opposition lunch Neil Kinnock, then Labour leader, provoked ‘an intemperate outburst of obscenities and threats by Gorbachev against ‘turds’ and spies like [the dissident Natan] Sharansky, who was in prison, ‘that is where he will stay’.

So Kinnock dared to raise the subject of the imprisonment of Soviet dissidents whilst he was colluding with the Top Doctors and remained silent about the dungeon and the imprisonment of former kids in care and psych patients who had been fitted up. But then Dafydd’s mates from the Royal College of Psychiatrists who were protecting him were busy lecturing the Soviet Union on the abuses of psychiatry. Presumably the Soviets had no idea at all that Dafydd et al were running a paedophile gang and were enjoying the protection of the Royal College and the highest echelons of the medical establishment and Gov’t…

Whilst Thatcher supped with and patronised the members of the politburo, Brown and me were being threatened by the Top Doctors and harassed by people whom it is now fairly clear were working for the British security services. Gorbachev became general secretary of the Communist party in March 1985. By Dec 1991 the Soviet Union had collapsed. Throughout those years of ‘diplomacy’ on the part of Britain between Thatcher’s first meeting with Gorbachov and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Wales’s industry had been destroyed and the country wrecked by a gang of sex traffickers and drug dealers who enjoyed complete protection as a result of their connections to a member of the British Gov’t as well as to a variety of other motley people – including Jimmy Savile – with friends in high places. Nothing was considered too much to conceal all this and the cover-up continues.

To the surviving members of Thatcher’s Cabinet: I was a 21 year old student and because I refused the offers of a disgusting old psychiatrist I had my career wrecked, my health ruined and was subjected to numerous attempts to frame me for serious offences. My friends were all targeted and two of them were found dead. As for you Kinnock you big tosser, you weren’t ever going to become PM no matter how deluded you were – would you like to fess up whatever deal it was that you did with Tony Francis (Dr X) who enjoyed letting everyone know that he was at Cardiff University whilst you were President of the Students Union there? Perhaps Dr Death would like to come clean about his relationship with the Top Doctors who kept the lid on all this as well.

Message to MI5 – COULD DO BETTER!!! And next time that a Gov’t wants to facilitate a paedophile gang for the benefit of its Ministers, do yourselves a favour and choose someone other than Dafydd to help you.

 

One reason why I remember the more entertaining events of the 1980s clearly is because I was a regular reader of Private Eye. So I will recycle a few of their memorable bits and pieces featuring Sir Peter Morrison’s boss, Cecil Parkinson. There was the clerihew which appeared in Clerihew Corner:

Sara Keays/Was Hard To Please/When She’d Been Laid/By The Minister For Trade

After Sara Keays told Parkinson that she was pregnant, Parkinson tried to coerce her into having an abortion despite previously voting to restrict the availability of abortion, then he dropped her, never saw the baby, Flora – who was born disabled – and obtained a superinjunction which no-one even knew existed for many years preventing Sara and anyone else making any public comment about Flora at all. After Parkinson died, it was discovered that Flora had been cut out of his will.

An Eye reader pointed out that an anagram of ‘The Right Honourable Cecil Parkinson MP’ was ‘Ror, I can bonk my posh piece all night throu’ (or something very similar).

Anyone up for finding a suitable anagram relating to Thatcher’s Cabinet which includes the words ‘child molesting’, ‘perjury’, ‘murder’?

I can also remember the Eye drawing attention to an anagram of Bill Wyman – Ban M’Willy. Anyone remember 13 year old Mandy Smith?

For many years a former North Wales Hospital patient wandered around Bethesda virtually destitute, neglected by the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, often homeless and ignored by everyone even when she freaked out so much that she was trying to chuck herself under cars in Bethesda High Streeet – a concerned resident rang Bethesda surgery only to be told ‘we know about her’. Another resident rang Gwynedd Social Services and told them that she was not prepared to stand by whilst this lady died. She was told that the patient in question was ‘very difficult and couldn’t be helped’. This patient used to tell me that she had once been a groupie and had slept with Mick Jagger. I don’t have any evidence that she did, but I do know that she was sexually exploited by a few other people who denied all knowledge of her and that some of those trafficked by Dafydd et al did shag some very high profile people.

The Rolling Stones have just announced a new tour! They’re going to Cardiff! Are you going to drop into Bethesda to look up old friends Mick? Or have they been forgotten now that you’ve been Sirred, your kids have been to Eton and Jerry’s wed the Dirty Digger?

I have detailed in previous posts how the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were managed once they had witnessed events which could land a few people in prison if anyone had acted upon their allegations. The first part of the process was sectioning the witnesses – they were then deemed mad of course so by definition couldn’t be believed – then they were framed for all offences great and small, so that it could be stressed that they were ‘criminals’. Now when the victims came out of Risley/Walton/Denbigh, they had to be managed until they died prematurely as a result of the neglect of the Top Doctors.

One recipient of Dafydd’s victims was Penrhyn Castle no less. Back in the mid-1980s Penrhyn Castle used to employ people during the summer months to look after the gardens, staff the railway museum, do the duties in the clock tower etc. They were employed on Thatcher’s scams – TOPS, YOPS, MSC etc – whereby they worked for very low wages for a few months and were then back on the dole again for the winter. I knew someone who used to cut the lawns there and the workplace anecdotes were amusing but informative. The person whom I knew had been wrecked by Dafydd a few months before he began work at Penrhyn Castle, but was high spirited with a sense of humour. For a while I wondered why Penrhyn Castle had him back every year for the summer because it didn’t sound as though much work got done. He crashed the ride-on mower into a tree so he was then assigned to the railway museum. When on duty one day he decided that he wanted to go outside for a fag at a time when the museum was full of a party of German tourists, so he grabbed a loudspeaker and yelled ‘ausfahrt, ausfahrt’ and was delighted when all the Germans filed out. The activities of this man were fairly benign but there were more bizarre things than people ordering German tourists around going on down there. It was explained to me that if the man who worked in the clock tower ever invited you up there it wasn’t a good idea to accept the invitation because he was ‘as gay as a trooper’ and would try and have sex with you in the clock tower (if you were male). It seemed that nearly everyone employed at Penrhyn Castle were the dispossessed of Bethesda whose lives had been wrecked by those we know and love.

I was told that the person who handed out these jobs at Penrhyn Castle was a really nice bloke, Wing Commander Panton, whom it was alleged had escaped from Colditz during WWII. I was even shown a letter of reference that Wing Commander Panton had written for the man who had crashed the mower into a tree – a very brief reference, but one which would be sufficient to land him another low paid temporary job on a work scheme. The rationale that I was given for the Wing Commander showing such charity to the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles was that his wife was seriously mentally ill so ‘he understood’. This could have been true – I didn’t know the Wing Commander. However, if I was employing those folk every summer, I would have noticed that they were recounting stories of having been very seriously mistreated by the authorities – they had been beaten up by the police, fitted up for crimes and were obviously not being cared for properly although people were being paid a lot of money to do this. I am beginning to wonder if the Wing Commander was a bit like Dafydd – whom, it was alleged, was so kind to those mad patients. Dafydd even gave some of them jobs. Er – yes, the young female ones, they lived in his house with him and worked as his ‘nanny’ or ‘housekeeper’.

My informant told me that the Wing Commander retired from managing the grounds at Penrhyn Castle and moved to England to write children’s books. I have found a reference on the internet to a Wing Commander I.H. Panton who was Commanding Officer of No 85 Squadron RAF, 1971-73 – I presume that this must be the same man. I have mentioned how many people who concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al had connections with the Forces and the security services. Was the Wing Commander yet another safe pair of hands who could effectively hide Dafydd’s victims from the wider public gaze by seemingly doing them a favour?

Lady Janet Douglas Pennant (1923-97) inherited Castell Penrhyn, the quarry and the estate in 1949 when her uncle Hugh Napier Douglas-Pennant died. Two years later she reached an agreement with the Treasury by which Castell Penrhyn and a large part of the estate were transferred to them in lieu of death duties. In turn, the Treasury transferred them to the National Trust. Separating the quarry and estate interests in the same year, a limited company was formed to run the quarry. In 1973 Lady Janet sold her remaining 51% shareholding in the company and the link between the Penrhyn family and the quarry were severed. Lady Janet still lived on the estate when the victims of Dafydd and the paedophile gang were being employed at the Castle every summer.

It was the Treasury Solicitor who shafted Mary Wynch in tandem with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Antoinette Sandbach – who left her job as a criminal barrister in London to provide reinforcements for the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales when they felt under pressure a few years ago and who is now the Tory MP for Eddisbury – is a descendant of the Pennants. Antoinette’s dad Ian Lawrie Mackeson-Sandbach was Provincial Grand-Master of North Wales 1990-04, throughout the years when all those police investigations and the Waterhouse Inquiry failed to find any evidence of anyone other than few cave dwellers in north Wales abusing children (see post ‘News Round Up, 19 January 2018). Antoinette is a former colleague of David Jones MP – who is a Freemason and sat in north Wales courts working as a a solicitor whilst victims of the paedophile gang were framed (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’). The Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust, Hefin Davies, was a Freemason, as was Nigel Berry, the former North Wales Hospital nurse who managed the Gwynfa Unit for mentally ill adolescents, where children were violently assaulted and raped (see post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’).

Dafydd had a whole network of bent professionals whom he had helped out of tight spots and who in return helped him. There was the ‘doctor in England’ who treated Dafydd for his ‘nervous illness’ – no doubt every time there was another complaint about Dafydd to the GMC and a medical report was required. At one point Dafydd boasted that he was ‘treating’ a high flying female lawyer from England. She’s probably sitting in the Supreme Court now.

I will take the opportunity here to remind Dafydd what one of his victims said to him after Dafydd accused him of lying – it was the man who crashed the mower and tried out his German on the tourists at Penrhyn Castle:

‘I lied – you murdered’.

Sweet memories Dafydd!!

This particular man was beaten up by the police after he objected to an unidentified sergeant joining him in the shower at the station after he was fitted up for the possession of cocaine by the drug squad. After he got home to Bethesda late that night he began to experience psychotic symptoms. He went to his neighbour for help, only to be told ‘well you’re not fucking getting it from me’. Within 12 hours the man who had been assaulted by the police had a psychosis and set fire to his house – which was of course next door to the neighbour who had been so unhelpful. Arrest, Risley Remand Centre and a year in the clutches of Dafydd followed – all of which was completely unlawful…

The neighbour who had refused to help worked for S4C, so compared to the rest of Bethesda was highly paid. He was also a turd who had a long suffering partner who was on the receiving end of his violence and took to drink. She had a relationship with another victim of Dafydd who was surprised when, on a visit to Bethesda surgery, Dr Gareth Jones literally interrogated him regarding the details of his relationship with the git’s partner. But then Dr Gareth Jones was a man who was keeping a lot of secrets – including many of the secrets of the paedophile gang.

Another person who lived in Bethesda in those days was a hard core porn actress. She was actually very nice and was married to a highly unscrupulous man who was employed by the Not As Pathetic As The Other Sharks Professor Fergus Lowe in the School of Psychology at Bangor University to teach stats. There were many complaints about this very unsuitable man being let loose on the undergrads and even Fungus was forced to sack him after he turned up to a tutorial out of his head on LSD. I used to watch the ‘stats tutor’ clambering in and out of taxis in Bangor with schoolgirls. Was this maddest, most disreputable resident of Bethesda – he was even known by the Bethesda hippies as ‘Filthy Ed’ – ever arrested/fitted up/sectioned? Not at all…Sadly Filthy Ed’s wife died some years ago. Like all those witnesses to the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles, Jane died from an illness at a time when so many people who were not witnesses to serious wrongdoing were surviving that particular illness – in Jane’s case it was breast cancer.  Filthy Ed is dead as well now. So there are now yet more crimes to which there are no longer any witnesses left alive.

 

Despite all this action in north Wales, nothing about Dafydd and the paedophiles ever appeared on the BBC or S4C. I will discuss why that might be in a future post.

 

 

 

Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…

A running theme throughout this blog has been how very inadequate many of those who assisted the paedophiles’ friends actually were and are – north Wales overflows with Angels/social workers/councillors/therapists and myriad others who, when they realise that there are lawyers to be consulted or publications to be written, shriek ‘I hope you’re not going to mention my name’ or when faced with highly incriminating evidence resort of course to the perennial favourite ‘we didn’t know’. Oh yes they did. The Pathetic Sharks remain pathetic even when they manage to crawl into a Parliament of some sort – hence Lesley Griffiths feels able to lecture wimmin aspiring to enter politics on how she used to feel nervous speaking in front of all the men but the good thing about being in politics is that you can help the mums and really get things done (see post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’).

The Pathetic Sharks have become noticeably desperate at certain times – these times correlate with the times where it looked likely that the wheels might come off the bandwagon and that the gaffe was about to be blown with regard to the extent of the wrongdoing and the number of people who were involved, as well of course as their seniority. Once the Pathetic Sharks’ anxiety had decreased when someone had been stuffed over, imprisoned or found dead, various rewards – including promotions and gongs – would be dished out.

I have done a lot of mapping of honours – including peerages – on this blog but I’m ashamed to say that I missed one of the most crucial – the knighting of Peter Morrison. Because of who his family were, I presumed that Peter Morrison inherited his title. He didn’t. Peter Morrison became Sir Peter Morrison as a result of a gesture by HM Queen Lilibet – in Feb 1991. Presumably the child molesting friend of Thatcher received this reward from Lilibet for having led Thatcher’s unsuccessful leadership campaign at the end of 1990, which led to her departure from No 10 – it was always alleged that Lilibet and Thatcher hated each other.

What was I doing when Lilibet touched the paedophile on the shoulder with a sword? Sitting in Springfield Hospital facing serious criminal charges after Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and his wife Dr Sadie Francis had perjured themselves – with the full knowledge of the BMA and MDU – whilst being denounced as ‘extremely dangerous’ after Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Prof Robert Bluglass had a word with Dr Robin Jacobson and Prof Nigel Eastman, who admitted in writing that they knew that Dafydd and co were abusing patients. Not only had I lost my job, but one of my former housemates from north Wales who knew some of what had happened up there was having the boot put into him by the Top Doctors whilst he worked for a pharmaceutical company in Kent and was gradually being forced out. Another friend who worked at the Royal Television Society who had also been a witness and who had wanted to make a film about north Wales was also in the process of being unlawfully dismissed. Her husband worked in the drama commissioning department at the BBC and had been told that they would make sure that he ‘never worked in this town again’ after he refused to accept a bribe. Weeks later he was transferred to Manchester – he was later made redundant. The Chairman of the BBC at the time of the attempted bribe was Thatcher’s mate Marmaduke Hussey and the DG was Thatcher’s other mate Michael Checkland.

So once it was considered that we had all been dealt with, Morrison could be knighted. The Pathetic Sharks got in a tizzy again just over a year later with the General Election looming, but a few more people’s lives were wrecked to keep them quiet. Gordon Anglesea began suing the people who’d dared to name him in the media as one of the paedophiles who was abusing kids in care in north Wales and just a few days after John Major had won the election, five more witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed when a firebomb was thrown into the flat where they had been invited to a party. One man who survived the fire was found dead sometime later after he had claimed that witnesses were being murdered and had given evidence in Court against John Allen (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

That firebomb certainly persuaded a great many people to keep quiet and to refuse to assist the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles in any way.

Interestingly enough, Gordon Anglesea’s libel case – which eventually took place in 1994 and resulted in him being awarded nearly £400k damages (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’) – took place at the Royal Courts of Justice in the Strand. Which is where the hearing regarding the attempt to imprison me in spring 1991 took place – I was living back in north Wales by then, but was summoned down to the Strand, to one of the Courts next door to where Helena Kennedy was busy fighting for justice for Sara Thornton, at Sara’s first unsuccessful appeal – the Helena who was mates with Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’)…

So someone in the Royal Courts of Justice was obviously keen to help Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Shortly after Gordon Anglesea won his libel case at the end of 1994, Mark Humphreys – who had given evidence against him – was found dead.

The Pathetic Sharks were very busy in 1994.  The year didn’t start too well for them, because in January the Jillings Inquiry was launched to investigate the abuse of children in Clwyd – the Inquiry was Chaired by John Jillings, the former Director of Social Services for Derbyshire. Where there was a paedophile ring which had links with the one under investigation in north Wales. See post ‘It’s A Piece of Cake’ for details of the horrors of the child abuse in Clwyd and how the Jillings Report in full never actually got to see the light of day.

In 1994 Anglesea won his case, my friend’s husband had been forced out of his job at the BBC – the Chairman was still Marmaduke Hussey but by then the DG was Peter Mandelson’s mate John Birt – and Michael Howard at the Home Office finally ruined Mary Wynch (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). The small number of MPs who had been bellyaching about Mary’s case and who signed an Early Day Motion in 1992 in support of her went very quiet and were all eventually bought off with peerages, except for David Bellotti the Lib Dem who ran the campaign to support Mary – he lost his seat and never re-entered national politics. Alex Carlile was the last one who dared ask a question about Mary’s case – in April 1995. Carlile never mentioned Mary again. The Gov’t s expert on anti-terrorist legislation!

The Pathetic Sharks had good reason to panic in 1994 even if they had a safe pair of hands leading the Jillings Investigation – because Peter Howarth and Paul Wilson were standing trial at Chester Crown Court for abusing children in care in north Wales. Matt Arnold, the Head of Bryn Estyn, had been Peter Howarth’s boss when they had both worked at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead – Howarth was known to have abused children there as well. Arnold was appointed Head of Bryn Estyn in May 1973 and in Nov 1973 he offered Howarth a job there. On 9 June 1994 Matt Arnold died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. How true this was is anyone’s guess – the Top Doctors find it impossible to tell the truth on any matter relating to Dafydd and the paedophiles, including the cause of death and furthermore people who might be in danger of naming names have a tendency to conveniently die just before they might be asked to do this. Peter Howarth’s and Paul Wilson’s trial began four days later on 13 June 1994 – Howarth was convicted and sentenced to 10 years in prison. Wilson was acquitted of all charges.

Howarth died in HMP Wakefield in April 1997 – it was said of a heart attack. Which must have been a great relief to a great many people because it meant that he wouldn’t be around to throw a spanner in the works in the Waterhouse Inquiry which by then had opened and was about to start hearing evidence from the witnesses. Howarth was also out of the way just in time for Blair to become PM a couple of weeks later and not have to worry about Howarth popping up at some time in the future dropping a few people in it.

At the time that Matt Arnold had died and Howarth stood trial, the British Labour Party was without a permanent leader – because John Smith had died on 12 May 1994. Smith had a heart attack in his flat in the Barbican, was taken to Barts, but gosh the Top Doctors just couldn’t revive him – and Smith had only been on a tour of the Barts A&E Dept two weeks previously  because it was under threat of closure! For details – including of Dr Tony Francis’s interest in and reaction to John Smith’s death – see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’. (No-one is safe, I do keep telling people.) The acting Labour leader was Margaret Beckett, that harmless old lady who just loves to trundle off in her caravan and who became a national joke during the expenses scandal when it was revealed that she wasted a great deal of tax-payers money on a pergola on the grounds that she was Foreign Secretary and could not be found to be in possession of a sub-standard pergola. Although as Mark Steel remarked, it was highly unlikely that visiting Presidents were going to be so disgusted at the state of Beckett’s pergola that they would have been in danger of declaring war on Britain.

Margaret’s constituency is Derby South!

It was July 21 before the Labour Party acquired a new leader – Blair! Whose wife just happened to have been a mentor to so many of those radical lawyers who were involved with – or who were close to people who were involved with – the London boroughs responsible for kids in care who were being so brutally abused. One of Cherie’s pals is Max Beloff QC – who was the man who’s legal advice to the insurers of Clwyd County Council ensured that the Jillings Report was made available in full and unredacted to precisely no-one except for the lawyers and insurers of Clwyd County Council. Of course Blair himself had also been a barrister – he was George Carman’s junior – Carman, the most corrupt barrister in the UK who knew all about the paedophile gangs that were causing havoc in the nation’s social services, Carman who had been retained by Jimmy Savile (see posts ‘No Ordinary Methods’ and ‘No Ordinary Methods – Supplementary Post’). Blair – who represented a constituency in the north east not a million miles away from Gateshead and who was mates with Ernest Armstrong, the former MP who had concealed what Howarth and Arnold had got up to in Gateshead before they had ever arrived in north Wales (see post ‘ The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

The Most Dangerous Man In The World however had not yet become PM – that role was still occupied by John Major who was encouraging everyone to get back to basics.

 

The Final Solution looked close on 13 July 1995 when Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his London home – he had stood down as the MP for Chester at the 1992 General Election. Morrison’s wiki page says that he died from a heart attack, but at the time no-one was quite sure how he died. He was only 51 and it was presumed that he had fallen – Gyles Brandreth, who succeeded Morrison’s seat – discusses it in his book. Not that a 51 year old man falling onto a soft expensive carpet usually results in death, but of course it was finally concluded that there really was nothing suspicious at all about the unexpected death of a not very old child molester who’s activities with Dafydd and the paedophiles had the potential to cause so much trouble that it was worth someone’s while murdering as many of the witnesses as possible.

In July 1995 my friend Brown – another witness to what had happened to me at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends – was forced out of his job at Aston University. The Vice-Chancellor of Aston was Sir Frederick Crawford, Thatcher’s henchman who was later the centre of a grade A row regarding his status as a Freemason when he was appointed Chairman of the Criminal Cases Review Commission. Crawford had an off the rails son who used to boast that he could always get out of trouble because of who his father was – he was found dead in a hotel in Israel.

Because people just would not stop banging on about the possibility of a paedophile ring at work in north Wales and Cheshire with links to Westminster, in May 1995 the Welsh Office – who had spent decades concealing the paedophile ring in north Wales with links to Westminster – appointed Nicola Davies QC in May 1995 to conduct a review of the paperwork concerned with the child abuse in north Wales. Nicola came with the finest credentials – she had defended many a Top Doctor in trouble, including those involved in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal, which provided such a useful distraction from Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales just when they needed it (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’). Nicola found that no paperwork existed from since 1989! Well just fancy that.

Never mind Nicola, I’ve got 10,000 documents here – including paperwork from those missing years…

Nicola concluded that a Public Inquiry into the abuse of children in north Wales was not needed – Nicola has since gone on to great things, including becoming Dame Nicola and the Presiding Judge of the Wales Circuit (see post ‘This Is What Happened To Nicola, Niclas, Merfyn, Joan and Kathryn’). Lord Hague of the Mother of All Cover-Ups, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced on Dec 11 1995 that a Public Inquiry was not justified.

Before Hague became Secretary of State for Wales, some rather curious things occurred with regard to that particular Gov’t position. John Redwood had held the post between 27 May 1993-26 June 1995. Then David Hunt was appointed – but only until 5 July 1995. Then Hague was appointed and remained in position until Blair won the election in May 1997.

David Hunt was an old lag where the Welsh Office was concerned – he been a junior Minister and was then Secretary of State between May 1990-May 1993. Thus Hunt was the man who had to deal with the dysfunctional idiocy of Gwynedd Health Authority back in 1989, when the Authority was effectively bankrupt and was failing to deliver even the most basic of services (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’). Hunt was then Welsh Secretary throughout the years of attempts to imprison me, the years of me and my friends being hounded out of jobs – and he was in post when that firebomb killed five witnesses.

Hunt’s talents were called upon once again just at the time that Dafydd was allowed to ‘retire’ without any of the serious complaints about him being followed up – and with the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). Hunt was also at the scene when those lies were told in 1995 about the North Wales Hospital closing down – part of it had remained open with the knowledge of virtually no-one.

Hague did of course have a change of heart regarding a Public Inquiry a few months later and in 1996 he announced the Waterhouse Inquiry. Presumably now that Morrison and Matt Arnold were dead, Dafydd was being given money and customers to keep him in business and Howarth was safely in prison, Hague was happy to tie up the loose ends with an entirely rigged Inquiry, Chaired by a man who was a personal friend of many of those who had held senior positions whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles had been allowed to do whatever they wanted. Someone else was dead as well by the time that Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry – the young man featured in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’, who had detailed knowledge of a family which included a child sex offender, who had entered into a corrupt deal with Gwynedd Social Services, the Gwynedd Councillor Dafydd Orwig, the North Wales Housing Association and a former police officer Jo Bott, in order to fleece and frame a innocent person who had knowledge of the offences committed by members of this family as well as of Dafydd and the paedophiles. The young man was hit by a lorry and killed near Bethesda in 1995.

 

The Pathetic Sharks had actually been busy at the very beginning of 1994, just after the launch of the Jillings Investigation, but it is only recently that someone pointed this out to me. I did notice the event when it occurred, but I had no idea that it had any connection to Dafydd and the paedophiles. In Feb 1994 I was standing at the bus stop in Rachub near Bethesda with my friend when an old bloke – who was universally known as ‘that dirty old man who lives in Water Street’ – came out of the shop in a state of great excitement, shoved his newspaper under the nose of my friend saying ‘Christ look at this’ and showed us a headline about a Tory MP who had been found dead wearing nought but stockings and suspenders. It really made the dirty old man’s day and I expect that the Sun made a packet out of it as well.

On 7 Feb 1994 Stephen Gilligan, the Tory MP for Eastleigh was found dead in his house in Chiswick. Stephen was found by Vera Taggart, who was variously described as his secretary, his cleaner and his housekeeper. Stephen was found naked except for a pair of stockings and suspenders, had an electrical flex around his neck, a black bin liner over his head and a segment of orange in his mouth. No drugs, alcohol or any other substances were found in Stephen’s body. Those close to Stephen maintained that he had been murdered in circumstances designed to smear him. The pathologist involved in the case concluded that Stephen had died as a result of auto-erotic asphyxiation.

The forensic pathologist who performed the post mortem on Stephen Milligan and who maintained that Milligan died from auto-erotic asphyxiation was Dr Iain West, a Home Office pathologist.

West graduated from Edinburgh University in 1967 and his first job was at Addenbrookes Hospital in Cambridge – he worked as a pathologist at Addenbrookes until 1974. Baroness Jean Trumpington – who when she was a junior Health Minister appointed Jimmy Savile to his management position at Broadmoor – wielded a great degree of influence at Addenbrookes (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). In 1974 West relocated to St Thomas’s and then in 1978 he began working at Guy’s, where he remained until he retired in 1998. He became Head of Dept in 1984 and remained there after Guy’s merged with St Thomas’s.

West’s obituaries described him as ‘larger than life’ who’s death was ‘untimely’. It was noted that ‘some of his conclusions about cases were controversial’ – as indeed was his conclusion regarding the manner in which Stephen Milligan had died ie. that he had died as a result of auto-erotic asphyxiation. Segments of orange are allegedly used by people with a penchant for auto-erotic asphyxiation to overcome the unpleasant fumes of amyl nitrate which is often used in the practice – yet there was no trace of amyl nitrate found in or near Milligan. It is unlikely that he’d have just been sucking on a piece of orange whilst hanging himself to pass the time of day. Milligan’s friends and people who did not believe that he had died in the manner assumed by Iain West maintained that he had been killed by a third party who wanted to smear his character.

Immediately prior to his death, Milligan had been upset about a TV programme that had been screened about employment in Eastleigh which he felt had shown the constituency in a negative light and had tarnished his image. In the wake of his death John Major made comments about Milligan having obviously been a very unhappy man. There was no evidence of this at all – Milligan was upset about the TV programme, but he wasn’t suicidal or depressed. He was engaged to Julie Kirkbride, a political journalist for the Sunday Telegraph who later became the Tory MP for Bromsgrove – although there have been allegations that Stephen was gay and had entered into a convenient arrangement with Julie for political purposes – and had been active in the Commons right up to his death.

Milligan however had been party to a great deal of information that a great many people would not have wanted made public. He was PPS to Jonathan Aitken, who was Minister of State for Defence Procurement. Aitken had been busy in 1993 with his dodgy deals with Saudi arms traders in the Ritz in Paris, about which he later lied – it was this that eventually resulted in his conviction for perjury in 1997 and his subsequent imprisonment. Aitken was associated with some odd and unsavoury people who claimed to have links with the security services, including Alan Clark, who were members of a group called Le Cercle (see post ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’). Aitken lived in Lord North Street, as did Sir Peter Morrison – who was one of the MPs who was participating in the gay sex parties which were the subject of rumours swirling around Westminster after Milligan’s death.

People close to Milligan also alleged that he knew of plans to stop the footballer Justin Fashanu going public regarding his claims to have participated in gay sex with two senior Cabinet Ministers.

Iain West worked for the Home Office – a hive of corruption both at the time of Milligan’s death when Michael Howard was Home Secretary and for many years previously as scandal after scandal was covered-up, particularly with regard to the organised abuse of children in north Wales and elsewhere. Dr Donald Wayte worked as a Home Office pathologist at the same time – Wayte presided over the lunacy in north Wales, felt able to make comments in public for which he had absolutely no evidence at all and allowed local schoolchildren to accompany him on his duties at work. Wayte’s wife Avril sits on the Board of Dafydd’s charity CAIS, along with the other paedophiles’ friends. Unless she has now retired, Avril presides over the chaos which is the pathology service at the Betsi. Donald Wayte was the pathologist in the 1996 Sophie Hook murder case, which resulted in the imprisonment of Howard Hughes, a former resident of both Bryn Estyn and Garth Angharad – many people are convinced that Hughes is the victim of a major miscarriage of justice. The Home Office had also colluded with Dafydd’s fast and loose prescribing of just about anything on earth for years, whilst Bing Spear – who was clearly corrupt and probably an addict himself – led the Home Office’s Drugs Branch (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’).

At the time of Milligan’s death and in the following months, Dafydd was regularly appearing in the media – both locally and nationally – being touted as an expert on substance abuse, spouting nonsense about being ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’ and telling the world how the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was ‘unique’. Which I suppose it was, not even the Maudsley had a dungeon in which to imprison the victims of a paedophile gang, but Dafydd didn’t ever explain that it was that which was the unique aspect of Denbigh.  Dafydd was wheeled out on the Kane Debates to discuss the serious problem of Cannabis Psychosis, he popped up on Kilroy – sharing his seat with Kilroy’s buttock –  and he was on S4C virtually every week . For one S4C programme, the cameraman actually got into the cockpit of Dafydd’s light aircraft with him and filmed Biggles being interviewed in the skies above north Wales. We were pissing ourselves in our house every time that we saw one of these ludicrous programmes – we were so busy laughing at the nation’s media giving airtime to this mad old bugger who was engaged in a grade A battle with Gwynedd Health Authority because he had become too embarrassing even for them and they were trying to force him to retire, that we missed the safety risks involved when the cameraman went up in the skies with Dafydd. Dafydd crashed his car virtually every time that he drove over to Denbigh and he kept crashing that plane as well – who on earth deemed him fit to keep his pilot’s licence? For further details of the idiocy that escalated as Dafydd fought against retirement and the closure of Denbigh, please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’

West’s Guardian obituary observed that ‘his findings…extended into the political world’. West certainly was asked to take on cases of the utmost political sensitivity and he acted for both the defence and prosecution in numerous murder cases.

West’s cases included: Robert Maxwell, Tyra Henry, WPC Yvonne Fletcher and Jill Dando. It was West who performed the second autopsy on Cap’n Bob and discovered some torn muscles in his back – demonstrating that Maxwell had clung onto his yacht at some point when going overboard and thus it was concluded that he wasn’t pushed. West was commissioned by an insurance company who stood to pay out £20 million if Maxwell’s death was other than an accident or murder. West concluded that it was suicide. The combination of Robert Maxwell, an insurance company, and a Top Doctor attached to the most elite medical school in the UK which does exactly what the powerful tell it to do who also works for the Home Office – Maxwell died in Nov 1991 when the Home Secretary was Kenneth Baker – suggests that we will never get to the truth. Tyra Henry was the baby who died in the care of Lambeth Borough Council whilst Paul Boateng’s wife Janet and her colleagues at Lambeth Social Services tied themselves up in knots with the politics of race. Yvonne Fletcher was killed by shots fired from the Libyan Embassy and her death precipitated a diplomatic crisis which eventually led to a bombing raid on Libya carried out from US air bases in the UK. Jill Dando’s death resulted in a serious miscarriage of justice after a service user was fitted up, despite being at a day centre some four miles away when she was killed by what was clearly a professional assassin. The more recent rumours regarding the killer’s motive have revolved around Jill having knowledge of a VIP paedophile ring involving people from the BBC. Jill’s Crimewatch colleague Sue Cook had a close friendship with George Carman, the most corrupt barrister in the UK – and Blair’s former boss – who knew all about VIP sex rings in north Wales and elsewhere (see posts ‘No Ordinary Methods’ and ‘No Ordinary Methods – Supplementary Post’).

West’s most high profile case was that of the death of Kenya’s Foreign Minister, Dr Robert Ouko. Knacker of the Yard was sent out to Kenya to investigate and West’s opinion was sought.

West was also involved in the King’s Cross fire investigation and the genocide perpetrated by Saddam Hussein – the one which the UK didn’t take a great deal of notice of at the time, although Blair suddenly started banging on about it some years later when he went to war with Iraq because George Dubya Bush told him to.

Iain West’s advice was sought when the IRA blew the Tories up in the Grand Hotel in Brighton and in the cases of the London Harrods bombing and and the Hyde Park bombing.

The Telegraph’s obituary of Iain West stated that he ‘was always scrupulously honest and would never alter his evidence to fit a scenario’. In fact West was so fantastic at working out the scenario, that in some of his cases the criminals who were later fingered for the murders confessed to exactly the same scenario that West had predicted! Things went embarrassingly wrong with the business of Jill Dando obviously, but her fiance is now Top Doctor to Buck House so there’s been a happy ending and more importantly one which ensures that he’s not going to ask any difficult questions.

Iain West was called upon to advise on the Clapham Rail Disaster in 1988 and he made a number of safety recommendations. So that will explain why in 1999 he was called upon once more to advise the Paddington Rail Disaster.

West was President Elect of the British Association of Forensic Medicine and a member of the Home Office Policy Advisory Board for Forensic Pathology. In the years before his death in 2001, West expressed concern about the parlous nature of UK forensic pathology – so he obviously didn’t notice the presence of Donald Wayte for several decades or notice that he himself had been leading the profession for several decades. It was thus only reasonable that West Chaired the working party ‘Towards A Unified Forensic Pathology Service for England and Wales’ when the Home Office set up a review of forensic pathology services.

Whilst West worked at Guy’s he established a computerised database regarding forensic cases for use as a reference source for lawyers, police forces and pathologists. No doubt many people found it very useful when they wanted a bit of guidance as to who to fit up in the event of a body being found.

Iain West lived in East Sussex – not a million miles away from Brighton. John Allen trafficked children who had been abused at the Bryn Alyn Community to brothels which he owned in Brighton and the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal who were killed by a firebomb in 1992 died at a party in a flat in Brighton. John Allen had told one of the party goers that he would see them there, but he didn’t turn up (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, 1979-87 and barrister who was a Minister in the Welsh Office who assisted in concealing the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles, was born in Brighton, went to Brighton College and was a Brighton Borough Councillor, 1976-80. Just for good measure, Dafydd’s mate Professor Jim Watson worked at Guys and St Thomas’s at the same time as Iain West.

Iain West’s hobby was firearms and shooting.

West’s first boss and the man who inducted him into the ways of forensic pathology was Prof Austin Gresham, who spent his whole career at Cambridge. Gresham was a Home Office pathologist who was involved in the memorable case of Julie Ward, a young woman who disappeared whilst on safari in Kenya in Sept 1988. The Julie Ward case was seriously weird. She was last seen on Sept 6 1988 – the Kenyan authorities claimed that she had been killed by lions. Julie disappeared on the Masai Mara game reserve and there were concerns expressed that the Kenyan authorities were reluctant to admit that she might have been murdered because of their fears that their tourist industry would incur damage. Which could well have been true. However, Julie’s father John – a Suffolk business man with a great deal of money to spare – maintained that he did not believe what he was being told and he flew to Kenya himself to conduct his own investigation.

On Sept 13 1988 John Ward found Julie’s remains, in a remote area of the Masai Mara reserve and those remains were given to Gresham to examine. Gresham’s conclusion was that Julie’s body had been dismembered with a machete, doused in petrol and set alight. He maintained that her bones had sharp cuts upon them, rather than gnaw marks – thus she had been murdered not killed by animals.

The whole case was a diplomatic nightmare for the British Gov’t – Kenya was desperate not to have a collapsing tourist industry on its hands and Thatcher’s Gov’t wanted to maintain good relations with the Kenyan Gov’t. The President at the time was Daniel arap Moi – there was much evidence that his regime was guilty of serious human rights abuses.

While the explanations given by the Kenyan authorities regarding Julie’s death did seem somewhat outlandish – it was also suggested that she had committed suicide or had even been killed by lightening whilst up a tree causing her body fell to the ground which was chewed by the lions – there is something gobsmackingly obvious that no-one mentioned. John Ward – an hotelier – flew to Kenya and after a matter of days found Julie’s remains in a remote area of the game reserve. Just like that. There was no mention of a finger tip search involving scores of police, sniffer dogs et al. He just went there and hey presto, found Julie’s body. Searching the Masai Mara will not be like having a root around in one’s vegetable patch – there is quite a lot of the Masai Mara. Furthermore, Ward will have had to negotiate the lions, cheetahs, giraffes, zebras, wildebeests – who might even have been migrating or something – hyenas, elephants, leopards and a great many other things including David Attenborough and his film crew. How did Ward know that the burnt bones were those of Julie? A heap of burnt bones are not that recognisable – that is how the likes of Gresham make a living at doing things with them and drawing conclusions.

The death of Julie Ward was one of those stories that ran and ran. In 1992, two park rangers were tried for Julie’s murder and acquitted. In 1998, the head park warden was put on trial and acquitted.

Allegations and counter-allegations have flown back and forth. It was alleged that one coroner’s report was altered to disguise the cuts in Julie’s bones. John Ward maintained that the British authorities obstructed his attempts to achieve justice and it was said that a report compiled by Jon Stoddard, the Chief Constable of Lincolnshire, which heavily criticised the FCO and the British High Commission in Kenya, was suppressed on National Security grounds, because it ‘shamed’ Britain.

In 2004 an inquest in Britain returned an verdict of unlawful killing. Dr Peter Dean, the Greater Suffolk coroner, maintained that there had been a ‘blatant and astonishingly clumsy cover-up’. In the same year, a former Kenyan intelligence officer – who had previously been the chief suspect for Julie’s murder himself – claimed that he had witnessed Julie being raped and murdered by three men.

In Oct 2009 John Yates, the head of the Met’s anti-terrorism squad paid a visit to Kenya to make further inquiries about Julie’s death. Julie’s death is not thought to have been linked to terrorism, but Yates’s previous role was in the Met’s Special Crime Directorate and he had responsibility for certain murder cases. John Yates was ‘Yates of the Yard’ who became famous for heading the ‘Cash for Honours’ investigation. It was said that human DNA from the murder scene – thought to be that of the attacker – had been identified. Furthermore, a new witness approached John Ward through his lawyer who maintained that the burnt remains were placed in the remote area of the Masai Mara where John Ward discovered them to throw investigators off the scent of the murder site.

I’m not sure how the ground lies at present with regard to the investigation into Julie’s death – even a few years ago, John Ward had already spent the best part of one million investigating and had made 100 trips to Kenya.

Much as I sympathise with Mr Ward and I can absolutely accept that he wasn’t convinced by the Kenyan authorities explanations for his daughter’s death, I’m not sure that anything else can be believed either – not the convenient discovery of bones in the middle of Africa which just happened to be those of Julie or the word of coroners or senior police officers who tend not to disagree with powerful people or institutions.

The one person whom I also believe could have been guaranteed not to tell the whole truth was Austin Gresham. This was a Top Doctor working for the Home Office whilst Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary – victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales were being framed and sent to prison or high security hospitals (see post ‘ Security, Security’) and documentation was being fabricated by the Home Office as well as by the Dafydd, the paedophiles’ friends and the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’). Just weeks before Julie had disappeared, Professors Robert Owen, Robert Bluglass  and Dr Colin Berry had conspired and lied to conceal the criminal activity of Dafydd, Tony Francis and the paedophiles (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).  Furthermore Gresham worked at Addenbrookes, an institution over which Thatcher’s junior Health Minister Trumpers – who by then had installed Jimmy Savile as the manager of Broadmoor – wielded considerable influence (see post ’95 Glorious Years’). If there was one thing that the Top Doctors do not do in politically charged cases it is to tell the truth.

There is something else about Gresham that would ensure that he was compromised. Gresham was born in Wrexham and went to school there, at Grove Park School. Bang in the middle of the paedophiles and the paedophiles’ friends’ territory. Gresham went onto Gonville and Caius College, Cambridge and then to King’s College Hospital for his clinical training.

Austin Gresham published ‘A Colour Atlas Of Forensic Pathology’, a gory compilation of photos of the corpses of people who had met a sticky end, as well as photos of severed limbs, body parts and maggot infested cadavers. This was the book that inspired the Britart movement of the 1980s and 90s, including Damien Hirst’s installation ‘The Physical Impossibility Of Death In The Mind Of Someone Living’ – more popularly known as ‘The Dead Shark’…

When Iain West relocated to Guy’s in 1978, the Head of Dept was Professor Keith Mant. Mant had been involved in the investigation of Nazi war crimes after WWII, including the human medical experiments, particularly those carried out at Ravensbruck. When Mant returned to England he worked at St Mary’s Paddington and was then offered a job at Guy’s by Keith Simpson, the Professor of Forensic Medicine – who also had a Harley Street practice. Mant became Head of Dept when Simpson retired in 1972.

Simpson was born in Brighton, his father was a GP and Simpson attended Brighton, Hove and Sussex Grammar School, so he got off to a flying start in terms of future potential for assisting the paedophiles’ friends. Simpson was a Home Office pathologist who was involved in making history on a number of occasions. He was involved in the case of the 1949 Acid Bath Murders committed by John George Haigh and in the 1966 murder case of George Cornell by Ronnie Kray. However I am impressed by the number of controversial cases or miscarriages of justice that Simpson was involved with – he was certainly at the centre of the action.

In 1956 Simpson acted for the MDU in the defence of Dr John Bodkin Adams who was acquitted of murdering one of his patients, although Bodkin Adams was tried for murdering more than one of his patients. Harriet Harman’s dad Dr John Harman gave evidence for the defence, although he didn’t have a great deal of experience of the matters that he was giving expert evidence about. In 1961 Simpson was involved in the James Hanratty ‘A6 murders’, resulting in a conviction and death sentance which worried a great many people even back then. In 1974 Keith Simpson was invited to re-examine the pathology findings after Bloody Sunday – Simpson’s findings were remarkably helpful to the Gov’t. Many years later the Saville Inquiry did not substantiate Simpson’s findings. In 1974 Simpson also worked on the case of Sandra Rivett, the nanny who was murdered by Lord Lucan. In 1982 Simpson was involved in the Roberto Calvi case. Calvi was the former Vatican’s banker who was found hanging under Blackfriars Bridge. A verdict of suicide was returned which was believed by virtually no-one. Calvi’s family were and remain convinced that he was murdered and Private Eye publicised the case for years.

Simpson might have missed all the organised gangs abusing and trafficking children in care, but the NSPCC – which colluded with that abuse and trafficking – really loved him because in the 1960s Simpson was a pioneer in the field of ‘battered baby syndrome’.

Simpson died in 1985. In June 2012 Simpson was honoured for his many years loyal service of drawing whatever conclusions were most helpful to the Home Secretary of the day by a Westminster City Council Green Plaque being stuck on the front of his former residence at 1 Weymouth Street – which is just down the road from where Bridget Mason’s famous Fertility Clinic Of The Flying Sperm was located (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred – Particularly In Scotland’).

Keith Simpson contributed to a famous miscarriage of justice that his successor Keith Mant gained kudos from undoing – the 1972 murder of the mixed race transvestite Maxwell Confait, which resulted in the imprisonment of the Catford Three who alleged police brutality as well as a stitch up. Their convictions were quashed by Lord Justice Scarman in 1975 sitting in the Court of Appeal, who accepted that Keith Simpson had missed ‘obvious evidence’ concerning the time of death. Somehow I doubt that was the first time that Simpson had missed obvious evidence if it failed to point the finger of suspicion at the appropriate person.

Simpson’s successor Keith Mant’s talents as a Top Doctor were not inherited in the way in which so many of his colleagues inherited theirs via the Top Doctor gene that is known to be passed on through parental DNA. Keith Mant’s own genetic loading was very strongly in favour of him becoming a lawyer – Mant’s father was a solicitor, the 10th generation of his family to become a lawyer to be precise. So where Keith Mant’s tendency to don a white coat and a stethoscope came from I cannot imagine.

Mant learnt well at the knee of Simpson however, despite that blip involving Maxwell Confait. Mant’s cases included Blair Peach, who was on an anti-NF march when he was bashed on the head by a member of the Metropolitan Police’s Special Patrol Group. Mant was on safe ground when he revealed that the damage inflicted upon Blair Peach’s head was caused by something a lot heavier than a truncheon, because the SPG had all removed their identifying numbers and covered their faces anyway before one of them killed Blair Peach and then they all refused to squeal on the guilty party (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Another of Mant’s cases was that of Bobby Sands, one of the IRA prisoners who starved himself to death in the Maze.

Keith Mant retired in 1984 although he continued to take  commissions after his retirement.

The excellent thing about pathologists who work on murders and acquire a name for themselves for producing the right conclusions for the Gov’t of the day, is that if one day a Prime Minister is elected who needs to build his power base upon the cover-up of a vicious paedophile ring in the recent past and that Prime Minister just happens to be married to a ‘human rights lawyer’ who knows the reputations and histories of all the pathologists, that knowledge will prove invaluable. Even if the human rights lawyer in question is a bit batty, feels threatened by Anji Hunter and seeks advice from an even battier lifestyle guru who’s boyfriend is a crook.

 

My post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’ noted how in 2011 a substantial number of unlikely people found themselves as AMs, despite not previously having shown much desire to bag a seat in the Assembly. It is very obvious that these people were fulfilling roles as reinforcements for the paedophiles’ friends as the demands for a re-investigation of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal would not disappear. The influx of reinforcements for the paedophiles’ friends took place over a period of several years.

Dr Mohammed Mehmet previously of Peterborough and Islington Councils arrived in Denbighshire County Council supposedly on a temporary basis but found himself being appointed as Chief Executive in 2007 – he departed in a hurry for some unknown reason not so long ago.

Somebody else who suddenly graced with north Wales with his presence was Tal Michael, who gave up a life of glamour in senior roles in London Councils to arrive with his family on the north Wales coast during that period of time which saw the influx of reinforcements. Tal is of course the son of Alun Michael, who was ordered by Blair to get his arse in gear and become Wales’s FM after Ron Davies had been caught on Clapham Common with Boogie (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’), because under no circumstances was Wales to be allowed to have Rhodri Morgan as FM. I don’t know what Blair was worrying about, every one of them was keeping schtum about Dafydd and the paedophiles, it’s not as if Rhodri was going to blow the whistle on anyone, he kept giving the paedophiles’ friends jobs as Health Ministers. Rhodri got the job that he couldn’t do very well but that his mum said that he’d always wanted (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’) in the end anyway – because as soon as the Waterhouse Report was published, Alun Michael resigned as FM (see post ‘News From Sicily’). Presumably the job had been done. He must have felt a bit like Lou on Eastenders years ago, where once she’d sorted her family out as much as she could, what with Arthur stealing the Christmas Club money, having a nervous breakdown and being sectioned by Dr Legge and then going to prison and Chelle having a secret abortion and Lofty having a big row with her, Lou said to everyone ‘well that’s you lot sorted out, I can go now’. The Fowlers thought that Lou was just going to bed, but she went upstairs and died.

Didn’t Dirty Den get shot by a gun concealed in a bunch of daffodils at one point? I do hope that Dafydd didn’t watch that episode, he doesn’t need to be inspired.

So Alun Michael died his death – but unfortunately he re-appeared in the form of South Wales’s Police and Crime Commissioner and is still there. Furthermore Tal turned up.

I encountered Tal at an IWA meeting where he had a disagreement with me about the results of some polling predictions. I told Tal that polling predictions cannot always be believed and Tal reassured me that this one could. Er Tal – perhaps you don’t remember all that but I did have a quiet snigger to myself when the poll that you had staked your hopes on turned out to be wrong.

Tal didn’t seem to have a job to go to in north Wales, so he didn’t delay with his job search. I doubt that he went on the computer at the Job Centre or joined the Job Club – obviously those are things that other people do. Tal got on his bike and looked for a job and landed himself one as Chairman of the North Wales Police Authority. HOW I’d be most interested to know. Who wrote his reference? Blair? When it was announced that the Authority was to be abolished with the advent of elected Police and Crime Commissioners, Tal immediately resigned from his job and stated his intention to run for election as North Wales’s Police and Crime Commissioner. I saw Tal canvasing in Wrexham and he’d been rash enough to have the slogan ‘Tough On Crime, Tough On The Causes Of Crime’ printed in large letters on his leaflets. Tal – Wales really wants to forget about Blair, particularly after the nation dodged a bullet when Ron was caught with Boogie before Blair imposed your dad on everyone.

Tal wasn’t elected – so Wales escaped the nightmare of the Michael Mafia running the entire police force in Wales. What Wales was saddled with wasn’t a great improvement – Winston Roddick was the first Commissioner to be elected for North Wales, a man who grew up in Caernarfon, then became a policeman in Liverpool who later metamorphosed into the sort of barrister whom the paedophiles’ friends really love. Roddick was the first Counsel General for Wales after the Welsh Assembly was established in 1998. So he was in place in time for the Waterhouse Report. The next Commissioner who is still in post is just as much of a nightmare – Arfon Jones, the paedophiles’ bestest friend who was the man who chauffeured Gordon Anglesea to the venues where Anglesea molested youngsters in care.

Tal also had a go at becoming the Labour MP for Ynys Mon, but that didn’t work either. Tal’s twitter account currently simply states that he’s living in beautiful north Wales. Obviously still seeking opportunities to assist Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends.

Another person who turned up in Wales at the time when the paedophiles’ friends were in need was Geraint Davies. Geraint Davies has been the Labour MP for Swansea West since 2010. Davies was the Labour MP for Croydon Central, 1997-05, although he first stood as a Labour candidate for in 1987 – so he was selected whilst Kinnock was leader of the Labour Party.

Davies’s father was a civil servant from Aberystwyth and his mother’s family were from Swansea. He was brought up in Cardiff, went to Llanishen High School and then to Jesus College, Oxford. In 1982 Davies became a Unilever Group Product Manager. In my previous posts I discussed how Professor Fergus Lowe of Bangor University’s School of Psychology built his considerable empire by holding numerous people over a barrel regarding their knowledge of the organised child abuse and associated wrongdoing in north Wales in particular – although Fungus also knew about George Thomas’s molesting in south Wales and much else besides – thus extracting substantial research funds out of various bodies. Fungus was very good at this, not being a Pathetic Shark himself but rather, as Brown described him, ‘a highly effective shit’. Fungus’s first big achievement was extracting an absolutely enormous grant from Unilever! It was the Unilever dosh that footed the bill for the Brigantia Building at Bangor University – and the deal was done in the 1980s as well. Fungus was part of a much bigger team and he systematically screwed them all over by holding negotiations with Unilever without their knowledge and smearing them in order to ensure that they were then frozen out. Eventually Fungus was the only one left and no doubt all he had to do was whisper the words ‘George Thomas…Speaker of the House…Thatcher…Peter Morrison…Buck House…Dafydd Alun Jones…Denbigh…sex parties with elderly Westminster paedophiles and kids in care…Jimmy Savile…’ and instead of kicking Fungus in the knackers and bringing him down, the Pathetic Shark will have got the cheque book out.

Is that not pretty much what happened Geraint?

Fungus could well have had an awful lot on Geraint. Warlingham Park Hospital was located near Croydon and the brutality towards patients there was so great that some patients died and a number of staff were imprisoned for the rape and assault of patients. My post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’ describes how in the 1980s a widowed mother of teenaged children died in suspicious circumstances in Warlingham Park and when her children asked too many questions they were sectioned – and taken to Warlingham Park. Once there, the teenaged girl was forced to make allegations that her brother had raped her and there was then an attempt to force him to sign a confession to the rape that they both told me did not happen, as part of a grand scheme to have the brother banged up in a high security hospital. The teenagers spent the best part of a year drugged up in Warlingham Park and whilst they were there a group of crooked doctors and lawyers fleeced them of most of their inheritance. This gang of crooks then packed them off to Bethesda – although they had never even visited Wales before – where local people were told by the police not to have anything to do with them because they were paedophiles. There was an attempt to arrest them within days of them arriving in Bethesda.

Geraint was the Assistant Secretary of Croydon North East Labour Party, the Chair of Croydon Constituency Labour Party, a Councillor for Croydon Borough Council from 1986, the Chair of the Housing Committee in 1994 and then the Leader of the Council in 1996. Geraint was the Chair of the Housing Committee of the London Borough Association, 1996-97.

Geraint could not have missed what was going on in Warlingham Park Hospital. Just to add to the fun, Geraint was a member of the union MSF. The MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School were corrupt and colluded with serious wrongdoing in order to advance their own positions and I suspect that this was happening in other NHS institutions as well. In 1985 Geraint joined the GMB, another union which ignored and concealed serious malpractice and abuse of vulnerable people in the NHS (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’).

By the mid 1990s I expect the Pathetic Shark Geraint had begun to nibble at a few even more Pathetic Sharks and thus his career in politics began to take off. Although he managed to get elected in Croydon Central, he lost the seat in 2005. He didn’t stay twiddling his thumbs for long though, he was selected to contest the seat of Swansea West when Alan Williams who had held the seat for 45 years retired.

Geraint has been a busy bee in the Commons, during the years that he represented Croydon Central as well as in his capacity as the MP for Swansea West.

In 2003-05 Geraint was the NSPCC Parliamentary Ambassador after he proposed legislation to stop childminders smacking children and to allow parents to see the records of complaints about prospective childminders concerning child safety. The Gov’t subsequently adopted these proposals. Geraint proposed reams of legislation after this success, including: outlawing striking children across the head or with implements or shaking children; banning advertising junk food to children; including nutrition in OFSTED responsibilities; penalising credit card companies if they have been used to pay for downloading child porn; ensuring that patients going for counselling are only treated by qualified practitioners and banning sexual grooming and sexual activity between patients and practitioners; regulating the amount of sugar in food and drink; measures regarding revenge porn; the banning of the advertising of electronic cigarettes.

That’s quite a record for the man who gave Fungus millions in return for keeping quiet about a sex trafficking ring with links to serious organised crime in Europe, which ensured that Dafydd and his dungeon remained in action.

Geraint represents Wales on the Council of Europe, where among many other things he has spoken about FGM. I expect that Geraint wants Prosecutions. Probably of Somalis.

Geraint is a member of the Welsh Affairs Committee – he has spoken about rape victims.

The Daily Telegraph named Geraint as one of the worst offenders in the expenses scandal. In 2004-05, his staff and office costs were the highest of any MP. Geraint’s explanation for this was that he was the hardest working MP. He claimed over £20k for a central London 12 miles away from his constituency home and also claimed taxi expenses that he was not eligible to claim for. He claimed £38,750 on postage. Geraint also spruced up his kitchen at a cost of £2,285 and his living room at a cost of £1,500 and charged the lot to the tax payer.

When Geraint was selected for Swansea West he was strongly endorsed by the previous incumbent of 45 years standing, Alan Williams, as well as by Andrew Davies the AM for Swansea West, 1999-11.

Alan Williams was MP for Swansea West, 1964-10. Williams was born in Caerphilly, went to Cardiff High School for Boys, then to Cardiff College of Technology and Commerce and then to University College Oxford. He lectured at the Welsh College of Advanced Technology and then worked in broadcasting and journalism. Williams held a number of Ministerial positions under Harold Wilson and then Jim Callaghan. Williams is constantly described as a man who fiercely defended the interests of his constituents and Swansea, who was a ‘forensic inquisitor’ and who went for the jugular on matters such as malpractice in the WDA, waste in the Royal Household such as the excessive cost of the Royal Yacht and the Royal Train and in 1993-94 got his teeth into Gov’t expenditure on the Malaysian Pergau Dam. Yet these were all very easy targets. The WDA was a national embarrassment and became synonymous with crooks and spivs – furthermore Margaret Thatcher promoted it, so exposing malpractice in the WDA never took that much courage. Wales is not quite as Republican as some would have us believe, there are plenty of fans of the Royal Family in Wales, but even so the Royal Family splashing out on things like their yacht and their train did cause them to come under fire – once again Williams wasn’t putting his neck on the line by having a go at this. The Pergau Dam was a completely disreputable scam perpetrated by Douglas Hurd (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’) so it won’t have been difficult to have aimed a few shots at that. Williams’s shameless toadying to Blair at Blair’s final PMQs was an example to us all.

Williams’s constituency covered the more affluent area of Swansea which included Swansea University.There were huge problems at that University which culminated in allegations of corruption involving the Vice-Chancellor Richard Davies and there was a major – although unsuccessful – effort to remove Davies, which included representation to the University Visitor ie. HM the Queen. Alan Williams doesn’t seem to have made much of a fuss about that, although depts with good reputations were closed down on a whim and academics with sound reputations lost their jobs – a number of them had to leave Wales to find new jobs.

Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain who presided over chaos and research fraud at St George’s Hospital Medical School as well as colluding with Dafydd and the paedophiles and Lord Brian Flowers who presided over similar matters at Imperial College both had connections with Swansea University/Swansea (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’).

Alan Williams was obviously considered useful by someone though. Whilst Kinnock was leader of the Labour Party, Williams was Shadow Secretary of State for Wales, July 1987-Jan 1989. Which was whilst Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I were all doing our best to raise concerns about the criminality in north Wales associated with Dafydd and the paedophiles. Alison and I were writing to Ministers – Alison even personally contacted Thatcher in January 1987 and told her that she had witnessed the abuse of children in care and Mary had won her legal battle against Dafydd after her appeal to the Master of the Rolls which had made legal history and headlines in the London-based media. Fungus had struck his terrible deal with Unilever which ensured everyone’s silence and massive funding for the Bangor University School of Psychology – which continued to use Dafydd and the North Wales Hospital to train clinical psychologists. I and my friends were being threatened and harassed and the Welsh Office and Professor Robert Bluglass concealed the serious criminality of Dafydd, Tony Francis (Dr X) and Gwynedd Social Services (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE). The Tony Francis who used to tell people that he was at University in Cardiff whilst Kinnock was President of the Students Union. The Kinnock who married Glenys from Holyhead – where children in care were being abused – whose parents were involved with Labour politics in north Wales and were mates with Cledwyn Hughes, who was another major player in the concealing the cess-pit in north Wales (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Of course Kinnock also knew that George Thomas – who by the time that Kinnock appointed Williams as Shadow Secretary had been Speaker of the House for years and was by then Lord Tonypandy – was molesting children and he’ll have known that Ron Davies was waiting to splatter everyone at some point when he hit the fan.

Before Williams was Shadow Secretary and after he was Shadow Secretary, the Shadow Secretary was the same person – paedophiles’ friend Barry Jones, now Lord Baz! Like Glenys, Lord Baz was a teacher from north Wales – Lord Baz was the NUT rep for a region in which a paedophile ring was in operation and ended up as Chancellor of Glyndwr University.

I am going to spend a bit of time going through all the events of the 80s and early 90s in north Wales to work out why Kinnock installed paedophiles’ friend Alan Williams as Shadow Secretary between July 1987 and Jan 1989, when paedophiles’ friend Lord Baz held the fort before and after. I suspect that it was something to do with Fergus Lowe and the dosh that he was extracting out of the Pathetic Sharks.

Alan Williams also had a direct link with the paedophiles of Gwynedd Social Services. Williams’s daughter Sian is a big name in ladies football. She was the manager of the Welsh Women’s team, 2000-03 and the manager for Watford Ladies, 2006-09. Sian knows Keith Fearns, who has run the ladies football team in north west Wales for many years! So Sian, what was Fearns really up to with the ‘ladies football team’ – the ladies in the team were nearly all trainee or junior social workers or probation officers – when they all used to chug off to unlikely places in Eastern Europe? The whole of north Wales were wondering what that was all about and there were many ribald references to Fearns’s harem. The only surprise is that we weren’t told that they were raising money for St David’s Hospice or Kidney Wales.

The Pathetic Sharks of Swansea will also know all about Nigel Evans, the Tory MP for the Ribble Valley who ended up on trial for a series of sex offences against young men. Nigel and his supporters maintained that it had all been harmless fun at ‘crazy crazy Westminster’ whilst everybody was completed bladdered, which Nigel admitted that he was most of the time. Nigel was acquitted of all charges. Nigel came from Swansea and once stood against Alan Williams.

No wonder we never heard a peep out of the Labour Party whilst children in care and psych patients were found dead in north Wales and when Dafydd was imprisoning victims of sex offenders in a dungeon at Denbigh.

Kinnock is in the Observer today bellyaching on about how Brexit is going to destroy the NHS and Jeremy Corbyn has to put a stop to it. The Kinnock whom Spitting Image used to take the piss out of by having his puppet campaigning by simply shouting ‘nurses’ down a megaphone repeatedly. Which just about summed up how Kinnock did campaign – being as thick as pig shit with no knowledge or credibility among any other group of people and under attack from many sections of his own party (I remember a friend who was a Labour activist saying in despair of Kinnock ‘he’s SUCH a wanker’), all he could do was bang on about the NHS and Nye Bevan, in the full knowledge that in north Wales the NHS was being run by a network of vicious gangsters, that people were dying as a result and that the NHS funds were disappearing as well.

You need to butt out Kinnock. You were a bloody disaster as leader, you knew that the Top Doctors in Walton Hospital allowed Michael Carr to die because he fought Militant (see post ‘News From Sicily’) and Militant ran that hospital – assisted by the paedophiles’ friends of course – and you still didn’t have the guts to address serious malpractice in the NHS. I cannot help noticing that you have chosen to bellow ‘nurses’ from the rooftops once more at a time when a survivor of Dafydd and the paedophiles has finally gone public.

Kinnock has also joined in the kicking of Jeremy Corbyn at a time when there are allegations that Jeremy, John McDonnell and Red Ken were agents of the communist Czech regime. I’ve haven’t had such a laugh for a long time – furthermore I can spot forged documents when I see them, I gained a lot of experience of that when I went through my medical files with a fine tooth comb with my lawyers. Jeremy, McDonnell and Ken did have dynamite info that would have been of use to Britain’s enemies – they knew that some of Thatcher’s closest friends and political aides were having sex with children who had been supplied to them by paedophile gangs operating within the social services, particularly in north Wales, the north east of England and in the London Boroughs of Lambeth, Islington, Wandsworth and Richmond-Upon-Thames. However, I really do think that the Communist spies will have wanted their info straight from the horse’s mouth – they’ll have been making friends with Peter Morrison, Norman St John Stevas et al and will have dressed up as elderly right wing paedophiles and joined in the sex parties, they won’t have wasted their time making friends with Jeremy and going on a CND march. I read this morning that the Czech spy has claimed that their sources were so good that they knew what Margaret Thatcher was going to be wearing – how the hell will Jeremy have known that??? On the other hand, perhaps he could have predicted that one – something expensive, ghastly, made by Aquascrotum with an enormous bow around the neck. Unless it was evening wear in which it was red chiffon…

I haven’t had time to read all the spy’s revelations, but I’m hoping to make time later.

As for the other person who was so pleased to see Geraint Davies arrive in Swansea West, Andrew Davies AM for Swansea West, 1999-11- he is now a Professor at Swansea University.

Davies was born in Hereford, but his mother was from Llandeilo and his father was from Holywell in Flintshire! So Andrew’s dad will have grown up around the paedophiles’ friends from north east Wales of a previous generation such as Ronnie Waterhouse, William Mars-Jones et al.

Davies went to Hereford Cathedral School and then to the university dominated by Rhodri Morgan’s family, Swansea, to train as a teacher. After Davies qualified he worked as a lecturer in FE, HE and continuing education – so he will have encountered the stupidities in these sectors that the rest of us have.

Davies was Chair of Swansea Labour Party, a member of the Welsh Executive Committee and a regional party official, 1984-91.

Andrew Davies thrived whilst Rhodri was FM. He was Chief Whip, 1999-2000 – at the time of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. Davies was Minister for Assembly Business, 1999-02; Minister for Economic Development and then for Enterprise, Innovation and Networks, 2002-07; Minister for Social Justice and Public Service Delivery, 2007; Minister for Finance and Public Service Delivery, 2007-09.

Davies’s big break was considered to have been when he was made Minister for Economic Development in Feb 2002 – it was seen as Rhodri rewarding him for his loyalty and for managing Assembly Business. So what would Rhodri have been so grateful for in those years following the publication of the Waterhouse Report as the allegations of a huge cover-up regarding the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and possible links to a paedophile ring in Westminster circulated?

It was in 2002 that the Hergest Unit came after me with a vengeance (see post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’) and the GMC resorted to forging letters from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

Andrew Davies will have known much about the paedophile gang in north Wales before Rhodri started promoting him to high office, but he certainly would have had access to every little detail in about 2002-03 – because Andrew Davies had an affair with Meri Huws aka the Crack of Doom! The Crack of Doom had worked as a community social worker for Gwynedd Social Services and she knew exactly what was happening to those kids and psych patients at the hands of Dafydd and the paedophiles…For the full details of Meri’s glorious rise to power, see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’. Furthermore, because the whole of Bangor University were roaring with laughter at the activities of Andrew Davies and Meri – the Crack of Doom was working at Bangor University at the time and everyone was taking bets on which senior inappropriate position Meri would be given as a result of pressure from her bedfellows in the Assembly – I am sure that Fungus spotted his chance and blackmailed a few more people.

An entertaining lecturer at Bangor predicted that Meri would eventually land a very senior job via her bedfellows in the Assembly and that the job would have a grand title but it would be in somewhere like Llantwit Major and Meri just would not see how laughable it was. Which was exactly what happened a few years later – and yes, the job was just down the road from Llantwit Major. Meri will never know how much entertainment that she provided for the oppressed of Bangor University – particularly when her office was burgled by persons unknown and papers were rifled through but nothing was stolen so Meri wasn’t that worried.

Meri, just how thick are you???

 

In the light of what I knew to be happening at Warlingham Park Hospital before it was shut down, I thought that I’d take a look at Geriant Davies’s predecessor as MP in Croydon Central. It was Sir Paul Beresford, a Tory who is a dentist – so he’ll have probably been mates with the Top Doctors killing their patients, fleecing them of money and property, fitting them up for very serious crimes and then packing them off to north Wales to the embrace of Dafydd and the paedophiles. But Beresford knew all about colluding with gangs of paedophile drug dealing Top Doctors – he was elected as a Wandsworth Councillor in 1978 and was leader of Wandsworth Council, 1983-92. The Wandsworth Council that employed the social workers who worked with St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital whilst those hospitals colluded with a paedophile gang in south London – one of whose members was Professor Oliver Brooke, Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s who was a major figure in a pan-European child porn ring and who was imprisoned in 1987. The same social workers also colluded with serious drugs offences with which the drug abuse team at St George’s/Springfield were involved (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’) and were in contact with Lucille Hughes of Gwynedd Social Services, Tony Francis and Dafydd – whilst their masters in the St George’s Academic Dept of Psychiatry concealed the criminal activities of Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’).

What’s the betting that Fungus knew about that as well? No wonder everyone tripped over themselves to give him millions of pounds in research funding…

Paul Beresford is now the MP for Mole Valley – he succeeded the seat from Kenneth Baker in 1997 when Baker was given a peerage. The Kenneth Baker who was Thatch’s Home Secretary, 1990-92 – when it was all kicking off in north Wales and at St George’s…

I haven’t finished yet! It gets better. The MP for Croydon Central before Beresford was John Moore – Thatcher’s Secretary of State for Health and Social Services, 1987-89, right when Dafydd and the paedophiles were assaulting people, fitting them up and imprisoning them in dungeons and whilst Sir Peter Morrison – Minister for Energy responsible for oil – and Jimmy Savile were on the loose among the kids in care in north Wales and elsewhere.

John Moore was considered to have really screwed up at the Dept of Health – he incurred the wrath of the Top Doctors because of his determined efforts to privatise the NHS. Moore was an investment banker and stockbroker whose wife Sheila was American and they both had a touching faith that the solution to the NHS’s woes was to privatise it. The Top Doctors won’t have had ethical objections to this no matter what they told the general public – their noses were very firmly stuck in the trough that is Harley Street – but they knew that if Moore’s mates ran the NHS the Top Doctors would lose their power. Moore was destroyed – the health portfolio was removed from him in 1988 and was given to Ken Clarke. Who then held a battle with the BMA for many years, which ended in stalemate because all involved knew that the Top Doctors were facilitating a supply of children to Westminster and everyone would be behind bars of any of it ever got out (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’).

John Moore and his family lived in Wimbledon and he knew exactly how bloody dangerous his local hospital – St George’s – was. In 1987, Moore contracted bacterial pneumonia and used the services of the private Parkside Hospital in Wimbledon. The world went apeshit when it was revealed that the Health Secretary wouldn’t use the services of the NHS himself. Union leader Rodney Bickerstaffe was particularly critical. Bickerstaffe eventually became the General Secretary of UNISON, after a series of mergers – he had previously been a leading light in NALGO and NUPE. All the unions which Bickerstaffe led provided protection for members working with vulnerable people who had been accused of abusing those in their care. In north Wales, some members of the paedophile gang were actually reps for NUPE and NALGO. The General Secretary of COHSE – one of the unions which merged to form UNISON – was David Williams, a former nurse at the North Wales Hospital (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’). Rodney Bickerstaffe et al did of course sometimes use private medicine themselves – and if they were treated on the NHS they used their knowledge and contacts to ensure that they were not treated by the likes of Dafydd. Of course even politicians and union leaders are not entirely safe – just look at what happened to poor old Michael Carr. Which is why Mr Kinnock is currently screaming ‘nurses’ at the top of his voice – I mean Kinnock wouldn’t want the murdering bastards targeting him now would he. That was a fate only suitable for me and my friends…

NURSES Kinnock, NURSES – it was nurses who were locking the victims of the paedophile gang in the dungeon and perjuring themselves in court in order to send innocent people who had witnessed a bit too much to prison.

John Moore stood down from the Commons in 1992 and was given a peerage. Days after the General Election, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by the firebomb (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’), so that was one less problem to deal with and a few of those who had concealed all the crap could sit in the Lords without having to worry too much.

Not that John Moore ever did very much in the Lords – in August 2011, the BBC reported that Moore had still not made his maiden speech. But he was there – which was most useful to Fungus and others who all knew why this disastrous former Minister doing bugger all was allowed to clutter up the Upper House.

I can remember the private Parkside Hospital in Wimbledon from my days working at St George’s. The Parkside advertised for lab staff and I was in need of extra money so I considered applying to do a few extra hours on Saturdays with them. I mentioned this to David Hole – the corrupt MSF rep at St George’s, only at that point I didn’t realise that St George’s and MSF were colluding with a bunch of organised criminals – and he got very very nasty with me. First he tried to tell me not to apply because it would be unfair to moonlight in the private sector. So explained that I was intending to apply for a few hours at the weekend, so it wouldn’t impinge on my work at St George’s at all. Then Hole snapped that I wasn’t suitable qualified for the work that had been advertised – I pointed out that training in the new techniques was being offered. Hole yelled ‘well no-one here will give you a reference to work in THAT place’.

At the time I wondered if perhaps Hole really did imagine that I was going to disappear during working hours and nip off down the road to carry out work that I didn’t have experience of. But now I know the enormity of the crimes that were being carried out at St George’s – crimes that Hole and MSF knew all about – I am wondering why he was so worried about the prospect of me working at Parkside. That I might escape their plans to wreck my career at St George’s? That I might mention to people at Parkside just what was happening at St George’s when I eventually found out about it? Or that I might bump into someone like John Moore?

Fancy adding that to your police statement then Hole? Because whatever your motives were, they will not have been noble.

 

I have been meaning for a while to write more about a Pathetic Shark whom I have mentioned previously on this blog but not very often – I have just discovered that this particular Pathetic Shark died last month, so I’ll pay my respects here to Edfyned Hudson Davies, Labour MP for Conwy, 1966-70 and then for Caerphilly, 1979-83.

Edfyned Hudson Davies was born in Llanelli. His father was a Congregationalist Minister who was then called to Bangor when Hudson Davies was still a child and the family relocated. Hudson Davies went to Friars School in Bangor, which provided such a good start for so many of the future paedophiles’ friends whilst at the same time making life even more unbearable for the victims of the paedophiles themselves. The family then moved back down south and Hudson Davies finished his schooling at Dynevor Grammar School before going on to University College Swansea and then to Balliol College for postgrad work.

In 1957 Hudson Davies took up a lecturing job at Aberystwyth University and then began lecturing at the Welsh College of Advanced Technology in Cardiff (which later became UWIST and then Cardiff University) in 1961. At the same time as working as an academic, Hudson Davies maintained a broadcasting career with BBC Wales.

Hudson Davies joined the Labour Party when he was 18 and was selected to stand as the candidate for Conwy at the 1966 General Election. Conwy was a highly marginal seat and Hudson Davies did win it but only by approx 500 votes. He lost the seat again in the General Election of 1970 when one of the best friends that Dafydd and the paedophiles ever had, Wyn Roberts, won the seat for the Conservatives with a majority of just over 900.

Hudson Davies returned to working for the BBC and also studied for the Bar. However in 1976 the dreadful John Morris – a barrister and Secretary of State for Wales who concealed very serious crimes in north Wales indeed on the part of Dafydd and the paedophiles and who when Blair became PM was rewarded with the job of Attorney General – appointed Hudson Davies as Chairman of the Wales Tourist Board.

Hudson Davies however really wanted to be back in the Commons and he was selected to stand as the Labour candidate for Caerphilly in the 1979 General Election. He won by more than 18,000 votes but in Nov 1981 announced that he would not be seeking re-selection as a Labour candidate and joined Dr Death in the SDP a few weeks later – the Dr Death who personally knew some of the Top Doctors who were paedophiles’ friends in north Wales (see post ‘Dr Death’).

Hudson Davies knew that he’d never hold the Caerphilly seat under Dr Death’s banner, so in the 1983 General Election he contested Basingstoke for the SDP but lost.  Hudson Davies found new pursuits – he became heavily involved in commercial radio in Hampshire, was Director of the New Forest Enterprise Centre and Chairman of a Museum Trust in the New Forest as well as a few other things.

In 2002-03 Hudson Davies was Commodore of the Royal Welsh Yacht Club in Caernarfon. What can have caused him to stick another finger in a north Wales pie after 30 years elsewhere – not so long after the Waterhouse Report was published either, just when the Hergest Unit tried so hard to frame me for ‘threatening to kill Alun Davies’ and were gloatingly telling anyone who would listen that I’d be going to prison for seven years (see post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’).

Like so many paedophiles’ friends, Hudson Davies constructed himself as a Welsh language champ – paedophiles’ friends are always Welsh language champions or people who care about children and want to empower wimmin.

Hudson Davies stated that he was impressed with Prince Charles learning Welsh and maintained that in doing so Charles had done more for the language than those who ‘daub road signs’ – I think he was talking about you Dafydd Iwan, before you moved onto greater things such as writing tribute songs to Dafydd Alun Jones. Hudson Davies persuaded Labour Ministers to produce vehicle licence applications in Welsh and to ensure that those applications could be handled at any PO. In 1971 Hudson Davies ensured that tax returns could be completed in Welsh. Hudson Davies was known to have achieved these things in the face of a lack of sympathy for these causes – now however did he manage to twist those arms? He was also an early advocate for Welsh devolution, as long ago as 1968 – when the Welsh Office had George Thomas the child molester sitting inside it as Secretary of State at the time as well as God knows how many corrupt civil servants all working very hard to bury the dirt.

Hudson Davies had a sideline as a popular bilingual after dinner speaker and had celeb friends. Alongside his obituary, The Daily Telegraph published a nice photo of Hudson Davies in the company of actors Bill Wallis and Myvanwy Jenn. Bill Wallis starred in ‘Doctor At Large’, ‘Yes Prime Minister’ and the ‘The Whistle Blower’. He appeared in the first episode of ITV’s Midsomer Murders driving a MORGAN sports car. Among many other roles Wallis also played Ploppy the Jailer in Blackadder II. Myvanwy Jenn most appropriately starred in Z Cars and played the Nurse in ‘Play It Hot, Play It Cool’. If only I’d discovered these two a few years ago whilst Bill was still alive and Myvanwy still in her prime, I could have written both of them into my bedroom farce ‘Let Sleeping Paedophiles Lie, There’s A Sex Offending Doctor In My Soup’ – it’s set in a dungeon with a double bed and a wardrobe in which Dafydd can hide when Neil Davies comes into the dungeon looking for him, then Neil Davies leaves the dungeon, Dafydd comes out of the wardrobe, but Peter Higson comes in, so Dafydd has to get back into the wardrobe again – you get the gist…

‘We didn’t know!!!’

Until 1994 Hudson Davies was married to Amanda Barker Mill, a member of a fine old British family who can trace their pedigree back hundreds of years. The Barker Mill clan run a big charitable foundation giving money to worthy causes.

No wonder my friends and I had people trying to kill us, trying to have us imprisoned and wrecking our careers – what would have happened if Hudson Davies and his celeb wife and friends had been exposed as knowing about a gang of paedophiles who had killed their victims?

Hudson Davies knew that he wouldn’t stand a chance if he stood as an SDP candidate in Caerphilly, it was a safe Labour seat. The Labour candidate who had been selected for Caerphilly to fight the 1983 General Election was of course Ron Davies – whom Blair was preparing to install as Wales’s FM until he was found without his trousers in Clapham Common in the company of Boogie the male prostitute (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Ron was selected  for Caerphilly whilst Michael Foot was leader of the Labour Party – Ron had been busy in the south Wales Labour Party for years and had obviously ingratiated himself to the right people although it must have been obvious that there could be trouble ahead… I have no time for the pillock that is Neil Kinnock, but the Labour Party in south Wales had tolerated a great deal of bad behaviour – the very presence of George Thomas testifies to that – before Kinnock ever got near the leadership. There was much dysfunction around Michael Foot, who was leader between Nov 1980-Oct 83.

Foot was completely trashed by the right wing press – insults were thrown at him regarding his age and the fact that he dared use a walking stick and of course he was memorably termed ‘Worzel Gummidge’ following an appearance at the Cenotaph when he was (wrongly) said to have rolled up wearing a Donkey jacket. It was fairly obvious that Worzel would never have been given a fair hearing by the UK press at that time. I was always aware that Foot had a great deal more intellectual credibility than Thatcher, but I didn’t realise until more recently that Michael Foot knew about some very sordid things and employed Fungus-like methods to ensure that none of it ever found its way into the press – he reminded the press that he had a great deal of shit on some of the press barons and that if a word about certain matters was ever published a few other things would be made public as well.

Foot married the film-maker Jill Craigie, but when he first began a relationship with her Jill was still married to someone else. Foot claimed that they made ‘excellent use’ of the Hampstead Heath hedgerow shelters during the early days of their courtship and during one summer Parliamentary recess, they went on holiday together to the French Riviera. When they returned to the UK, Craigie found a crowd of reporters outside her home in Hampstead demanding information. Foot issued a statement saying ‘Michael Foot offers his fraternal greetings to his fellow journalists and the reminder that, if anything appears in the newspapers about his visit to France, he will be happy to reveal his latest information about the love affairs of Lord Beaverbrook, Lord Rothermere and a select list of other newspaper proprietors’.

I can see the logic behind this – indeed I once told Alun Davies that if he lay with dogs he was going to catch fleas. Not that Davies heeded the warning – he carried on cavorting with Dafydd and the paedophiles and just look what’s happened Davies….However the problem was that Foot and others were keeping quiet about things that should not have been kept quiet about – like George Thomas and a gang of paedophiles in north Wales for example. Foot will have known about Dafydd as well – Foot might have been more left wing that Callaghan and co but he had been the MP for Blaenau Gwent since 1960 after succeeding Nye Bevan. Of course he’ll have known about Dafydd and the cover-up that the Welsh Office had undertaken from its very establishment. Foot had also spent years working as a journalist -Nye Bevan personally recommended him to Lord Beaverbrook. Foot will have had dirt on absolutely everyone.

There was also a lot of dirt that other people had on Foot. When he was young he was known to have been quite promiscuous, but I read something recently which suggested that Foot’s taste might have extended further than young women. In the Indie’s obituary of Jill Craigie, she was quoted as having told Foot that if he ever had ‘extra needs’, she didn’t want to know but ‘even more importantly I don’t want anyone else to know. That’s the price you have to pay’. She also remarked that Foot was ‘pretty secretive’. I’ve always been of the opinion that this sort of arrangement between consenting adults is nothing to do with anyone else, but there is plenty of evidence that Foot knew about and ignored some very unpleasant things that were not between consenting adults.

Craigie herself was subjected to a violent rape by Arthur Koestler in 1952 – he tried to throttle her as well – and did not feel able to tell Foot for decades. Koestler had an intellectual following and hung out with the beautiful people, but the beautiful people also knew that he was violently sexually assaulting women. Koestler attacked Dick Crossman’s wife – Crossman knew about it and told a number of other people. Just after the war Koestler and Mamaine Paget lived in a cottage belonging to Clough Williams-Ellis near Croesor in north Wales. They were part of the group of intellectuals and artists who were attracted to the valley at that time because of their friendship with Clough. The group included Bertrand Russell who was highly abusive to members of his family as well as to other people (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’) – not that this was broadcast because well, he was Bertrand Russell.

Koestler died in 1983, in a suicide pact with his wife. Koestler was quite discredited by this time and there was very great concern that he had coerced his wife into dying with him – she was much younger than Koestler at only 55 yrs, was in good health but was completely dominated by him. Koestler had an interest in what he called parapsychology and left behind a substantial quantity of money for an endowed Chair. Oxford, Cambridge, King’s College London and UCL all rejected the offer because Koestler was known to be such a sleazebag – but nonetheless the money still didn’t end up going to a good cause, Edinburgh University snapped it up.

Craigie’s obituary stated that she became pregnant at one point and that Foot ‘acquised’ regarding her having an abortion, a decision that she regretted after they were married because she never conceived again. Knowing how history is rewritten by the winners, I cannot help wondering whether it was Foot who ‘acquised’ or Jill.

What with George Thomas one the loose, Michael Foot and his ‘extra needs’, a young Ron Davies who would do anything to one day become Someone Big and people as dim as Neil Kinnock and Rhodri fancying themselves as leaders of men and Bertrand Russell saving us all from nuclear annihilation, it is hardly surprising that Dafydd and the paedophiles were never short of business. What ever would Czech spies want with Jeremy Corbyn when they could have gone to live in Wales??

Foot’s portrait was painted by Robert Lenkiewicz and hangs in Portcullis House. Lenkiewicz caused a stir wherever he went because he did have a habit of confronting his detractors with a few things that they did not like being reminded of. He ended up living in Plymouth and hit the headlines after he painted a mural featuring a number of people from High Society in Plymouth having sex with each other – I seem to remember that the mural featured a Top Doctor and the Mayor. They went apeshit and demanded that Lenkiewicz paint it out but he refused to. Then there was more trouble when Lenkiewicz preserved the body of a tramp called Diogenes with whom he’d been friends – he did have permission from Diogenes to do this, Diogenes wanted to be embalmed – and refused to tell anyone where he had put Diogenes. Whilst all this was going on, I was lucky enough to find myself sitting next to one of Lenkiewicz’s muses on a train journey down to the west country, so I heard about what was actually happening in Plymouth, rather than what the people who had been so enraged by Lenkiewicz told the press was happening.

Foot himself came from Plymouth, his father Isaac was a solicitor there. Foot was the Labour MP for Plymouth Sutton, 1945-52 – he succeeded the seat after Nancy Astor, so he’ll have been party to a lot of matters that a lot of people would rather remained out of the press on those grounds alone (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’).

I very much doubt whether anyone will ever find out much of what Michael Foot did or didn’t get up to. Foot’s authorised biography was written by Lord K.O. Morgan – Lord Ken also wrote the hagiography of Foot in the Indie when Foot died in 2010. Lord Ken – the former Vice-Chancellor of Aberystwyth University – knows a great deal about the paedophiles’ friends himself, as did his late wife Jane (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Foot authored a biography of Jonathan Swift entitled ‘Guilty Men’.

 

Many years ago, after being arrested yet again on ridiculous trumped up charges, a very nice young policewoman in Bangor Police Station told me to get out of Wales because although she knew that I was trying to expose some pretty dreadful people, ‘you don’t know how high this goes’. She told me that I would never ever beat them and that there was just so many of them…

Well Lord Kinnock, you just carry on yelling ‘nurses’ to reassure all the Pathetic Sharks, because I’ll be naming some more very soon – there are so many that I don’t want to deal with them all in this post.

Has anyone noticed who I haven’t named yet???

As they always say to finish off the cartoon in Viz magazine – THESE SHARKS ARE CRAP.

 

The Battle Of The Cowshed

A few days ago a news item on the Radio 4 Today programme discussed how children’s services in Rotherham have been ‘turned around’ since the scandal concerning the en masse sexual abuse of children in care blew up. It was admitted that ‘we’re still not quite there yet’ and that there are still areas needing improvement, but it was stressed that things were very much better. Although things could hardly have got worse.

I have no idea whether anything has really got better in Rotherham’s Children’s Services – people did eventually resign over the scandal (although they all clung on for as long as they possibly could, they certainly weren’t willing to admit that they had wilfully ignored criminal gangs raping kids in care for years) and it might well be true that a clean up has happened and that people who actually know what they are doing are now running the services.

I am not however entirely convinced by the reassurances that all is now well in Rotherham. Rotherham’s Children’s Services were not taken over by organised criminal gangs  because of the fuckwittery of just those few people who resigned. A problem as big as Rotherham will have evolved over many years and virtually everyone involved in the ‘service’ will have been complicit. It was also admitted that in Rotherham, the police had completely ignored what was going on and in some cases had actively colluded – teenagers who had been raped and threatened with immolation by their rapists were told to piss off by the police when they tried to report the serious offences that had been committed against them. The region’s NHS services will also have been fully aware of what was happening to those teenagers, but as usual no-one has mentioned that. The education authorities will have known as well and the Third sector organisations.

As with the activities of the paedophiles and their friends in north Wales, most of Rotherham will have known.

I am also not reassured just because external inspections of Rotherham Children’s Services are now resulting in glowing reports. Inspections of health and social services can provide a fair and accurate reflection, but inspections are equally capable of maintaining that all is well in very troubled, even dangerous, services. When Sharon Shoesmith appeared on the Radio 4 PM programme immediately after the Baby P disaster, one of the first things that she did in her interview with Eddie Mair was to tell him that the shambles over which she presided was a three star service (or it may even have been a four star service). People working in the mental health services in north Wales in the 1990s were telling people that Dafydd and his cellar and the thugs in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team were among ‘the best in Europe’.

These people are not only mad and dishonest but they often personally know the people ‘independently’ inspecting their services.

The Lazarus-like recovery of the Rotherham Children’s Services has been attributed to Ian Thomas, who took up the post of Strategic Director, Children’s and Young Person’s Service in Rotherham Borough Council in Jan 2015. It was Ian Thomas who was interviewed on the Today programme and he was faced with the inevitable questions about the gangs who abused the children being South Asian, the children being white British and why hasn’t he been more vocal about this. Thomas emphasised that the common characteristic of the people who abused the children in Rotherham was that they were abusers. Whilst I was glad to hear him stress this, there is of course another common theme throughout ALL the big UK child care scandals – that the abuse happened to kids in care and social workers knew about it but ignored it. No-one dares mention this. There weren’t any South Asian gangs in north Wales – but there was  a gang of social workers working in collaboration with other professional people…

Who Chaired the Inquiry into the Rotherham Child Abuse Scandal and wrote the subsequent damning Report? Alexis Jay – the social worker who is now Chairing the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse, which is falling apart after lawyers and survivors have walked out. The survivors’ rationale for exiting was that Jay is a social worker, it was social workers who abused them and rather than trying to achieve anything worthwhile Jay has turned the Inquiry into a ‘social workers talking shop’. She’s probably holding regular breaks for Mindfulness sessions. Alexis Jay might gave good reason to preside over a social workers talking shop rather than an Inquiry exposing the criminality and fuckwittery of those employed within the UK Social Services Depts – Jay was the social work senior manager who was responsible for the Orkney Satanic Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’).

Thomas had spent the previous years as Deputy Chief Executive and Strategic Director of Children’s Services with Derbyshire County Council. Derbyshire Social Services had a problem with child abuse in its child care service in the 1970s and 80s at least and there were connections between some of those who abused children in north Wales and paedophiles in Derbyshire. John Jillings, who carried out in the investigation into child abuse in Clwyd, was the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services. Jillings’s 1996 Report was so damning that Michael Beloff QC, the legal advisor to Clwyd County Council’s insurers, recommended that the Jillings Report should never be released to anyone and that if it was the Council’s insurance should be withdrawn. Councillors were told that if the insurance was withdrawn they would be personally liable for damages if any former kids in care sued, would be bankrupted and lose their homes. Beloff advised that Malcolm King – a Labour Councillor from Wrexham who had asked some very difficult questions about the paedophile gang in north Wales – should be sacked if he ever discovered the contents of the Report and disclosed them. Just for good measure, Clwyd County Council was abolished at the same time as the Jillings Report was submitted. The Jillings Report was pulped but just a few years ago someone actually turned up with a copy and it was made available. It was very, very heavily redacted but the conclusion was that horrific abuse had taken place in north Wales since 1974, had almost certainly dated back well before then as well and that what had happened to children in care was indefensible. However Jillings refused to say whether there was evidence of a paedophile ring at work. For details of the horrors that led to the Jillings Report, the idiots who ran the ‘services’ and the aftermath, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’.

Jillings began his inquiry in 1994. In 1992 five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in a firebombing. The man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was hit by a lorry and killed days later. One man who survived the fire and claimed that witnesses to the abuse in north Wales were being murdered was subsequently found dead shortly after giving evidence at the 1995 trial of John Allen – the owner and manager of the Bryn Alyn Community and a key figure in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Scheme. For details of the firebombing attack, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

So perhaps we can understand why no-one could bring themselves to admit that a paedophile ring with links to serious organised crime was in operation in north Wales.

In Nov 2014, whilst Ian Thomas was still working for Derbyshire County Council, he was described as described as having ‘almost 30 years experience in private, voluntary and public sectors including 25 years in local government’ and had ‘worked for Derbyshire County Council since 2006 in a number of senior roles’. The world was told that Ian had presided over a great improvement in Derbyshire Children’s Services, which was reflected in Oftsed reports.

If Ian’s career is as described, he will definitely have come across the sort of criminality in children’s services and local authorities described on this blog. He may well not have participated in it, but he will have known that it was happening. Perhaps Ian is  a real star who is going into corrupt abusive children’s services and cleaning up – but we only have those ‘independent inspections’ to tell us that.

Before working for Derbyshire, Ian was a member of the senior leadership team at Trafford Council – he joined Trafford in 1999. You’ve guessed it – some of those involved in the abuse in north Wales had links with Trafford. It’s OK though – whilst at Trafford, Ian ‘helped transform the performance of social care and housing’ and the ‘social care performance went from weak to excellent’.

Ian is described as a ‘national leader’ within the Association of Directors of Children’s Services – he Chairs their National Resources and Sustainability Committee. My alarm bells are ringing – I know the sort of people who make up the Association of Directors of Children’s Services. They are members of the Mafia of Drips who have spent their careers watching children in their care being abused. If they had identified Ian as being any different from themselves they would not be telling people that he’s a national leader and letting him Chair committees.

Ian has a Masters from Lancaster University in Professional Practice (Children’s Services).  He is a ‘level 7 qualified executive coach and mentor’, which sounds seriously worrying.

Ian’s appointment to Rotherham was ‘welcomed’ by Paul Larkin, leader of Rotherham Borough Council. I very much doubt that was true – between 1997-03, Rotherham Councillors had allowed at least 1,400 teenagers in their care to be plied with alcohol and drugs and then battered and gang raped by serious criminals. The Council will not have been welcoming anyone who looked as though they might get to the bottom of that. Jo Clegg, Chair of the College of Social Work, stated that the ‘College work look forward to supporting Ian and his team in Rotherham’. The College of Social Work is endemically hopeless, if it were anything but endemically hopeless social work would not be in its current sorry state. They will not have looked forward to supporting Ian if he was going to ‘turn around’ the services, they’ll have looked forward to undermining him, blaming him for their own incompetence and negligence and getting him out of there.

In an interview with the Guardian in Dec 2014, Ian Thomas stated that the root of the problems in Rotherham were ‘weak leadership’. I rather gained the impression that it was serious organised crime and corruption in the Council, the police force and just about every other body in Rotherham. Ian goes on to say that  he knew ‘the last person and she’s a lovely woman’ so ‘I have to be careful what I say here’.

That is the crux of the problem. Everyone knows each other and they’ve all got to be careful what they say. I am not suggesting that colleagues should not be friends and I am certainly not suggesting that one should gratuitously kick one’s colleagues in the groin and then insult them in the national press, but if they are allowing a sex trafficking gang to take over the children’s services, one really does have to prioritise the welfare of the children over being careful what one says.

I spent 30 years watching drip after drip respond in an Ian-like way when I told people what was going on in north Wales. Some years ago I met two retired Gwynedd social workers socially through a chapel without realising at first that they had literally worked with the paedophile gang. They did of course know all about Dafydd and made no attempt to defend him at all – they remembered him as a monster whom everybody would have very much liked to have seen the back of. Yet when I named one of those who had attempted to have me arrested by lying to the police, I was met with ‘oh I worked  with her, I liked her’. The woman whom we were discussing was known to be a highly abusive person – her colleague to whom I was talking must have known about the mountain of serious complaints. I was then told that Keith Fearns was ‘decisive’. Keith Fearns was the leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team who threatened and abused the clients and perjured themselves in attempts to have people imprisoned. One female social worker who blew the whistle on them alleged that she’d been sexually assaulted by a male colleague in that team. A male nurse alleged that Fearns had physically assaulted him. Another social worker who gave up and left in despair described Fearns as ‘the most abusive professional that I have ever met’.  The decisive Fearns was a very nasty piece of work who was assisting a vicious paedophile gang.

Problems like this cannot be remedied by a mutual cup of Fairtrade coffee and a bit more continuing professional development in mindfulness-based practice. Furthermore, because the professions of health and social care have been allowed to become this dysfunctional, nearly everybody within is part of the Mafia of Drips. A number of people were honest enough to admit to me ‘I know he/she is dreadful, but I’ve got to work with him/her.’ They know that there will be absolutely no support from colleagues if they blow the whistle. Which is why all anybody dares do is describe a criminal sociopath as being ‘decisive’.

The nurse who blew the whistle on the biggest mental healthcare scandal in the UK in recent years has just been sacked and struck off the nursing register for having sex with her own husband. Not one colleague has stuck their head up above the parapet to declare that this is bonkers and dangerous. They’re far too frightened that they’ll be sacked for having sex with their own partners as well.

Let us look at the rest of Ian Thomas’s CV:

Accounts assistant, NSPCC, 1986-87. Finance Officer, London Borough of Newham, 1988-89. Senior Finance Officer(Social Services), London Borough of Tower Hamlets, 1989-92. Finance and Project Officer, Base 51 (health info for Nottingham teenagers), 1992-94. Senior Finance Officer, Derby City Council, 1997-99.

So Ian witnessed the financial transactions of the NSPCC, as well as the London Borough Councils of Newham and Tower Hamlets when they were doing business with John Allen and the Bryn Alyn Community and continued to send children in care into the arms of Allen and his paedophile gang even after complaints and deaths. Ian dispensed health information to teenagers in Nottinghamshire shortly after the Satanic Panic in that city and then he ran the finances of the paedophiles of Derbyshire.

Ian is either Of Them or he is a Master of Disguise.

When Ian was appointed to the post at Rotherham, two of his senior colleagues from Derbyshire County Council went with him. One of those was Mel Meggs, who was appointed Deputy Strategic Director for Children’s and Young Person’s Services for Rotherham Borough Council. Mel joined Rotherham in May 2016.

Mel had been Service Director, Early Help and Safeguarding at Derbyshire County Council (Children’s Services). Mel has ’30 years experience’ in ‘early help and social work’. So she’s been ignoring organised child abuse for a very long while then. At some point Mel was Head of Prevention at Leicester City Council. The Leicester City Council which ignored the paedophile gang numbering Frank Beck and Greville Janner among its members (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). The Leicester City Council which funded a law centre in which a lawyer called Keith Vaz worked – after he had worked as a lawyer for Richmond-Upon-Thames Council and Islington Council, whilst both of those Councils had huge problems with organised paedophile rings operating within their social services (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’).

Keith’s mum was a Councillor on Leicester City Council.

Mel is a member of the Association of Directors of Children’s Services Families, Communities and Young Persons Policy Committee.

Ian Thomas was head hunted for the Rotherham post by Malcolm Newsam, the Children’s Social Care Commissioner who oversees children’s services for Rotherham. Newsam was appointed by Education Secretary Nicky Morgan in 2014 in the wake of the Jay Report.

Yet in 2011 Malcolm Newsam was at the centre of a spat himself. Mail Online reported that Newsam was one of a number of temporary Directors who had been brought in by Kent County Council’s Conservative leader Katherine Kerswell as the Council cut services and oversaw the loss of 1500 jobs. Newsam was being paid 1250k per day.

That is a great deal of money. But – there was a ding dong in north Wales some years ago when it was revealed that a ‘troubleshooter’ sent in to Anglesey County Council by the Welsh Gov’t was being paid a great deal of money. Anglesey County Council was a nightmare, one Councillor had gone to prison, come out again and gone straight back onto the Council, corruption was endemic and had been for decades, local democracy did not exist and neither did any functioning ‘services’. The Welsh Gov’t probably thought that it was worth paying to try to get it sorted out and no sane person would ever work with Anglesey County Council unless they were paid danger money. The troubleshooter deserved the danger money as well, they gave him hell.

Kent is yet another place that has a history of child abuse stretching  years.

Newsam was also sent into the children’s services of Essex and Peterborough to ‘turn them around’.

In the face of all this turning around of services by troubleshooters, one wonders why there are currently police investigations into most local authority children’s services re the abuse of children in care and why so many of the UK’s children’s services are in special measures.

But then again, even the best troubleshooter has an enormous task on their hands if the whole region has colluded with organised crime for years and some of the officials who did so are now sitting in Parliament.

Whether Ian Thomas is a member of the Mafia of Drips or not, there was someone who did do something worthwhile in Rotherham and that was the lawyer who successfully prosecuted many members of the Rotherham gang who terrorised and abused so many underaged girls. This lawyer has recently been retained by the Welsh Gov’t and has stated that he wants Wales to be the safest country in Europe for women. He has a mountain to climb. Should anyone wish to draw his attention to this blog, he’ll find the names of the culprits, the accessories and details of some of the crimes here.

I continue to uncover more members of the Mafia of Drips. Let me introduce Nia Griffith, Labour MP for Llanelli since 2005.

Nia has featured on this blog before, when she was a member of the Welsh Affairs Committee who in 2012 ‘took oral evidence’ from Dafydd’s right hand man Clive Wolfendale, Chief Exec of CAIS, regarding Dafydd and Lucille’s need for many more millions of pounds of pubic money (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). Before hearing the ‘evidence’ from Clive and others, Nia mentioned that she had just enjoyed ‘hospitality’, ie a lovely free lunch – or it may have been a dinner – from one of the Third sector organisations who were asking her for money, whom Nia noted provided a ‘superb’ quality of care. And superb nosh-ups for politicians as well presumably.

Nia went to Somerville College, Oxford and then did her PGCE at Bangor University (then called UCNW). Nia finished her PGCE in 1980, the year before I began my degree at Bangor.

So Nia will have known about everything that I found out about. She will have known that children in north Wales from poor and disadvantaged backgrounds were being abandoned by both Gwynedd Social Services and the schools and that there were a small number of near destitute quite young children who would actually visit the students halls of residences to go begging. She will have known that Friars School favoured some children from the more middle class families in Bangor and that those kids went on to occupy influential positions in the region, became paedophiles’ friends and formed an influential old boys network which they used to assist each other. Members included Elfed Roberts, former Assistant Chief Constable of North Wales Police and corrupt Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust and Keith Thomson, former corrupt CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust (see post ‘Former NHS Managers Of Notoriety Now Keeping A Low(er) Profile’). A member of the Friars network from a previous generation who ably assisted the paedophiles’ friends was Huw Wheldon, Mr Big of the BBC for many years during the 60s and 70s (see post ‘The Creme de la Creme’).

Yet Friars School also served the Maesgeirchan estate on the outskirts of Bangor, where many of those being shafted by the paedophiles’ friends lived. The Ty’r Felin children’s home was located on Maesgeirchan, where serious abuse occurred and where children were trafficked for sex, including down to Dolphin Square in London (see post ‘Are You Local?’). Friars School did not like the kids from families in difficulty, did not want them in the school and did nothing even when the staff knew that the kids were being ill treated or had even been abandoned by their parents. When the kids stopped coming to school no questions were asked.

Whilst I lived in north Wales I spoke to many people from different generations who went to Friars and this two tier system seemed to have operated for decades. Some men over the age of about 50 also described incredibly brutal practices, even in comparison to the education of boys in an era when it was routine to hit them. People have told me of how they were so mercilessly beaten at Friars that they couldn’t learn because they were emotional wrecks. One Jewish man from Anglesey who came to north Wales as a refugee from the Nazis told of how at Friars one particular teacher constantly assaulted him, told him in front of the class that he ought to be sent back to Germany because Mr Hitler knew how to deal with Jews and on one occasion threw him down a fire escape, causing injury. I heard about all this in a public lecture in Bangor and there were a number of other elderly former Friars pupils who all remembered this teacher and testified to his brutality. They told me that his nickname had simply been ‘Mochyn’ (Welsh for ‘pig’).

Nia Griffith trained as a teacher many years after the Jewish refugee was treated so badly, but I knew people who did teacher training in Bangor shortly after Nia – they told me the horror stories of the children who were being mistreated by social workers and of certain schools and teachers who were not conducting themselves as they should. It was like the stories about the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – if you lived in Bangor in the 1980s you heard about it. Of course there were many people who weren’t actually that bothered about what was happening to the plebs, including some trainee teachers.

Nia did not grow up on Maesgeirchan herself. Her father was Professor T. Gwynfor Griffith, a linguist who taught Italian Studies at Manchester University and her mother was Dr Rhiannon Howell. So Nia is from the Welsh speaking middle classes herself and went into teaching, a popular career choice for girls from that section of Welsh society in the 1970s. Some of those people made a substantial contribution to society as well.

Did Nia?

Well she was a language teacher who taught at Queen Elizabeth Cambria School, Carmarthen, as well as at Gowerton Comprehensive in Swansea and was then Head of Languages at Morriston Comprehensive School. She has been an education advisor and worked as an Estyn advisor from 1992. (Estyn is Wales’s equivalent of Ofsted and like Ofsted is deeply unpopular with many teachers, who perceive Estyn inspections to be box ticking exercises with unfairness built in and no reflection of how well a school is really performing.)

Nia was Chair of the Carmarthenshire Youth Project in the 1990s and is a founding member of a local Women’s Aid organisation.

Nia definitely knows about the neglect and abuse of disadvantaged people by the statutory services.

Nia publicly declared herself to be lesbian in a media interview in 2016. However, back at the dawn of time, Nia was married. Her then husband was a social worker. Presumably he lived and worked in west Wales like she did. The west Wales where a paedophile ring operated in the social services. The west Wales where Mark Drakeford also worked as a social worker. The west Wales which is just by Pembrokeshire, where the Gibbons twins grew up who were banged up for years in Broadmoor as teenagers on the grounds that they wouldn’t speak to anyone but each other and then claimed to be prostitutes (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’). The twin whom the Top Doctors hated most died ‘from the effects of her medication’ days before she was due to be finally released.

Nia, would you like to tell us the real reason why those girls were incarcerated and give your ex-husband a nudge to encourage him to speak up as well? Perhaps old Drakeford would like to tell all too.

Nia joined the Labour Party in 1981 and is a member of the NUT and USDAW (Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers). She has been the Secretary of the Carmarthenshire County Labour Party, was elected as a Councillor for Carmarthen Town Council in 1987, became Sheriff in 1997 and then Mayor in 1998.

Corruption in Carmarthenshire County Council has spawned a great deal of citizen blogging in west Wales.

So Nia has been in a position for years to raise concerns about those kids in west Wales. She hasn’t said a thing and didn’t even back in the mid-80s when the story of the Gibbons’ twins became known internationally and the paedophiles’ friend Marjorie Wallace built herself a whole new career at their expense.

When Nia became an MP, she found yet another friend with whom she could have raised the matter of June and Jennifer Gibbons or indeed the other kids who suffered at the hands of Nia’s husband’s and Drakeford’s colleagues – Harriet Harman! Nia was Harman’s PPS when Harman was Minister for Women and Equalities. But some Wimmin are of course more equal than others.

And I looked from pig to man and from man to pig and from pig to man again and from Nia to Harriet and from Harriet to Drakeford and from Drakeford to Lesley Griffiths and from Lesley Griffiths to Jane Hutt and then to Brian Gibbons and to Julie Morgan and even to dear departed old Rhodri himself and it was impossible to tell the difference in so far as the whole bloody lot of them had concealed and/or ignored a paedophile gang who murdered witnesses.

Nia was part of the mass shadow front bench resignation in June 2016 in an attempt to bring Jeremy Corbyn down because the resigners thought that he wasn’t going to win a General Election and none of them would ever be in Gov’t. If you’ve got the sort of talents that Nia has obviously you don’t just want to waste time merely serving your constituents, particularly if they’re living with the legacy of a paedophile gang that you’re keeping quiet about. Nia was one of many who changed her mind about Jeremy when it looked as though he was rather more popular than they thought and by Oct 2016 she was back on the shadow front bench as Defence Spokesperson, entertaining the nation because it was obvious that she didn’t have a clue what she was talking about and disagreed with Jeremy over defence policy anyway.

Nia was named and shamed in the 2009 Parliamentary election expenses scandal and was ordered to repay over 4k in wrongly claimed mortgage interest relief. Then she ended up in trouble again for breaching Parliamentary rules regarding the use of Commons stationery for political campaigning.

Nia owns a property in Llanelli, has a home in London and a smallholding in Carmarthenshire – for which she has received Welsh Gov’t funding under the Tir Gofal scheme.

Nia’s official website is currently plastered in NHS campaigning material. One notice urges people to write to NHS Wales to insist that the South Wales Major Trauma Centre is established at Swansea not Cardiff, for the benefit of her constituents. Nia – I know that everyone gets pissed off with everything being in Cardiff, but that probably is the best place for a Major Trauma Centre serving south Wales, just on the basis of demography, transport links and geography. It might be more convenient for your constituents to have the Centre near them, but it isn’t convenient for anyone else.

There are major problems at the University Hospital in Cardiff, but there are at Swansea as well, so Nia would be doing everyone a favour if she spoke up about the dire state of the NHS rather than demanding machines that go ping near her constituency.

Not that Nia shows any indication at all of raising  concerns about the serious problems in the NHS – her website also explains how she is ‘fighting for Prince Philip Hospital’. Nia wants assurances that services will remain at Prince Philip Hospital. Prince Philip Hospital has been the site of a number of very serious scandals involving patient harm and deaths and was also the centre of the very sad business involving Sian Caiach.

Sian Caiach was an orthopaedic surgeon who worked at the Prince Philip Hospital and reported fraudulent activity on the part of some of her colleagues to the Welsh Audit Office – Top Doctors at the Prince Philip were using NHS resources for private patients. Although the Welsh Audit Office found Sian’s allegations to be correct, she was suspended, remained suspended for many years and was eventually sacked and struck off. One of the Top Doctors committing the fraud was promoted, the other continued to practice.

Where were all the people who ‘love the NHS’, who bang on about strong women or their admiration of women who succeed in male dominated professions when Sian was targeted? They were nowhere to be seen.

In 2015 Sian asked the then Health Minister Mark Drakeford to address the issue of NHS Top Doctors exploiting the NHS and its patients in order to personally benefit from private practice. Left-leaning Drakeford who loves the NHS and state-provided welfare services more than anyone else on the planet didn’t ever quite get to grips with that one.

Nia’s local Health Board Hywel Dda is another that is on its knees after years of mismanagement. Nia tells us that ‘I will be keeping a close eye on the situation’. If Nia really wanted advice about the NHS all she needs to do is ask for the opinion of a fellow smallholder in Camarthenshire, Sian Caiach.

The Welsh political blog Jac O The North has recently asked questions about one of Nia’s proteges, Tonia Antoniazzi. Tonia campaigned for Nia and is now MP for the Gower, having been elected in 2017. As Jac’s blog mentioned, Tonia only joined the Labour Party in 2014, so that is rapid progression.

Tonia is from Burry Port, the territory of corrupt Top Doctor Prof Linford Rees who used his medical and film/TV network in south Wales and London to keep the lid on the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). Tonia went to Gorseinon College, then to Exeter University and then to Cardiff University to do her PGCE. Like Nia, she was a language teacher and before her election she was Head of Languages at Bryngwyn School, Llanelli. Which is somewhat inconsistent with Tonia’s claim to have been reliant on the foodbank. Foodbanks will be running out of food for people who’ve had their benefits unlawfully stopped with all these nurses and teachers raiding the supplies.

Tonia’s USP in media interviews is that she used to play for Wales in the Women’s Rugby team.

Tonia seems quite well connected re Welsh politics – one of her brothers is married to Helen Bradley who was formerly Head of News and Research for Plaid Cymru and is now Strategic Communications Lead at Chwarae Teg, the ‘equalities charity’ established by paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt.

There are two other Antoniazzis who wield a great deal of power in Wales, but I do not know if they are relatives of Tonia – there are a number of families called Antoniazzi in south Wales. Whether they are relatives of Tonia or not, they are worth a mention.

One of these people is Dr Manon Antoniazzi who from Jan 2017 has been Chief Exec and Clerk to the National Assembly, the most senior Assembly Commission employee ie the Principal Accounting Officer. When Manon was appointed she stated that she would ‘champion the Assembly’s reputation within Wales and beyond’. Before Manon was appointed Chief Exec and Clerk, she was Director of Culture, Sport and Tourism for the Welsh Gov’t. In 2016, Sport Wales, a Welsh Gov’t-sponsored body that advises Ministers on sporting matters and also distributes National Lottery funding in Wales, found itself in meltdown. Allegations of conflict of interest and nepotism regarding the awarding of contracts were made – although an investigation by Deloitte later cleared them of wrongdoing. However the Board was accepted to be dysfunctional and the Chairman and Vice-Chair were suspended.

Manon has also been Chief Exec of Visit Wales and before that she had worked for the BBC, S4C and Prince Charles.

Before she  married, Manon was Manon Williams – her sister Ffion is married to William Hague, the man who orchestrated the cover-up of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry. Ffion met Hague when she was working as a civil servant in the Welsh Office, along with all the other civil servants in the Welsh Office who had spent years concealing the abuse and deaths of kids in care and psych patients in north Wales.

Manon was said to have secured the post of Chief Exec and Clerk to the Assembly following a ‘rigorous recruitment process’.

In 2014 Wales Online covered Manon’s wedding to John Antoniazzi. The ceremony was quite exclusive, there were just 18 guests there including Ffion and William Hague, who was at the time Foreign Secretary. So Manon hasn’t disowned them for concealing a paedophile ring who murdered their victims and witnesses.

Manon and John were married at Lake Como in Italy, one of the most expensive destinations in Europe – Wales Online explained that they were regulars at Lake Como. The romance of it all! A world away from being battered, raped, declared insane and illegally imprisoned in Dafydd’s dungeon…

Manon and John held a wedding party at the Royal Welsh College of Music and Drama in Cardiff. Linford Rees’s famous daughter actress Angharad Rees held an honorary position at the Royal Welsh College of Music and Drama.

I have heard a little bit about Ffion and William’s wedding as well. I was told that the man who conducted the ceremony was the father of a truly loathed theologian who used to work at Bangor University, Catrin Haf Williams. The person who told me this had been a theology student at Bangor and had achieved popularity and fame by successfully suing Catrin Haf. Catrin Haf had organised a field trip to the Middle East and told the students that it was obligatory but she would keep the cost as low as possible. She then booked everyone into a very expensive hotel because she wanted to stay there herself and had been offered a substantial discount on her own room if she booked all the students in there as well. The students were forced into penury because of this and they had all had such a bellyful of her intimidation and unpleasantness that the person I knew made a stand and sued her.

Catrin Haf’s partner in crime was her boss Prof Densil Morgan. Shortly after the student won his case against Catrin, Densil brought ridiculous disciplinary charges against the student which was very obviously a revenge attack. The student transferred to Aber to finish his degree – he was not the only person who claimed to have been targeted by Catrin Haf and Densil and forced out of the dept. There were also allegations that Densil was having words in the ears of influential people to prevent students to whom he had taken a dislike from being ordained – Densil is a Nonconformist Minister.

It was Densil who wrote a glowing tribute to J.E. Daniel online. J.E. Daniel was a theologian, Minister and Chairman of Plaid Cymru, 1939-43. He was the father of Huw Daniel, the corrupt judge who was involved in an attempt by the Hergest Unit to frame and imprison me for a serious offence (see post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’). J.E. Daniel went to Friars School of course.

Perhaps Catrin Haf’s finest hour was the occasion on which she was faced with a distressed student who wanted no more involvement with the thugs of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – Catrin told the student that if she didn’t accept an appointment with the CMHT, she’d call security and have the student thrown out of the building. Catrin Haf was fully aware of the many serious complaints that students had made about Keith Fearns and co, including threats of violence towards students.

Catrin and Densil had a colleague, Prof Eryl Davies, whom they treated very badly. Eryl never conducted himself in the way that they did, but back in the 1980s Eryl knew some of what was happening in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and he also knew about the drunken lecherous Gordon Farley from the Agriculture Dept sexually harassing the students (see post ‘Not Seen Since The 80s – Carwyn’).

Catrin Haf announced at one point that Bangor wasn’t good enough for her and she was off to Oxford, but unfortunately she returned after less than two years on the grounds that Oxford was full of gits. A mole maintained that Catrin Haf had simply got back what she had given out.

Bangor was mercifully relieved of Catrin and Densil when they relocated to Trinity St David’s University Lampeter, although everybody certainly felt for those in peril at Lampeter. After a few months we heard that Densil and Catrin were up to their usual tricks and there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth at Lampeter.

 

To return to Manon and John Antoniazzi. John Antoniazzi spent 25 years as a senior partner for Deloitte, heading audit for Wales. When he married Manon, John was Chairman of Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone. Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone was established in 2011 and John was Chairman for three years. Edwina Hart, the then Economy Minister, described the Enterprise Zone as aiming to attract ‘financial and professional services firms’. John was advising the Welsh Gov’t on the matter.

Regular readers of this blog will know that I have rather more respect for Edwina than for the other Health Ministers in the Welsh Gov’t because she did try very hard to challenge the paedophiles’ friends in the NHS in north Wales. She was subjected to an all out hate campaign co-ordinated by the BMA and eventually stepped down as Health Minister, although I had provided her with enough info to have Martin Jones and Elfed Roberts, the former CEO and Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust, arrested. I am fairly sure that Edwina was compromised by her previous trade union activism. She is a member of both TGWU and AMICUS and was Chair of the Wales TUC, as was her husband Bob Hart. The union movement has concealed criminal activity and wrongdoing in the NHS and social services on a grand scale for many years. I know how the paedophiles’ friends operate – they blackmail, bribe and smear people and they’ll do it to anyone under all circumstances, including to those who have previously extracted them from the slurry. I very much suspect that Edwina was faced with this, which was why she eventually backed down in the face of the loud squealing from the paedophiles’ friends. I remain grateful that Edwina did at least try.

However, Edwina does seem to have been involved in some less than fair and transparent activities re the Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone when she was Economy Minister. The successes of the Enterprise Zone included the revamping of parts of Cardiff and it was boasted that prestigious companies had ‘been attracted’ to the Tiger economy that was central Cardiff and were ‘bringing jobs’ and ‘investing’. One such success was the arrival of the Business Operations Centre of Deloitte – the former company of John Antoniazzi, the Chairman of the Enterprise Zone.

Among all the talk of investing and bringing jobs, there are clues that the Welsh Gov’t itself was giving these ‘investors’ a lot of money in return for their ‘investment’. I know that this is how Govt’s often tempt businesses to locate to various regions, but there were allegations that Edwina was making decisions regarding as to whom to give dosh on rather questionable grounds.

Edwina utilised the talents of an unpaid advisor, David Goldstone. Goldstone is a very rich man but reassured everyone that he was a selfless old boy at heart and just wanted to help the taxpayer. How one does that by giving large amounts of their money to very rich businesspeople he did not explain. Goldstone made serious money back in the 1970s and has been Chairman of both Cardiff and Swansea City football clubs. Among other things he was founder and Chief Exec of the property firm Regalian, the owner of Lands End and a Board member of Cardiff Airport, which was famously purchased by the Welsh Gov’t in 2013. The Chair of the Board of Cardiff Airport was Lord David Rowe-Beddoe, the ‘Monaco-based businessman’ who was Chair of the famously disreputable WDA and who was involved in the transfer of many millions of taxpayers money into the pockets of a small number of already wealthy people as  result of the development of Cardiff Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’). Goldstone is also the hon Vice-President of the Royal Albert Hall. Goldstone is an elderly man now and although press interviews with him provide much info about his early life, wax lyrical about his days as Mr Big in Welsh football, talk about how he lives in Mayfair but when he’s in Cardiff he crashes out in the Hilton and how people still flock to him because he’s a lovely old bugger who’s such good company, there is a veil drawn over his career before he became an ‘entrepreneur’. We are simply told that Goldstone was a London based ‘commercial lawyer’.

Football is best known at present for massive levels of corruption at national and international levels and the recent revelations regarding the sexual abuse of boys, sometimes by well known coaches.

Martin Jones has spent years involving himself with junior football clubs in north Wales and I never understood why, because he doesn’t have an altruistic bone in his body. Keith Fearns has for years managed a ladies football team in Gwynedd and no-one has ever believed this to be a benign activity.

 

People do not make the sort of dosh that David Goldstone has made by prioritising the needs of the taxpayer.

One of Goldstones’s triumphs was his organising a £15 million deal in 2013 through which the Welsh Gov’t acquired offices owned by property developer J.R. Smart in the Capital Quarter scheme. J.R. Smart’s son now works for J.R. Smart, but before he did so, he worked for the Bank of Wales, which was not a bank but an organisation run by a spiv who sold poor people things at high rates of interest. That high profile paedophile the now disgraced former Speaker of the House George Thomas, aka Lord Tonypandy, was involved with the Bank of Wales.

So there was obviously a great deal of money sloshing about in the coffers of the Welsh Gov’t which was available for thrashing out deals with some very rich people.

In 2015 BBC News Wales ran stories regarding the collapse of a hi-tech company called Ideoba. Ideoba was run by Adam Price – now a Plaid AM – and a US finance expert, Andrew Auerbach. Ideoba’s collapse was attributed to the refusal of the Welsh Gov’t to provide it with a loan of just 150k. This is not to suggest that Ideoba was an unsustainable ramshackle affair – information available suggests that it had a sound basis, that it was a small but expanding company and that other investors had come forward and were prepared to invest if the Welsh Gov’t would provide the loan of 150k. The Welsh Gov’t refused, Ideoba collapsed, employees were made redundant and Adam Price personally lost 70k.

Ideoba was the sort of business that the Welsh Gov’t was telling people that it wanted to encourage and support. Instead it allowed the company to collapse for the sake of a 150k loan – whilst Deloitte, who just happened to have connections with the Chairman of the Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone and Economy Minister so close that the phrase ‘conflict of interest’ screams loudly at us all, picked up massive quantities of Gov’t money for doing the Welsh Gov’t the favour of opening a business operations centre, which would no doubt be highly profitable for Deloitte. Deloitte picks up numerous Gov’t contracts and whilst researching for this blog I have constantly come across people formerly of Deloitte who have been given given senior roles in public services for which they are very obviously not qualified.

Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Welsh Conservatives, alleged that Edwina Hart had broken the Ministerial code with regard to the consideration of the loan to Ideabo. It was David Goldstone who advised against a loan being made to Ideabo, yet Goldstone was employed to advise only on property. It was revealed that Goldstone had been involved in discussions about the loan with Edwina and her officials and that he had been given commercially sensitive information that should not have been made available to him. Most damningly, Adam Price’s business partner Andrew Auerbach alleged that he had been told by Goldstone himself that Ideabo had been refused the loan because Price had announced his intentions to stand as  Plaid candidate in the forthcoming Assembly election. Goldstone is a member of the Labour Party.

Improper conduct was strongly denied by the Welsh Gov’t and Goldstone but it was noticed that Goldstone’s contract with the Welsh Gov’t was not renewed in April 2015. Ideabo collapsed in April 2015.

There were constant accusations that Edwina and Goldstone were members of a ‘Swansea Mafia’ – Goldstone was orginally from Swansea, although he made his fortune in London. Goldstone maintained that allegations of being part of a Swansea Mafia were all nonsense and that he hadn’t known Edwina until he found himself sitting opposite her when they were both on the Board of the Wales Millennium Centre. Goldstone explained that she told him that she was from Swansea so he made a point of getting to know her.

Which rather suggests that influential people with connections to Swansea make a point of networking with each other.

Some years ago I did hear of an allegation that Edwina had facilitated Welsh Gov’t funding for someone based on Anglesey in a deal so sordid that even I am not going to give details here – it involved the sort of thing that I need to have witnessed myself or at least have correlated before I publish it. The info came from a community activist who, like many others, were tearing their hair out at the levels of corruption that they were encountering.

The thing that intrigues but worries me is that David Goldstone was appointed a ‘property advisor’ to Edwina whilst she was Health Minister.

Goldstone has also been and might still be a property advisor to the Wales Rugby Union. Tasker Watkins, the one time ‘Greatest Living Welshman’, Presiding Judge of the corrupt Wales and Chester Circuit and great friend to paedophiles and criminal Top Doctors (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’) was President of the Welsh Rugby Union, 1993-04.

Goldstone has been Chairman of the children’s charity the Thomas Coram Foundation. Many of those who concealed organised child abuse in north Wales and elsewhere have been/are involved with Coram.

It was David Goldstone who built the MI6 HQ in Vauxhall. One would have thought that MI6 would have chosen a property developer with rather less questionable contacts to build their house. But then they knew all about Dafydd and the paedophiles anyway and were key to ensuring that they were neither stopped or prosecuted.

 

To return to John Antoniazzi. He stepped down from the role of Chair of Central Cardiff Enterprise Zone in 2015 and stated that he would be ‘pursuing new business interests and charitable commitments’.

John Antoniazzi is Chairman of Premier Forest Ltd and a former non-executive Board member of Go Compare. He is a Trustee and Treasurer of the Catholic Archdiocese of Cardiff and Chairman of their Cornerstone Project. John was the founder Chairman of Fareshare Cymru.

John Antoniazzi has ‘supported the work of the NSPCC in Wales’. The NSPCC provided the ‘Helpline’ that was set up at the end of 1991 to ‘support’ the by then adults who had been victims of the north Wales paedophile gang when some of them were eventually put on trial. The Helpline was staffed and managed by the colleagues of the paedophiles (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’). Not many people sought support from the Helpline, but one person who did was found dead.

John is a Trustee of London Music Masters, which provides music tuition for children.

John is also involved with the cancer charity Maggie’s.

John Antoniazzi is the Independent Board Member for Estates on the Cardiff and Vale University Health Board. The Independent Board Member for the Third sector is a frequent star of this blog, Sara Moseley, Director of MIND Cymru. Professor Elizabeth Treasure is the Independent Board Member for Universities. Treasure caused havoc among the Top Doctors when she was a senior manager at Cardiff Medical School but so many of the Top Doctors there were completely corrupt that I never worked out if she was sinner or sinned against. She is now VC of Aberystwyth University, another institution which has provided a home for many a paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Associate Board Members include Tony Young, Director of Social Services for Cardiff Council and Phil Evans, Director of Social Services for Vale of Glamorgan Council.

Cardiff and Vale University Health Board employ Richard Penketh as a consultant gynaecologist. Penketh worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School and was a pathological sexual harasser who managed to have sex with another member of staff in a lab during working hours. Then he failed some professional exams and St George’s stated that they would do what they did with all really bad doctors – they’d ‘send him to Wales’. And they did – and then paedophiles’ friend Brian Gibbons gave Penketh an award for excellence.

 

Another Antoniazzi also works for the Assembly, Jon Antoniazzi, the Director of Policy, Legislation and Innovation at the Office of Future Generations Commissioner for Wales. That Commissioner is one Sophie Howe.

When I was researching Tonia Antoniazzi, I noticed that the MP for the Gower who preceded her was a Tory, Byron Davies, who did originally come from the Gower but he had spent his adult life in London – futhermore he had been a senior detective in the Met. Davies was in the Met when they all behaved like something out of the TV programme Life On Mars – whilst there was rampant corruption and the organised sexual abuse of children was ignored and actively concealed if complaints involved public figures. Davies only returned to the Gower in 2011 after he retired – where he successfully stood for election to the Welsh Assembly. He remained an AM until 2017. Police officers often do interesting things after they retire, but nonetheless this did seem a bit odd. Then I read a Wales Online article from 2011 profiling the new AMs and something so obvious had happened that it must have been visible from outer space. In 2011 the Assembly received an influx of AMs who had concealed the abuse of children in care. Before readers hurl accusations of conspiracy theories, just bear with me.

By spring 2011, questions about the possible existence of a Westminster Paedophile Ring would not go away. There was also much discontent in north Wales – I had written to a number of people stating that I intended to publish now that I had possession of the most incriminating documents and that I would be calling for a Pubic Inquiry into the conduct of the mental health services. The Top Doctors and paedophiles’ friends were going apeshit with regard to the arrival at the Betsi Board of a CEO and a number of other senior managers who were challenging their reign of terror. Furthermore, the biggest sex offender and Top Doctors’ friend of the lot, Jimmy Savile, was very obviously on his last legs. Once he was dead, it was inevitable that someone would go public on what he had done, because in UK law one cannot libel the dead. Savile had visited Bryn Estyn and been involved with abuse there.

Now just consider some of the new faces in the Assembly in 2011, along with the senior officer from the Met:

Julie Morgan. Former social worker and Deputy Director of Barnardo’s who kept quiet about child abuse. Wife of Rhodri, whose whole career was predicated on concealing the paedophiles – and who had by now left the Assembly himself.

Antoinette Sandbach – a London barrister who’s father was a key figure in covering up the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles and whose grandmother also knew what was going on (see post ‘News Round Up, 19 January 2018). Sandbach – like the man from the Met – took the opportunity to bag a seat at Westminster before too long.

Mick Antinow. A lawyer and senior partner in Thompsons, a company that represents trade unions. Antinow began training in 1980. He worked at Thompsons throughout the years that trade unions afforded full protection to abusers. In north Wales some of the abusers were union reps. David Williams, who ‘trained’ at the North Wales Hospital and its dungeon, became the General Secretary for COHSE (see post ‘A Very COHSE Relationship With Some Very Nasty People’).

John Dixon. Had been a Cardiff Councillor for twelve years, whilst abuse had occurred in Cardiff and was a member of the Care Council for Wales – which was packed with paedophiles’ friends and completely failed to protect children and other clients (see post ‘Still Lost In Care’). Dixon was disqualified from office shortly after election because AMs are not permitted to sit on the Care Council for Wales.

Aled Roberts. A solicitor from Wrexham throughout the years that the children in care in Wrexham – primarily in Bryn Estyn and nearby Bryn Alyn – were horrifically abused and everyone in the legal profession and criminal justice system ignored it. Aled had also been a Wrexham Councillor, Leader of Wrexham Council and Mayor of Wrexham. Wrexham Council ran Bryn Estyn. One of my friends went to Aled after he had been unlawfully refused treatment by the mental health services and had ended up paying for private treatment abroad. Aled took three months to reply and said that there was nothing he could do.

Aled was also disqualified from office shortly after he was elected. The rest of the Assembly voted to reinstate him.

Gwyn Price. The former Deputy Leader of Caerphilly County Borough Council – he’d been in post throughout those glorious years when Ron Davies with his moments of madness and hobby of looking for badgers was MP and AM for Caerphilly.

Mike Hedges. Graduate of both Swansea and Cardiff Universities. Councillor on Swansea City Council from 1989 and Councillor on City and County of Swansea Council from 1995. Vice-Chair of Council’s Scrutiny Committee. WLGA spokesman for Social Services. Swansea Social Services were reputed to be dreadful for years but it was denied. Until baby Aaron Gilbert was murdered in 2005. Hedges was non-exec Director of Swansea NHS Trust, 1999-05.

Keith Davies. A teacher, schools inspector and Director of Education in Mid-Glamorgan and Carmarthenshire – paedophile rings operated in both areas. In May 2012, Davies was the centre of a scandal and was investigated for bringing the Assembly into disrepute. He had crawled into the St David’s Hotel at 4-45am pissed, in the company of his ‘female guest’ who was also pissed. Keith’s friend was described as ‘foul mouthed’ and hurled abuse at and threatened hotel staff. Keith attempted to scarper without paying the hotel bill. That was one hell of a night out for a 71 year old man who was married to someone else.

David Rees. Succeeded paedophiles’ friend and corrupt Top Doctor Brian Gibbons. Rees is a member of UNITE and convenor of the UNITE Group of AMs. The UNITE that supported and provided free legal advice to abusers.

Simon Thomas. Aber graduate and was Assistant Curator at the National Library of Wales – so well connected to the old fossils (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Simon’s father-in-law’s father was the Rev T. Alban Davies, a Welsh preacher and early member of Plaid, so he will have personally known the old fossils J.E. Daniel and Dafydd’s mate Saunders Lewis. Thomas was Policy and Research Officer for Taff-Ely Borough Council, 1992-94. So Thomas arrived there in the aftermath of the Ely Bread Riots.

Lindsay Whittle. Councillor on Caerphilly County Borough Council from 1976 and Council leader 1999-04 and 2008-11. He remained a Councillor after he became an AM. Well the more fingers in the more pies that Ron Davies’s mates have, the better. Caerphilly Council have recently been under investigation for financial misconduct dating back years.

Mark Drakeford. Need I say more?

Jenny Rathbone. Former Islington Councillor, journalist and member of the family who established a charity that supplied the paedophiles with help when some of them were actually caught (see post ‘The Mentor’).

Julie James. Barrister and former civil servant. Worked as a policy lawyer for the London Borough of Camden – Tessa Jowell’s manor and the site of much abuse and neglect of kids in care and psych patients. Also was Assistant Chief Exec of the City and County of Swansea Council.

Llyr Huws Gruffydd. Described one of Dafydd’s dodgy ‘nursing homes’ for people ‘with PTSD’ as a ‘beacon of excellence’. Stated that a psych patient complaining of mistreatment when in the Heddfan Unit was ‘in the right place’ after having a word with the abusive Angel on duty. Days later the patient was discharged and refused further care and support. He ended up suicidal and sleeping rough. Llyr stopped replying to e mails about this patient’s case.

Suzy Davies. Solicitor who had mentored young offenders and worked on children’s and community projects.

There were two other AMs in the 2011 intake who were too young to have been assisting the paedophile gang of north Wales in its hayday, but who definitely have worked with people who did help them – Vaughan Gething, another solicitor who worked for Thompsons and Ken Skates from Wrexham, who has spent his whole life and career surrounded by lying criminals and people in denial.

The arrival of that crew in the Assembly as the anxiety levels of the paedophiles’ friends was going through the roof and when another high level cover-up might have  been called for was not a coincidence.

 

 

 

 

‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’

Yesterday somebody drew my attention to a few You Tube clips from that period of time that so many people found so difficult – the months in 2012 following the Jimmy Savile revelations. I watched a clip of Esther Rantzen with great interest as she wriggled around maintaining that she had heard ‘rumours’ but one can’t act on rumours (people used to say that to me when I challenged them over Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct). At one point Esther got really ratty and angrily told the interviewer that Childline had acted on every single complaint that children had made – well that’s interesting Esther because I was told that some of the kids who were abused in north Wales rang Childline and no, they were not helped. But then when Esther was campaigning for improved mental health care I wrote to her about Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – I did not receive a reply (see post ‘News Round Up, April 30 2017’). I noticed that the Daily Post’s website ran an article last week featuring Esther on a visit to north Wales publicising Childline… Now I don’t really expect anything other than vacuous insincere hypocrisy from an idiot like Esther, whom I was told by a friend who used to work at the BBC was loathed and known as a ferocious sharp-elbowed bully anyway – but there was a far more interesting You Tube clip than Esther pretending that she never had an inkling regarding Savile’s activities. That was a clip of Edwina Currie being interviewed on RTE 1 on 3 November 2012, in which she too denied all knowledge of Jimmy Savile’s penchant for molesting vulnerable people. Edwina of course was the junior Health Minister who, in 1988 when Ken Clarke was Secretary of State for Health, had appointed Savile to lead the ‘task force’ that was charged with managing Broadmoor and sorting out it’s very serious problems (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’). After Savile’s exposure as a sexual predator who shagged anything that moved, Edwina reassured the world that the reason why she made that very inappropriate appointment was that the POA (Prison Officers Association) to which all the ‘nurses’ at Broadmoor belonged were swindling enormous sums of money out of the NHS and dear old Jimmy had told her that he would reign the POA in by blackmailing them. Savile’s plan was to frighten the POA into submission by threatening to use his media contacts to run a story about them in the ‘Sun’. Edwina is on record as saying that she considered this to be ‘a pretty classy piece of operation’. But Savile was by no means the only one indulging in a bit of classy blackmail.

As Edwina was repeatedly confronted by the RTE interviewer with the reality of Savile’s abuse of Broadmoor patients, she continued to maintain that she had no idea that he was capable of such debauchery and that the only reason that she could think of for the staff at Broadmoor not grassing him up was that Jimmy, being as we all know an evil manipulative genius who fooled the world, had ‘information which gave him a hold over staff’. I’m sure that he did – not only were the staff at Broadmoor stealing from the NHS but they were behaving every bit as badly as Savile. There was rampant sexual abuse of patients, a porn racket and serious violence and brutality. Now the Tories knew that patients were being horribly abused in Broadmoor and they knew that many of the patients were not ‘criminals’ but were actually patients whom Top Doctors in other hospitals had transferred to Broadmoor after refusing to care for them themselves – just like Professor Robert Bluglass predicted that I would be if I didn’t stop complaining about Dafydd et al! – but they weren’t raising concerns about that. They were concerned about the POA embezzling the dosh and controlling the institution. So why couldn’t the Gov’t reign in the POA at Broadmoor, or indeed at Ashworth, which had very similar problems at the same time? Could it have been that the POA were playing the same game as Savile and were holding people over a barrel with ‘information’? What information might those staff have had?

Well, they would have known that a lot of the patients in Broadmoor were alleging that they had been sexually abused, beaten up and generally violated in other psychiatric hospitals. The Broadmoor staff would also have known that many of the patients were making exactly the same allegations about their experiences when they had been children who had been in care. Some of them in north Wales. Now some of the former residents of children’s homes in north Wales have maintained that some of the people who abused them were ‘VIPs’, at least two of which were alleged to have been Tory politicians. One of those politicians was Sir Peter Morrison, MP for Chester. He was known to have visited children’s homes in north Wales for inexplicable reasons and two former Conservative MPs are on the record as saying that they knew that Morrison was having sex with under-age boys. Those MPs are Rod Richards and Edwina Currie. Currie described Peter Morrison as a ‘noted pederast’ in her 2002 book of parliamentary life.

Currie appointed Savile as leader of the Broadmoor task force in the summer of 1988. During her RTE interview she stated somewhat vaguely that ‘for approximately four months in 1988’ she was responsible for mental health. That was pre-devolution, so her remit would have extended to the mental health services in north Wales. By the summer of 1988 Mary Wynch and I had both approached politicians and Ministers about our own abuse at the hands of the mental health services in north Wales. In the autumn of 1988 I was receiving correspondence from the Welsh Office concerning the Review into my complaint (this was the Review that eventually took place in 1989, the utter whitewash by Robert Bluglass). By the time that Edwina was in charge of the nation’s mental health services Mary Wynch had won her case against Risley Remand Centre, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Clwyd Health Authority (please see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Edwina was only responsible for mental health for four months in 1988, but she was Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Health between Sept 1986-Dec 1988. By 1987 the chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority was such that the Welsh Office had sent a team of management consultants in (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

So Edwina knew that all was not as it should have been in the mental health services in north Wales. But would she have known about the paedophile ring operating in the region, the victims of which were ending up in the mental health system if they complained? Well someone whom Edwina idolised and claimed to use as a role model knew – Margaret Thatcher. In Jan 1987 Alison Taylor wrote to her and told her that children in care in north Wales were being abused. Alison – like Mary and I – also wrote to a lot of other people as well. One of those was a man called John Major, who at the time was a Minister in the Home Office. Edwina knew him well, indeed she shagged him for a number of years. (Interestingly enough it is rumoured that John Major was by no means the only politician that Edwina had an affair with, although none of the others have been identified. But she says a few interesting things about her boss John Moore in that RTE interview.) Early in 1988 Alison also wrote to Tony Newton, another Minister that Edwina will have had dealings with; Newton was Secretary of State for Social Security – at that time Health and Social Security were dealt with by the DHSS.

If Edwina’s rationale for appointing Savile to the Broadmoor task force – that he was a sharp operator where blackmailing other criminals was concerned – was eccentric, so was the way in which the appointment of the Chief Executive of Broadmoor at the same time was actually discussed. It was discussed – and presumably offered – to Savile’s friend Alan Franey at what Franey later called an ‘unusual meeting’ that was held at the Athanaeum club in Pall Mall. The meeting was attended by Franey and Savile as well as two senior civil servants, Clifford Graham (who was Currie’s departmental Under-Secretary of State) and James Collier. When this all became public in the aftermath of the Savile expose there was much gnashing of teeth, but I suspect that an awful lot of this sort of thing went on. For a start the Athanaeum is a club with a lot of Top Doctors and academics as members and there is a lot of evidence that even very senior jobs in medicine are dished out on the basis of networking rather than ability or a sound track record. After he died no-one wanted to admit to knowing Jimmy Savile – although he was a mate of Prince Charles’s and was invited to numerous Christmas’s at Chequers by Thatcher – and trying to establish who had lived it up at the Athanaeum with Savile et al was like trying to get blood out of a stone. Yet in her RTE interview Edwina fesses up that she had popped over to the Athanaeum with Savile too. Of course she stresses in the interview that this wasn’t the way to impress a woman like her – then why did she accept the invitation ? I bet if Savile had invited her for a coffee and a pasty in Greggs she’d have found it within her heart to say no. There were also some rather odd people working in the highest echelons of the civil service at the time. The mandarin who had been instrumental in forming the Broadmoor task force in 1987 was Brian McGinnis, the Under-Secretary for mental health with responsibility for high security hospitals. McGinnis was never convicted of child abuse but there was sufficient concern regarding his conduct with children for him to end up being banned from working with them after he retired.

In this fetid environment is it surprising that the POA themselves were getting away with abusing patients whilst simultaneously holding the Party of Law N Order hostage? Of course Broadmoor’s troubles didn’t end with the appointment of Savile and the task force. After Savile’s death, Dr Bill Kirkup led an investigation into his involvement at Broadmoor. Kirkup’s report is entertaining in that he admits just how dreadful the problems were/are at Broadmoor, but he works very hard to exonerate any Top Doctor of contributing to the fuckwittery that led to it all. Kirkup’s report mentions a few names known to me. There’s a reference to Robert Bluglass in there! Bluglass was involved in the investigation into the abuses at Ashworth in the early 1990s – which included the murder of a patient. Having concealed the criminal activity of Dafydd et al at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh some three years previously Bluglass was obviously the ideal candidate to carry out a whitewash at Ashworth. There’s a reference to someone else as well- Dr Julie Hollyman, the former Chief Exec of the West London Mental Health Trust,  who was responsible for managing Broadmoor whilst Savile abused patients there. I remember Julie Hollyman well, although she won’t know who I am. Hollyman was reputed to be the most aggressive and unhinged psychiatrist at St Georges/Springfield Hospital when I lived and worked in south London in the early 1990s. The nurses loathed her and even my flatmate who was a psychiatric nurse in another London hospital had heard about Hollyman. I managed to have an encounter with her myself. Part of my job used to be carrying out pregnancy tests and one day a sample came in from a Springfield patient marked urgent with a request to phone back with the result as soon as poss. So I did. Only to be literally subjected to a mouth full of abuse from Hollyman’s secretary – which really astounded me, so I hung up. I then received a phone call from Hollyman shouting at me accusing me of being intolerably rude to ‘her’ secretary. I explained that for some reason best known to herself her secretary had actually sworn at me down the phone – Hollyman shrieked that she didn’t believe that. So I hung up on her and informed the Head of Dept what was going on. The response from someone in the know was ‘oh God it’s Hollyman, she’s nuts’. I was then told that the foul mouthed secretary was actually a ‘service user’ on Springfield’s ‘flagship’ patients work programme (which hit the headlines a few years later when it was revealed that one ‘service user’ had been given a job as a stripper in a night club), that she wasn’t suitable, shouldn’t have been given the job and Hollyman knew it. But Hollyman wasn’t too happy that she’d been rumbled and Hollyman grasped any excuse for a scrap.

Of course I now have documentary evidence that Hollyman’s colleagues at Springfield knew about the criminal activities and abuse in the north Wales mental health services and things at Springfield itself in 1991 were pretty dire (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’). But things were to get a lot worse at Springfield with patients murdering each other and members of staff. In 1993 Julie Hollyman herself appeared in the ‘Independent’, after a major scandal involving allegations that five patients had been raped – the appalling Hollyman had by then been promoted to the post of Unit General manager at Springfield. (I was delighted to see that MIND Spoke Out about the need to ensure that patients were safe – the MIND that knew what was happening in north Wales but kept schtum and indeed continues to keep schtum about the sordid activities of the mental health services. Please see post ‘The Mysterious Silence of MIND’.)

Five rapes on your watch? No problem – Julie Hollyman could only go higher and that is how she ended up being appointed in 1998 as Chief Exec of West London Mental Health Trust overseeing Broadmoor. In 2003 Julie hit the national media once more. A whistleblower at Broadmoor had gone public after conducting a small survey of 28 female Broadmoor patients over three years and finding that between them there had been 56 cases of sexual abuse, five rapes and that six of them had needed to request a pregnancy test. Dear old Julie had been in post when much of it had happened. Three months after the whistleblower blew Hollyman resigned and stated that ‘at 52 years of age’ it was time to leave the NHS. (I don’t think you should ever have been there in the first place Julie and you certainly should never have been promoted after the disaster at Springfield.) Sadly Julie believed that the world still needed her talents. She took up non-executive posts with the British Refugee Council, the Youth Justice Board and New College Worcester (a special school for the visually impaired). Julie also Chaired a housing association, the Hyde Group. More recently though Julie has realised that the NHS does indeed need the services of a vile bitch who has spent her career bullying staff and putting patients in danger and she is now a non-executive director of the South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust. I’m tempted to quip that we’ll now await a spate of rapes and sexual abuse at the Maudsley but I fear that things at the Maudsley may have been bad for a long while. The Maudsley is where Dafydd Alun Jones did a stint of ‘training’, it employed Dr Paul Bowden who ignored Dafydd’s abuses and criminal activities in north Wales and it also employed the plagiarist Raj Persaud who happily plagiarised away for years until Richard Bentall finally confronted him. And now the Maudsley has Julie on it’s Board.

But let us return to Edwina Currie. Currie’s role as a junior Minister will undoubtedly have resulted in her knowing exactly how dire the mental health services were, but she has also been in other positions whereby the abuse of children in care may have become apparent to her. Edwina was first elected to the Commons in June 1983, for the constituency of South Derbyshire. Edwina represented South Derbyshire until 1997. Indeed she still lives in Derbyshire, in Whaley Bridge, although she did spend a while living in Surrey. It was of course John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, who carried out the first external investigation into the abuse of children in Clwyd. The Jillings Report was so damning that it was famously suppressed and only published many years later and then in a heavily redacted form, but I suspect that even Jillings may not have been as frank as he could have been regarding just how serious the abuse of children in Clwyd was. My post ‘A UK Network’ describes how even back in the 80s paedophiles working in the children’s services and those concealing their activities had linked up on a UK-wide basis. There were connections between north Wales and Derbyshire Social Services before Jillings ever retired and investigated Clwyd. John Leslie Jeffreys worked at the Bryn Alyn Community for nine or ten years, between about 1974-83. Prior to that he had been a community youth worker and then a residential care worker at a children’s home in Derbyshire, having received ‘training’ from Derbyshire Social Services. The Bryn Alyn Community was owned and run by John Allen, currently serving a life sentence for the sexual abuse of children in his care. Boys abused by Allen maintained that he ran a gay sex, drugs and porn empire and that boys from children’s homes in north Wales worked in brothels owned by Allen in London and Brighton. John Jeffreys was named repeatedly in the Waterhouse Inquiry as inflicting serious violence upon boys at Bryn Alyn and also upon a boy who was staying at John Allen’s villa in Bordeaux. Jeffreys’ wife – who moved to Bryn Alyn along with him from Derbyshire – also worked at Bryn Alyn and eventually became one of the Directors. Jeffreys was Officer in Charge of one of the Bryn Alyn homes. Jeffreys and his wife were major players in Bryn Alyn.

I note that two of the ‘advisors’ to the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry also had connections with Derbyshire. Sir Brian Briscoe, the Head of the Local Government Association, had previously worked for Derbyshire County Council. Sir Ron Hadfield, Ronnie Waterhouse’s advisor on ‘police matters’, had previously worked for Derbyshire Constabulary. It is quite obvious that absolutely everybody involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry only ever got near it because they were considered a safe pair of hands and would not be in any danger of making public just how horrific the situation prevailing was. So someone in the Welsh Office felt able to rely on people with previous involvement with Derbyshire. But of course someone somewhere also felt able to rely on John Jillings – they will have needed a clean skin for that investigation, someone who could be seen to be carrying out a thorough job (because by then the north Wales child abuse scandal had hit the London-based media), but they won’t have appointed anyone whom they thought might blow the whole thing wide open. Which was probably why the Jillings Report made a point of refusing to speculate on whether a paedophile ring was operating in north Wales.

But Edwina will have been in a position before she ever became an MP to know that some unacceptable things might be happening in children’s homes. Like many MPs, Currie has also been a councillor. Between 1975-86 she was a councillor for Birmingham City Council. Councils from the West Midlands were among those who were placing children in the Bryn Alyn Community. My post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’ details the case of a family from Birmingham who adopted a little girl who had been abused who then relocated to Anglesey in the 80s but were subjected to vindictive attacks by those we know and love. That post mentions a few other links between Birmingham and north Wales as well. Furthermore there were some people in public life in Birmingham who knew what was happening to children in care in north Wales. One of the people involved in the 1991 Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry which investigated after a care worker was imprisoned for sexually assaulting children was Susan Mead, Chief Inspector of the Social Services Division of Birmingham City Council. Adrianne Jones, the Director of Social Services of the City of Birmingham Council, carried out a review of children’s services in north Wales and then acted as an advisor at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Adrianne Jones then retired to Wales – to Abergavenny, which was another site of a facility where children had been sexually abused. Sir Ron Hadfield also had a connection to Birmingham – he was the recently retired Chief Constable of the West Midlands and was still based in Birmingham.

In the 1980s there was another Derbyshire MP who will have been in a position to know about paedophilic activity in children’s homes and who I think may well have known about the abuse that was happening in north Wales. That is Matthew Parris, who between 1979-86 was MP for West Derbyshire. As I have mentioned previously on this blog, I read Parris’s autobiography about four years ago, an autobiography that he wrote some years ago covering his time in politics. He writes of how he and a number of friends of his used to go to Italy to a place that they called ‘the villa of shame’ and have a lot of gay sex. Parris uses the phrase ‘the boys were always willing’. Boys – not men. Did Parris not wonder where these boys had come from and why they were so willing to have sex with him and his much older friends from Westminster? Who procured these boys for Parris and his mates? No-one seems to have thought to ask Parris about this. Parris was of course famously one of the first MPs to publicly declare that he was gay. He is also well-known for outing Peter Mandelson in 1998 and has stated that there are between 30 and 60 British parliamentarians who are gay but are keeping it quiet. Did any of them holiday at the villa of shame as well? By the time that he outed Mandelson and made his claims regarding scores of other gay politicians who were in the closet Parris had spent a few years in positions where he would have been well-placed to acquire such information. In the mid-70s he spent two years working at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The same Foreign and Commonwealth Office that employed the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman, who was known to be a paedophile. After that Parris joined the Conservative Research Department and following a stint there he became correspondence secretary to Margaret Thatcher. The Thatcher who was a personal friend of Jimmy Savile and lobbied for him to be given a knighthood in the face of civil servants telling her that there were concerns about Savile’s ‘private life’ which could prove politically embarrassing if it ever became public. The Thatcher who was sent documents in 1980-81 informing her that Peter Hayman had sexual fantasies relating to children and that his ‘sexual perversion’ rendered him vulnerable to blackmail. The Thatcher who was told that Sir Peter Morrison was holding sex parties with under-age boys, but still appointed him Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party in 1986 and then her PPS in 1990… A correspondence secretary for a woman who was repeatedly being warned that some of her closest aides and friends were abusing children would have read a lot of very interesting things.

Both Edwina Currie and Matthew Parris have now left politics but are in excellent positions to control what is known by the wider public about them and indeed their associates. Edwina has cultivated good media connections and makes frequent appearances on TV and radio. At one point she had her own radio show and it was through this that she met the man to whom she is now married, John Jones. John Jones is a former senior detective with the Metropolitan Police! Since retiring from the Met he has worked as an advisor to media companies and in the media himself. Matthew Parris has an even more influential position. When he suddenly resigned as an MP in 1986 he took up the position as host of the ITV programme ‘Weekend World’. Between 1988-2001 he worked for Murdoch as a columnist for the ‘Times’ and he also wrote for the ‘Spectator’. He is now a parliamentary sketch writer and presents a weekly programme for Radio 4. Parris has homes in Catalonia, Derbyshire and the Docklands in East London. He doesn’t have all three homes to himself though. Parris has a partner, Julian Glover – they’ve been together since 1995. Glover is a political journalist and used to work for the Guardian. He is also a speechwriter for David Cameron.

A pretty classy piece of operation on behalf of just about everyone I think.

 

 

 

 

 

So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?

Yesterday’s post ‘A UK Network’ explained why I suspect that the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal may have been precipitated as a distraction at a time when it rather looked as though the lid was about to be blown off the activities of the paedophile ring operating in north Wales and their buddies in the mental health services. I described how there was obviously a network of corrupt professional people stretching across the UK who were concealing rampant abuses in the child care and mental health services and speculated on possible links between north Wales and the north east of England. I mentioned the notorious Bryn Alyn Community, a private business run by a vicious criminal, John Allen, who was subsequently imprisoned for sexual assaults on teenage boys. Bryn Alyn was established in 1968 and accepted hundreds of children sent from Local Authorities across the UK. I’ve just read the part of the Waterhouse Report that deals with Bryn Alyn and it’s even more mind-blowing than the rest of Waterhouse’s whitewash.

The first thing that I noticed was Waterhouse’s mention of which Local Authorities sent children to Bryn Alyn – substantially London authorities, but also authorities from the north west of England, the West Midlands and Newcastle no less. So that pretty much confirms my suspicions regarding the locations of professionals who were colluding with those we know and love in north Wales, as postulated in previous posts. However there are other authorities mentioned as well – including Devon and Oxfordshire. But Waterhouse mentions something else that I was not previously aware of – that John Allen owned a villa in Bordeaux and also some sort of facility in Bordeaux where children from Bryn Alyn were taken for ‘holidays’. Someone else I know used to pop back and forth to Bordeaux for the purposes of ‘work’ which no-one ever actually specified – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones! Dafydd made frequent visits to northern France as well, again on the pretext of visiting ‘GP friends’ or ‘holding clinics’ – which I always felt was rather improbable. Regular readers will remember some other people from north Wales who enjoyed visits to France – Elfed Roberts and his mates! Elfed was a former senior police officer in the North Wales Police, left under a substantial cloud and then became Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust – one of his high points during his incumbency there was to have me arrested for having pink hair, calling his car a penismobile and because he was ‘fed up’ of my complaints (please see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). Elfed and his friends used to frequent an establishment that I remember being called Chateau de Cop – I have found online adverts for a hotel in the Loire Valley called Chateau de Cop Choux, I think that is indeed the hang-out that Elfed and his mates use. The disgraced of north Wales certainly enjoy a good standard of living – but have they not heard of something called the European Arrest Warrant? (Another disgraced name featured on the blog also has a house not a million miles away from Bordeaux – Robert Bluglass. He has (or had) a second home in the Pyrenees.)

Some of the Local Authorities had received complaints from children regarding the abuse that they had been subjected to whilst at Bryn Alyn. In 1976 Anthony David Taylor was convicted of two offences of indecent assault at Talgarth Magistrates Court. In 1975, before the Court case, Taylor wrote to the Welsh Office admitting that he’d committed previous offences against boys from Newcastle-Upon-Tyne whilst they were on a summer holiday scheme that Taylor ran for Bryn Alyn, asking the Secretary of State for anonymity for social workers when they had committed offences, citing his own case! The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was John Morris aka Lord Morris of Aberavon. But of course the Welsh Office had no idea that there were serious problems with child abuse in homes in north Wales… In previous posts I mentioned how Waterhouse used numerous techniques to dismiss or discount evidence from witnesses when they explained how they had been violently or sexually assaulted whilst in care in north Wales and ignored other evidence such as forged documents that would have set off loud alarm bells in any intelligent person. What is Waterhouse’s comment with regard to this social worker who freely fesses up to abusing children but feels able to write to John Morris asking for anonymity? Waterhouse states that the Inquiry heard from four other witnesses that Taylor sexually assaulted them whilst they were at Bryn Alyn, that the panel had ‘no reason to doubt the truth of any of the complainants’ but that Taylor is ‘now retired and ill and it is unnecessary to say anything further about him’.

This was exactly what used to be said to me when I mentioned Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s activities – ‘he’s retired’. Except Dafydd hadn’t retired, he was running private nursing homes where people alleged that they were being abused and fleeced and had been given the contract by the NHS to provide ‘substance misuse services’ (please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). As for when I mentioned Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist – people would simply yell at me ‘he’s dead, how dare you say such things’. Dr X/Dr Tony Francis and the dreadful Dr DGE Wood even documented that I had ‘even’ made terrible allegations against ‘deceased’ people. The deceased people had done some terrible things – and as the complaints about them had been ignored whilst they were alive it was hardly surprising that I was not prepared to keep quiet about them just because they had died. Another ‘deceased person’ who abused her position was Sheila Jenkins, a social worker with the appalling Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who lied about me to the police in order to have me unlawfully thrown out of Ysbyty Gwynedd – Sheila was also happy to slander me in the local community. I was told to stop ‘speaking ill of the dead’ at my own birthday party by a former colleague of Sheila’s husband. I suspect that the man at my birthday party had no bloody idea at all of the sort of things that dear old Sheila actually did, but the people who worked with her, as well as those who worked with Dafydd and the lobotomist, most definitely knew what they were all up to. But I suspect that it was DGE Wood’s valiant defence of those who concealed the paedophile gang that landed him his senior roles with the Royal College of General Practitioners and perhaps even bagged him his OBE…

A boy from Plymouth placed at Bryn Alyn made complaints to the police in Oct 1989 and Aug 1990 and a solicitor’s letter was sent to his social worker in Plymouth in June 1990. Devon Social Services reported their concerns about Bryn Alyn to the Welsh Office in Oct 1990. Boys from Sandwell and Solihull in the West Midlands made allegations of abuse whilst at Bryn Alyn and a number of complaints between 1988-1993 were also reported to the Welsh Office.

In March 1993 a 15 year old girl placed at Bryn Alyn by Oxfordshire Social Services went to Clwyd Social Services with complaints of physical abuse from staff and sexual harassment from other residents and refused to return to Bryn Alyn. She stated that at one point she had been thrown across the room by a male member of staff which resulted in injury. She was placed with foster parents. The next month she turned up at Wrexham Police Station saying that she wished to withdraw the complaint. Waterhouse notes that the police wanted to continue to pursue the complaint in the public interest, but the CPS returned the file, refusing to take further action. The Director for Public Prosecutions at this time was Dame Barbara Mills. All was well in Waterhouse World though – he noted that the girl acknowledged that the man who threw her across the room had a ‘very positive, caring and supportive relationship’ with her. When he wasn’t throwing her across the room. Or perhaps even sending the boys around to ensure that she withdrew her complaint whilst she was living with foster parents – a placement presumably arranged by whoever had sent her to Bryn Alyn.

Manchester and Salford College of Technology as well as Manchester Social Services were also told of the sort of things that happened to young people at Bryn Alyn. A mature student called Denis Williams had the misfortune to end up on a ‘placement’ at Bryn Alyn in 1983. He was so appalled at what he witnessed that he compiled a report and sent it to Manchester and Salford College of Technology. In Nov 1983 he was told by an unidentified ‘senior officer’ from Manchester Social Services Dept that his concerns had been fully investigated and that his report was ‘unfounded and unprofessional’. He was also told that John Allen was threatening legal action against him. Denis was made of stern stuff and in June 1985 went to the Home Office about events at Bryn Alyn. The Home Secretary at that time was Leon Brittan. No-one seemed to have mounted an investigation or put a stop to what was happening. Waterhouse notes that in Sept 1992 Denis was interviewed by a number of newspapers and BBC TV. Guess what? Denis was unable to be traced by the Tribunal so wasn’t available as a witness! Of course by the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was held, a number of former residents of Bryn Alyn and the other homes in north Wales had been found dead. I wonder if Denis too had been found dead in suspicious circumstances by then? Because I’ve not heard of him since. But Ronnie has an explanation! ‘The picture given by Denis Williams is truly alarming…but he stayed only three days…his strictures upon particular individuals were not mirrored by the volume of substantial complaints about them’. Denis did what any good student should do – he noted everything, got the hell out of there and sent a report to the college who had sent him on the placement. He was rubbished, threatened with legal action by a vicious paedophile, alerted the Home Office in the wake of the threats, got nowhere, went to the press and then disappeared off the face of the earth. Ronnie merely notes that not many other people had complained…

Waterhouse documents that the ‘principal witness on behalf of the Welsh Office’, John Lloyd, ‘told us of a number of allegations of physical and sexual abuse at the Community’s various premises that were reported to the Welsh Office between 1989 and 1992’. In May 1993 there were two other reports to the Welsh Office of boys at Bryn Alyn who had been injured after alleged assaults.

Waterhouse was told again and again of sexual assaults and assaults so brutal that young people sustained injuries. One boy suffered anal bleeding after a sexual assault, was taken to a GP and was – interestingly – told that he had haemorrhoids. So there was a tame Top Doctor on tap as well then. Waterhouse was told by another witness that he had been tied to a tree with a piece of rope, the end of the rope being tied around his neck. Ronnie noted that the witness who related this anecdote was now a patient at Broadmoor. I wonder how he ended up there? Were there perhaps allegations made regarding his extreme dangerousness by any of the people previously named on this blog, in the face of no evidence at all? Or had the poor sod been driven crazy after a few years at Bryn Alyn? (Waterhouse notes that placements at Bryn Alyn were long-term, most being about three years.) There were other allegations of abuse against the man who tied this person to a tree – but Ronnie concludes that the evidence was ‘so limited’ that he was ‘not persuaded he was party to child abuse’. (Of course if someone really wasn’t going to be party to child abuse at Bryn Alyn they’d walk out after three days. And find that they were called a liar and then find themselves threatened with legal action.) A young woman gave evidence that when she was at Bryn Alyn as a teenager, she was forced into a chair by two staff and strong bleach was rubbed into her scalp. Her hair subsequently fell out. Other people gave evidence that they were punched, kicked and thrown around. But all poor old Ronnie could do was observe that these were ‘troublesome’ children, that some former residents were ‘too emotionally disturbed to give oral evidence and be cross examined’, that staff hadn’t had training in restraint so were just doing their best really, that one man constantly accused of violently assaulting children was ‘strong, a disciplinarian’ but ‘fair’…

It just goes on and on, as this silly old fucker was confronted with the most damning evidence stretching back over decades and constantly explained it away. Of course sometimes he couldn’t explain it away, so as he did in the case of the forged document that was compiled in an attempt to get Nefyn Dodd off the hook (please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’), he just notes it and moves on. For example he noted that ‘for unexplained reasons’ details on the P45s given out to two of the staff at Bryn Alyn are inconsistent with the employment records of Bryn Alyn. In other chapters of his Report he notes that the dates that certain witnesses maintained that they were resident in various children’s homes in north Wales are inconsistent with the records of the establishments themselves. So Waterhouse concludes that the witnesses can’t be relied upon. Of course, the records compiled by the criminals running these institutions – criminals who had a track record of abusing children, lying, forging documents and altering documentation – couldn’t possibly be wrong… Ronnie observes without comment that the records of the children placed at Bryn Alyn had all been stored together, at a Pickford’s storage depot in Hoole near Chester and on 25 Oct 1996 had all gone up in flames, so most of the children placed at Bryn Alyn could never be traced and therefore couldn’t be invited to give evidence.

I have mentioned in a previous post that the only people whom Waterhouse found it in his heart to condemn in his Report were the staff who had actually been convicted of offences against children and were already serving – or had served – prison sentences. So what did he have to say about John Allen, the owner of the nightmare that was Bryn Alyn, who at the time of the Inquiry had been convicted of sexual offences against young people in his care and who was in prison? Waterhouse was told repeatedly of the numerous sexual assaults that Allen carried out on boys at Bryn Alyn and was also told that Allen gave large sums of money and gifts – substantial gifts as well, on one occasion a motorbike – to favoured boys with whom he regularly had sex. He was told about Allen’s violent temper, which resulted in ferocious attacks on children leaving them with injuries. He was even told that there were a number of boys at Bryn Alyn who were openly referred to as ‘Allen’s bum boys’. Waterhouse states of Allen that ‘his reputation was that of a caring and generous person’. Waterhouse stresses how staff had told him that Allen lavished money and gifts on certain boys, of how ‘kind and generous’ he was. Of course Waterhouse is aware that there was ‘some contemporaneous discussion and gossip about Allen’s predilections among both staff and residents’ and that there ‘was some talk of Allen’s ‘bum boys’ but it did not amount to a great deal’.

I had heard something similar to this many years ago when I first complained about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. I was castigated for referring to his ‘private life’ ie. his shagging of female patients. I too was told that a lot of people thought that Jones was a nice man because he ‘helped’ patients by giving them somewhere to live and finding them jobs. The patients concerned were invariably young female patients, the accommodation that they were provided with was Jones’s own house and the jobs in question were located in his house, as nannies and housekeepers. Whilst all this was going on, five female patients made statements to a local MIND representative that they had had sexual relationships with him. As for Dafydd himself – when I told him that he was nothing short of a psychopath, he replied ‘I think that I am a nice man. I’m kind to children.’ Well Dafydd was nuts, of course he would come out with some silly, obviously untrue statement, but he was surrounded by dozens of people who knew exactly what he was doing – just like all those people who waxed lyrical about John Allen’s generosity knew what he was doing. Waterhouse had an interesting take on John Allen’s violent attacks on children as well: ‘We do not think that he was an habitually violent man: the complaints against him of using excessive force are heavily outweighed by the allegations against him of sexual misconduct’.

One allegation that victims of Allen made was that he ran a gay prostitution racket, including a number of brothels and also a gay porn business. Waterhouse makes reference to Allen’s ‘film studio’ and boys alleged that they’d been taken there and asked to pose naked, but still old Ronnie doesn’t click. Ronnie did note however that Allen continued his contact with some of the boys long after they’d left Bryn Alyn. Ronnie takes a dim view of this, mentioning that boys were ‘encouraged to live in unfamiliar surroundings such as Brighton or London in accommodation provided or subsidised by Allen….at a time when they were highly likely to fall prey to many temptations’. Temptations such as working in a brothel in Brighton or London owned by Allen one presumes.

By the time that Waterhouse stumbled through this Inquiry with his eyes tightly closed, a lot of former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. Some had been killed in a fire in Brighton, whilst they were attending a party at which John Allen agreed to meet them. John Allen didn’t turn up but an arsonist did (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’). Waterhouse even manages to mention that a Court had reached a verdict of ‘unlawful killing’ after the Brighton fire, but then he passes on… He also mentions another witness who had made allegations of abuse against Allen – this witness had given evidence at John Allen’s trial for sexual assault and had been found dead days later… All in a day’s work for Ronnie though, he moves on to the next brutalised terrified witness who’s dared come forward, no doubt busily working out how he can discredit them or dismiss their evidence…It is also mentioned in the Waterhouse Report that the police had admitted that there were 280 ‘absconders’ from the Bryn Alyn Community between Jan 1 1991 and 19 June 1991. ‘Absconders’ in this case being kids running away from people who were battering them and raping them, rather than armed robbers escaping from the Scrubs. I bet that the police returned every one of them to the caring embrace of John Allen as well. What on earth did the police – and Ronnie – think had caused 280 kids to flee during a period of six months?

So what did Ronnie conclude was the prevailing situation at Bryn Alyn? Get ready, here comes a summary worthy of Perry Mason: ‘…(John Allen apart) sexual abuse by members of staff of the Community was not rife…’ Ronnie did have a reservation though – that ‘the…few girl residents were specifically vulnerable’ to the sexual abuse that he did admit was happening at Bryn Alyn…’ No Ronnie, you’ve got it wrong. The girls were comparatively safe – as much as anyone could ever be safe in that hell-hole – because it was the BOYS that they wanted to force to work in their male prostitution racket. That Ronnie is why the girls weren’t getting expensive presents like hi fis and motorbikes – it wasn’t them being bribed and beaten into providing sexual favours for all and sundry, including it would seem a few bigwigs from Westminster, it was the boys… One would have thought that Ronnie would have realised that something was amiss though – even he noted that it was ‘a grave concern that so many members of staff were named in a major police investigation’…

The numerous reports that were given to the Welsh Office regarding complaints from the youngsters at Bryn Alyn apart, it seems that the Welsh Office had long since been aware of the unsuitability of Bryn Alyn as a facility for children. Ronnie explains that Bryn Alyn was finally removed from the register by the Welsh Office in 1997 but it would be ‘unnecessarily tedious’ to detail the exchanges between the Welsh Office and the Bryn Alyn Community (indeed – who knows what was revealed in those exchanges). However, Ronnie mentions that Welsh Office Inspectors recognised in 1975 that Allen’s ‘expansionist regime’ (Allen was certainly packing the kids in – at it’s peak the ‘Community’ housed some 250 children and there were frequently insufficient facilities such as bedrooms for them), did not have the infrastructure to cater for the residents and that ‘basic problems’ were allowed to ‘proliferate’ over twenty years. It seems that during those 20 years, the Welsh Office raised a few questions and their own inspections of Bryn Alyn – when they actually did them – noted serious problems. But John Allen was allowed to continue with his trade in people unhindered…

Regarding the connections between people who worked at Bryn Alyn and the wider UK – there were other links as well as those with the Local Authorities that were placing children there. For a start although most of the Bryn Alyn Community was based around Wrexham, there were branches of it in Cheshire and Shropshire. Many staff members had worked in previous children’s homes and moved onto work at other children’s homes, both within and outside of the north Wales region. One member of staff was a former Liverpool probation officer. Some of the ‘senior managers’ had certificates in the residential care of children from Salford Polytechnic. Some of the teachers who worked there had qualifications in special needs from Chester College. One member of staff had previously worked for Derbyshire Social Services and had responded to one of the recruitment adverts in ‘New Society’ placed by John Allen. ‘New Society’ was, at that time, considered very much the journal for social work and carried pages of adverts for social work positions, including very senior ones, such as for Directors of Social Services. So John Allen was recruiting via the reputable professional journal, he did not even have to resort to the recruitment methods of Bryn Estyn ie. by word of mouth via the local Rugby Club. ‘New Society’ considered itself a liberal, progressive journal for the enlightened. I do not ever remember it carrying articles suggesting that the practices which were routine at Bryn Alyn even existed. Yet surely, word of life at Bryn Alyn must have reached the ears of many of it’s readers. John Allen seems to have been a bit of a Jimmy Savile – his abuses were an open secret. And not even that much of a secret.

My co-researcher has sent me a brief summary of John Allen’s brushes with the law. At some point in the 1970s he was sentenced to six years in prison for offences against children. In 2002 he was arrested for historic offences against children in the Wrexham and Flintshire areas. In 2003 a judge threw out 44 charges against him on the grounds that due to the publicity and the time lapse he would not get a fair trial. In August 2013 Allen was charged again under Operation Pallial. In November 2014 he appeared at Mold Crown Court, charged with 40 offences of indecent assault and another 20 sex offences against children. He was subsequently found guilty on 26 charges of child abuse and in December 2014 was jailed for life.

The Waterhouse Inquiry was ordered by William Hague whilst he was Secretary of State for Wales. His PPS at the time was Nigel Evans. The Permanent Secretary will have been either Rachel Lomax or Sir Michael Scholar. Sir Michael Scholar is a man with many fingers in many pies. Between 1982 and 1983 he was Private Secretary to Margaret Thatcher. He was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office between 1993 and 1996. He was appointed President of St John’s College, University of Oxford in August 2001. He is also Pro Vice Chancellor, Chairman of the Conference of Colleges and Chair of the Oxford University Careers Service. In 2008 he was appointed Chair of the UK Statistics Authority, which oversees the Office of National Statistics. He is an honorary fellow of the Universities of Aberystwyth and Cardiff and has an honorary doctorate from the University of South Wales (like so many others who seemed to play a role in concealing the dreadful reality of the north Wales children’s services or mental health services – please see post ‘Oh To Be In Receipt Of Academic Honours’). Michael’s son Tom is a civil servant too. He was appointed Chief of Staff at Number 10 Downing Street when Gordon Brown became PM – that was the Gordon who appointed Patricia Scotland as Attorney General.

Ronnie’s own autobiography, in Chapter 24, explains that when he was approaching retirement, he received a call out of the blue from the Welsh Office, telling him that he was going to be leading the Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Two other people made up Ronnie’s panel whom I haven’t yet mentioned. That was Margaret Clough and Morris Le Fleming. The reason that I haven’t mentioned them before is because there is very little information available about them. Margaret was something in social work and Le Fleming was involved in a company called ‘Groundworks’. They would seem to be literally nonentities.

Now would William Hague, Nigel Evans or Sir Michael Scholar like to tell us all who it was exactly who decided to appoint a man who personally knew some of those who in key political or public roles in the region under investigation; who knew even more people who knew other people directly connected with the scandal; who systematically discredited just about every witness except those who actually carried out the beatings, the buggery and the rapes; who ignored forged and doctored evidence and who somehow failed to notice that key witnesses had disappeared off the face of the earth or had been found dead? And who appointed two anonymous deadbeats to assist him as he conducted his Inquiry into the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK?

 

After the publication of the Waterhouse Report, there was much wailing and gnashing of teeth and quite understandably, as numerous people alleged that it had been a whitewash. One major criticism was of the terms of reference, which had been set by William Hague. The Inquiry only looked at the abuse of children within Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils by the care staff. This of course meant that it failed to investigate what those care staff or other people connected with them did to the residents of children’s homes from north Wales outside of north Wales. If anyone wanted to find a more effective way of ensuring that no part of that Inquiry would touch on children from those homes being taken to other locations by their ‘carers’ to be molested by public figures – or indeed even being molested by public figures within the homes – they could not have thought of a better way to do so. In response to the questions raised about the limited remit of the Inquiry, a spokesman for Hague was quoted as saying ‘The Terms of reference were prepared by officials in the Welsh Office and agreed by Ministers and widely supported by Parliament. There were no serious representations from MPs or the judge to challenge them at any time’. What were the names of those officials and Ministers?

Lest anyone’s still in a sound sleep out there about how hard somebody was working to chuck a spanner in the works, my co-researcher has reminded me that the Welsh Office had a pretty big hand in things before they even got round to appointing the corrupt old git Ronnie and the two stooges. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office DURING the Jillings investigation (please see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’) to examine the need for a judicial inquiry. Why was this and who in the Welsh Office made the decision and subsequently appointed her? Davies subsequently stated that a judicial inquiry into the abuse allegations would not be in the public interest. The Jillings Report was suppressed on the advice of lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC – did Nicola Davies’s decision not to hold a judicial inquiry influence this decision? Yet only twelve months later, Hague announced that a judicial inquiry would be held and appointed Ronald Waterhouse to lead it.

Of course, the allegations of Waterhouse being a massive cover-up exploded again after the Jimmy Savile revelations. The Home Secretary at the time announced that there would be a review of Waterhouse, carried out by another judge, Lady Justice Macur. That Home Secretary was Theresa May. When the Macure Review was finally published it was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. Stephen Crabb, the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst reassuring everyone that of course no-one would ever seek to protect child abusers, stated that Macur was ‘satisfied’ with Waterhouse’s Inquiry and that there was ‘no reason to undermine Waterhouse’s findings’.

I am happy to tell Stephen Crabb, Theresa May and Lady Justice Macur that I am currently in possession of nearly 10,000 documents covering a period of nearly thirty years that were compiled by some of the social workers who facilitated the abuse of children in north Wales, by the corrupt lawyers who encouraged social workers and others to perjure themselves in attempts to have me imprisoned – one of those corrupt lawyers, Ron Evans, actually acted for the Local Authorities in north Wales at the Inquiry – and by scores of other ‘professionals’ who were involved in concealing what was happening. It is particularly farcical that at the very month that one of the very brave souls went to Clwyd Council and told them what had happened to her, refusing to go back to Bryn Alyn but who then suddenly withdrew her complaint, I was being dragged through the Courts in Bangor – accused of staring at a fucking social worker in Safeways. Of course, the original allegations against me were much more serious – that I had shouted and sworn at her and threatened to assault her. When cross-examined in Court, she started crying and admitted that I had not even spoken to her. And no-one asked any questions. But then no-one asked any questions on any of the occasions on which these people took me to Court and the cases collapsed because they had committed perjury – even when the charges were so serious that had I been found guilty I’d have faced a lengthy prison sentence. I invite Theresa, Stephen and Lady Justice Macur to read this blog, acquaint themselves with the full details and tell me that Waterhouse was no cover-up. Keen readers will of course have spotted that several names on today’s post have cropped up in the media in connection with the elusive Westminster Paedophile Ring.

Just to remind you all, here is the list of Secretaries of State for Wales who were in office whilst the Bryn Alyn Community was in operation:

Cledwyn Hughes, George Thomas, Peter Thomas, John Morris, Nicholas Edwards, Peter Walker, David Hunt, John Redwood, David Hunt (again), William Hague.

I was asked the other day if I was going to attend any further meetings of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board because people are missing my reviews of the Board meetings. Much as I know that I would derive much entertainment from observing those meetings, unfortunately I am not able to. That is because I am currently living at a secret location under police protection. Because somebody wants to kill me. I’m sure that I don’t need to explain why somebody might want to kill me.

Now, would the many people who have been outed on this blog care to start preparing their statements for the police, because believe me, the police are interested in you all.

Theresa May – I await an explanation for what your Gov’t and indeed your party have done to Wales.

 

The Aftermath Of The Jillings Report – In Parliament

In the wake of a number of staff from children’s homes in Clwyd being convicted of offences against children and a lot of former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd being found dead, in 1994 Clwyd County Council ordered an independent external investigation into the county’s children’s homes. It was led by John Jillings, the retired Director of Derbyshire Social Services. My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ provides details of the Jillings Report. Of course the Jillings Report has never been published in full – it wasn’t available at all until 2013 and then only in a heavily redacted form. As I explained in ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’, Michael Beloff QC advised the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, not to make the report available at all – what had happened in the children’s homes was so indefensible that this was the only way that those advising Clwyd Council could see of dealing with it. Clwyd County Council itself was dissolved days after the report was submitted, in a very convenient local government reorganisation. When it was revealed that the long awaited Report would not be available to hardly anyone – not even to most Members of the Council itself – and that this was to protect the Council from legal claims, there was outrage in Wales. Some of the nation’s politicians were incredibly vocal about the fact that there had been large scale abuse of children in north Wales and possibly a paedophile ring at work but no-one was allowed to know the results of the investigation into this, yet alone the identities of those involved.

A look at Hansard is informative. One politician whom it seems was particularly vexed was the Labour MP for Cynon Valley, Ann Clwyd. Ann Clwyd came under a lot of fire for supporting Blair over the war with Iraq, but with regard to the abuse of children in care, her record seems to be impeccable. I was at a public lecture that she gave last year on the day that Gordon Anglesea was convicted and she made a point of expressing her great relief that perhaps this was now the beginning of a degree of honesty. Sadly I doubt that it was – on the same occasion Ann mentioned that George Thomas the former Speaker of the House, aka Lord Tonypandy, was also under investigation, but I read the other day that the police investigation into him had stopped. None of my documents relate to George Thomas but I am aware that in the wake of the Ely Hospital Scandal Thomas described the methods of the ‘nurses’ involved as being ‘old fashioned’. These were ‘nurses’ whose ‘old fashioned’ ways included punching and beating elderly people, dragging them around wards whilst they were naked and turning cold hoses on them. Then lying through their teeth about all of it.

At least four of the former residents of Bryn Estyn had lived in the Cynon Valley and had spoken to Ann about their experiences there. Hansard, June 1996, records that Ann made reference to Speaker Weatherill’s ruling of 17 Feb 1992 which was used to block Early Day Motions (EDMs) that Ann had attempted to table the night before regarding the North Wales Police and child abuse. Ann asked the Speaker – who was at that time Betty Boothroyd – to reconsider the position and observed that ‘it now seems that one cannot table a motion or a question for an oral or written answer; one cannot speak in a debate or probably even introduce a Bill drawing on the experience of Clwyd. One cannot raise the issue in a Select Committee or a Standing Committee either. A wall of silence will surround the passage of the Government Motion later tonight’. [I assume that the motion that Ann is referring to here is the Motion regarding the establishing of a public inquiry into the abuse of children whilst in the care of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils.]

Ann makes the point that some of her constituents were involved in the Clwyd abuse ‘and there are things that should be done before that Motion is passed. We should have had a debate in the House on child abuse and the Secretary of State for Health should have made a statement on the Utting Review. This morning a Welsh Office Minister tried to convince me that the Jillings Report was defamatory…I want to expose the fact that 25 years ago there was a Report on Bryn Estyn….it was never published because the Home Office suppressed it…’

Madam Speaker then responds with ‘I have looked at the two proposed Motions that she has attempted to table. I am satisfied that one of her Motions breaks the campaign rule…I am content that the other Motion be tabled…however that this Motion, along with the three other EDMs that she tabled on Monday, will be withdrawn automatically as a result of the application of the House’s sub-judice rule… if and when the Motion setting up the Tribunal of Inquiry is agreed to by the House. If she is seeking a statement by a Minister or a debate on the matters before that Motion is passed, she should ask questions of the leader of the House tomorrow. She should deal with her front bench team about having the subject placed on the Order Paper…She will be aware…that in raising her voice in objection to the Motion, which is now on the Order Paper, the setting up of the Tribunal will be delayed.’

The Madam Speaker concerned, Betty Boothroyd, was generally considered to be an all round good egg – yet it does look here as if there are machinations at work to prevent Ann Clwyd from raising questions and eliciting debate regarding the matter of the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales.

After this exchange between Ann Clwyd and the Speaker, Hansard records that Alice Mahon, the Labour MP for Halifax, said that ‘the Commons Select Committee on Health is undertaking an extensive inquiry into all aspects of children’s health and well-being. Will you clarify whether the ruling that you have made means that the Select Committee cannot take evidence on Clwyd?’ Following this, Nicholas Winterton, the Conservative MP for Macclesfield, said ‘Yesterday the Government announced that here would be a review of the care and abuse of children and children’s homes and residential accommodation throughout England and Wales. I am particularly concerned about problems that have been encountered in Cheshire…will you confirm that there are no restrictions on Members who want to take matters forward in respect of England and Wales, but especially in respect of Cheshire?’ Madam Speaker replies ‘There will be no restrictions’.

I’m not sure what to make of this – that Ann Clwyd was the only person on whom restrictions were placed? Or is the Speaker just wriggling here, reassuring people that of course there are no restrictions on anyone, when there were very obviously restrictions placed on Ann Clwyd?

Some months prior to this, in the wake of the suppression of the Jillings Report, three EDMs had been tabled concerning the North Wales Abuse Scandal.

On 27/3/96, Martyn Jones (Labour, Clwyd South) was the primary sponsor of an Early Day Motion: ‘That this House deplores the actions of the insurance company providing cover for Clwyd County Council which is attempting to suppress by process of law a report produced for that council, at some cost to the taxpayer called Child Abuse, An Independent Investigation commissioned by Clwyd County Council 1974 to 1995, the Jillings Report, simply because it may lay the council open to claims against itself and further considers that putting the interest of the finances of an insurance company above the rights of even one abused child is an outrage’.

http://www.parliament.uk/edm/1995-96/673

It was sponsored by Win Griffiths, David Hanson, John Marek, Rhodri Morgan and Don Touhig. It was signed by Diane Abbott, Janet Anderson, Tony Banks, Harry Barnes, D.N. Campbell Savours, Michael Clapham, Eric Clarke, Ann Clywd, Michael Connarty, Jeremy Corbyn, Jean Corston, John Cummings, Terry Davis, Bill Etherington, John Evans, Win Griffiths, John Gunnell, Mike Hall, David Hanson, Eric Illsley, Barry Jones, Martyn Jones, Ken Livingstone, Elfyn Llwyd, Alice Mahon, John Marek, Ian McCartney, Kevin McNamara, Alan Meale, Bill Michie, Rhodri Morgan, Paul Murphy, Paddy Tipping, Don Touhig, Robert N. Wareing, Dafydd Wigley.

The next day, 28/3/96, saw another EDM, whose primary sponsor was Rhodri Morgan: ‘That this House calls on the directors of Municipal Mutual Insurance Co., it’s affiliate Zurich Mutual Insurance Co and Municipal Mutual Insurance’s solicitors Browne Jacobson, to desist from all further anti-democratic actions in relation to Clwyd County Council and the report by John Jillings retired Director of Social Services of Derbyshire County Council into child sex abuse at children’s homes in Clwyd, and in particular to desist from their request to the county council to remove from office the Chair of the Social Services Committee, and further calls on the Secretary of State for Wales to consider whether it’s proper for an insurance company specialising in local government insurance to conduct itself in a manner which threatened the primacy of the duty of the local authority in child protection to put the welfare of children first, attempts to set the duty of looking after the councils finances and the insurance company’s own claims liabilities above child protection, and uses the threat of voiding the council’s insurance cover and the transfer of finance liability from the insurance company to individual councillors as a means of suppressing the truth, and to amend regulations governing local government insurance if necessary.’

http://www.parliament.uk/edm/1995-96/685

It was signed by Janet Anderson, Tony Banks, Harry Barnes, Clive Betts, D.N. Campbell Savours, Michael Clapham, Eric Clarke, Michael Connarty, Jean Corston, John Cummings, Denzil Davies, Terry Davis, John Evans, Paul Flynn, Norman A. Godman, Win Griffiths, John Gunnell, Mike Hall, David Hanson, Martyn Jones, Ken Livingstone, Elfyn Llwyd, John Marek, Ian McCartney, Kevin McNamara, Alan Meale, Bill Michie, Rhodri Morgan, Ken Purchase, Ernie Ross, Dennis Skinner, Don Touhig, Dafydd Wigley.

 

All those signing these EDMs were Labour MPs, apart from Dafydd Wigley (Plaid), Elfyn Llwyd (Plaid) and Ken Livingstone (not affiliated to any party).

I find it difficult to believe that many of those who signed these EDMs did not previously know that children were being abused in care in north Wales. Many of them were MPs from north Wales themselves – and the whistleblowing social worker Alison Taylor had gone public on the child abuse years previously. Furthermore, ‘children’s care workers’ had been appearing in the local Courts on trial for offences against children for a very long time. My posts ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’ describe how in 1992 a number of MPs signed an EDM in response to plans to close Garth Angharad, a facility for ‘mentally abnormal criminals’. People who had been abused whilst in care in north Wales tended to end up in there. The notoriously unscrupulous psychiatrists in north Wales who were involved with criminal activities as well as with discrediting and imprisoning people who had been abused whilst in care had connections with this ‘hospital’. Furthermore it was a very odd ‘hospital’. It was not an NHS facility, it was owned and managed by Paul Hett, who also owned a number of schools and children’s homes in north Wales that had been the subject of allegations of sexual and physical abuse. Later in his career Paul Hett became a solicitor but ended up being struck off for embezzling clients money. Paul Flynn, Dafydd Wigley, Elfyn Llwyd and Ken Livingstone were all among those expressing outrage that Garth Angharad might close it’s doors. Ken had previously been instrumental in running Lambeth Borough Council – who sent children in their care to Paul Hett’s establishments. Lambeth Borough Council is now the centre of a huge scandal regarding the sexual abuse of children in care between the late 1950s and 1980s – millions have been paid out in compensation and more is expected to be paid after it was admitted that the Council’s homes had been infiltrated by paedophiles, that this was known, yet nothing was done to protect children. Dafydd Wigley definitely knew about the criminal practices in the north Wales mental health services because I wrote to him about them. He initially sent me a very supportive letter but when I wrote again some two years later I did not receive a reply. Dafydd Wigley was MP for Caernarfon, where the HQ of Gwynedd County Council was. There was serious corruption in that Council among its legal advisors and social services dept. Gwynedd’s Director of Social Services, Lucille Hughes, was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the social services but failed to act. If I knew about the very serious problems in that Council, particularly in the Dept of Social Services, then I’m sure that Dafydd Wigley did. Previous posts have described how the children’s services and mental health services in Gwynedd were notorious. Dafydd Wigley must have been told of people’s concerns and he almost certainly received correspondence from people other than me. Elfyn Llwyd was also a Gwynedd MP, he will have heard. Furthermore, Elfyn Llwyd was President of Gwynedd Law Society in 1990-91, so he’ll have known all those dodgy lawyers who were concealing abuse in the children’s and mental health services and indeed trying to imprison people whom they knew were innocent. Paul Flynn had stood as the Labour candidate for Denbigh in 1974. Denbigh was a town in which nearly every resident worked at – or had a relative or friend who worked at – the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, where people who had been abused in care were imprisoned. Denbigh had a dreadful reputation but those who worked at that institution had votes, those imprisoned did not. Which is why Paul Flynn was never going to campaign on behalf of the people being abused in there. Martyn Jones was MP for Clwyd South between 1987-2010 and was Wrexham born and bred. He lived on the doorstep of the children’s homes with the worst reputations for abuse – but he too signed the EDM opposing the closure of Garth Angharad.

John Marek was a Wrexham MP between 1983-2001, albeit a rather strange one. He eventually defected from Labour and set up his own party consisting of himself and he is now a member of the Conservative Party. He too was right on the doorstep of Bryn Estyn, the home where serious abuse had gone on for decades. David Hanson has been the MP for Delyn in north east Wales since 1992. He had known the region before that, having been in pursuit of a seat in the Cheshire and north east Wales region. The paedophile ring that was active in north Wales was operating in Cheshire as well. Surely Hanson will have heard something about the problems in the region even if he didn’t know the full picture? I suspect that the same situation prevailed with Win Griffiths, Rhodri Morgan, Paul Murphy and Don Touhig, all MPs from south Wales. Don Touhig had worked as a journalist in Wales including as an editor – journalists tend to receive leaks from allsorts of people, including the police. Win Griffiths has for a long time been involved with what is now called the Third sector – people working in that sector knew that children were being abused.

 

On the same day, 28/3/96, Rhodri Morgan sponsored another EDM: ‘That this House calls on the Secretary of State for Wales to fulfil the promise made on 7th September 1992 to hold a public inquiry into child abuse in North Wales children’s homes by the honourable member for Cardiff North, the Parliamentary Under Secretary then responsible for health and social services in Wales and reported in Welsh Office press release W92359 of the same date, and which was reported by him as going to start as soon as the criminal proceedings were completed; believes that the Chief Constable of North Wales was also correct to call for such a public inquiry when criminal proceedings were over on 4th September 1992 and reaffirmed on 13th August 1993; and further believes that the need for the promised public inquiry is now more urgent with the imminent danger of the shredding of all copies of the independent but non-judicial inquiry into Clwyd County Council child care homes and policies carried out by John Jillings, the retired Director of Social Services of Derbyshire, which drew attention to the deaths of 12 young people who were victims of child sexual abuse who had been in the care of Clwyd and the failure of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the North Wales Police to detect the failures in the child care system in North Wales and which also called for a public inquiry.’

http://www.parliament.uk/edm/1995-96/686

It was signed by Diane Abbott, Janet Anderson, Tony Banks, Harry Barnes, Roy Beggs, Michael Clapham, Eric Clarke, Ann Clwyd, Michael Connarty, Jeremy Corbyn, Jean Corston, John Cummings, Terry Davis, John Evans, Paul Flynn, Norman A. Godman, Win Griffiths, John Gunnell, Mike             Hall, David Hanson, Barry Jones, Lynne Jones, Martyn Jones, Ken Livingstone, Elfyn Llwyd, John Marek, Ian McCartney, Kevin McNamara, Alan Meale, Bill Michie, Rhodri Morgan, Ken Purchase, Ernie Ross, Dennis Skinner, Paddy Tipping, Don Touhig, Robert N. Wareing, Dafydd Wigley.

Again, all the signatories were from the Labour Party, except for Dafydd Wigley (Plaid), Elfyn Llwyd (Plaid), Ken Livingstone (not affiliated to any party) and Roy Beggs (Ulster Unionist). I am wondering whether Roy Beggs might have taken an interest in child abuse matters as a result of the Kincora Boys Home Scandal in Belfast. Some of the MPs outside of Wales who signed this EDM were representing constituencies and had even been councillors in areas where the children’s services had also been infiltrated by paedophiles.

Years later, in the wake of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal rearing it’s head again, on 8/11/12, Ann Clwyd was the primary sponsor of an EDM: ‘That this House notes EDM 1003 tabled June 1996 stating ‘That this House notes that the honourable Member for Cynon Valley has been personally approached by a young man who has been abused while in care; regrets that at least four people from the Cynon Valley were in care in Bryn Estyn during the period covered by the Jillings Report; notes that the child abuse affair in Clwyd ranks as one of the worst and most shocking scandals to come to light in Britain, in that the Report exposes unimaginable horrors such as buggery, rape, bestiality, violent assaults and torture; in the light of disclosures, is appalled by the conduct and failure of public authorities with the responsibility to protect children; in this regard notes that Clwyd County Council has failed to publish the report; further notes moves to block the publication of this report by the insurance companies Zurich Municipal and Municipal Mutual, presumably simply to avoid their liabilities; further notes that in this regard the police have lost the confidence of the public by their apparent failure properly to investigate the full extent of the paedophile activity in North Wales; and similarly that the Crown Prosecution Service has inexplicably failed to prosecute on a number of occasions despite clear evidence and a large number of allegations, and in some cases statements of admission of guilt by paedophiles of sexual offences against children; and notes the failure to prosecute all concerned.’

It’s sponsors were Paul Flynn (Labour, Newport) and Linda Riordan (Labour, Halifax). I presume that the original EDM was one of the EDMs that Ann Clwyd referred to as I quoted earlier ie. one of the EDMs that the Speaker told her would be ‘withdrawn automatically’. So it was Ann mentioning this sort of thing that caused so much upset in Parliament…

So what became of those MPs in Wales who seemed to have kept quiet about the activities of a paedophile ring until they were forced into action by public concern accompanied by UK wide coverage? Most of them have done quite nicely for themselves. Dafydd Wigley, Don Touhig and Paul Murphy have ended up in the Lords. David Hanson was appointed PPS to Tony Blair in 2001 and ended up as Minister of State for Security, Counter-Terrorism, Crime and Policing at the Home Office until Labour lost the election in 2010. Win Griffiths became the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for Wales in 1997, with responsibility for Health and Social Services. He has retired from politics now but was (and maybe still is) Chair of WCVA (Wales Council for Voluntary Action), a body that acts as an umbrella organisation for many charities that have concealed child abuse and  until 2012 was Chair of Abertawe Morgannwg University Health Board. In 2010 he was appointed as Chair of the Welsh NHS Confederation. Wales’s NHS is somewhat troubled and in north Wales has just about collapsed, mainly as a result of the legacy of the paedophile ring and the corruption that accompanied it. As for Rhodri – well he became First Minister of Wales after the National Assembly for Wales came into being. Whilst he was First Minister I wrote and wrote and wrote about the harassment and threats that I was receiving at the hands of the mental health services – the services which had concealed and colluded with the paedophile ring. Rhodri’s Health Minister Brian Gibbons responded by writing to me to tell me that ‘this correspondence is at an end’ when I told him that I had evidence of criminal activity in the NHS in north Wales. Rhodri is no longer with us but the mess that was left behind after no-one tackled the organised criminals that ran that paedophile ring is all over north Wales. Martyn Jones has retired from politics but he was very critical of the former Chief Constable of North Wales Richard Brunstrom, for being so zealous regarding traffic offences. As compared to the previous Chief Constable Michael Argent who refused to co-operate with an investigation into a paedophile ring.

I suspect that Ann Clwyd really did want to blow the lid off the cover-ups of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. I’m not convinced that the others did. Some of them must have had some indication of what was going on yet none of them raised their heads until the public outcry over the suppression of the Jillings Report, when they just couldn’t continue to ignore what was happening. I note that by 2012, only three people were sufficiently interested to sign the EDM. As for the situation at the present time – it is clear that there now are so many in politics, the civil service, the police, the law, medicine and the social services who have in some way been involved in concealing or colluding with abuses in the children’s care services or the mental health services across the UK, that I think there are far more of them who don’t want an expose than those who do. Previous posts have named scores of institutions including the Garrick Club, the Law Society, the BMA, the MDU and the GMC who hosted the people who concealed and colluded with child abuse in north Wales. People still trip over themselves to join the Garrick (I think it’s one of those clubs with a waiting list literally years long) and the Top Doctors believe that a position on a BMA committee is worth having. And being involved with the GMC or MDU does wonders for one’s career.

Unlike so many named on this blog, Ann Clwyd has not been elevated to the House of Lords. If anyone ever did give her a seat in there she’d probably have great difficulty finding anyone worth sitting next to.

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.