Cottaging At Castle Gate

Previous posts have discussed Ron Davies – the former Labour MP for Caerphilly, 1983-01, Labour AM for Caerphilly, 1999-03 and Secretary of State for Wales, 1997-98 – and how Blair was just about to confirm that Ron would be First Secretary (First Minister) in the soon to be established National Assembly for Wales when Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common with a male prostitute called Boogie and had to resign as Secretary of State (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). No-one ever quite got to the bottom of what had happened between Ron and Boogie because Alastair Campbell and Blair micromanaged what was made public about the incident. A number of versions of events were in circulation, including claims that Ron had been discovered starkers, or wearing women’s clothes. It was said that Ron had been mugged – yet Boogie the alleged mugger was interviewed by the police and not charged with any offence.

Rhodri Morgan’s autobiography has quite a lot to say about Ron – Rhodri was a good mate of his. Rhodri claims that Boogie ‘forced’ Ron to go to a cash machine, but kept Ron’s car because Ron forgot his PIN. Rhodri claims that the Boogie business came as a complete shock to him and questioned whether Ron really was someone who would ‘strike up a conversation with a total stranger from the margins of society on the grass verge on the edge of Clapham Common and then agree to go for a meal later that night with the man and his friends’.

Although Rhodri claimed to be completely surprised regarding the Boogie incident, he makes a number of other comments which suggest that he should not have been in the least bit surprised by it.

Rhodri admits that he had heard rumours concerning Ron’s ‘other life’, including information that Ron was frequenting a Turkish bath in Newport. There was rather very much more than a vague rumour about a Turkish bath.

Rhodri tells us that Brian Radford, a journo for ‘The People’, had heard rumours that Ron had driven in a private car up the A 470 and stopped at a public bogs known as a gay meeting place. Furthermore, ‘gay Welsh Tories’ had told Neil Wooding – ‘a prominent gay Welsh Labour figure’ – that Ron was ‘cottaging at Castle Gate’. In the same way that Dafydd Wigley claimed not to know what a paedophile was whilst spending decades as the MP for a constituency in which a paedophile gang operated which was assisted by some members of Wigley’s own party – including Ioan Bowen Rees, one of Wigley’s advisors – who occupied offices just around the corner from Wigley’s constituency office (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’), Rhodri explained in his memoir that he didn’t know what cottaging was when he was first told that Ron was cottaging at Castle Gate.

So how did Rhodri discover what cottaging involved? A ‘Labour activist in Wrexham’ who worked as a medical secretary in Wrexham Maelor Hospital ‘where related issues’ were dealt with, one Lesley Griffiths, enlightened Rhodri. Lesley explained to Rhodri that cottaging was a term for casual sexual encounters between ‘predatory men’ which took place in public bogs. Lesley certainly knew all about it. Accordingly to Lesley, because the police regularly patrolled the bogs which were known to be used for cottaging purposes and shone torches under the doors in order to see if they could count two pairs of feet in a cubicle rather than just one, cottaging men busy in the cubicles would ensure that one of them stood in shopping bags placed on the floor. Thus the police would only spot two feet and some bags of shopping rather than four incriminating feet.

I am certainly impressed with Lesley Griffiths’ knowledge of cottaging. I didn’t know that about the shopping bags until I read Rhodri’s book. Neither did I realise that Lesley Griffiths’ work at Wrexham Maelor involved matters relating to cottaging men – I presumed that she just typed up letters concerning abdominal surgery or some such matter. In 2007, nearly ten years after Ron resigned over his liaison with Boogie, Lesley Griffiths was elected as the AM for Wrexham.

In 2011 Griffiths was promoted to the position of Health Minister and what a bloody wet blanket she was. My post ‘History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’ describes how dismal Griffiths’ performance was and how she ignored correspondence from me regarding the harassment and threats that I was receiving from the paedophiles’ friends employed in the north Wales NHS. Griffiths was in post when I had to flee north west Wales after I received a midnight visitor – who was seen off by my dog – and after cars were driven carelessly in my direction at a high speed on a number of occasions. Then there was the incident when someone who had provided a statement about the harassment of me by senior managers of the NW Wales NHS Trust was threatened by a policeman with a gun. A few days later I was trailed through Cricieth and beyond by the same policeman with a gun…

None of this should surprise us. Whilst Lesley was busy being ‘a Labour activist’ she was a Wrexham Councillor. The Wrexham Councillors – with the noble exception of Malcolm King – completely ignored the activities of the paedophile gang on their doorstep. The victims of that paedophile gang were being taken to local GPs and Wrexham Maelor Hospital with non-accidental injuries that were never investigated. One boy with anal injuries was told that he had ‘piles’.

Lesley – if you knew about the intricacies of cottaging and you worked in a dept in the Maelor which dealt with ‘related matters’, presumably you would have been fully aware that teenaged boys don’t tend to have piles and that piles don’t result in anal injury. Although serious sexual assault does. How was it that you knew about the shopping bags but not about the paedophile ring, whereas I – who have never worked in Wrexham Maelor dealing with cottaging-related matters – knew about the paedophile gang on your patch, but not the shopping bags?

Lesley Griffith grew up near Wrexham and has spent her whole life there. How she missed that paedophile gang or the criminal Top Doctors and social workers who have surrounded her for her entire existence I do not know.

I’m not an aficionado like Lesley, but I knew back in 1984 that cottaging was going on in Bangor and furthermore that the particular brand of cottaging happening in the notorious Garth Road public conveniences did not involve consenting adult Ron Davies’s, but rather the propositioning of boys as young as eight by older men. The problem was so bad that a lady magistrate – I can’t remember her name – spoke about it to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’. She observed that it was outrageous that this was going on and she even gave a description of ‘the man in a flashy car’ who had been seen loitering around the bogs in question. The lady magistrate was particularly critical of the police whom she maintained were wilfully ignoring what was happening.

The reason why the business of the molesters in Garth Road public toilets being allowed to go about their business unhindered caused such uproar in Bangor was that Garth Road public toilets were situated directly opposite Bangor Police Station (the Police Station in Bangor relocated more recently). The police could have just looked out of their front window if they wanted to keep an eye on Garth Road public toilets.

Considering how serious the problem was, the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ paid remarkably little attention to it – they reported the concerns of that magistrate and then never returned to the subject. But then the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an interesting choice of articles. There was a vicious paedophile ring associated with serious organised crime operating in the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor but never a word was published about it. There was bugger all coverage of the matter even when the Waterhouse Inquiry was taking place.

What the Bangor and Anglesey did publish however was articles in praise of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – particularly in 1993-95 when Dafydd had become too embarrassing even for the NHS in north Wales and there was pressure on him to retire, pressure that he was doing all that he could to resist (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). The ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ entertained the patients of the Hergest Unit by repeatedly describing Dafydd as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. Dafydd was not even a forensic psychiatrist let alone Europe’s leading. The Mail also waxed lyrical about the excellent forward thinking North Wales Hospital Denbigh, which according to Dafydd’s interviews with the journos was ‘unique’. Which I suppose was true, mental health care was and still is near-universally appalling in the UK but as far as I know Denbigh was the only institution with a dungeon for the unlawful imprisonment of the victims of a sex trafficking gang.

When I perused my medical files I discovered that the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ had an even cosier relationship with Dafydd than I realised. In 1988 a friend of mine who had experienced the joys of Dafydd’s idiocy and pomposity thought that it would be entertaining if we sent a completely mad letter to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ under Dafydd’s name, repeating his expressions and his crazy ideas to see if they would publish it. Our letter was remarkably similar to the nonsense that Dafydd came out with when he addressed the Welsh Baptist Union in 1971 and told them that learning Bible verses in Welsh when one is a child can protect against a ‘serious moral collapse’ (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’). We sent the letter off to the Editor but to our disappointment it was not published.

Many years later I found a photocopy of our letter in my medical files. It was attached to a compliments slip from the ‘North Wales Weekly News’ (the larger sister paper of the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’) along with a note saying ‘The attached letter was sent to the Bangor and Anglesey Mail purporting to come from Dr DA Jones. He has asked me to pass it onto you.’ The note was signed ‘Penny Bosworth, reporter’ and Penny had helpfully provided everyone with her phone number – 362747 – should any of the paedophiles’ friends wish to get in touch.

As the comedian Mrs Merton would say, ‘so Penny Bosworth, how did you become so friendly with a man who was running a sex trafficking ring?’

Someone at the Mail obviously did believe that the letter was from Dafydd because it had been prepared for publication – the photocopy showed up the marks that newspaper editors make on pieces before the edition goes off to be printed. I have no idea who on the Mail realised that the letter was too crazy to even be from Dafydd and called in Dafydd’s mate Penny Bosworth.

Our spoof letter was not the only extract from the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ that turned up in my medical records. In 1996 the mental health services manager for north west Wales, Alun Davies, in collaboration with the paedophiles’ friends at even higher levels in the NHS than him, was well on the way to closing down the day centre at the Hergest Unit. The day centre was the only bit of the mental health services in north west Wales which actually worked and was very popular with the patients. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team were abusive and threatened to assault patients in their own homes, the Top Doctors were all mad and constantly had patients arrested for bizarre and trivial reasons, most of the best staff had left the wards as the Unit had gone further and further downhill at the hands of Alun Davies, but the day centre had a number of friendly, more competent staff and was also a place where a lot of patients who were isolated and living in poverty could meet their friends and socialise.

In true ‘service user involvement’ style, the patients were told that the day centre was ‘under review’ and that they were to be ‘consulted’ about the closure. The patients were horrified to hear of the plans to close the day centre and all voted to keep it open. Because the patients had voted the wrong way, more votes and focus groups were held and the patients were told that the day centre was very bad for them and furthermore that it was ‘old fashioned’. The patients continued to vote in favour of the day centre. Then an auditor was sent in – that was a real scream, because the auditor also came up with the wrong answer. He concluded that the day centre was providing an excellent service.

Then individual interviews were held and patients were directly asked why they insisted upon attending the day centre instead of making appointments to see the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. Patients responded with comments such as ‘because one of them said that he would hit me’ but that wasn’t recorded. Instead it was recorded that patients were ‘misusing’ the NHS by visiting the day centre in order to access the coffee facilities and lunches. That was true for some patients, but what wasn’t recorded was that numerous patients were living in such poverty that they couldn’t afford sufficient food. This was because the Arfon Team and Top Doctors had not told most patients about their entitlement to disability benefits, so many patients were living at sub-benefit levels. The day centre staff knew about this, as did the occupational therapy team – but they were told that helping with benefits advice was not their remit.

It is worth noting here on what grounds the Arfon Team and Top Docs refused to help patients with benefit claims or indeed housing. People were refused help if they ‘had upset people’. I and other patients noticed that the patients who were said to have ‘upset people’ were those who had complained about Dafydd and the paedophiles. As one patient said to me more recently ‘so I upset a gang of paedophiles 20 years ago and now I can’t get the help to which I am legally entitled’.

That was the sum of it. The day centre staff had a policy of supplying biscuits and milk and coffee for the patients because they knew that many of them didn’t have those things at home and I know at least two of the occupational therapists brought in old clothes and bits and pieces from their homes in order to supply patients with basics. Patients were also having their teeth extracted when they had toothache because extractions were cheaper than fillings.

‘Oooh it’s never been this bad in the NHS, it’s Carwyn’s cuts’. No it’s not, it’s the bloody paedophile gang wreaking havoc. Retired nurses from Denbigh had yachts moored off Anglesey and second homes in Florida (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’), Dafydd was reputed to be a millionaire but the patients couldn’t afford food and toothpaste.

Then Alun Davies announced that the free bus travel which most of the patients relied upon to get to the day centre would be withdrawn. So only the four or five financially well off patients with cars and those within walking distance of the day centre could actually get there. Attendance dropped from over 200 during the week to less than 30.

Alun Davies announced that after ‘extensive consultation with the service users’ it was clear that the day centre was ‘under used’ and that it would therefore be closing. Davies then tried to sack one of the occupational therapists who had been bringing old clothes in to help the patients who couldn’t afford clothes.

Before the day centre closed its doors – the day centre was turned into offices, which is what hospitals should be used for of course – I and other patients wrote letters to newspapers, MPs etc.

In my medical records, the copies of the letters that I wrote to the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ in defence of the day centre are lovingly preserved.

 

After the day centre closed down a number of patients became destitute and others were found dead. So many people died that one of my friends started referring to the National Holocaust Service. Other patients just went off the radar and disappeared.

The attack on the day centre began in about 1995. Just as the demands for an investigation into the possibility that a paedophile ring was at work in north Wales could no longer be ignored. By the time that the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway, support – and indeed basic medical care – was being withdrawn from many mental health patients. Before Ronnie Waterhouse had completed that Report the day centre had closed and en masse destitution and deaths had begun.

After the old fashioned day centre was shut down, there was an increased investment in ‘other community services more appropriate to patients needs’. The Arfon Community Mental Health Team blossomed and there were even more of them employed to threaten patients, have them arrested and refuse to provide any services to patients who had upset people. A room above a disused pub in Caernarfon was opened on a Tuesday as a ‘community facility’ for patients in Gwynedd. The room wasn’t heated and there was no coffee provided, so a farmer’s wife from near Caernarfon – who was appalled at what was happening to patients – volunteered to go in every Tuesday and cook a communal meal.  She provided the ingredients herself. There was transport provided though – a minibus did a journey through the hill villages and picked up the few people who fancied spending a Tuesday in a freezing cold room above the disused pub.

The farmer’s wife told me that one week an old man from Penygroes who was in a very bad way was loaded onto the minibus by the driver. The old man had just put his clothes on over his pyjamas, he hadn’t eaten, washed, shaved etc for days and once he got to the room above the disused pub, he just sat there all day unmoving and also wet himself. The farmer’s wife observed that if that had been one of your relatives you’d have taken them straight to A&E. But no-one did, the minibus driver loaded the old man back onto the bus at the end of the day and took him back to Penygroes. The old man wasn’t at the disused pub the next week – he had been found dead in his house.

When I told Brown about this, Brown observed that the North West Wales NHS Trust operated on the same principle as the Nazis did when they transported people to the concentration camps – they counted the bodies onto the trains and counted them again at the other end but didn’t bother to note if anyone had died during the journey.

Alun Davies might as well have installed a gas chamber for the Hergest patients. Davies told so many bloody lies that no-one would have noticed if he had invited people to go into the showers but something other than water was coming out.

 

It was repeatedly alleged that the North Wales Police colluded with the paedophile gang operating in north Wales. The Chief Constable of North Wales, 1982-94 – David Owen  – flatly refused to co-operate with the first major investigation into the possible existence of a paedophile gang in the region. I have mentioned previously that one of the police officers who was constantly ordered by the mental health services to arrest me was Sgt Tim Evans. I was told by a third party that Sgt Evans made it clear that he thought that the whole situation was farcical and was asking why a hospital full of highly paid consultants were summoning the police on an almost daily basis to ‘deal with’ patients who had simply complained – I was one of the highest profile people in this position. At one point Sgt Evans refused to arrest me and I understand that he told the paedophiles’ friends that I had rights too and he just couldn’t arrest me when I had broken absolutely no law.

In response to Tim Evans refusing to wrongfully arrest me, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) wrote to Chief Constable David Owen and complained about Tim Evans. Francis stressed that Tim Evans and his colleagues were merely a bunch of uneducated plods but that the Top Doctors were Experts and knew how dangerous I was. Tim subsequently turned up at my place on every occasion after a ludicrous complaint was made about me to haul me off to the police station, although he did apologise for this, explaining that if he did not do it he was going to be disciplined and could be sacked.

Tim Evans undoubtedly knew what the paedophiles’ friends were up to – he had lived opposite Mary Wynch in Caernarfon for a start and he knew what had happened there (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). I presume that he was one of the many police officers who knew how bad the criminality was but it was prevalent at such a high level in the North Wales Police that he was unable to challenge it.

Sgt Evans may well have been right to have been worried. In the summer of 1987 Sgt Morgan of Bangor Police Station stuck his neck out to protect me in the face of the grand plan of Dafydd et al to frame and imprison me for ‘trying to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’). Alun Davies bellowed at me that ‘we’ll be making a complaint about him’. A few months later Sgt Morgan was prosecuted for indecently assaulting a teenaged girl in Bangor Police Station and was sacked. That must have been the first time in the history of north Wales that the word of a 14 year old girl under arrest had been taken above that of a police officer. The indecent assault constituted Sgt Morgan putting his hand in the back pocket of the girl’s jeans whilst searching her – interestingly enough Sgt Morgan claimed to be searching for condoms.

Now Sgt Morgan may well have done what he was accused of doing. Sgt Morgan was famously obsessed with sex and did enjoy discussing it with people under arrest. However, Sgt Morgan’s ‘indecent assault’ on the girl occurred at a time when Dafydd was unlawfully imprisoning people who had suffered serious sexual assault in the dungeon at the North Wales Hospital. Why was Sgt Morgan held to account in a way in which no-one else was? Furthermore victims of the paedophile gang were regularly fitted up for serious offences. Interestingly enough, Jeff Crowther, a psychiatric nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, seemed to know that Sgt Morgan was going to be found guilty before Sgt Morgan’s trial had taken place.

Sgt Morgan seems to be in the same category as John Grant Jones, the former Clerk to the Magistrates in Bangor, who after a career at the heart of the paedophiles and their friends, was prosecuted for fiddling his pension entitlements and was sacked in 2005 and stripped of his OBE. By the time that the Dept of Constitutional Affairs sacked John Grant Jones, he had become the Justices’ Committee Chief Executive.

I remember John Grant Jones very well, he was rather nicer to the defendants in Bangor Magistrates Court than many other people were and he knew that people were being framed by Dafydd et al. Even if he did fiddle his pension, fiddling the pension really does pale into insignificance in comparison to what else was happening in the criminal justice system in north Wales. John Grant Jones was the first person to be stripped of his OBE in north Wales. All the corrupt senior police officers, NHS managers and Top Docs are still in possession of their gongs, even Elfed Roberts who decided that he was going to leave the North Wales Police when it was noticed that he seemed to be very wealthy and leading a gold-plated existence for a policeman. The Elfed whom I was told was known to be ‘corrupt’ back in the 1970s when he was still just a sergeant in Llangefni.

So who was Lord Chancellor – the person who presided over the Dept for Constitutional Affairs – when Jones Grant Jones was stuffed over yet the paedophiles’ friends were allowed to hang onto their jobs and gongs? It was Charlie Falconer.

Spit it out Charlie – what did John Grant Jones know about who that resulted in him being shot at dawn?

 

Chief Constable David Owen was President of the ACPO in 1990. He came from Gwynedd – he was the son of a police sergeant himself – but served with the Metropolitan Police, Lincolnshire Police, the Merseyside and Dorset forces before returning to North Wales.

Michael Argent succeeded David Owen as Chief Constable of North Wales. Argent didn’t refuse to investigate the organised abuse of children in north Wales, but he refused to allow another Chief Constable to oversee the investigation, although by then part of the remit was to investigate the North Wales Police themselves after allegations had been made that police officers were abusing children.

Former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea received the full support of the Police Federation throughout the years that he was accused of abusing children in care and even after he was convicted and imprisoned in 2016. Anglesea died in prison and at the time of his death was planning an appeal. The Police Federation were supporting him and there had been offers from barristers to represent Anglesea free of charge. The Police Federation turned up in force at Anglesea’s funeral to give him a good send off.

There are quite a few references in my medical records to police who were very obviously colluding with wrongdoing on the part of the paedophiles’ friends. There are of course the references to Superintendent Roberts from Bangor Police Station and the ‘deal’ that he had with Dafydd to wrongfully arrest me, unlawfully deliver me to Bryn Golau – the locked ward – at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh where the nurses were instructed not to let me out by Dr Neil Davies. The nurses told Neil Davies that they were very unhappy at being involved with this ‘deal’ because it was illegal, but Neil Davies explained to them that they weren’t guilty because the deal was between Superintendent Roberts and the Top Doctors – all the nurses had to do was to refuse to let me go (see post ‘How I Arrived At Denbigh’).

There are a number of references to a Chief Inspector Parry of Bangor Police Station who seems to have been very accommodating with regard to the paedophiles’ friends in 1988. In 1988 I was living in Surrey and working at the University of Surrey as a member of the cancer research team led by Professor Vincent Marks, who’s brother John Marks was Chairman of the BMA at the time. The shenanigans behind the scenes – including the plagiarism of my work which was then published by Professor Nicola Curtin of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne University Medical School of whom I had never heard until the other day and the involvement of a colleague of Dr Tony Francis’s in a scandal which resulted in a member of a related cancer research team being found dead – are described in my posts ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’, ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’ and ‘Apocalypse Now’.

I was continuing to write to the NHS in north Wales requesting that my complaints should be investigated. I received no replies other than threats to prosecute me on the grounds that I was ‘harassing’ people by my letters and demands that I stop writing to them.

A letter dated 24 Aug 1988 from Dr AH Chadwick of the BMA’s Welsh Office in Cardiff to Dr DJC Davies, the Chief Medical Administrative Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, refers to their meeting in DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988 and expresses ‘extreme concern’ about my ‘antics’. My antics being those letters of complaint which detailed the serious criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. Chadwick wrote that ‘today I have been requested by the four BMA consultant psychiatrists for urgent assistance’ and that he has now received ‘further alarming reports’ about me. The ‘four BMA consultant psychiatrists’ are the paedophiles’ friends Tony Francis, his wife Sadie Francis, Dr M. Devakumar and Dafydd.

On 2 Sep 1988 PM Rees, an administrator for Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote to Chadwick, referring to Chadwick’s letter of 24 Aug 1988 to Dr DJC Davies, regarding plans to arrange a meeting between the psychiatrists, the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, ‘solicitor to the Welsh Health Authorities’ and a representative of the North Wales Police.

On 14 Sept 1988 a letter from PM Rees to Devakumar explained that ‘as requested through the BMA’, a meeting had been arranged with Chief Inspector Parry to discuss me.

A document dated 21/9/88 constitutes the notes made after a meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd held on 16 Sept 1988 ‘to discuss the action to be taken’ regarding the ‘problems’ posed by me. The usual suspects attended the meeting – a collection of Top Docs, senior Angels and managers who have featured previously on this blog – as did Chief Inspector Parry. Parry confirmed at the meeting that at Bangor Magistrates Court in Nov 1987 I was given a conditional discharge and bound over for a year. That was the result of an attempt by Dafydd to have me prosecuted for assaulting a doctor. It subsequently became clear that I hadn’t assaulted anyone – I had however shouted at a doctor. The doctor concerned had been involved in threatening me and illegally detaining me at Ysbyty Gwynedd earlier that year (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’) and of course my requests for an investigation had been ignored.  After the assault case collapsed, the paedophiles’ friends had me prosecuted for breach of the peace. Parry explained to the meeting that ‘any threatening behaviour during this period could result in her retrial for the original offence’.

Obviously there had been no ‘threatening behaviour’ from me because I had not been retried.

Another document in my medical records simply entitled ‘Gwynedd Health Authority’ records that Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd of the North Wales Police attended a meeting about me on 14 Oct 1988 with Andrew Park and usual suspects. A new name joined the usual suspects – Mr G. Palmer, Chief Administrative Nursing Officer. At this meeting Tony Francis informed everyone about the injunction that he had taken out against me, on the basis of him perjuring himself and giving an account of all those assaults which it was later admitted by Andrew Park and Francis’s own lawyers Hempsons that I had not committed. Dafydd told the meeting that he was not prepared to take out an injunction against me. In 1994 Dafydd changed his mind and obtained an injunction in the High Court in Liverpool after discussing his anus in court and the threats made by another person to stick a hand-grenade up his bum, which according to Dafydd was all my fault (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). I will be blogging more about Dafydd and his injunction soon.

Chief Inspector Geoff Lloyd told the meeting that my conditional discharge imposed by Bangor Magistrates would run out on 10 Nov 1988. The note stated that the ‘Malicious Communications Act was coming into force on 29 Sept 1989’ and it was agreed to refer any mail sent by me to after that date to members of staff which contained ‘malicious communications’ to the police with a view to prosecuting me under this legislation.

There was never any attempt to prosecute me under the Malicious Communications Act so presumably my communications weren’t malicious enough. However I am curious about the use of the tense in the letter ie. that the Act ‘was coming into force’. This suggests that the document was written before the Act came into force – but the note claims to be an account of a meeting held AFTER the Act had come into force. There are no signatures on this document and I am wondering if it is yet another document which was not compiled when, or recording what, it claimed. I have a number of such documents in my possession – many of them dated during 1988 or 1989. I believe that they were forged or at the very least were backdated and written long after the date would suggest (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). Many of these documents were allegedly written by Alun Davies and were letters to the Welsh Office regarding my complaints. The dates are inconsistent, none of the letters are signed and there are other errors in the letters which suggest that they were written by someone at a much later date to cover the arse of the north Wales NHS. I will be blogging more about them soon.

My medical records contain an internal memo dated 8 Nov 1988 to Alun Davies from Tony Francis complaining that my letters have not been forwarded to the police. Francis demands that this is done and also says that he’s made a statement to the police and forwarded a letter to the administrators to give to the police. The memo states that it was dictated but not signed by Tony Francis.

There is an undated letter from Alun Davies to Chief Inspector Parry saying that Davies is sending Parry a letter that I had written to Dafydd.

My suspicions that there was a great deal of forgery going on are confirmed by a note dated 24 Nov 1988  explaining that Andrew Park has amended an account of a meeting ‘as arranged’. This was not Park redrafting a lawyer’s letter – this was Park making up what happened in a meeting in which the homicidal maniac that was me was being discussed. A meeting attended by a senior police officer. What ever would be wrong with providing a fictitious account of that meeting?

It will have been very clear to Chief Inspectors Parry and Lloyd that in spite of the florid allegations that were made about my ‘antics’ constantly, there was no evidence that I was doing anything other than writing very angry letters detailing criminal activity and asking for an investigation. Furthermore there had been a number of incidents in which the paedophiles’ friends had been demonstrated to have perjured themselves in their attempts to have me charged yet no questions had been asked about them lying to the police. By the time that Parry and Lloyd were attending these meetings about me, Dafydd had been sued by Mary Wynch and the case had been reported in the London-based press and Alison Taylor had blown the whistle on the abuse of children in care in Gwynedd and had been sacked from her job by Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes.

Whilst the Chief Inspectors attended meetings with the paedophiles’ friends, Alun Davies had recorded a conversation with me without my knowledge in which the fat idiot had tried to entrap me, without success. There is a transcript of the call in my files, with Davies asking me ‘ooh what are you planning to do to us then’, obviously hoping I was going to fly off the handle and explain how I would be decapitating and dismembering them all in the near future.

There  are other references to other obliging police officers in my files.

On 13 Oct 1990, Mr D. Hinchcliffe, the general administrator of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, wrote to the policeman at Denbigh Police Station, Mr Bob Rowlands, about my ‘harassment’ of them all. Mr Hinchcliffe was obviously on good terms with Mr Rowlands because the letter begins ‘Dear Bob’. Mr Hinchliffe mentions a previous letter of his about me which he sent to Bob on 25 Sept 1995, but my files don’t have a copy of that one. I wonder why? Hinchliffe’s letter to Bob was CC’d to Dafydd, D. Griffiths and Janice Davies. D. Griffiths was a general administrator at Clwyd Health Authority who had a solid track record of refusing to reply to my letters detailing the criminal activities of Janice Davies – Dafydd’s Nurse Ratched on Bryn Golau Ward.

 

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to the MDU, 192 Altrincham Road, Sharston, Manchester about me. His refers to his previous letters about me behaving an a ‘menacing and intrusive way’. He accuses me of throwing a rock through a glass door at his house on Anglesey. Not that Dafydd had any evidence at all that I did this. Indeed Dafydd isn’t quite sure when the rock was thrown because he wasn’t actually in his house when it happened. Dafydd explains that he ‘was away’ but ‘two person were sleeping in the house and found the rock and broken glass door in the morning’. Dafydd thinks that the rock was thrown through the door ‘at probably about 3 am’. How the hell did he managed to time if if he wasn’t there and the only two people who were, were slumbering – did one of them at least not wake up when the rock came flying through the door????. Oh – Dafydd had a dog as well, a drug dealer’s dog, a Doberman who tried to attack the police on one occasion. Didn’t the dog bark? As for knowing that it was me who threw the rock – of course he knew that it was, because as Dafydd tells the MDU lawyers Hempsons ‘I can conceive of no other person likely to have done this’.

Dafydd was running a sex trafficking ring who dealt in drugs and child porn, I can conceive of a great many people who might have chucked the rock. If indeed a rock had ever been chucked. Dafydd noticeably provides no evidence whatever – no photos, no statements from the two persons who were sleeping in the house, not a sausage. He did tell the MDU that I was charged with assault on a junior doctor but he forgot to add that the charges were dropped when the junior doctor admitted that I hadn’t assaulted him after all.

Dafydd also says in his letter that a psychiatrist ‘whose name escapes me at the moment but which can be retrieved’ stated that I would ‘very likely end in a secure ward for the criminally insane’.

Yes Dafydd, because you, Tony Francis, Dr Chris Hunter and the rest of the paedophiles’ friends were constantly trying to fit me up after carrying out secret assessments on me which concluded with recommendations that I should be sent to a high security hospital because I was criminally insane…

Dafydd mentions one such incident – ‘I can recall an occasion when forensic psychiatrists attended a conference discussing the possible risks and possible management’. Would that have been the conference held by Dafydd’s mate Dr Chris Hunter – of whom I had never even heard at the time – who held a conference about me after Tony Francis and Dafydd asked him to? A conference that was held without my knowledge in north Wales – whilst I was working in a London medical school. A conference which was attended solely by paedophiles’ friends, many of whom had never met me (see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’).

There is no solid evidence amongst any of this garbage – if the name of the person who made the splendid comments about me ending in a ward for the criminally insane ‘can be retrieved’, why wasn’t it retrieved before Dafydd wrote this letter? Or indeed since?

The name of that particular person wasn’t retrieved, but a whole list of other names was. Dafydd had back up! He told the MDU that they had his permission to approach: Avril Davies, the Mental Health Act Administrator at the Hergest Unit; Alun Davies; Tony and Sadie Francis; Hugh Thomas Pierce; Mrs Janice Glass; DC S.A. Owen ‘who has now become extensively involved in this matter’.

Avril Davies and the Francis’s were paedophiles’ friends. I have no idea who Hugh Thomas Pierce is. Janice Glass was one of Dafydd’s servants at his house, but I’ve never met her. And I did not even know of the existence of DC Owen, although he/she had become ‘extensively involved in this matter’.

I only heard about me throwing a rock through Dafydd’s door at 3 am some time after I’d done it, when a nurse at the Hergest Unit told me what I’d done. Which is just as well – DC Owen or indeed any other police officer hadn’t interviewed me about my crime, so if that helpful nurse hadn’t have let me known that I’d been over at Dafydd’s in the small hours chucking rocks through his door, I’d have been blissfully unaware of my crimes.

Dafydd worked as an expert medical witness. This is a man who had people banged up in Ashworth and Broadmoor for the rest of their lives on the basis of his ‘evidence’.

Much more recently in 2009 DC Steve Power was involved in yet another attempt to frame me on the part of the North West Wales NHS Trust – after a previous attempt had fallen apart (see post ‘After The Attempt To Frame Me…’). When my lawyer had Steve bang to rights in the police station, Steve announced that he would be taking this matter no further because he was retiring in a matter of days. I recognised Steve Power when he interviewed me in 2009. I had met him about four years previously, after I made a complaint to the police about being assaulted by staff in the Hergest Unit. I was locked in a room and prevented from reporting the assault when it happened, so after I got out of the Hergest Unit I wrote to the North Wales Police. I received a letter back with an appointment to discuss the matter at Caernafon Police Station. I turned up for the appointment only to be told by the police officer on duty that ‘another matter’ had arisen, so he was unable to see me. He told me that he would send me another appointment. I never heard another word. The officer was DC Steve Power.

 

Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse of the children in care in north Wales had a great deal of trouble with the North Wales Police. The two North Wales Police officers who’s names are usually heard in relation to the investigations into the abuse of children in care after Alison blew the whistle are Detective Superintendent Peter Ackerley and Detective Chief Superintendent Gwynne Owen. Alison’s concerns were rubbished and she was accused of fabricating multiple abuse allegations, including allegations against former Superintendent Gordon Anglesea and manipulating children into making false accusations.

I too was accused of ‘manipulating’ and ‘encouraging’ people to complain about Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. It never seemed to occur to the paedophiles’ friends that their conduct was so dreadful that when it was witnessed by people other than kids in care or psych patients – who had become very used to being routinely abused – people were horrified. They didn’t need to be ‘encouraged’ or ‘manipulated’ by me to complain.

The conduct of the North Wales Police over many years left a great deal to be desired.

I have found out that former Detective Constable Jo Bott was interviewed during the 1991-93 investigation into child abuse in north Wales. Bott repeatedly took refuge by answering ‘no comment’. Well there’s a turn up for the books – because when I witnessed Jo in action in 1993 when she was a key mover and shaker in false accusations that a new father was a danger to his baby whilst two people who had sexually and physically abused children were afforded full protection by Bott, Bott had a great deal to say. In fact Jo was ever so friendly and chatty as she extracted information from a new parent who trusted her. When Jo returned to see that man a few weeks later, having used the information that he provided about the abuse of at least FOUR children to protect the abusers and frame an innocent person, Jo still had a bit more to say – only this time, what she had to say was rather unpleasant and threatening as opposed to friendly and chatty (see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’).

Come on Jo, tell us what you know about who had it in for the other completely innocent and good father involved in it all as well, Martin – who was found dead at a most convenient time for you and the paedophiles’ friends…

The 1991-93 North Wales Police investigation into child abuse recommended that Gordon Anglesea should be prosecuted. Not only was he not prosecuted until many, many years later, but this information was concealed. It only became public in 1997 when Gerard Elias QC revealed it at the Waterhouse Inquiry.

It is thought that the Police Federation backed Gordon Anglesea’s libel case against HTV Wales, Private Eye, The Indie on Sunday and The Observer, which Anglesea won in 1994 (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). North Wales Police officers attended Anglesea’s libel hearing and they knew that information was being witheld ie. that there had been a recommendation that Anglesea should be prosecuted.

 

In 2005 the ‘investigative journalist’ Richard Webster published a book called ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. Webster’s book was principally a vehicle for trashing the reputation of Alison Taylor. His theory was that the secret of Bryn Estyn was that there was no serious abuse there, that it was just another bog standard mediocre children’s home.

I cannot understand why Webster ever took an interest in Bryn Estyn. He had no connections with Wales and when he planned and wrote the book he was based in Suffolk. He contacted people in north Wales telling them that he was writing a book on institutional child abuse in 1996 but BEFORE the Waterhouse Inquiry was announced.

Webster’s volume is substantial, but it is clear to anyone from north Wales that Webster either had no idea of what was going on or that for some reason he had been sent to assist the paedophiles’ friends. No-one could have lived in north Wales for any length of time over the last few decades and not have noticed that the health and welfare services were and still are truly dreadful. This escaped Webster. He also concluded that Lucille Hughes paying a special visit in person to interview a kid who had alleged that he had been abused was a sign of Lucille’s concern and conscientiousness. This was Lucille bloody Hughes – she probably went out to see the boy to threaten him at gun point, Lucille was not a nice person.

No-one seems to know who funded Webster whilst he ‘researched’ and wrote his book. He made many visits to north Wales and stayed there for substantial lengths of time. Furthermore Webster enjoyed a very cosy relationship with certain people in the North Wales Police.

Some two weeks after the publication of the Waterhouse Report in 2000, Richard Webster wrote an article for the ‘New Statesman’ entitled ‘Can A Whistleblower Be Wrong?’. This was an attack on Alison Taylor where she was accused again of making it all up and getting the kids to make it all up as well. In order to write the article, Webster had gained possession of confidential police documents, including witness statements. He had interviewed Peter Ackerley at length on at least one occasion, although this was denied by Diane Kaiser, the solicitor for the North Wales Police – documentation subsequently demonstrated that Webster had interviewed Ackerley. Webster also used the statements that Gwynne Owen – another person who trashed Alison – made to the CPS for the NS article.

The ‘New Statesman’ had a shock when in 2001 Alison sued them for defamation. I think that Alison represented herself. The NS admitted in court that they published Webster’s article on the assumption that Alison could not afford to sue them. The publisher of the NS at the time of the article was Peter Wilby and it was owned by Geoffrey Robinson. The NS instructed Bindman and Partners to act for them and Adam Speker QC was Counsel. Bindman and Partners had represented Peter Howarth at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Howarth was one of the prime organisers of the paedophile ring in north Wales and was jailed for numerous sex offences against the boys in Bryn Estyn.

In 2002 the NS and Webster fell out. The NS severed his representation on the grounds of the irreconcilable differences between them and Webster because of his refusal to settle the case. The NS subsequently settled with Alison in Dec 2002 and she withdrew her case against Webster. Webster protested about the publication of a settlement notice – he was represented (it was suspected pro bono) by Adrienne Page QC. Page is the cohabitee of Adam Speker and a colleague of Cherie Booth. Justice David Eady presided over the hearing, despite Eady having had previous dealings with Webster.

Page and Speker continued their links with Webster and they provided legal advice for ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’. The book was launched at a party in the Commons organised by Claire Curtis-Thomas, the then Labour MP for Crosby. Curtis-Thomas is associated with Dr Death’s mate Shirley Williams and she also has close links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring hot spots of south Wales and Cheshire. Webster published the book himself – and later self-published a paperback version.

Webster died in 2011 but his website – which is yet another vehicle for trashing Alison Taylor – is still online and is obviously being maintained by someone.

Someone must have been behind Webster. He seems to have had only one principle aim – to discredit Alison Taylor in any way that he could. His was an expensive project and somebody footed the bill.

Geoffrey Robinson, the owner of the ‘New Statesman’ when it launched Webster’s attack on Alison, has been the Labour MP for Coventry North West since 1976. Robinson was Blair’s Paymaster General, 1997-98 – he resigned after lending all that dosh to Mandy…Robinson’s personal fortune is estimated at approx £30 million. Robinson owns a number of homes even grander than the one that Mandy purchased with the dosh that was lent to him by Robinson, including one in Tuscany at which the Blairs took one of their famous holidays courtesy of their very rich friends.

 

To return to Ron Davies.

Rhodri Morgan explains that Neil Wooding passed the warning about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate to Val Feld, ‘a big cheese in the Swansea Labour movement’ and a close friend of Julie, Rhodri’s wife. So Val Feld told Julie.

Val Feld was a woman from a privileged family in Caernarfon who knew all about the abuse of vulnerable people in Wales and I bet that she knew about Ron before Neil Wooding said anything to her. Val founded Shelter Cymru and was the Director of the EOC (Equal Opportunities Commission) for Wales, 1989-99. She was the AM for Swansea East, 1999-01. Val was a mate of paedophiles’ friend Jane Hutt and just a few weeks ago Hutt had a plaque placed on the wall of the Senedd in tribute to Val who kept quiet about so much. For details of what Val ignored, see post ‘Reports Of Death Were Greatly Exaggerated’.

 

Neil Wooding, the man who sent up the flare regarding Ron Davies, is Director of Strategic Planning Performance and Capability at the Office for National Statistics. Neil is an old lag from the Welsh Gov’t. He was Director, Pubic Service Management Wales, 

Not only did Rhodri claim not to know what cottaging was, but Rhodri also experienced confusion over Castle Gate, the site of Ron’s cottaging. Rhodri explains in his book that he presumed that ‘Castle Gate’ was the name of some dive of a pub where Ron had been entertaining himself. Then someone told Rhodri that Ron had been cottaging at Castle Gate in Cardiff – the entrance to Cardiff Castle. Which was approx 100 yards from Rhodri’s constituency office in Transport House.

Rhodri was nearly as close to Ron’s preferred cottaging territory as the Bangor Police were to Garth Road public toilets.

Rhodri wonders in his book whether Blair ‘knew about’ Ron. It is highly probable that he did because Blair specialised in promoting paedophiles’ friends to high office, particularly the Lords. However Rhodri does confirm that ‘MI5 didn’t know’ because of Ron’s ‘astonishing ability to cover his tracks’.

Cottaging at the entrance to Cardiff Castle hardly demonstrates an astonishing ability to cover one’s tracks. Rather it demonstrates complete confidence that everyone knows what you are doing and that no-one is going to blow the gaffe. Of course MI5 knew, they were probably the strangers who were meeting Ron at the Castle Gate for sex. Why does Ron think that the encounter with Boogie ended in disaster just as Blair was about to ensure that Ron became Wales’s FM?

Rhodri notes that Ron was good mates with Nick Brown. Nick Brown has been the Labour MP for Newcastle-Upon-Tyne East since 1983. Nick’s CV ticks numerous boxes which suggests that he has known about the paedophiles and their friends for decades (see post ‘News From Sicily’).

Shortly after Ron Davies had his moment of madness with Boogie, Nick – who was the Minister of Agriculture at the time – became embroiled in some sort of scandal involving a rent boy. Blair’s autobiography ‘A Journey’ admits that Alastair Campbell successfully re-packaged the incident as a good-news story about Brown coming out as gay because Blair was crapping himself at the idea of the Gov’t being hit by two sex scandals in such close succession.

According to journalist Tom Bower, Nick Brown ‘was accused of paying £100 to rent boys to be kicked around a room, and admitted his sexuality’.

‘Private Eye’ recently reported that Nick Brown is suing Bower over a particular sentence in Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ -not even a sentence that I would have thought was particularly incriminating. Brown’s barrister is Adrienne Paige QC! Paige was one of the junior barristers who worked with the crooked barrister George Carman on libel cases (No Ordinary Methods’). Carman knew about the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile gang and its link to the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Blair was a junior barrister in Carman’s team and Carman was also the head of Cherie’s chambers.

 

Although Ron was a Master of Disguise with a Cunning Plan who excelled in covering his tracks by having casual sex with male strangers in central Cardiff at one of the city’s most popular tourist attractions, Ron was gregarious and socialised with many people who of course all had no idea at all of his ‘other life’. The other life that was a constant source of gossip.

Rhodri was such a good mate of Ron that Rhodri was the campaign manager behind Ron’s efforts to become what Rhodri called ‘Top Taff’ in the Shadow Cabinet. Ron became Top Taff in 21 Oct 1993 when John Smith appointed him Shadow Secretary of State for Wales. Ron remained as Top Taff after John Smith’s death, throughout Margaret Beckett’s position as Acting Leader of the Labour Party and continued in the role once Blair ascended the throne.

Whilst Rhodri was busy negotiating Ron’s future as Top Taff, I was subjected to constant attempts by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales to construct me as a dangerous offender and imprison me. Attempts which continued with increased vigour after Ron had become Top Taff because by then people just would not stop alleging that a paedophile ring was in operation in north Wales which was being concealed at the highest levels of society because of its links to Westminster and Whitehall and its connections to paedophile rings in other parts of the UK.

Ron’s Chief Political Advisor and spin doctor was Rhodri’s next door neighbour, Huw. Huw was married to Julia, who had been Rhodri’s secretary since shortly after he was first elected to the Commons in 1987. After Ron resigned as Secretary of State in Oct 1998, he hid from the media by staying at Huw and Julia’s place. Nick Horton, the chief political reporter of the ‘Western Mail’, turned up at Rhodri’s house in search of Ron because he’d been told that Ron was there. Rhodri was so relieved that Horton never guessed that Ron was next door – no-one knew that Ron was in there because Huw and Julia drew the curtains for the whole weeks whilst Ron laid low. House of Ron’s adviser and spin doctor goes into lock-down for a week with all curtains drawn whilst Ron is rumoured to be kipping at Rhodri’s next door? Of course no-one guessed – the fact that no-one published Ron’s whereabouts was completely unrelated to everyone having egg on their faces after keeping schtum about Ron for years.

Something went a bit sour after Ron’s resignation though. Rhodri makes reference to strained relationships and Julia resigning as Rhodri’s secretary…

 

In previous happier times, at Welsh night during the 1996 Labour Party Conference, the Welsh Affairs team all dined together – Rhodri, Ron and Win Griffiths.

Win Griffiths is a former teacher who was Labour MEP for South Wales,  1979-89 and Labour MP for Bridgend 1987-05. Griffiths was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1997-98 reshuffle. After leaving Gov’t Griffiths Chaired the Welsh Grand Committee. He retired from Parliament in 2005.

After retiring Griffiths was Chair of Bro Morgannwg NHS Trust for eight years, a Trust which was in the usual troubled dysfunctional state for an NHS body. In 2012 Lesley Griffiths praised Win for his ‘dedication’ to Bro Morgannwg. Not sure that is much of an endorsement Win. Lesley also named Win’s successor as Chairman – it was Andrew Davies, the former AM for Swansea West and bedfellow of Meri Huws, who previously faced allegations that his Ugandan discussions with Meri had been responsible for Meri landing the job as Chair of the Welsh Language Board (see post ‘People With Energy’).

As for Win, he then moved on to become Chair of WCVA – so he’s the one who is overseeing the waste of public funds and the activities of the paedophiles’ friends that is the Third sector in Wales.

 

Pre-devolution, Ron was big pals – and dined regularly – with Dafydd Wigley and Richard Livsey, as a group of ‘pro-devolution leaders’. Rhodri comments that Ron provided ‘really good leadership’ to this group.

Richard Livsey was the Lib Dem MP for Brecon and Radnorshire, 1985-92 and 1997-01 and was Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems, 1997-01. Livsey was an agriculturalist who after his death was described by everyone as a ‘gentleman’. His time in the Liberal Party stretched back to 1960 and he tried for a seat in the Commons in 1970 and in 1979. Livsey will have known about Jeremy Thorpe and Cyril Smith.

Livsey was close friends with Geraint Howells – Howells was his mentor. Geraint Howells was one of those who signed the Early Day Motion in 1992 demanding an investigation into the case of Mary Wynch. Like everybody else who signed that EDM – except for David Bellotti – Howells then never mentioned Mary again and received a peerage. The only one of those who’s name was on the EDM who did not bag a peerage was David Bellotti who tabled the EDM. David Bellotti lost his seat soon after tabling the EDM and was never returned to Parliament. Geraint lost his seat too, unexpectedly, as a result of a very dirty deal on the part of Plaid and the Green Party, but he escaped to the Upper House (see post ‘A Few Of The Relevant Politicians Re Mary Wynch’s Case’).

When Livsey stood down as Leader of the Welsh Lib Dems in 2001 – after the Waterhouse Report had been published and difficult questions had been, temporarily at least, silenced, Livsey was given a peerage.

 

Ron Davies also had an ‘excellent working relationship’ with Rachel Lomax, the Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1996-99. Rachel Lomax oversaw the setting up of the Welsh Assembly. She arrived in the Welsh Office just in time for the establishment of the Waterhouse Inquiry as well.

William Hague – the Secretary of State for Wales at the time – must have really wanted Rachel because she was an economist who was recalled to the Welsh Office from the World Bank, where she was a Vice-President and Chief of Staff to President of the World Bank.

Lomax went to Cheltenham Ladies College, then Girton College, Cambridge and then to the LSE. After she left the LSE in 1968 she joined the Treasury. She was Principal Private Secretary to Nigel Lawson, 1985-86, whilst Lawson was Chancellor, then a Deputy Secretary at the Treasury, then Deputy Chief Economic Advisor, 1990-94. In 1994-95 Lomax was head of the Economic and Domestic Secretariat at the Cabinet Office.

Rachel has certain been where the action is. Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, so she’ll have known him and like everyone else who worked with him will have heard about him molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and London. It was while Sir Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury that Dafydd unlawfully had Mary Wynch arrested, imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then unlawfully imprisoned for a year in Denbigh. Rachel Lomax touched Mary Wynch’s life again in 1994. In 1994 it was the Treasury solicitor who finally ruined Mary (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Mary was far too old for Peter Morrison to have been interested in her and she was female anyway, but as well as knowing that at least one person had almost certainly been murdered whilst in the care of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes and that a group of local lawyers were collaborating together to fleece their clients, Mary also witnessed the preparation of young patients in the North Wales Hospital for their futures in the sex industry. Dafydd had given instructions that the patients on the young people’s ward should be encouraged to have sex with each other and the Angels would gather around to watch the show.

By the time that Rachel Lomax had arrived at the Welsh Office to organise the cover-up, Peter Morrison was safely dead and buried.

 

Rhodri’s book explains a rather dodgy deal that Rachel facilitated for Ron in 1998. The HQ of the interim Assembly was located at Crickhowell House in Cardiff. The rent on Crickhowell House was kept low provided that the future Assembly committed to a new HQ on the adjoining site. The landlord of the whole area was the ABP (Associated British Ports) property subsidiary Grosvenor Waterside. The ABP could then recover their loss on the low rent through the enhanced capital values on the land surrounding the new Assembly building. Rhodri thought that it was most unsavoury that such a corrupt deal underpinned the building housing the Assembly from the very beginning. For details of the other massive scams involving ABP and the development of Cardiff Bay, see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Honest Rhodri never wanted the Assembly to be located in Cardiff Bay anyway – he wanted it to be in Cardiff City Hall, next to Cathays Park where the civil servants worked. The corrupt civil servants, who had spent decades concealing the criminality involving Dafydd and the paedophiles. Numerous documents among those detailing the criminality and cover-ups in my possession have the Cathays Park Welsh Office address on them, including some of those that I am fairly sure are forged (see post ‘Possible Discovery Of More Forged Or Amended Documents’). I will be blogging more about those documents soon.

Rhodri himself had an office in Cathays Park as well and it was the traditional home of the Secretary of State for Wales. Rhodri explains that it was really great working in Cathays Park because everybody was there and you could just pop along to see whoever you needed to. That’s right Rhodri, the office of the corrupt Medical Ombudsman was there, as was the office of the corrupt Welsh Office lawyer Andrew Park, then in later years the corrupt Public Services Ombudsman and of course the corrupt Social Services Inspectorate was there as well. Just to tie everything up nicely, the office of the corrupt Mental Health Tribunal was also situated in Cathays Park. Everything conveniently located on one site!

 

Not only did the corrupt Secretaries of State have an office in Cathays Park, but they even had an apartment there, so they could live on campus among the crooks. The apartment was originally created from a few offices for the use of Nicholas Edwards and his wife Ankaret. Old Nick and his wife made good use of the flat between 1979-87, as did Peter Walker (1987-90) and David Hunt (1990-93) and (1995). However John Redwood (1993-95) didn’t use the flat, he insisted on returning to his place in Wokingham to sleep.

No wonder there was havoc in Wales whilst Redwood was Secretary of State and everyone was desperate to see the back of him – him not living above the shop must have profoundly disrupted the smooth operation of the corrupt machine. On the other hand I’m sure that David Hunt, the man who assisted with so much of the most serious wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends during his long and glorious career (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friend Of Cardiff North’) found that flat very useful for the days between 26 June 1995-5 July 1995, when Hunt returned to his old job as Secretary of State for Wales in what must have been for the shortest length of time that anyone has ever occupied a senior Gov’t position. It was during those heady risk-laden days when the knotty problem of the ‘retirement’ of Dafydd – a retirement which never was – and the ‘closure’ of the North Wales Hospital took place. Not that the North Wales Hospital did close, although everyone was told that it did. Part of it stayed open in secret.

Get digging out there at Denbigh, I know that old Hunt will have pushed the boat out in the summer of 1995 and probably got hardly any sleep at all what with all those civil servants running in and out of his flat screaming ‘but how are we going to explain the human remains if we close the bloody place down and someone turns it into luxury apartments???’, but Hunt deserves to be exposed before he joins the rest of the paedophiles’ friends who are dropping dead on an almost daily basis…

 

Rachel Lomax was one of those who scarpered after Ron’s downfall at the hands of Boogie – she resigned from her post as the Welsh Office and in Dec 1998 took up the role of Permanent Secretary at the DHSS. Rhodri observed that just before Ron hit disaster Rachel Lomax had purchased a new house for herself in the Vale of Glamorgan and such was Lomax’s loyalty to her home nation that she kept her home in the Vale of Glamorgan.

Lomax left the DHSS/DWP in 2002 and then served as Permanent Secretary at the  Dept of Transport, having moved there with her Secretary of State Alistair Darling when Blair reshuffled his Cabinet following the resignation of the Secretary of State for Transport Stephen Byers, he who subsequently described himself as a ‘cab for hire’ in a lobbying scandal and was banned from Parliament for two years (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

From 2003-08 Lomax was a Deputy Governor at the Bank of England, serving on its Monetary Policy Committee. She left just before the collapse of Lehman Brothers in 2008 to ‘pursue other interests’. In Dec 2008, Lomax became an independent non-executive Director of HSBC Holdings, where she was also a member of the audit and risk committees. In Dec 2010 Lomax joined BAA (now Heathrow Airport Holdings) as a non-executive Director. Rachel is also a non-executive director of Serco and a trustee of Imperial College London (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’ for the details of the research fraud and misconduct on the part of those who have worked or are still working at Imperial) and has served as President of the Institute of Fiscal Studies.

 

There is another person who could tell us all a great deal about Ron and a lot of other people as well but he seems to have kept a very discreet silence – a man called Les who is a former Cardiff taxi driver. After ferrying the general public around Cardiff, Les worked as the official driver for that very good friend of the paedophiles of north Wales Lord Wyn Roberts, then as the official driver for Ron and then as the official driver for Rhodri. Les could give us the best anecdote ever in terms of who he had in the back of the cab…

Lest anyone think that I have a problem with Ron and others mentioned on this blog because they are gay and I am conflating gay men with child abusers, I don’t and I’m not. The problem that I have tried to highlight on this blog is that a number of the people discussed have used prostitutes – male and female – who were coerced into that business whilst they were kids in care and to coerce them into sex work those kids were subjected to very great cruelty at the hands of serious criminals. If sex workers are consenting adults who have not been coerced into that work I don’t consider what they are doing or who their customers are to be anyone else’s business. Despite some of the scare stories, the best research into sex work has shown that there is a contingent of prostitutes who are adults with agency, fully in control and who conduct business discreetly and safely. Many of them have actually worked as nurses and furthermore prostitution among nurses is a good deal more common than anyone likes to admit. Sadly there are also people who have been forced into prostitution – ironically by the sort of nurses who worked for Dafydd – and who most definitely need protecting and rescuing.

The people discussed on this blog do not have track records of being honest and transparent and they all try to portray themselves as having only ever conducted relationships with consenting adults, even when that most definitely is not true. Ron may have become notorious for cottaging at the Castle Gate or for picking up Boogie on Clapham Common, but before he became an MP Ron was an advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority whilst everybody in Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority ignored serious complaints about drama teacher John Owen sexually abusing his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

In north Wales there was a Mafia code of silence regarding the activities of the paedophile gang – partly because some people were terrified of them but partly because everybody was covering the arses of their friends and relatives and that technique was also used to secure themselves jobs, promotions and, in later life, pensions.

Consider just this alone. Ron worked as a tutor-organiser for the WEA, taking over from Neil Kinnock in 1970 when the Windbag was elected to Parliament. Rhodri Morgan also worked for the WEA in south Wales, 1963-65. When they were young, Rhodri and the Windbag shared a house. Rhodri and the Windbag spent many enjoyable years campaigning together. Wayne David, who succeeded Ron as Labour MP for Caerphilly, also worked for the WEA in south Wales, starting in that role in 1985. Like Ron, Wayne was a teacher who trained at Cardiff University. I could continue…

Were any of this lot, a bunch of not very bright people who scraped their way into universities – usually in south Wales – and somewhere along the way developed a massive sense of entitlement and fancied themselves as Cabinet Ministers or even PMs, ever going to grass each other up? They saw the way that many other people in Wales lived and that was certainly not for them. No matter how many of them banged on about the forefathers going down the pit, most of them had never got their hands dirty themselves. Glenys Kinnock has never been near a pit in her life, she lives a millionaire’s life between London and Europe and her daughter-in-law is PM of Denmark. Pretty good for a school teacher from Holyhead whose home town suffers from severe disadvantage and was host to a paedophile gang. Never mind the Castle Gate, Ron Davies could probably have gone cottaging in the middle of John Lewis’s in Cardiff on a Saturday afternoon and no-one would have said a word.

Alun Davies, the corrupt NHS manager in north Wales who constantly tried to have me imprisoned, didn’t come from north Wales. Davies was from the Rhondda…

Ron’s wife – now ex-wife – Christina Rees, the Labour MP for Neath, is a barrister. Her wiki entry is incredibly brief and talks about her school days and love of sport.

‘We didn’t know.’

After Ron fell from grace on Clapham Common a few people from south Wales who didn’t have ambitions to become PM but who didn’t dare identify themselves in the press, admitted that they did know, that indeed ‘everyone knew’ about Ron and furthermore that he was a vindictive aggressive bastard whom a lot of people didn’t dare cross.

Ron resigned as Secretary of State for Wales after Boogie, but he didn’t resign as an MP. In fact Ron put up quite a fight. His first strategy was to make a speech in the House about the violence that he had suffered at the hands of his father as a child. Which is sad but Ron is by no means alone in having had that happen to him. This was followed by Ron coming out as bisexual. Then Ron claimed to have some interesting psychiatric problem which involved him seeking out ‘risky situations’ – for which he was of course ‘receiving help’.

If Ron was paying good money to attend Dafydd’s sex therapy clinic it wasn’t very effective because in 2003 Ron was caught in another risky situation in a well known cruising and dogging spot. Ron’s story was that he was looking for badgers.

At no point did Ron simply say ‘I’m gay, now sod off because it’s no-one else’s business but mine’.

It was after he was photographed looking for badgers that Ron stepped down as MP for Caerphilly. However, Rhodri’s book explains that Ron did not go quietly.

It was the Chairman of the Party, Brian Curtis, who was left to ensure that the Labour Party divested itself of Ron by persuading Ron to pull out of the candidacy for Caerphilly before the 2003 General Election election. Ron had recently bought an expensive house on a mortgage and he refused to stand down unless his PPI to cover his mortgage payments could be activated. Rhodri states that  Jessica Morden, the General Secretary of the Labour Party, was ‘unhappy’ about providing the letter of cover to Ron’s bank – Ron needed a letter saying that he’d been forced to resign his candidacy to prevent accusations from the bank that he’d voluntarily left his job. Ron only stood down once he knew that the insurance on his mortgage was secured.

Rhodri tells us that ‘Jessica did what she had to do because it was absolutely necessary in the reputational interest of the Labour Party’.

Rhodri believing that this was sufficient to save the reputation of the Labour Party reminds me of a document that the former Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust Elfed Roberts wrote when he got wind of Edwina Hart’s plan to abolish the Trust. Elfed memorably wrote that ‘the Trust must be seen to be beyond reproach at this crucial time’. How did Elfed and his colleague Martin Jones the CEO of the Trust ensure that the Trust was seen to be ‘beyond reproach’ at that crucial time? Well in the face of the rising toll of patient and staff suicides, Elfed and Martin refused to investigate any patient complaints, sent an extract from my medical records to a senior member of staff in Bangor University, rang various other colleagues of mine and told them that I was dangerous, intimidated a number of people who had witnessed what was happening to me and who had made statements about it and then had me arrested on the grounds that I had pink hair and had laughed at Elfed’s car and called it a penismobile.

Elfed and Martin seemed unaware that they had become famous as a result of their attempts to be seen to be beyond reproach at a crucial time. No wonder that Edwina carried out her plan to abolish them. Then Edwina stood for the leadership of the Labour Party in Wales and during the leadership debates the topic of anti-social behaviour was discussed. A lady in the audience asked how the candidates were going to tackle anti-social behaviour among young people. Edwina responded by saying that it wasn’t only young people who were capable of anti-social behaviour. I and the person whom I was watching this with were howling with laughter because we suspected that Edwina might have well have been thinking of two particularly unhinged NHS senior managers in north west Wales…

 

What Rhodri doesn’t explain is what Ron Davies was doing buying an expensive house on a mortgage when he knew that everyone was trying to get rid of him – and why did Ron bother to buy PPI, everyone knew by then that the buggers never pay up. Was Ron expecting perhaps to not only be in need of PPI but confident that he would be able to get them to cough up?

What happened to Jessica, who just did what she had to do? (Dafydd used to say that on the rare occasions that he was actually put on the spot and asked why he had broken the law. ‘I just did what I had to do’ would always be accompanied with Dafydd’s claim that ‘I found myself in this bizarre situation’. Yes, with a load of abducted victims of a paedophile ring imprisoned in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital…)

Jessica Morden was well rewarded for doing what she had to do to save the reputation of the Labour Party ie. ensure that Ron bagged an expensive house in return for not standing again as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. Jessica was accepted as the Labour candidate for Newport East and became the MP for that constituency in 2005. Jessica was selected by the use of an all woman shortlist. No-one could accuse Blair of parachuting Jessica into south Wales though. Not only had Jessica been the General Secretary of Welsh Labour, but in 1991 she worked for Huw Edwards, Labour MP for Monmouth and she then worked for Llew Smith, Labour MP for Blaenau Gwent, 1992-95.

So Jessica had been around quite long enough to not know about Ron cottaging at the Castle Gate.

Llew Smith was also elected as the MEP for South Wales East in 1984. He stood down in 1994 – and made way for one Glenys Kinnock!

Huw Edwards succeeded the Monmouth seat from the Tory MP Sir John Stradling Thomas after Sir John was found dead in his Dolphin Square flat. Readers who follow the comments section of my blog will remember how often Richard Card has commented on the death of Sir John. Sir John had been expressing concern about the allegations of Westminster figures being involved in child abuse and was believed to be about to speak publicly and possibly name some of those alleged to be involved. He was found dead hours before he was due to speak.

Children trafficked for sex from the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor were taken to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). One of the community social workers employed on the Maesgeirchan estate on which Ty’r Felin was located was Meri Huws – Meri is alleged to be a former bedfellow of Rhodri Morgan (see post ‘People With Energy’).

Jessica got her chance at Newport East after Alan Howarth, the sitting MP, was elevated to the Lords by Blair. Howarth became famous when he crossed the floor. He was the Tory MP for Stratford-upon-Avon, after being elected in 1983. In 1995 he defected to Labour, was selected for Newport East and subsequently became a Minister in Blair’s Gov’t. Howarth was dropped from the Gov’t in 2001, after the Waterhouse Report had been published and the claims that it was a massive cover-up had been silenced, at least temporarily.

Howarth was an unlikely defector to New Labour. He had been a hard right Tory, a founder member of the Thatcherite No Turning Back group. Early in his career, Howarth had worked in the Conservative Party Chairman’s office under Willie Whitelaw – who spent many years in many capacities concealing the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales. Then Howarth became Director of the Conservative Research Department and Party Vice-Chairman. Matthew Parris used to work in the Conservative Research Department and claimed that there was a senior member of staff there who used to go cruising for young men on London buses. Parris also maintained that every summer, a group of male staff from that Dept would take a holiday at a place in Italy known as the ‘Villa of Shame’ where they were supplied with ‘boys who were always willing’.

What possible use could Blair have made of Howarth in 1995 when Howarth defected – whilst demands for a public inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been followed by Nicola Davies QC reviewing the paperwork to see whether a public inquiry should be held? Nicola found that the paperwork of the North Wales Police relating to the abuse of children was missing from 1989 onwards. There’s a surprise.

Howarth crossed the floor on 8 Oct 1995. Peter Morrison had been conveniently found dead three months before and now Nicola Davies QC and Secretary of State for Wales William Hague just had to work out how to rig the Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal that people were demanding.

On the eve of the 1997 General Election the Labour MP for Ogmore, 1979-01, Sir Ray Powell told an interesting tale about two of his Blairite colleagues. He alleged that Mandelson and Ron Davies offered him a peerage if he gave up his seat in the Commons for Alan Howarth, the Conservative who had crossed the floor to join the Labour Party (see post ‘News From Sicily’)…

 

The political career of Ron Davies didn’t finish once he’d secured his upmarket house.  In 2004 he resigned from the Labour Party claiming that they were all a bit incompetent in the Welsh Labour Party. Ron then joined the new Forward Wales Party and stood for election as an MEP. In 2007 he stood for election to the Assembly – as an Independent – for Caerphilly. In 2008 Ron was back on Caerphilly County Borough Council – where he had begun his career decades previously. He held the Economic Development and Urban Regeneration portfolio, originally as an Independent but later actively supported the ruling Plaid group on the Council. In recent years there has been an ongoing scandal at Caerphilly County Borough Council involving financial mismanagement on a huge scale. There has been a criminal investigation which found serious wrongdoing but it was decided to proceed no further with the investigation because of the cost of the investigation. So it rather looks as though some of Ron’s colleagues have made off with hundreds of thousands of pounds of public money and they will not be held to account.

Ron joined Plaid in 2010 and has since stood as a Plaid candidate in three elections.

 

Rhodri explained in his memoir that he was sympathetic to politicians who stood accused of involvement in sex scandals as a result of his own experience. At one time a ‘Top Welsh Tory’ put it around that Rhodri had been cautioned for picking up prostitutes in the Cardiff docks area. A full apology to Rhodri was issued and a donation to charity was made after Rhodri approached the Tory Party Chairman at the time for help. That Chairman was Dr Brian Mawhinney, now Lord Mawhinney.

Mawhinney was a Tory MP, 1979-05 and concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles whilst he was Minister of State for Health, 1992-94. Mawhinney was PPS to Tom King, 1984-86, whilst King was Secretary of State for NI and then held Ministerial positions in the N Ireland Office between 1986-92. So Mawhinney knows all about Kincora.

Mawhinney’s brother Richard is a lawyer who is married to Patricia Scotland QC. Patsy’s big break was representing the Welsh Office at the Waterhouse Inquiry – she was given a peerage during the Inquiry. Patsy never looked back, she has gone from high office to high office, despite being embroiled in scandal and dogged by allegations of improper conduct wherever she goes. When Patsy was given the brief for the Waterhouse Inquiry her brother-in-law Brian was a member of the Cabinet.

Details of Patsy’s network of paedophiles’ friends can be read in posts ‘Baroness Patricia Scotland QC Was On Board As Well!’, ‘More On Baroness Patricia Scotland QC – And Her Very Sleazy Friends’ and ‘Even More About Baroness Patricia Scotland QC’.

Brian Mawhinney was Chair of the Tory Party, 1995-97. Which was just when everyone was dealing with the very tricky problem of Dafydd, the paedophile gang, the demands for a public inquiry and then the setting up of the rigged Waterhouse Inquiry. Mawhinney became Chairman of the Party on the last day of David Hunt’s tenure as Secretary of State for Wales. Peter Morrison was found dead eight days later.

I would imagine that the Tories were in such deep shit during Mawhinney’s time as Chairman of the Party that they would be very vulnerable indeed to approaches by angry Labour politicians who claimed to have been the subject of baseless rumours circulated by the Tory Party. Mawhinney might have been so worried that he could have even resorted to apologising to Labour MPs who perhaps really had been cautioned for kerb crawling around Cardiff docks.

Rhodri stood accused at some point between 5 July 1995 – 11 June 1997. Which was when the patients in north Wales were being left destitute and dead after their day centre had been closed down and when such strenuous efforts were being made to have me banged up in a secure unit.

 

As for other news recently. Professor Nick Hardwick, the Chairman of the Parole Board (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’), has stated that if details are released about Top Doctors who serve on the Parole Board, the Top Doctors would be at risk of coming under attack on social media. Did Nick perhaps have in mind recent blog posts of mine in which I mentioned that Professor Robert Bluglass and Drs Colin Berry and David Mawson all served on the Parole Board after Bluglass and Berry actively concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles and David Mawson just politely failed to mention it when faced with the evidence?

Southern Health have been fined £2 million after the HSE mounted a prosecution against them in the wake of the deaths of Connor Sparrowhawk and another patient. This is substantially the result of the efforts of Connor’s mum Dr Sara Ryan who has worked very hard since Connor’s death to expose massive failures at Southern as well as the deaths of hundreds of patients which were never investigated. Sara has been subjected to the usual that anyone complaining about serious failings in the NHS can expect – she was described as ‘toxic’ by the Top Doctor whose negligence and dishonesty resulted in Connor’s death, she received an anonymous insulting call from a member of staff at Southern, the son of a senior NHS manager sent out a tweet describing her as a ‘fucking pest’ and then she was insulted all over again when she gave evidence at a GMC fitness to practice hearing.

Sara feels a sense of satisfaction now. I am not underestimating what Sara has achieved, but no-one involved in Connor’s death – or indeed in the deaths of the hundreds of other patients who were slaughtered by Southern – have lost their jobs. They are all still practising. The £2 million fine will be paid by Southern from its vast budget of public money. It will be given to the British state’s coffers. It was the British state who allowed Southern to kill patients. I would not be surprised if as a result of being fined £2 million, Southern now put in a plea for some special source of extra money from the Gov’t on the grounds that they are short of cash. They’ll get it as well.

The statements made by Southern yesterday were cut n pasted from the usual NHS template. ‘We’ve failed’. ‘This will be a catalyst for change.’ Just like all the other deaths were going to be a catalyst for change. As indeed was the conviction of the mass murderer Harold Shipman. So that’s why no-one been struck off in the wake of the genocide at Southern.

There is only one thing that will be a catalyst for change in the NHS – people who have abused or killed their patients being escorted out of their offices in handcuffs and then put on trial.

 

 

Additional Security Measures

The last couple of days has seen a flurry of excitement after the release of some Gov’t papers from the National Archives. Being a nerd I really enjoy such things, so I caught up with as many of the stories as I could.

It was revealed that in 1992  Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office, wanted John Major to hold a Cabinet meeting in Wales and wrote a letter suggesting this to Andrew Turnbull, Principal Private Secretary to Major, explaining that there were two buildings in Cardiff which were grand enough to host the Cabinet.  Andrew – now Lord – Turnbull told Richard Lloyd-Jones to speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary. The request was refused.

Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1985-93. So Sir Richard was the most senior civil servant there whilst children in care in north Wales were raped, buggered, beaten, starved, forced to labour in local businesses for no pay, trafficked to London and Brighton as well as to locations in Europe to work in the porn and sex trade and were found dead in questionable circumstances. Sir Richard was in post whilst care workers from north Wales were appearing in Court charged with physical and sexual assaults on children yet whilst the Welsh Office’s Social Services Inspectorate failed to inspect some of the children’s homes at all over a period of years and only undertook the most cursory inspections of others. Sir Richard was at the helm when serious complaints about the social services and mental health services in north Wales were either ignored or dismissed out of hand. He was in post when I – as well as other people – were unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in the psychiatric wards of Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and the staff of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office whilst it employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park, who held in-depth discussions with and advised the mental health services as to how to gain a High Court injunction against me and then subsequently prosecute me for allegedly breaching that injunction, although Park himself acknowledged that they were perjuring themselves because I had not committed the offences as accused. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office when it employed Professor Robert Owen as its Medical Ombudsman. Robert Owen was appointed to investigate my complaints about the mental health services and then collaborated and colluded with Alun Davies (the manager of the Gwynedd mental health services), Dr D.G.E. Wood (the corrupt GP who had initially referred me to the mental health services) and others from Gwynedd Health Authority without my knowledge – some of the phone calls and correspondence were taken at and sent to Owen’s home at Colwyn Bay. Owen then asked Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to investigate my complaint – every part of my complaint involving Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services went uninvestigated, Dafydd went unchallenged despite telling bare-faced lies at the inquiry and Bluglass could not bring himself to admit that Dafydd had broken the law repeatedly, although Bluglass received oral and written evidence from staff at the North Wales Hospital testifying that he had (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). No action of any sort was taken against Dafydd although a ‘discussion’ was held with him. I later found out that Bluglass had worked and co-authored with close colleagues of Francis and Dafydd.

At the time that I complained about Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, the Welsh Office – under Sir Richard – had sent in a management team to Gwynedd Health Authority as a result of the serious mismanagement and dire financial situation that prevailed. The chaos was such that it was discussed in the Commons (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

Lloyd-Jones ran the Welsh Office whilst Alison Taylor repeatedly blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care in north Wales and was dismissed from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council. He ran the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch won leave to sue Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority and Risley Remand Centre and was in post when they fessed up and agreed to pay Mary compensation (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Sir Richard was still in post when they all then refused to stump up the compensation as agreed.

This civil service mandarin spent years concealing the most serious criminality. He stepped down the year after five witnesss to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in a firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’) and after allegations of a paedophile ring operating in the north Wales children’s homes involving politicians, civil servants, members of the security services, police officers, doctors, lawyers and others had appeared in the London-based media. In the year that Sir Richard stepped down, the North Wales Police – who conducted the investigation into the abuse despite allegations that some of their own officers had been involved – concluded that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire. In the same year the demands for a Public Inquiry into events in north Wales grew and in the following year the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in care -but only in Clwyd – since 1974 began.

Lloyd-Jones had been concealing crime at Welsh Office level long before he became Permanent Secretary. He joined the Welsh Office as Under-Secretary in 1974 and remained in that role until 1978. He was then Deputy Secretary until 1985. So Sir Richard was in one of the most senior positions at the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, imprisoned and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and his partners in crime at Risley Remand Centre. He will have been involved in the earlier cover-ups regarding the abuse of children in care and patients at the North Wales Hospital under the Secretary of State in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Govt’s ie. John Morris. Lloyd-Jones then continued the cover-up under Thatcher’s Secretaries of State ie. Nicholas Edwardes, Peter Walker and David Hunt.

Sir Richard, like Dafydd, is now elderly but he is still with us. Sir Richard – can you tell us anything about the lobotomies, the deaths, the abductions and the underground chamber where patients were confined at the North Wales Hospital? Like me, you will have known about it all.

Richard Lloyd-Jones began his career in the civil service in 1957 when he entered the Admiralty. He was Assistant Private Secretary to the First Lord of the Admiralty, 1959-62 -Lord Carrington. Richard Lloyd-Jones will therefore have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley.

Sir Alec had a long and distinguished career in the Royal Navy. During World War II he was Commander-In-Chief of the home fleet. Subsequently Bingley was appointed Fifth Sea Lord and in 1954 Deputy Chief of Naval Staff (Air). In 1958 he became Flag Officer, Aircraft Carriers and in 1959 was appointed Commander-In-Chief, Mediterranean Fleet and Naval Commander of the Allied Forces in the Mediterranean in 1959. In 1961 Bingley became the Commander-In-Chief of Portsmouth and Allied Commander-In-Chief. He retired in 1963. Sir Alec’s wife Lady Juliet was the daughter of a Top Doctor and became a medical social worker. In 1972 Lady Juliet became involved with the National Association of Mental Health (MIND) and was appointed Chair in 1979. Sir Alec and Lady Juliet’s son William concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales as well as the serious abuse of patients in Moss Side/Park Lane/Ashworth Hospitals for many years from the early 1980s onwards whilst he was legal officer and then legal director of MIND and continued to conceal the criminality when he was Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Security, Security’).

Dr T. Gwynne Williams, the lobotomist at the North Wales Hospital and Dafydd’s partner in crime, spent years as a surgeon in the Royal Navy whilst Sir Alec occupied very senior roles in the service. Jim Callaghan, whose Gov’t concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and Gwynne by utilising the talents of Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, also liked to flag up his Royal Navy credentials. Callaghan joined the Royal Navy in 1942 but in 1944 was hospitalised with TB in the Royal Naval Hospital Haslar, near Portsmouth. He was discharged from the Navy and assigned to duties in the Admiralty in Whitehall no less. Whilst he was on leave, Callaghan was selected as the Parliamentary candidate for the Labour Party for Cardiff South – Callaghan beat the future Speaker of the House child molester George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy to win the nomination. In 1945 Callaghan then did a brief stint with the East Indies Fleet and after VE day returned to the UK and won a landslide victory in Cardiff South in the 1945 General Election.

Callaghan’s wiki entry states that he was the last Prime Minister to be an armed forces veteran and the only PM ever to have served in the Navy. Although it sounds as though Callaghan didn’t actually see much active service – he was in hospital or in Whitehall ingratiating himself to influential folk in the Admiralty for much of the time and when he did see active service he seems to have carefully kept himself out of danger. Which is exactly what he did throughout his political career. Could it possibly have been the case that old Callaghan was one of those with connections to MI5 or MI6 who was under suspicion of using those connections to conceal the paedophile ring in north Wales/Chester and the links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring?

Between 1969-70 Richard Lloyd-Jones was Private Secretary to Harold Wilson’s Cabinet Secretary, Burke Trend. Burke was an alumnus of Merton College, Oxford and after graduation joined the civil service. For most of his career Burke served in the Treasury, but he was Cabinet Secretary under Harold Wilson and then Ted Heath, 1963-73. Burke received a peerage in 1974 and also became Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford.

In the 1970s Burke led an investigation into allegations of penetration into the British security services from before World War II to the 1960s. Burke concluded that there was insufficient evidence to support the allegations. Thank goodness for that, it’s not as if we would ever want irresponsible people concealing criminal behaviour or even the murders of the victims of a paedophile gang working in the security services.

Burke’s son Michael Trend was educated at Westminster School and Oriel College, Oxford. He worked as a journalist for the Times Literary Supplement, History Today, the Spectator and was the chief leader writer for the Daily Telegraph, 1990-92.

Trend was Tory MP for Maidstone and Windsor, 1992-97 and then for Windsor (after the constituency was renamed and reconfigured), 1997-2005. Michael was elected in the General Election of 1992 – which saw the retirement of Sir Peter Morrison who had been the Tory MP for Chester and who was abusing kids in care from north Wales as well as elsewhere. 1992 saw the distributing of peerages to many who had concealed organised child abuse. Just days after Michael was elected, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were murdered by that firebomb.

Michael Trend was Deputy Chairman and Chief Executive of the Conservative Party until 2000. He was Chair of the party’s International Office until Sept 2005. Trend is said to have participated in ‘extensive democracy building work with in the former Soviet Union and in Africa’.

In Dec 2002 Michael Trend agreed to repay £90k to the Commons after wrongfully claiming. In Feb 2003 he was found guilty of abusing the allowances system. Trend was briefly suspended from Parliament and did not stand for election again.

Lloyd-Jones was Assistant Secretary at the Ministry of Defence, 1970-74. The Secretary of State for Defence was one Lord Carrington. At the time, the British Army had been sent into N Ireland and the troubles were well underway – as was the concealing of the abuse of children in the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast, allegedly by Whitehall civil servants, Army Officers and others. The Secretaries of State for N Ireland during those years were Willie Whitelaw and Francis Pym. Whitelaw concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales for years in his capacity as Deputy Leader of the Conservative Party and as Chair of the Tory Party as well as in numerous other roles and he concealed the abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast. In July 1972 Whitelaw met an IRA leader in Minister of State Paul Channon’s house in Chelsea for discussions (see post ‘Is The Party Over Yet?’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Chairman of the Civil Service Benevolent Fund, 1987-93 and a Trustee between 1993-2000. He sat on the Advisory Committee on Local Gov’t Staff Transfers (Wales), 1993-94 and on the Local Gov’t Staff Committee for Wales, 1994-97. Lloyd-Jones was a member of the BBC General Advisory Council, 1994-96 and of the Commission for Local Democracy, 1994-95. He was Chairman of Age Concern Cymru, 1999-05 and President, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was involved with Age Concern England from 2000 until either the present day or very recently.

Margaret Hanson, the Vice-Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board was Chief Executive of Age Concern for North East Wales, 2004-14. Hanson previously worked as a social worker for children and families in Cheshire, whilst the paedophile gang that also operated in north Wales was active in Cheshire. Hanson was also a Councillor in Cheshire and Mayor of a Cheshire town. Hanson’s husband David Hanson is MP for Delyn and was also a Councillor in Cheshire whilst the paedophile gang was busy. David Hanson was PPS to Tony Blair from 2001 whilst the surviving witnesses to the wrongdoing in north Wales were threatened, harasssed and prosecuted on the basis of the paedophiles’ friends perjuring themselves (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Vice-Chairman of the Prince of Wales Committee, 1993-96 and was a member of the Prince’s Trust, 1996-99. He was a member of the Court of the University of Wales, 1995-2000 and the National Museum of Wales, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was appointed a member of the Court and Council of Cardiff University in 2004 and is either still there or was until very recently and was Vice-President of the University of Wales Cardiff, 1993-04.

Lloyd-Jones was a member of Groundworks Methyr and Rhondda Cynon Taff, 1996-present day (or until very recently) and has been President of Welsh Council of the Ramblers Association, 1993-2011. Sir Richard’s wife Helen is Chair of the Ramblers Association and was previously a member of the Countryside Council for Wales.

Between 1999-2005 Sir Richard was Chairman of the Fishguard International Music Festival. At one point Lloyd-Jones made a formal complaint to the Press Complaints Commission when The Times erroneously stated that ‘Folk at the Fish’ was part of the Fishguard Festival. The Times amended its records accordingly after Sir Richard made representation. What a pity that Sir Richard did not show as much concern about a vicious paedophile gang with links to organised crime which imprisoned and murdered its victims whilst it operated within the services for which he was responsible.

Sir Richard was Chairman of the Arts Council of Wales, 1994-97.

Richard Lloyd-Jones went to Balliol College, Oxford. As did a few others who have been outed on this blog.

 

The man to whom Sir Richard wrote to suggest a Cabinet meeting in Wales was Andrew Turnbull, who in 1992 was Principal Private Secretary to John Major. Turnbull was appointed Principal Private Secretary to the PM in 1988 and initially served under Thatcher. Turnbull will have known about Sir Peter Morrison’s activities and a great deal else. He was in post when Morrison was Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party and whilst Morrison organised Thatcher’s failed leadership campaign before she resigned in Nov 1990.

Turnbull was educated at Enfield Grammar and Christ’s College, Cambridge. After working as Principal Private Secretary to the PM Turnbull was appointed Permanent Secretary at DEFRA. He then occupied the second highest ranking civil service post in Gov’t, Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, 1998-02. Turnbull was then appointed Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Home Civil Service, a post which he held until 2005, whilst Blair was PM.

In recent decades the two most senior civil service posts in Gov’t – Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service – have been filled by the same person. Turnbull filled both roles, as did his successor Gus O’Donnell. The role of Cabinet Secretary was created in 1916 by David Lloyd George and it was a controversial move at the time. The Cabinet Secretary is responsible for the organisation of the Cabinet Office and for providing support to the PM and Gov’t as a whole. When Turnbull succeeded to the dual role in Sept 2002 Blair asked him to focus on the management of the civil service. Tom Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ discusses Blair’s lack of understanding of the machinery of Gov’t and his desire to basically exclude the civil service from the process of Gov’t in some detail.

In Feb 2004 Turnbull wrote to ex-Minister Clare Short admonishing her for her media statements alleging that British intelligence had intercepted communications from others, including the Secretary General of the UN Kofi Annan. Short made Turnbull’s confidential letter public and rebuked Turnbull for allegedly allowing the Gov’t decision-making machinery to crumble during the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War. Short suggested that the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith had been ‘leant on’ to provide advice that the war would be legal. Short also alleged that Turnbull was responsible for the inadequate Cabinet scrutiny of Goldsmith’s legal advice. In March 2005 Turnbull revealed that Goldsmith’s opinion re the legality or otherwise of the Iraq War was one page long.

Turnbull received a peerage in 2005.

Turnbull gave evidence to the Iraq Inquiry in Jan 2010.

In 2006 Turnbull was appointed Chair of Zambia Orphans Aid UK and in 2007 he became a Senior Executive Advisor with Booz Allen Hamilton. Turnbull is a Trustee of the Global Warming Policy Foundation. In 2011 the Foundation issued a report in Turnbull’s name claiming that global temperatures were ‘on a plateau’ and which called for more scepticism on global warming.

Turnbull is a Governor of Dulwich College and has been Chair of the Board of Governors since 2009.

Turnbull was succeeded  at the Treasury and then as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service by Sir Gus O’Donnell.

When Lloyd-Jones wrote to Turnbull suggesting a Cabinet meeting in Wales, Andrew Turnbull suggested that he should speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary.

Robin Butler was the Mr Big of the mandarins who concealed serious crime. Butler went to Harrow School, spent a year teaching at St Dunstan’s in Burnham-on-Sea and then went to University College, Oxford. Butler joined the Treasury in 1961 and remained there until 1969. He held a succession of senior roles and in 1969 was seconded to the Bank of England and several City institutions.

Butler was Private Secretary to Heath (1972-74) and Wilson (1974-75), Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher (1982-85) and Private Secretary to Major and Blair. He does not seem to have been Private Secretary to Callaghan – there will have been a reason for that but I haven’t yet found out what it was. Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service, 1988-98, whilst both Major and Blair were PM. It is obvious from Butler’s CV that he will have known all about Sir Peter Morrison – Morrison was a Minister whilst Butler was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher – and the associated chaos in north Wales. Documents also show that Butler and Margaret Thatcher knew about the allegations that Cyril Smith was sexually abusing children. Butler knew about Jimmy Savile as well because Thatcher was warned by civil servants that giving Jimmy Savile a knighthood could backfire very badly as a result of aspects of his ‘private life’ – Thatch continued to lobby vigorously for Savile to be knighted and in 1990 it happened.

Whilst Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service, the constant cover-ups into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal took place, including the Waterhouse Inquiry, as well as the murders of the five witnesses days after the 1992 General Election. Butler presided over the civil service whilst the Department of Health allowed chaos and criminality to reign in the NHS in order to conceal organised child abuse as well as the associated abuse of mental health patients and whilst the DoH also ignored endemic research fraud and misconduct. No-one has ever admitted what was going on in the NHS whilst Butler was at the top of the Civil Service, but the rotten culture which Butler was clearly part of became evident as a result of other matters.

An article in the Independent in July 2004 written by Paul Vallely discussed a few of Butler’s high points. Vallely reminded readers that during the Scott Inquiry into the covert sales of arms to Iraq by the British Gov’t, Butler had confirmed that he found it acceptable for Ministers to be ‘selective about the facts’ and to give ‘an answer that is not the whole truth’. In 1994 Robin Butler was appointed to investigate Neil Hamilton and others regarding the business of the cash in brown envelopes from Al Fayed – Butler cleared Hamilton. Hamilton was then foolish enough to sue the Guardian over the allegations that he’d accepted cash in return for questions – Hamilton lost the case, he was declared bankrupt and subsequently lost his seat. Hamilton was the Tory MP for Tatton, the neighbouring constituency to Sir Peter Morrison’s and Neil and Christine Hamilton attended social events with Morrison and members of his constituency association. Morrison’s abuse of under-aged boys was openly discussed by members of the association and by constituents (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’), so it is very unlikely that the Hamiltons had not heard about it. Neil Hamilton was not the only Tory MP caught up in the cash for questions scandal. The others involved were Tim Smith (who resigned after admitting that he had been bribed), Sir Michael Grylls, Michael Brown – and Sir Peter Morrison.

Robin Butler was given the task of investigating the allegations that Jonathan Aitken had received a bribe in the form of payment for his stay at the Paris Ritz by the Saudis whilst he held secret meetings with Saudi arms dealers regarding commissions. Butler cleared Aitken and Aitken returned to the Commons boasting that Butler had cleared him. Aitken then launched an ill-judged libel action against the Guardian which resulted in Aitken being jailed for perjury – because he had lied about funding of his stay at the Ritz. His bills had indeed been paid for by someone else. People who were Saudis.

Butler himself described the Scott Inquiry 1992-96 as a ‘long nightmare’ but explained that as a civil servant ‘you just do not give the full information…It was half an answer. Half the picture can be true’. It was obviously such rationale that allowed Butler to fail to admit that a vicious paedophile ring was on the loose in north Wales, that witnesses were being framed and imprisoned by Top Doctors and in some cases murdered by persons unknown and that the whole machinery of Gov’t was utilised to keep a lid on this.

Butler was so close to Harold Wilson that Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender – who famously had an unfathomably complex relationship with Wilson that was subject to much speculation – tried to have him sacked. Butler was also very close to John Major, particularly in the last few months of his premiership – when Major’s Secretary of State for Wales William Hague was setting up the Waterhouse Inquiry. Sir Peter Morrison had been found safely dead in his house having ‘fallen down the stairs’ some months previously.

Robin Butler guided Blair into Number 10 regarding Whitehall protocol and initially was a big mate of key figures in New Labour. Butler was such good mates with Mandelson that in the summer following the May that Blair was elected Butler gave Mandy a bottle of peach champagne. The honeymoon didn’t last long – which was hardly surprising with the marriage being between Grade A bastards who had all put their heads together to conceal corruption in high places, serious sex offending and murder – and within eighteen months Blair had fallen out with the civil service.

Butler told his friends that his key mistake in the first year of Blair’s Gov’t was to sign Orders in Council allowing Jonathan Powell (Blair’s Chief of Staff) and Alastair Campbell (Blair’s Press Secretary) to give orders to civil servants despite being political appointees. This violated the line between elected politicians and impartial civil service – as much as one can be called impartial when a key priority is to conceal the deaths of people whom if they had lived and been listened to could have put a lot of people (including a few politicians) in prison for a long time. Butler’s Orders in Council permitted Alastair Campbell to Chair a planning meeting with civil servants and intelligence chiefs over the ’45 minute’ dossier – famously sexed up by Alastair – which led Britain into the war with Iraq.

After Butler retired in 1998 he was given a peerage – he sits as a cross bencher.

Butler was the Master of University College, Oxford, 1998-08.  He was a non-executive director of the HSBC Group, 1998-08 and Chair of the HSBC Global Education Trust.

In 2004 Butler Chaired the Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction, the Butler Review – the review of the use of intelligence in the lead up to the 2003 Iraq War. Butler concluded that some of the intelligence re WMD was ‘seriously flawed’.

As befits someone who has done so many favours for so many scumbags in high office, Robin Butler clocked up a great many gongs. The one that I noticed first was Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), awarded in the New Years Honours of 1988. Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor contacted Thatcher herself on 17 Jan 1987 and told her of the abuse of children in north Wales. Alison was suspended later on in that year and on 3 Nov 1987 was sacked by Gwynedd County Council. Butler was in line for another prize before too long. He was awarded the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB) in the 1992 Birthday Honours. The lucky winners of the  1992 Birthday Honours were announced on 13 June 1992. By that time my career had been destroyed, as had the media careers of two close friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales, my housemate had been killed in a car crash which had left her boyfriend – another one of my friends Who Knew brain damaged and paralysed – but most importantly of all from the point of the paedophile gang those five other pesky witnesses had been murdered by the firebomb. In April, which will have been just about when the list of those to be honoured was set in concrete. Unfortunately for the paedophiles’ friends, one of those in the building which was firebombed survived the blaze and voiced his belief that witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were being murdered. He was found dead in suspicious circumstances some time later after having given evidence against John Allen, the sex offender who owned and managed the Bryn Alyn Community, days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board.

Butler picked up his peerage in Feb 1998 – Sir Ronald Waterhouse had heard evidence from the few survivors of the north Wales children’s homes by then and had trashed all of them. Some people had collapsed whilst giving evidence, others had developed mental health problems and yet others had been unable to walk out of the hearing unaided. No wonder Ronnie maintained that they couldn’t be believed.

On 23 April 2003 Robin Butler was awarded the Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter (KG) and in 2004 he became a member of the Privy Council. By April 2003 the mental health services in north Wales were at an advanced stage in their plans to fit me up for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit. Numerous Angels had lied in statements to the police and the corrupt judge Huw Daniel was ready with the planned hefty prison sentence – I’d been warned by the police and solicitors to expect seven years. When I returned for the next hearing the charge of threatening to kill was withdrawn – Huw Daniel obviously wasn’t expecting this and became very irate indeed. I was instead charged with a Public Order Offence for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot – which I did do and had always been happy to admit to having done. I was later told that the charge of threats to kill had been withdrawn after a member of staff at the Hergest Unit had contacted someone – presumably the police or the Court – and told them that they had witnessed the discussions held at Ysbyty Gwynedd amongst the Top Doctors, nurses and managers ie. the fat idiots, re the plan to frame me and had stated that they would go public on the abuses taking place in that hospital if I was charged. See post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’ for the details of the bizarre sequence of events and happenings in Court.

Last summer I discovered that just after the date in 2004 on which I was pleaded guilty and was sentenced under the Public Order Act for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot, someone had illegally amended the PNC so that it showed a conviction for ‘violent disorder’ on my record and somebody in Chester Court had forged a certificate of indictment stating that I had been convicted of ‘violent disorder’. I contacted the legal division of the North Wales Police about this matter months ago but I have heard nothing. See posts ‘Even More Confusion Regarding Those Legal Conundrums’ and ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’ for details.

Oh well, what does it matter – perjury, perverting the course of justice, misconduct in public office, mass murder, what does it matter as long as Lord Butler of Serious Crime in High Places has bagged his place on the Privy Council.

A Feb 2004 article in the Guardian stated that Butler ‘consistently showed deference to those in power’. And to a gang of paedophiles as well.

I’ll leave the last quote about Robin Butler to Lord Peter Hennessey, the ‘constitutional expert’: ‘Robin Butler is a crown servant who knows the importance of keeping a proper demarcation between ministers, career civil servants and special advisors’.

Robin Butler is a member of the Anglo-Belgian Club, of Brooks, of Beefsteak and of the Athenaeum, a club popular with Top Doctors. Jimmy Savile was a member of the Athenaeum, he was introduced to the club by Cardinal Basil Hume.

Butler’s boss John Major knew a great deal about the wrongdoing in north Wales and organised child abuse. Major had been a Councillor in Lambeth before becoming an MP, whilst Lambeth had a huge problem with the abuse of children in care and Major had also been a junior minister in the Department of Health.

 

Robin Butler was succeeded as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service by Sir Richard Wilson – his name is not widely known among laypeople, unlike Cabinet Secretaries Robert Armstrong (see post’Lord Robert Armstrong’), Butler and Gus O’Donnell. Richard Wilson was Secretary to the Cabinet and head of the Home Civil Service from Jan 1998-2000.

Richard Wilson was born in Glamorgan, attended Radley College, 1956-60 (he is now head of the Governors at Radley) and then read law at Clare College, Cambridge, 1961-65. Wilson was called to the Bar but entered the civil service rather than practice as a barrister. His first post in the civil service was Assistant Principal in the Board of Trade in 1966. Wilson served in a number of departments, spending 12 years in the Dept of Energy where his responsibilities included nuclear power, the privatisation of Britoil, personnel and finance. He headed the Economic Secretariat in the Cabinet Office under Thatcher, 1987-90 and after two years in the Treasury was appointed Permanent Secretary in the Department of Environment in 1992.

Wilson was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, 1994-97. So he was in post when the attempt by the mental health services to fit me up on the basis of the perjury of an Angel – Bridget Lloyd – occurred and he was also in post when Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch.

Richard Wilson received a peerage in 2002.

In Sept 2002 Wilson became Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. He has been a non-executive director of the British Sky Broadcasting Group plc, was or still is Chair of C. Hoare and Co, was or still is a non-executive director of Xansa plc and was or still is Chair of the Board of Patrons of the Wilberforce Society.

As well as a peerage, like all the most effective concealers of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, Sir Richard Wilson has clocked up the requisite gongs. He received: a CB (Companion of the Order of the Bath) in the New Years Honours of 1991 – by which time I had been charged with serious offences on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and was well on the way to being hounded out of my job as was my friend who worked at the Royal Television Society and who had wanted to make a documentary about matters in north Wales; a KCB (Knight Commander) in the New Years Honours of 1997 – the cover-up which was Waterhouse had been orchestrated and was underway; and a GCB (Knight Grand Cross) in the New Years Honours of 2001 – the Waterhouse Report had been published and the protesting voices yelling ‘massive cover-up’ had been ignored.

 

Richard Wilson concealed considerable wrongdoing whilst he was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, but the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office who preceded him and who was in post between 1988-94, Sir Clive Whitmore, has even more explaining to do.

Before Whitmore was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office he had served as Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1979-82. So he too would have known about Jimmy Savile and about Peter Morrison – who was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury whilst Whitmore was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher.

Whitmore was Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary whilst Thatcher was bullying and falling out with her Cabinet – as detailed in Charles Moore’s  account in his biography of Thatcher concerning the Argentinian invasion of the Falklands. Charles Moore maintained in his book that on one occasion Lord Carrington turned to Sir Clive Whitmore and said ‘if I have any more trouble with this fucking stupid petit bourgeois woman I’m going to go’. Which was probably a most accurate summary of the essence of Thatcher. Carrington did of course resign from Thatcher’s Cabinet after the invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Although Thatcher made enough political capital out of the war with Argentina to win the next election, it was acknowledged at the time that the Argentinians had given a number of warnings that they were going to invade the Falklands but the Gov’t failed to respond. In 1980 Nicholas Ridley, the Minister of State for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office with responsibility for the Falkland Islands, had told Commodore Cavandoli that Britain had little interest in the Falkland Islands because they were not a wine-growing region like Bordeaux. Ridley did have a reputation for putting his foot in his mouth – after the sinking of the Herald of Free Enterprise, he made a comment in the Commons about implementing policy with its bow doors open (the Herald of Free Enterprise sunk which resulted in loss of life because it set sail with its bow doors open). Ridley had to resign from his position as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in 1990 after he made comments about the EU being a ‘German racket designed to take over the whole of Europe’ and followed this up with a reference to Hitler.

Whitmore was then the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Defence until 1988.

Whilst Whitmore led the Home Office he presided over a great many dreadful things. In north Wales the framing and wrongful imprisonment of the former children in care and mental health patients – including me – as a result of corruption on the part of the police, Risley Remand Centre, the north Wales mental health services and the high security hospitals as described in my post ‘Security, Security’ was happening. Former kids in care were being found dead on a regular basis and complaints of abuse usually went uninvestigated.

On 15 March 1992 the North Wales Police carried out dawn raids in and around Wrexham. Sixteen men and one woman were held – all but one person had worked at Bryn Estyn. The police stated that no child porn was found and no evidence of a paedophile ring. By the end of the day the police had released 12 of the 16 people who had been held. They were all released without charge. Of the four others, only one person made any admissions. This triumph happened three weeks or so before the General Election.

In other regions of the the UK, things were going badly wrong as well. The allegations of the serious abuse of children in care by the Leicestershire social worker Frank Beck had finally been investigated (Beck was imprisoned) but somehow the allegations against Greville Janner went nowhere, although Janner was interviewed by the police in the early 1990s and a file was sent to the DPP. Janner was interviewed in the presence of his solicitor Sir David Napley and Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he had already retained George Carman QC. After the imprisonment of Frank Beck it was admitted that the response of the police to the complaints against Beck had been negligent and wholly inadequate. I will be writing more about the Frank Beck case in another post soon.

One thing that the Home Office had to handle whilst Whitmore was Permanent Secretary was the Hillsborough Disaster on the 15 April 1989 and the aftermath. It has finally recently been admitted that at Hillsborough it was the police who were largely responsible for the deaths of many people, that the police systematically lied about the behaviour of the football fans, that lies were told to the media in order to smear the fans – including those who had died – and that the media faithfully published those lies (most famously Kelvin McKenzie at the Sun). Just to ensure that everyone got the right message the police then fabricated witness statements and perjured themselves. It has taken nearly 30 years for the truth to be admitted regarding events at Hillsborough.

So I was most interested to find in the archive of the Hillsborough Independent Panel – Disclosed Material and Report, a copy of a note written by Sir Clive Whitmore dated 7 July 1989. The file states that this note was sent to the Secretary of State – which at the time was Douglas Hurd – regarding the progress of the [Lord Justice Peter] Taylor Inquiry [on Hillsborough] and when it was expected to be completed. The file records that Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report was published in Aug 1989.

In the note Whitmore documented that he had spoken to Lord Justice Taylor and a Mr Whalley on 4 July about the progress on the Inquiry and that Taylor had told him that the Report might not be ready until early August.  Whitmore went on to note that Taylor had confirmed that the Report wasn’t going to say anything concerning the arguments for or against identity cards for football supporters. He reported that he was fairly certain that none of Taylor’s recommendations will be of a kind which would require physical work at grounds before the start of the next football season. Whitmore stated that Taylor expects the interim findings to deal with matters such as crowd control and the content of safety certificates. Sir Clive observes that there is no pressing need for a statement to the House and that there may be an advantage in a low key reception involving simply a press statement. Whitmore noted that Taylor did warn him that the interim report is likely to be critical of the South Yorkshire Police and to a lesser extent the football club. Whitmore ends by saying ‘we will need to consider carefully what we should say on this aspect once we have the text of the report’.

The following words/phrases were underlined: ‘early August’, ‘identity cards’, ‘crowd control’, ‘critical of South Yorkshire Police’ and ‘to a lesser extent’.

Although the note is dated 7 July 1989, the official stamp showing receipt of the letter is dated 10 July 1989. The note was sent to: Lord Ferrers, Mr Chilcot [this name is highlighted], Mr Moriarty, Mr Boys Smith, Mr Turney, HMCIFS, Mr Mower, Mr Goddard, Mr Watts, Mr Lidington.

There is a copy of Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report in the archived file. It is addressed to Douglas Hurd who was Home Secretary at the time. The Report is dated 1 August 1989 and it has Peter Taylor’s name on it – but not Peter Taylor’s signature. There is just ‘Peter Taylor’ typed next to the date. Every Inquiry that I have seen has the signature of the Chair and the Panel on it next to the date.

It is crystal clear from Whitmore’s note that Peter Taylor didn’t expect to have his report written until early August – so it would not have been ready for submission on 1 Aug 1989. It is also clear from Whitmore’s note and the phrases that were underlined that Taylor was going to mention a few things in that report that Whitmore seemed rather sensitive about – so senstive that people were going to have to consider their public response once they had the text of the Report.

I think that the reason why Peter Taylor didn’t sign that Report in the archive was that Peter Taylor hadn’t actually written it. It seems to me that the Home Office under Douglas Hurd were conducting business the Gwynedd Health Authority and expert medical witness way – they had commissioned a report and publicised that, they knew what they wanted in the Report so before Peter Taylor had submitted it they wrote one of their own. Perhaps they amended it once Taylor had sent them his Report – who knows, because there is no signature on the Report there is no certainly as to who wrote which bits or when.

There are people who can tell us what went on, even if Douglas maintains that he knows nuzzing – Sir Clive Whitmore obviously. But one of the people to whom Sir Clive sent his note will know who drafted Taylor’s Report for him – Mr Lidington.

Mr Lidington is David Lidington, who is currently sitting in Theresa May’s Gov’t as the Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Between 1987-89 Lidington was a special advisor to Douglas Hurd in the Home Office and when Hurd became Foreign Secretary in 1989 Lidington moved with him to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

So David Lidington was the gofer at the Home Office when Dafydd, Tony Francis, two junior doctors at Ysbyty Gwynedd, someone at Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission all had a little plan to frame me for attempting to stab a doctor – which unravelled because a nurse who was sitting in the room as I carried out this murderous attack made a statement to the police admitting that I hadn’t tried to stab anyone. Risley Remand Centre was under the domain of Douglas Hurd. There were constant allegations of brutality towards inmates and even inmates dying because no-one had answered bells when they had rung for assistance. The Waterhouse Report details how the Waterhouse Inquiry had sight of a letter sent from Risley Remand Centre in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, the managers of Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor – who were under investigation for child abuse – allegedly written by a former resident of Ty’r Felin which had been sent to Lucille Hughes, Dafydd’s mistress and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Ronald Waterhouse confirmed that the letter had not been written or sent by the former resident of Ty’r Felin as purported.

So as well as beating up the inmates and leaving them to die by witholding medical attention, someone in Risley Remand Centre – under the control of the Home Office – was forging documents and colluding in elaborate plans with Top Doctors to frame people who had complained about them. And someone in the Home Office was forging Reports from Lord Chief Justices. And David Lidington knows something about it.

You are the Secretary of State for Justice Lidington. You do know how illegal these matters are. Furthermore, Nefyn Dodd was not only abusing the kids in Ty’r Felin himself but he was trafficking them down to London to be used for prostitution – one boy from Ty’r Felin turned up in the now infamous Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

David Lidington is the Tory MP for Aylesbury – he was elected at the 1992 General Election. Days before the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by that firebomb.

In 1994 Lidington was appointed PPS to Michael Howard. Just as Howard stuffed over Mary Wynch leaving her ruined. In 1994 there was yet another attempt to fit me up and imprison me – Bridget Lloyd, an Angel with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, alleged that I had made threatening phone calls to her and made a statement claiming to be so frightened of me that the Health Authority had given her a personal alarm to carry with her at all times lest I murder her in cold blood. The Court was also told that I was a danger to her young children. I didn’t know that Bridget Lloyd had young children. Bridget knew that I didn’t know that as well – just before making the statement to police that she was in fear of her life from me, Lloyd sent a memo to the Top Doctors and managers at Ysbyty Gwynedd stating that she’d only ever met me once, many years ago and that I wouldn’t recognise her if I saw her.

Tony Francis wrote a report for the Court – for their consideration for WHEN I was found guilty, stating that I should be transferred to a forensic team with a view to being placed in a secure unit.

I was acquitted. There were no apologies and no investigation into the perjury.

In June 1997 Lidington was appointed PPS to William Hague, the leader of the Opposition. Months previously William Hague had organised the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry.

In June 1999 Lidington became the Shadow Home Affairs Minister, Deputy to Ann Widdecombe. Widdecombe has connections to the Tory Party in Wales, in particular the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party – which contains a number of Top Doctors (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). In Sept 2001 Lidington was appointed Shadow Finance Secretary to the Treasury and in May 2002 Shadow Minister at MAFF. When Michael Howard became leader of the Tory Party Lidington was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland. Lidington didn’t thrive under Cameron at first and in July 2007 was demoted. However after the General Election of 2010 Lidington became Minister for Europe. In Aug 2016 Lidington was awarded a CBE in Cameron’s resignation honours – for his services ‘to Europe’. Well the paedophile gang in north Wales were trafficking the kids to Amsterdam and the south of France as well…

When Honest Vicar’s Daughter Theresa became leader she made Lidington Leader of the Commons and on 11 June appointed him Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Well with a track record like David Lidington’s in what other post could he possibly be more useful in the face of all these allegations of paedophiles in high places and the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse falling apart?

David’s a greedy sod as well. In May 2009 the Daily Telegraph revealed that Lidington claimed nearly £1,300 for his dry cleaning and claimed for toothpaste, shower gel, body spray and vitamin supplements on his second home allowance.

On one occasion Lidington’s local paper the Bucks Herald criticised him for claiming £115,891 in expenses – approx double his salary.

Lidington’s shameful CV starts from the very beginning. He went to Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and whilst there was Chair of the Cambridge University Conservative Association which, in the previous generation, had supplied Thatcher with her Cabinet – who concealed Peter Morrison’s abuse of children in care in north Wales – including Ken Clarke, John Selwyn Gummer, Michael Howard and Norman Lamont. So Lidington was following in the footsteps of the Greats. Did you perhaps get to know some of them whilst you were at Cambridge David? I’m sure that the corrupt old bastards who were prepared to ignore suspicious deaths for the sake of Peter Morrison’s continued participation in sex parties with kids in care were invited back to their Alma Mater to dispense their wisdom and recruit the next generation of complete scumbags. Lidington was Deputy President of the Cambridge University Students Union and before doing some very dirty deeds at the Home Office for Douglas Hurd, he worked for BP and Rio Tinto.

Douglas Hurd was Tory MP for Mid-Oxfordshire, 1974-83, then for the same constituency when it was revamped as Witney (Cameron’s future constituency), 1983-97. He was a key member of Thatcher’s and Major’s Cabinet and is Patron of the Tory Reform Group.

Hurd’s father Lord Anthony Hurd was the Tory MP for Newbury, 1945-64. His grandather, Sir Percy Hurd, was the Coalition Conservative MP for Frome, 1918-23 (part of Lloyd George’s Lib-Con Gov’t) and then Tory MP for Devizes, 1923-45). Hurd’s son Nick has been Tory MP for Ruislip-Northwood and Pinner since 2005 and in 2010 became Minister for Civil Society. Another son Thomas works in the Diplomatic Service.

Hurd went to Eton and then Trinity College, Cambridge where he was President of the Cambridge Union Society.

In 1952 Hurd entered the Diplomatic Service and in 1966 began his political career. He became Principal Private Secretary to Edward Heath – a civil service position rather than a political appointment.

In 1979 after Thatcher won the General Election Hurd was appointed Minister of State in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Following the 1983 General Election Hurd was moved to the Home Office, where Willie Whitelaw was Home Secretary until June 1983 and then Leon Brittan succeeded  him. Between 1984 and 1985 Hurd was Secretary of State for N Ireland. We are told that Hurd’s diplomatic skills paved the way for the signing of the Anglo-Irish agreement, although Hurd left the post one month before the agreement was signed. In the light of what was going on at the Home Office when Hurd was Home Secretary and Lidington was his minion – forged documents, the fitting up of innocent people who had dared raise concerns about the movers and shakers behind the Westminster Paedophile Ring – one can only imagine how Hurd used his ‘diplomatic skills’ in N Ireland. There’ll have been all those murders that Hurd will have used in his bargaining and the kids in the Kincora Boys Home as well who were being abused by Whitehall figures and members of the British Army. Peace in our time then Douglas?

After ensuring that the truth about various murders and terrorist atrocities as well as the child abuse at Kincora was never to be told, Hurd was appointed Home Secretary in Sep 1985 in the wake of Leon Brittan’s demotion to the DTI. Meanwhile the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four and Macguire Seven and God knows how many other innocent people sat in prisons because Douggie and his mates didn’t dare let on what they had all been up to at the Home Office for many years. In 1987 a Home Office memo acknowledged that the Guildford Four were unlikely to have been terrorists but stated that was not sufficient grounds for an appeal.

Hurd was seen as a ‘safe pair of hands’ at the Home Office and his tenure there was considered ‘uncontroversial’. That judgement might change if anyone takes a close look at the paperwork concerning Peter Taylor’s Interim Report which was written by someone who wasn’t Peter Taylor. Hurd himself expressed concerns that the Prison Service wasn’t working effectively – well somewhere along the line the plan to have me banged up in Risley went pear-shaped and that forged letter which was sent to Lucille Hughes was identified as a forgery, so someone at Risley wasn’t carrying out their duties to the standards required by Douglas. As for those attempts to set fire to my house Douglas, I can only echo the words of Peter Cook in his ‘biased judge’ post-Jeremy Thorpe trial satire – they couldn’t even carry out the simplest murder plot without cocking the whole thing up…

Note to David Lidington: David – Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were definitely nasty enough for you to have played ball with, but they weren’t very bright and Dafydd was barking mad. If you are serious about silencing/killing absolutely everyone who were witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, you need to commission some rather more competent criminals – because Brown, me and two of our friends have managed to survive.

In 1988 Hurd set up Crime Concern, an organisation that aimed to reduce crime and anti-social behaviour by offering training opportunities to young people. The young person who received the best training opportunity from Douglas Hurd was David Lidington, other young people went to prison or had all opportunities removed. Crime Concern merged with the charity Rainer in 2008 to form an organisation called Catch22. Er – was someone having a joke at Douglas’s expense?

As a sideline Douglas writes spy thrillers. I think that this blog is rapidly evolving into one, but without the ‘fiction’ element. Or indeed the ‘thrilling’ bit – it’s not quite so thrilling when it’s you that is being targeted by a bunch of Top Doctors and their associates who are running a paedophile ring for the benefit of Douglas’s colleagues…

In Oct 1989 Douglas replaced John Major as Foreign Secretary. When Thatch was ousted in Nov 1990 Douglas ran for the Tory Party leadership – his campaign was predicated on his reputation as a ‘safe pair of hands’ ‘law n order’ Home Secretary. Major won the leadership and Hurd returned to his post as Foreign Secretary, where he remained until 1995.

Hurd was Foreign Secretary whilst Yugoslavia imploded. Hurd argued against sending military aid to the Bosniaks – in opposition to US policy – and he resisted pressure to allow Bosnian refugees into Britain. Hurd described his policy as ‘realist’. Just like letting a paedophile gang run a reign of terror in north Wales. The poor relations between European and US leaders delayed a co-ordinated response to the horrors taking place in Yugoslavia so rather a lot of people ended up being brutally murdered thanks to the diplomatic skills of that safe pair of hands Douglas and others.

After his withdrawal from front line politics, Douglas went to Serbia to visit Slobodan Milosevic, on behalf of the NatWest Bank no less, of which Hurd was Chairman, 1995-99. The Bosnian Gov’t threatened to charge Hurd as an accomplice to genocide, but nothing came of that. People like Douglas don’t go to prison, the cells are reserved for the victims of paedophile gangs who supply kids to politicians or for junior academics who work out that something very nasty is going on which seems to be propped up by the highest echelons of the medical establishment…

Whilst Hurd was Foreign Secretary he allocated £234 million pounds in aid towards the funding of the hydroelectric dam on the Pergan River in Malaysia – building started in 1991 and concurrently the Malaysian Gov’t just happened to decide to purchase £1 bilion worth of British made arms. In March 1994 a UK Gov’t Inquiry was launched regarding this and in Nov 1994 the High Court of Justice ruled the actions of Hurd unlawful, because all that dosh that he liberated for the building of the dam was not for the economic or humanitarian benefit of the Malaysians.

In 1997 Douglas was given a peerage. The Waterhouse Inquiry had been arranged by then, Peter Morrison and God knows how many witnesses were dead, Dafydd had retired from the NHS with the contract to provide substance abuse services for north Wales in his paws alongside an agreement that none of the very serious complaints against him would ever be followed up (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’), so I don’t expect that Douglas ever expected to hear the words ‘north Wales paedophile ring covered up by people at the highest levels of Gov’t with connections to the security services’ ever again.

In 1997 Douglas became Chair of British Invisibles (now ‘International Financial Services London’) and in 1998 he was Chair of the judges for the Booker Prize.

In Sept 1999 Hurd was appointed High Sheriff of Westminster Abbey. Douglas has been a long-standing and active member of the Church of England. Which of course now takes the safeguarding of children very seriously, things have changed/not like the 70s/couldn’t happen now, we’ve got Douglas Hurd and Elizabeth Butler-Sloss on board.

Douglas Chaired the Hurd Commission, which reviewed the roles and functions of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

Hurd was Chair of the Advisory Council of something called FIRST, an ‘international affairs organisation’. I cannot find out anything about it, so it is probably incredibly sordid, even by Douglas’s standards.

Douglas is Patron of the Burford School-Uganda link.

Hurd has been married twice – the first time was in 1960. He and his wife separated in 1976 and divorced in 1982. His former wife Tatiana observed that ‘politics don’t mix with marriage’. The combination obviously works for some people though, because in 1982 Douglas married Judy Smart who was his former Parliamentary secretary, who was 19 years his junior. Who will have known about the appalling things in which Douglas involved himself. Judy died of leukemia some years ago.

Hurd’s son Nick is married to Clare, the daughter of Michael Ancrum aka the 13th Marquess of Lothian – Ancrum is currently the only Marquess in the Lords. When Ann Widdecombe was toadying her way up through the ranks of the Tory Party as described in her autobiography ‘Strictly Ann’, she spent a great deal of time ingratiating herself to Ancrum and his family and friends. Ann was really impressed with how posh they all were. Ancrum was called to the Scottish Bar in 1979 and worked as an advocate until 1979, when he was elected Tory MP for Edinburgh South. In 1987 Ancrum was elected Tory MP for Devizes. He took over the seat from Sir Charles Morrison, brother of Sir Peter, who was busy with the kids in care in north Wales at the time. The Morrison family seat and estates are in Wiltshire. Ancram was Chair of the Tory Party, Oct 1998-Sept 01. Which neatly covered the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry and its aftermath.

Ancrum and his wife Jane – the daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, Widdecombe knew all about the aristocratic in-laws – are Roman Catholics and Jane is Patron of the Right To Life Trust. A right that wasn’t enjoyed by some of the witnesses to Peter Morrison’s activities Jane. Ancrum went to school at Ampleforth – the place that now lives under the shadow of more and more allegations about the conduct of the monks toward the boys there. Ancrum might not have been one of the more sensitive kids at Ampleforth though – whilst he was at Christ Church College, Oxford, he was a member of the Bullingdon Club.

Wikileaks revealed that Ancrum was Chair of Le Cercle, a rather mad and sinister ‘foreign policy think tank’ concerned with ‘international security’ which numbers some rather mad and sinister people among its membership. Jonathan Aitken was involved with it.

Hurd’s daughter-in-law Catherine (known as Sian), Thomas Hurd’s wife, died in unclear circumstances in 2012. The family were living in New York City – Thomas Hurd was coming to the end of a three year posting with the UN Security Council – when Catherine fell to her death in the early hours of the morning from the roof of their house. She had climbed up a ladder and through a hatch to reach the roof. She and Thomas had gone to bed about midnight and Thomas woke up in the early hours, found that she was not beside him so went off to look for her. He found her body in the garden between 3-4 am. The inquest heard that Catherine had suffered a ‘sudden nervous breakdown’ in 2007 from which she recovered quickly and didn’t discuss at length. Before she died she had seemed fine and no-one had any idea at all that she was at all upset about anything. Catherine did not leave a suicide note and because she fell to her death in the middle of the night no-one saw her fall, so there were no witnesses. Catherine’s father is a Top Doctor who gave evidence at the inquest that the small quantities of very mild benzodiapines that she had recently taken could have caused an ‘altered mental state’. Thomas stated that at the time of Catherine’s death they were about to move house and had packed up their belongings and that could have been distressing. Yes, one valium and my goods packed up into a few boxes and I too am prone to climbing up ladders and through hatches into roofs in the small hours and chucking myself off roofs. The coroner returned an open verdict because I don’t think that there was an option of a ‘what the hell has gone on here’ verdict.

The names of both Thomas and Douglas Hurd appeared on the internet as suspected MI6 operatives. The allegations were of course nonsense and the fact that some very improbable names appeared on the list alongside them meant that it was all the work of a ‘poorly informed amateur’, not a disgruntled MI5 or MI6 employee as some people claimed. And there’s no evidence of a paedophile ring involving Westminster figures which was concealed by people who worked in the Home Office either.

Thomas’s brother Nick – the Tory MP – previously worked as an advisor to Tim Yeo who was Tory MP for Suffolk South, 1983-2015. Tim Yeo was PPS to one Douglas Hurd between 1988-90, when Hurd was Home Secretary. I came across Tim’s name a few days ago when I was reading documents concerning the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal (there will be a post naming some more of the people involved in the Leicestershire Scandal soon). In 1992 after the shit hit the fan in the wake of Frank Beck’s conviction and imprisonment, one Tim Yeo was the junior Minister in the Department of Health who was responsible for residential children’s homes. Despite the mountains of evidence that emerged from Frank Beck’s trial that the children’s homes of Leicestershire had been rife with the serious abuse of children and the evidence pouring in from Islington, Lambeth and north Wales that the abuse of kids in care was a major problem, Tim decided not to implement a policy of reviewing children’s homes from which children were regularly running away although it was felt by many advisors that this would highlight homes where sexual abuse of children was a problem.

Between 1980-83 Tim Yeo was Chief Exec of the Spastics Society, now known as Scope. There was a problem with abuse of people in the care of Scope…David Hanson worked for Scope 1982-89. I will be returning to Tim Yeo in a future post – Tim who had to resign from John Major’s Cabinet in the wake of those revelations about his five mistresses and illegitimate children.

Douglas Hurd’s father Anthony Hurd married Stephanie Corner. Stephanie’s father was a Top Doctor, a surgeon called Edred Moss Corner. Edred Corner’s own father was a Top Doctor in Yorkshire, but Edred was born in London and went to school at Epsom College. Edred read medicine at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and did his clinical training at St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School. After qualifying, Edred worked at Tommy’s and Leeds General Infirmary. He established a successful Harley Street practice and was on the staff of Great Ormond Street Hospital as well as of Purley and Wood Green Hospitals. Edred was also surgeon to Epsom College. He was Vice-President of the Medical Society of London and a member of the Harveian Society, as well as a leading light in the BMA. Edred sat on the Board of Advanced Studies at the University of London.

One of Edred’s esteemed works was the volume ‘Diseases of the Male Generative Organs’.

Edred had a touch of the Sir Charles Evans about him. Like Sir Charles, Edred was a Top Doctor who was a keen mountaineer. Like Sir Charles, Edred was clobbered by a neurodegenerative disease mid-career which stopped him from continuing to practice as a surgeon. Whereas Sir Charles Evans was given Bangor University to play with as a booby prize when he retired from surgery, Edred was given a job as superintendent of a convalescent home. Edred had three children, two daughters and a son. One of Edred’s daughters married Douglas Hurd’s dad, but my antennae certainly started twitching when I found out who Edred’s son – Hurd’s uncle – was. He was Edred Henry Corner, a very well known tropical botanist who was Professor of Tropical Botany at Cambridge, 1965-73 and a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College from 1959.

So Prof Edred Henry Corner will have known Prof Greig-Smith, the plant ecologist who was a Professor in the School of Plant Biology at Bangor University – where I did my first degree! When I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist and his highly inappropriate conduct. The man who referred me to Gwynne the lobotomist, the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, ran the Student Health Centre and was the first person to subject me to a barrage of threats when Brown and I complained about the lobotomist. Wood was married to Dr Chris Wood – she was a lecturer in the School of Plant Biology! My housemate, who was killed in a car crash shortly after I started discussing with her what was happening to me at the hands of Wood and his colleagues, was a PhD student in the School of Zoology. Ann’s former boyfriend Geoff was left brain damaged and paralysed in the crash – Geoff had been in the front passenger seat. Geoff was one of Greig-Smith’s Masters students! Some weeks before Ann was killed, D.G.E. Wood told me that he always recognised Ann’s car because it was a white VW Beetle which had big pictures of choughs on it.

No-one actually liked Prof Greig-Smith, but they were all very frightened of him. He was the biggest name in plant ecology in the UK and effectively invented quantitative ecology. Grieg-Smith trained at Cambridge and still had many mates there. It was the presence of Greig-Smith in the School of Plant Biology which was entirely responsible for Bangor having such a good reputation for botany in those days. There was much bad feeling in the year that I graduated because a mature female student who was a personal friend of Greig-Smith was given a First – some of the lecturers let it slip that no-one felt that her work was worthy of a First but she was a friend of Grieg-Smith. She was then offered a place to do a PhD with D.G.E. Wood’s wife! This lady was married to a man whom Wood et al considered worth getting to know – he was Ian Kennaway, the Director of Regions for the National Trust. In 1990 Ian Kennaway founded and was the first Chairman of The Friends of Czech Heritage. A Patron of The Friends of Czech Heritage is Greg Hands, who has been the Tory MP for Chelsea and Fulham since 2010. Greg Hands was Chief Secretary to the Treasury and then became Minister of State for International Trade, working with Secretary of State Dr Liam Fox. Fox is of course a Top Doctor and a member of the Royal College of General Practitioners. Fox has been the Tory MP for North Somerset since 1992. D.G.E. Wood’s family are from the north Somerset area and Wood went to medical school at Bristol University. Wood has held many senior offices in the Royal College of General Practitioners. Liam Fox was elected to Parliament days before the five witnesses to the wrongdoing of Wood and his colleagues were killed by the firebomb. Between 1993-94 Fox was PPS to Home Secretary Michael Howard – who at the time was finishing off Mary Wynch…

Greg Hands is now Minister for London.

As for Gay Kennaway, the recipient of the ill-deserved First in Marine Botany all those years ago – I was going to put out an appeal for her to tell us what she knows, but Burke’s peerage states that she died earlier this year.

A paedophile ring and a prostitution racket exposed – you never thought that it would get this embarrassing did you Wood?

Prof Greig-Smith died in 2002. He had a son, Peter. Peter Grieg-Smith was a Top Doctor in Liverpool.

Douglas Hurd is the Patron of the pro-EU European Movement. Now there’s a bit of ammo for the Brexiteers…

 

Back to Sir Clive Whitmore of the Dept for Encouraging Forged Documentation. Sir Clive did well for himself on the gongs front. He was awarded a CVO in the new Years Honours of 1983, a KCB in the 1983 Birthday Honours and a GCB in the 1988 Birthday Honours.

In 1995 Sir Clive turned up as Chancellor of De Montfort University. In 1995 Brown was hounded out of his job at Aston University but managed to get another job – at De Montfort University.

Before I fled north Wales, when my lawyers were collecting witness statements from the people who were brave enough to testify to what they had seen happening to me at the hands of the NHS and social services, all the people involved were subsequently threatened or harassed. Brown provided one of the statements. A letter subsequently arrived at De Montfort University, informing the senior managers that Brown was a ‘known paedophile’ and had committed many offences when he worked at Aston University but hadn’t been caught (see post ‘A Nasty Ludicrous Poison Pen Letter’). (So he could hardly have been a ‘known’ paedophile then could he?) The letter was signed Sylvia Grenalda. Brown and co did they all could to trace Sylvia, all databases were searched, but there was no trace of her. Sylvia, where are you? We need you to come forward!

Obviously the wrongdoing at the Home Office didn’t start with Hurd and Whitmore – Leon Brittan was Home Secretary prior to Hurd and unlike Hurd whom many people do not realise was overseeing the forging of documents and framing of the victims of crime, Leon Brittan hasn’t got a reputation left to lose. Brittan has been the subject of allegations of the rape of a young woman as well as the sexual abuse of children. I don’t have evidence that he was guilty of any of that but by the time that Dafydd et al had started trying to fit me up with the assistance of Douglas Hurd’s bunch at the Home Office, I was fully aware that this sort of thing had been going on for a long time. This was how Dafydd et al routinely conducted business – it was why they were so affronted when I challenged them about it. Brown has always been a lot more savvy than me and when in 1987 Dafydd tried to threaten me with incarceration in Risley Remand Centre if I didn’t drop my complaints about him and then when that didn’t work tried to bribe me, I commented to Brown ‘how on earth has he got the nerve to do this?’. Brown replied ‘because he’s done it before and it’s worked’. Spot on Brown, you were quite right. But even Brown didn’t know how bad this lot were and just how high up their corruption went.

Another little anecdote. Someone else heard some of the phone conversations between Dafydd and me and knew what was going on – Brown’s brother. Brown’s brother accompanied me to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh one day to make enquiries when my letters and complaints were just ignored. A near hysterical administrator stated that Dafydd wasn’t on the premises and they didn’t know when he next would be – neither did anyone know where he was. So we went back to the car – to find Alun Davies parked immediately behind us. Davies then trailed us bumper to bumper right off the grounds and down the road. Some months later Brown’s brother had a nasty experience. He was standing outside a motorway service station late at night, by himself, in the garden bit near the motorway slip road and a car with a number of men in drove straight towards him at break-neck speed and tried to run him over. Very fortunately he was next to a hedge – he literally jumped into it. He told me what had happened days later – it was a tale of do you know someone definitely tried to kill me the other night and I don’t even know who they were….

Davies: after Brown’s brother nearly died in a motorbike crash caused by someone driving into him carelessly some months later, he and his wife left the UK. They have been abroad ever since. There will be no clue on this blog as to what names they are using or where on the planet they are you worthless piece of crap.

The Home Office under Brittan was later revealed to have been thoroughly rotten. Thatcher was using the police as her own private army and there were many high points, including he Battle of the Beanfield in June 1985 when the police beat up New Age Travellers – including women who were holding babies and young children – and smashed the windows of their vehicles for the hell of it; the dismissal of appeals from the high profile victims of miscarriages of justice; the intimidation of the Manchester University students by police officers which was so serious that one of the students fled to Europe; the stream of innocent people in south Wales who were framed by the police only to be released years later on appeal – many of the serious crimes for which they were framed remained unsolved; the violence of the police towards striking miners and the framing of some of the pickets for offences; the rampant corruption of drug squads across the UK.

Another celebrated event of the Leon Years was Geoffrey Dickens MP compiling a dossier of Westminster figures whom he claimed were involved with the serious abuse of children. Dickens maintained that the people behind this had links to organised crime and were also involved with child porn and big time drug dealing. Geoffrey Dickens was so pissed off at the lack of action that he threatened to name some of the people whom he alleged were involved in the House. Dickens was roundly mocked, denounced and accused of anti-semitism by a Greville Janner. Leon subsequently ‘lost’ the dossier, claimed that he couldn’t remember a number of crucial facts relating to the dossier, then did remember a few things. The dossier did not turn up and more recently it was discovered that quite a few files from the Home Office relating to the alleged abuse of children by Westminster and Whitehall figures had gone for a walk.

So who was the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office whilst the police beat up who they wanted, framed people when they felt like it and when files with the names of members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – which of course had never existed – disappeared? It was Sir Brian Cubbon.

Cubbon was Permanent Secretary, 1979-88 and served three Home Secretaries – Willie Whitelaw, Leon Brittan and for a time, Douglas Hurd. In old age Cubbon joked that the Home Office must have been fit for purpose at the time because he and the three Home Secretaries were all ‘Trinity men’ (as in Trinity College, Cambridge). They all concealed a gang of paedophiles as well.

Cubbon’s CV matched that of Robin Butler in terms of always being at the scene. After Bury Grammar School and Trinity College, Cubbon joined the civil service. He joined the Home Office during the last months of the Attlee Gov’t and was then seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1961-62 when Macmillan was PM. No doubt Cubbon knew about the weekends at Cliveden where teenaged call girls, Russian spies and Gov’t Ministers enjoyed themselves. In 1968 Cubbon was appointed Private Secretary to Jim Callaghan – who most certainly when he was PM concealed child abuse in north Wales – when Callaghan was Home Secretary. Cubbon was at the centre of the action in 1969 when the balloon went up in Ulster – Cubbon was at the Home Office at the time, which was responsible for N Ireland. The Home Office was also directly responsible for the management of Approved Schools such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park in Gateshead. In 1969 child abuse was flourishing at Axwell Park under Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth – both of whom were transferred to work at Bryn Estyn in 1973 where they established a truly impressive regime which was one of the hubs of the paedophile gang busy in north Wales/Cheshire.

Cubbon  moved to the Cabinet Office in 1971 and in 1976 was appointed Permanent Secretary in the N Ireland Office. In July 1976 Cubbon was caught in a bomb blast in Ireland which killed the British Ambassador to Ireland Christopher  Ewart-Biggs and Cubbon’s Private Secretary Judith Cooke. Cubbon was responsible for orchestrating the maintenance of direct rule from Westminster in the absence of a political settlement, whilst Merlyn Rees was Secretary of State for N Ireland. Merlyn Rees’s next post was Home Secretary  in Jim Callaghan’s Gov’t – during which time he concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Prior to the 1979 General Election, it was speculated that if re-elected Callaghan would make Cubbon Cabinet Secretary. In the event Thatcher won the election and made Robert Armstrong Cabinet Secretary  – another man who knew a great deal (see post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’). Armstrong had been Permanent Secretary at the Home Office and Thatch appointed Cubbon to take his place, to work alongside dear old Willie Whitelaw. Who had concealed the paedophile gang for years and continued to do so.

In April 1982 when the Buck House intruder Michael Fagan found himself sitting in the Queen’s bedroom having a chat with her, Cubbon suggested to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir David McNee that he should resign. McNee later described this as ‘improper and impertinent behaviour’. I’ve been quite taken with the notion of impertinent behaviour since last summer when I received a copy of a completely mad letter that Dafydd had written concerning my presence in Ysbyty Gwynedd in June 1988. Dafydd had experienced the trauma of being asked by me when he was going to respond to my complaints and as a result he wrote to the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd demanding that I should be held on a ward, not allowed out and guarded at all times. The Assistant Director of Nursing had written a polite letter back to Dafydd, explaining that to do this would not only be unwarranted but illegal. Dafydd fired off a furious completely irrational reply, accusing this man of ‘gross impertinence’ and recommending that someone should face disciplinary action because I had actually asked him to explain himself (see post ‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’). In the weeks following Dafydd’s crazed demands, the psychiatrists in Ysbyty Gwynedd formed themselves into a Secretariat. Tony Francis appointed himself the Secretary of the Secretariat and they spent much time and trouble writing to each other as well as to the MDU, the BMA and the senior managers of Gwynedd Health Authority, formulating a method as to how they could have me transferred to a secure unit. Even the Mental Health Act Commission were involved in the Cunning Plan. It was of course all predicated on them claiming that I had violently attacked numerous people – which their own lawyers had reminded them that they had no evidence for. Tony Francis even wrote to the Dr D.J.C. Davies, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, demanding that they pay his travelling expenses for his visits to the MDU – the Health Authority was happy to oblige.

In 1986 Cubbon had to handle the fall-out over the comments of the Chief Constable of Manchester, James Anderton, who publicly stated that people with HIV/AIDS were ‘swirling around in a cesspool of their own making’. At the time police corruption in Anderton’s force was endemic and some of that corruption was assisting Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

In 1979 Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon spent the night at the Crest Hotel in Wrexham with a boy in care in north Wales. The following morning Tyrell-Kenyon alleged that the boy had robbed him and called the police. The boy was sent to a detention centre. The boy’s social worker recorded on his file that he was known to be having homosexual sex with Tyrell-Kenyon. Tyrell-Kenyon was not charged with any offence. In 1993 Tyrell-Kenyon died of an AIDS related illness. Tyrell-Kenyon’s father, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a Magistrate, a member of Clwyd Health Authority and a Flintshire County Councillor. The boy – well a man by now – gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry that Tyrell-Kenyon had used him for sex on many occasions.

When Cubbon was asked in recent years about the business of Leon losing that dossier concerning organised child abuse that Geoffrey Dickens had given him, Cubbon stated that he had ‘no recollection at all’ of the Dickens dossier.

Cubbon helped start Haklynt, a company ‘supplying foreign political and commercial information to corporate clients’. He Chaired the Disaster Emergency Committee from 1989. In 1995 Cubbon served on the Press Complaints Commission and in 1996 was the PCC’s Charter Commissioner.

Cubbon was also active in the Campaign to Protect Rural England.

Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1985-88 was Sir Nigel Wicks. Sir Nigel’s main interest is the accumulation of enormous amounts of money, so he probably got on with Thatcher very well. Wicks went to Beckenham and Penge Grammar School and joined BP in 1958 when he was 18 years old. Whilst at BP he did an London University MA with Portsmouth College of Technology (now the University of Portsmouth). In 1969 Wicks joined the Treasury and was seconded to the PM’s office as Principal Private Secretary, 1975-78. He worked for Wilson, then Callaghan. Wicks then moved to the British Embassy in Washington DC where he was the UK’s Executive Director of the IMF and IBRD, 1983-85.

Wicks then worked as Thatch’s Principal Private Secretary. Whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment, Minister of State for Trade and Industry, Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party and Minister of State for Energy. Throughout this time, the Welsh Office concealed the abuse of children in care and the abuse of mental health patients and the serious crime associated with this, which involved the Home Office. I doubt that Nigel was that concerned – not when there was dosh to be made.

Nigel then returned to the Treasury as Second Permanent Secretary, responsible for International Finance, where he remained until he retired in 2000.

Following his retirement from the civil service, Nigel was Chair of CRESTCo until in 2001 it merged with Euroclear, of which Wicks was Deputy Chair, 2002-06, then Chair. He was a non-executive director of Morgan Stanley, 2004-07 and of the Edinburgh Investment Trust from 2005.

Between 2001-04 Sir Nigel was Chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life. Who better to hold that position than a man who played a central role in concealing a paedophile gang which trafficked children to Europe for sex work and murdered people who blabbed?

In 2005 Sir Nigel Chaired the panel appointing the initial members of the newly-created Judicial Appointments Commission.

In 2007 Sir Nigel was appointed Commissioner of the Jersey Financial Services Commission and in 2012 he became the Chair of the British Bankers Association.

No wonder those kids died.

Nigel’s collection of gongs consists of: CBE in Callaghan’s Resignation Honours, 1979; CVO in the 1989 New Year’s Honours; KCB in the 1992 New Year’s Honours; GCB in the 1999 New Year’s Honours.

 

The shitbaggery found among Principal Private Secretaries to the PM has a long and fine tradition. Sir Kenneth Stowe was Principal Private Secretary to Wilson, Callaghan and for a short time Thatcher, 1975-79.

Kenneth Stowe attended Dagenham County High School and then Exeter College, Oxford. He joined the civil service as an Assistant Principal in the National Assistance Board and in 1956 became a Principal. In 1958 Stowe was seconded to the UN Secretariat in New York. Upon his return he became the Press Officer to the National Assistance Board and justified the refusal by successive Gov’t to pay pensions to the over 80s who had been excluded by the National Insurance Act of 1948. Stowe became an Assistant Secretary in 1964 and remained in the machine when the National Assistance Board merged with the Ministry of Health in 1966 and in 1968 when the DHSS was created.

In 1970 Stowe became Assistant Under-Secretary at the DHSS and then in 1973 he joined the Cabinet Office – whilst Heath was PM – at Under-Secretary level. In 1975 Wilson’s Principal Private Secretary left No 10 and Cabinet Secretary John Hunt proposed that Stowe should replace him. It was considered an unusual appointment – Principal Private Secretaries usually come from the Treasury or at least have Treasury experience. Stowe had spent virtually his whole career in the DHSS and the departments which preceded it and had no Treasury experience at all.

Sir Kenneth is described in glowing terms in his obituaries as completely  loyal and the man who kept the Gov’t running smoothly, although a few things did slip through that he was unable to stop. Such as Harold Wilson’s 1976 Resignation Honours, the ‘Lavender List’, thus called because it was alleged to have been written by Wilson’s weirdly sinister Political Secretary Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender on the tinted notepaper that she was known to favour. The Lavender List included some very unwise choices, even by the standards of the UK honours system – such as Joe Kagan, the man who manufactured Wilson’s favourite brand of raincoat and who later went to prison for fraud and Sir Eric Miller, a property magnate who committed suicide less than a year later whilst the subject of a criminal investigation. The civil servants who saw the Lavender List were horrified and put their faith in Stowe to ensure that some of the names were removed. They weren’t. Which just confirmed many people’s suspicions that Wilson was a crook and Marcia Williams knew so much that he didn’t dare upset her.

Stowe was central to the negotiations which led to the Lib-Lab in 1977 between Callaghan and David Steel and drafted the agreement between them. Stowe attended the regular dinners that Callaghan had with Len Murray of the TUC and business leaders to discuss economic issues. As things disintegrated during the Winter of Discontent 1978-79 many insiders maintained that it was Stowe who held the Gov’t machinery together. Stowe personally conducted negotiations with Len Murray.

Whilst Stowe worked for Callaghan, Sunny Jim was chuffed to be invited to join the Athenaeum, the club favoured by Top Doctors – of which Jimmy Savile was a member, having been introduced by Cardinal Basil Hume. Callaghan accepted the invitation and was then shocked to receive a hefty bill. He paid it nonetheless and then took Stowe to the Athenaeum.

Stowe inducted his successor Sir Clive Whitmoor into the job after Margaret Thatcher took power in 1979 and then took up the post of Permanent Secretary at the N Ireland Office. In that post Stowe had to manage the Troubles and events such as the hunger strikers in the Maze Prison. In late 1980 Stowe made a list of gestures that Thatcher’s Gov’t might make to end the hunger strikes in the Maze. The list was passed to IRA contacts via an MI6 agent – the MI6 agent waited in Stowe’s official car to receive the list, such was the fear that he’d be kidnapped. Not that Thatcher’s Gov’t ever talked to the IRA of course.

In 1981 Stowe returned to the DHSS as Permanent Secretary. He remained there until his retirement in 1987 and for much of the time worked with Secretary of State Norman Fowler. So Stowe was at the very top of the DHSS when the abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales was concealed, whilst Dafydd was sued by Mary Wynch but kept his job and continued to illegally imprison other people, when psychiatric patients were being fitted up and sent to high security hospitals, whilst the London medical schools busied themselves with research fraud, whilst St George’s Hospital Medical School employed a key player in a pan-European paedophile ring as their Professor of Paediatrics – you get the picture. I have detailed the crimes often enough by now.

Stowe’s obituaries make for interesting reading. His Guardian obituary – written by Dennis Kavanagh the political analyst and Emeritus Professor of Politics at the University of Liverpool – stated that Stowe was ‘motivated by a commitment to public service’ and that there was an ‘acute sense of crisis in the British Gov’t in the 70s; at various times administrations seemed barely able to cope and some lost their heads’. Which was barely surprising really. However old Stowe was never in a flap. No of course he wasn’t – he had so much dirt on absolutely everyone that he could control the whole lot of them. Stowe had worked in social security and health for years, he knew exactly what was happening to the great British public at the hands of those who care and then he went to work in the Cabinet Office with the politicians who would do just about anything to keep the gory reality quiet.

We are told in one of Stowe’s obituaries that Stowe was ‘one of the first to identify the problems of the NHS’ – the problems included the power of the medical profession, the drug companies running rings around the NHS regarding the pricing of their drugs and the expensive generous early retirement NHS scheme which was costing the Gov’t a packet and which resulted in the beneficiaries of early retirement returning to their former jobs to double their money. Did Stowe actually remedy any of these things? No. They’re still happening today. Stowe could have stopped it virtually overnight. The arrests of Dafydd, Tony Francis, Robert Blugass, Chris Hunter and the rest of them as well as their accessories would have put the Gov’t in the driving seat of the NHS and the abuses would have come to an end. But because there were politicians and civil servants abusing some of the kids who were being trafficked for sex, Stowe the loyal public servant put himself and his colleagues first. They all remained in clover, as did the Top Doctors – the kids in care and the patients were shafted.

My suspicions about the methods that Stowe, King of the DHSS, used to wield power were confirmed when I read that Stowe was the ‘master of disclosure and discretion’. Translate as ‘blackmail and bribery’.

What is recorded as Stowe’s greatest triumph during his time as Permanent Secretary at the DHSS? It was the HIV/AIDS public education campaign of course – the success of which was attributed to Stowe and Norman Fowler. It is recorded that Stowe, with the Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong, arranged for Willie Whitelaw to Chair a special committee therefore spurring on the AIDS/HIV campaign. I explained in my post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’ how the dreadful Sir Donald Acheson, Chief Medical Officer, had to spell out in words of one syllable to the Cabinet that their colleagues who were having sex with rent boys were now very much at risk from an infection for which there was no treatment and would kill them. That was the reason why this mad, hypocritical Gov’t which was virulently homophobic but made allowances for Peter Morrison and many others supported a public education that initially appalled them.

Stowe kept busy after he retired. He Chaired the Carnegie UK Trust’s Inquiry into the Third Age, 1989-93; he served on a commission set up by Mandela to establish a civil service in Africa; he Chaired the Thrombosis Research Institute; was Director of the Chase Children’s Hospice; and in 1997 when Blair was elected, Stowe Chaired the Working Group from the voluntary and community sector on the compact with Gov’t and the Treasury Group on funding the voluntary sector.

Sir Kenneth was also Chair of the Institute for Cancer Research at the Royal Marsden, 1987-97.

There is an Angel who has done very well indeed out of the Institute for Cancer Research. That is  Professor Dame Jessica Corner. Dame Jessica was the Institute’s first nursing academic, the first nurse appointed to a Chair at the Institute! Dame Jess  is currently PVC for Research and Knowledge Exchange at Nottingham University.

So what path did the Dame take to reach these heights? She began life as an Angel in London, worked at the Royal Marsden, then in 1990 either began or received a PhD at/from Kings College, London. The Dame spent many wonderful years at Southampton University. That’s the Southampton University that contained so many of the paedophiles’ friends in senior positions and at which I and someone from Aberystwyth University had such a bizarre experience with in the late 1980s (see post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’).  In 2005 the Dame was seconded to Macmillan Cancer Support and in 2008 she returned to Southampton. Between 2010-15 the Dame was Dean of the Faculty of Health Sciences at Southampton. The Dame is described as a ‘world leading expert in cancer and palliative care’. The UK has some of the worst outcomes in Europe for cancer and UK palliative care is dreadful. The Dame is an advisor to Macmillan Cancer Support and to the NHS. In 2012 the Dame was a member of the PM’s Nursing and Care Quality Forum; she is a member of the Dept of Health’s Cancer Reform Strategy for England and Chairs the Patient Experience Working Group.

I wonder of readers might have noticed the Dame’s surname – Corner. Er – remember Douglas Hurd’s famous grandfather Edred Moss Corner, the surgeon? And the plum jobs that all members of Hurd’s extended  family seem to bag for themselves? Could the Dame possibly be one of the clan? I bet that she is – cancer research is ridden with research fraud, malpractice, nepotism and huge professional snobbery from the Top Docs towards the Angels. Angels don’t become Professors at the Royal Marsden or Dames for being excellent Angels or outstanding cancer researchers – but they’d have a bloody good chance if they were relatives of Douglas Hurd who had sat in the Home Office whilst they were still Angels and concealed a mountain of crap. Particularly as one of the offenders – David Lidington – was also rising to high office. He was Minister of State for Europe in 2014 when the Angel became a Dame.

Whilst we are on the subject of Family Fortunes, I note that the flattering obituary of the git that was Kenneth Stowe was written by a man called Kavanagh. Edred Moss Corner’s son the botanist Edred Henry Corner married a Sheila Kavanagh. I have no idea if there is a connection, but we’re not talking meritocracy here, nepotism is the order of the day. The Top Doctor  Edred Moss Corner divorced his first wife in the early 1950s yet retained custody of the children, although he was in poor health and too busy to look after them, a la Dafydd. It’s the Top Doctors up to no good again… Edred Moss then married his children’s nanny. Edred’s son the botanist Edred Henry seemed to have carried on the family tradition of being dysfunctional – Edred completely rejected his own son John K. Corner when John was 19 years old. John never saw his father again but later wrote a book about him.

So John Hunt the Cabinet Secretary who suggested that Wilson appoint Kenneth Stowe as his Principal Private Secretary played a blinder. But then John Hunt would. John Hunt was one of the most powerful Cabinet Secretaries that there has been – he was described as ‘an imperialist who relished expanding the power of his remit’ with ‘an uncanny mastery of procedure and ability to steer meetings to the conclusion he wished’.

Hunt served as Cabinet Secretary under Heath, Wilson, Callaghan and Thatcher. He went to Downside School and then to Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hunt served in the Navy during the war – just like Jim Callaghan did. He joined the Cabinet Office in 1972 as the Deputy to Burke Trend and succeeded Trend in 1973 and spent six and a half years as Cabinet Secretary before retiring. Guess what? Even John Hunt failed to stop the Lavender List, although he was described as being ‘particularly close to Wilson’.

Hunt ended up in the Lords where he was very active. He Chaired the European Communities Committee of the Lords and in 1994 was instrumental in producing a report on fraud in the EU, which he estimated cost £5 billion pa. He was highly critical of the Council of Ministers for not stopping it.

John Hunt came from Minehead – so he will have known all about Jeremy Thorpe (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Thorpe was something to be negotiated with in the Lib Lab pact – as I’m sure were Cyril Smith, Greville Janner, George Thomas and a few other people. Hunt was a Roman Catholic – the only Cabinet Secretary to have been a Catholic. After Hunt’s first wife died he remarried – in 1973. He married Madeleine Charles – the widowed sister of Cardinal Basil Hume, to whom it is said, Hunt became a ‘discreet and valued counsellor’.

Early on in his career Hunt was given the advice by a senior civil servant to ‘go for a position in the pivotal centre of the Gov’t machine’. Hunt was such a wily operator that when he took a few days off work in the mid-70s, Harold Wilson joked that Hunt was probably arranging for Basil Hume to become the next Archbishop of Westminster. Guess who became the next Archbishop of Westminster?

John Hunt picked up his peerage in 1980. Just after Thorpe was found not guilty of attempting to murder Norman Scott.

 

In terms of the corruption that existed at the Home Office throughout all the years that the above account spans, the presence of one civil servant alone suggests that there was a massive, long-standing problem – Bing Spear, who was employed by the Home Office Drugs Branch. Bing Spear was employed as a Drugs Inspector in the Home Office from 1952 until he retired in 1986. For decades he held very senior roles at the Home Office and he was Chief Inspector of the Drugs Branch. Any reading of Spear’s conduct both in and outside of his work leads to the conclusion that he was almost certainly corrupt, involved with the supplying of Class A drugs and was probably an addict himself. Bing Spear was notorious – his behaviour stood out a mile. There is no chance that all these mandarins did not know what Bing Spear was doing. For more details of Spear and the corrupt Top Doctors that he protected, see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’.

 

Other papers released from the National Archives the other day include papers relating to the radioactive gas cloud from Chernobyl that passed over Wales in April 1986. There was chaos because most of the Cabinet were on holiday or overseas. The Environment Secretary at the time was William Waldegrave – after this sterling performance Waldegrave was later given the job as Health Secretary. In which post he showed exactly the same level of contempt for Wales.

Papers released from the National Archives also show that Andrew Turnbull had written a memo with advice to the Kinnocks – it was widely believed that Labour would win the General Election in 1992. The advice included telling the Kinnocks that they would need to spend more on clothes. Well they’ve ended up living like kings anyway, I’m sure that the First Family of Troughing spend quite enough on clothes. I’m not sure how the Tories did win in 1992 – there will no doubt have been the most appalling catalogue of dirty tricks used and events in north Wales will have played a major part because reports of the paedophile gang had begun appearing in the London-based media. Kinnock and co knew about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Peter Morrison but they said not a word. I suspect because they’d all been keeping quiet about George Thomas down in Cardiff…

One document that was released from the archives was a letter that Paddy Hill, one of the Birmingham Six, had written in September 1987 to Senator Mooney in Ireland. Paddy had made the observation that ‘the British system don’t know how to spell the word JUSTICE never mind dispensing it’. At the time that Paddy was writing that letter, I had narrowly escaped being imprisoned for attempting to stab that doctor in Ysbyty Gwynedd. The plot went as high as the Home Office.

Radio 4 broadcast a programme yesterday in which they discussed the 1992 papers that had been released. This blog’s old favourites were interviewed, including Charlie Falconer. Falconer banged on about how in 1992 he was still working as a barrister and there was a crisis of confidence in British justice after so many people had to be released on appeal after spending years in prison for crimes that they had not committed. That’s right Charlie – and as far as concealing the abuses and miscarriages of justice associated with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal was concerned you and Blair continued the process that caused such bad PR for the Tories. But you wrapped it up in the discourse of ‘human rights’, ‘service user involvement’ and ‘supporting the NHS’.

Interesting though the latest releases from the National Archives are, the National Archives have a habit of retaining the best stuff until we’re definitely all dead. Papers relating to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and even the Mental Health Act Commission are closed for decades to come as are the papers on the Birmingham Six. Whilst reading about Ashworth Hospital for my post ‘Security, Security’ I found that huge quantities of papers relating to the Ashworth Inquiries – including the interviews with the Top Docs – are closed for the best part of the next 100 years.

 

 

 

 

 

 

A Secret And Forbidding Place To Work?

I wrote my earlier post ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’ after reading Greg Dyke’s book ‘Inside Story’. I mentioned in that post that Greg’s book was so full of gems and leads that I’d never have time to blog about it all, so I was just going to write about a few of the highlights. In ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’ I concentrated on the shambles that was TV-am and the questionable conduct of those who were running that company, as well as providing a few details about ITV and Yorkshire Television, two very big players in independent TV. People tend to believe that Gov’ts always have the BBC over a barrel because of the existence of the licence fee and the Charter, which are of course completely in the hands of the Westminster Gov’t, but as I made clear in ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery’, other media folk not involved with the BBC didn’t dare fall out with the Gov’t – during the 80s, the Thatcher administrations – because the Gov’t was busy drawing up the legislation relating to broadcasting. There is a very close symbiotic relationship between all broadcasters and Gov’t – Dyke’s book makes the extent of this very obvious.

This blog has previously named towering figures in broadcasting – such as Huw Wheldon of the BBC – who had direct links to those who were overseeing the abuse of kids in care and mental health patients, which might explain why investigative documentaries about such matters rarely got to see the light of day. It wasn’t just the fault of a few individuals like Huw Wheldon though. Senior figures from right across the political spectrum have been identified as being involved with such abuses, so it’s not just a matter of waiting for a change of Gov’t before receiving the all-clear for a documentary – the next Gov’t coming along will be just as compromised. Virtually every other page of Dyke’s book names a senior political figure who is best mates with an influential figure in broadcasting, there are hundreds of close connections between the two sectors. The media world is also small and incestuous, nearly as bad as the world of health and social care – it is just one big game of musical chairs, with people jumping between organisations in ever more senior roles, where they become ever more closer to but at the same time more beholden to politicians. Remember the case of James Purnell, the Secretary of State for Culture, Media and Sport until he resigned in 2009 – he managed to leave a job in Gordon Brown’s Gov’t, spend four years as Chair of the IPPR and then walked into a job as Director of Strategy at the BBC on a salary of £295k pa.

Since Jimmy Savile’s death it has become clear that an awful lot of people at the BBC and elsewhere knew that he was sexually assaulting children and young people, despite the official silence. What really struck me as I was reading Dyke’s book though is how many very senior people in TV will definitely have known about organised child sexual abuse and its ramifications. I tend to just perceive people on TV as being obsessed with issues that don’t really matter, people who appear on prime time and talk asinine nonsense. I forget that a great many of these people started their careers as journalists or researchers, either on newspapers or on regional TV or radio. Local journalists do know what goes on – they will freely admit this, but then explain that they couldn’t publish because the editor wouldn’t allow it. That will be true – but their editors will be the local journalists of yesteryear, who are now dining with politicians and don’t want to upset the Gov’t…. This is how a complete silence surrounding certain subjects is maintained.

Dyke names powerful figure after powerful figure in the media whom he worked with years ago when they were local journos or researchers on news programmes or investigative projects who undoubtedly came across the matters discussed on this blog but who never broadcast them, even when they were in a position to do so. A glaring example is Janet Street-Porter, whom Dyke worked with back in the dark ages in the current affairs dept of LWT on a local London programme. Janet was one of the journos going out and about. Street-Porter has latterly reached the dizzying heights of ‘Loose Women’, where matters Jimmy Savile and sexual exploitation by media figures have recently been discussed, as they have on other TV programmes. I watched a clip of someone angrily interrogating Janet and asking her why she had never said a word previously. Janet squawked away in a very vexed manner, maintained that she ‘couldn’t’, because she was a ‘woman’ and women get ‘harassed’. The interrogation continued and Janet then stated that when she was ten she was molested and when she told her mum her mum slapped her. Janet Street-Porter as traumatised victim. An interesting notion – yet Street-Porter went through a phase not so long ago of writing articles denouncing her mother as the most vile old cow and even maintained that she loathed everything Welsh because her mother was Welsh. She may well have been quite right about her mother but EVERYTHING about Street-Porter’s life and career from her teens onwards suggests that she is pretty tough – it is far more likely that she didn’t publish or broadcast because she wanted promotion. By the time that Street-Porter was being interrogated by an angry viewer she wasn’t ten, she was a wealthy senior media executive in late middle-age who scared the knickers off many of her colleagues.

If Street-Porter had really wanted to expose Savile or others like him, she could have – but she knew that the dinner invitations and commissions would dry up if she did. Street-Porter did most admirably have a go at the NHS when her sister died in truly appalling conditions – Street-Porter was editor of the Indie on Sunday at the time and published some very damning articles despite the squealing of the NHS and I was most grateful that she did this. Yet the Indie on Sunday was one of the papers that Gordon Anglesea sued for libel in 1994 after they and others named him as abusing kids in care in north Wales. Last year Anglesea was jailed – for abusing kids in care in north Wales. Did the Indie on Sunday – or anyone else – put the boot in? No. Anglesea had been demonstrated to be a child molester, a liar, a perjurer and someone who trousered nearly £400,000 in libel damages as a result of his criminal activities. Anglesea had also enjoyed the full support of the Police Federation throughout. One of his accusers was found dead shortly after Anglesea won his libel case. Er – fancy a follow up investigation or even an article then Janet? No? Never mind – it’s why I started this blog…

There is only one reason why I am not even ruder about Janet and the others regarding their extended silence – and that is that some very unfortunate things tend to happen to people who merely bump into and spill the pints of those involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Like the young man who dared appear on TV and name Gordon Anglesea as one of his abusers whilst he was a kid in care in north Wales, they tend to be found dead. Janet and her mates are far safer than the former residents of children’s homes or the mental health patients of north Wales, but Greg’s book does mention something similarly very worrying. That Richard Dunn, the head of Thames TV who were responsible for making and broadcasting ‘Death On The Rock’ the documentary about the shooting of the three members of the IRA by the SAS in Gibraltor in 1988 – that so enraged Thatcher and her Gov’t – was in Aug 1998 found dead at the bottom of his swimming pool. The reason given for the cause of his death doesn’t quite add up and anyway don’t bodies float?

Dyke’s book teams with evidence of the favours that people in the media do for politicians whilst they are all on their way up. The earlier part of Dyke’s career as a media big-hitter took place under Tory Govt’s – first Thatcher’s administrations, then Major’s – but the latter half was under New Labour. It was Dyke’s almighty ding dong with Blair’s Gov’t that saw him resign as Director-General of the BBC. Greg caused havoc, but he also got rid of Alistair Campbell as Blair’s Rottweiler in Chief, so we have that to be grateful for.

Dyke’s account nicely illustrates how favours and feuds going back decades and indeed generations influence present day decisions. Greg himself goes back a long way in terms of his friendships with people who later became very powerful. Although as a manager Greg took a very Thatcheresque view of the trade unions in TV and delighted in thwarting them, he admits that a few years previously when he was of them, he too screwed the management over and fleeced them – it’s how he knew the techniques that the unions would employ when he joined management.

Greg’s early power base was at LWT, which certainly seemed to serve him well. At LWT he worked with a John Birt, a Peter Mandelson and a Michael Grade. When Dyke was applying for what seems to be his first go at a worthwhile job at LWT, he was told by a colleague at LWT that John Birt was the most important person on the Board – Birt was then head of features and current affairs at LWT and had been described to Greg as ‘all powerful’. Greg did his best to toady to John Birt in the interview but unfortunately he didn’t actually manage to identify who John Birt was and ingratiated himself to the wrong person. Greg didn’t get the job, but he did get another job with LWT soon afterwards. Greg observed that as Birt became very powerful within LWT, Mandelson – who was a producer – became his best friend.

Birt left LWT in 1987 to become Deputy DG of the BBC – Birt was valued for his expertise in current affairs and was responsible for news and current affairs as Deputy DG. Birt will have certainly have been party to a lot of information by this stage in his career. He had worked at Granada between 1966-71 where he’d been part of the World In Action team, becoming joint editor in 1969. He joined LWT in 1971 and was founding editor and executive producer of Weekend World. Birt then became head of current affairs, then controller of features and current affairs. He worked on Weekend World with Peter Jay.

Peter Jay was the son of two Labour politicians who then married Margaret, the daughter of Jim Callaghan, who later became PM. When Callaghan became PM in 1977 Peter Jay was appointed Ambassador to the US by his friend, Foreign Secretary Dr David Owen. Jay had never held public office and was not a diplomat. Jay did well out of his friends though – he landed a job as Economics Editor of the BBC courtesy of his mate John Birt. At one point Jay was Chief of Staff to Robert Maxwell. Jay was founding Chairman of TV-am (see post ‘Their Trade Is Fuckwittery). Between 2003-09 he was a non-executive director of the Bank of England.

Birt took a break from LWT in the mid-70s to work with David Frost producing The Nixon Interviews, in which they famously managed to get Tricky Dicky to fess up to serious wrongdoing. Birt returned to LWT in 1982 as Director of Programmes. It was in this capacity that he revived the career of a singer with whom he had been friends many years ago when they were young – this is the lady whom I have mentioned in previous posts and comments who was a patient of and a friend of the Professor in the Dept at St Georges Hospital Medical School in which I worked between 1989-91. The Dept which was chaotic, riddled with workplace bullying and which sometime after I left became embroiled in a research fraud scandal, then another scandal in which a fertility consultant was accused of pressurising NHS patients into donating eggs to private patients, then yet another scandal before the Dept was closed down (see post ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990’). This was also the Dept which employed an MSF rep, David Hole, who as far as I could see was corrupt. Only a few years previously, the Professor of Paediatrics at St Georges, Oliver Brooke, had been jailed for the possession of child porn. At the same time, the Dept of Psychiatry, along with the associated psychiatric unit Springfield Hospital, were as corrupt as fuck and were colluding with the criminal activities of NHS staff and social workers in north Wales, including the concealing of abuse of children in care and of mental health patients (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). The occupational health physician at St Georges, Dr Nicky Mitchell-Heggs, was also on board with all this.

I am sure that John Birt’s showbiz friend knew nothing about the shenanigans behind the scenes at St George’s at all, all she saw were Top Doctors grovelling to her as their highest profile private patient, but I have been told that it was substantially as a result of this lady’s very good relationship with St George’s that the lid was kept on the wrongdoing there. She thought that they were great and used to occasionally mention them when interviewed. By the time that I worked at St George’s this lady was LWT’s biggest star – the two light entertainment shows that she hosted were the root of LWT’s success and profits in the 1980s/90s and she was the highest paid female presenter on UK TV. Her fame was used to conceal some real horrors at St George’s.

Birt’s friend won’t have known what St George’s were concealing, but it’s very likely that Birt with his background in current affairs and extensive network did. Not only was Birt big mates with Mandelson – who was Director of Communications for the Labour Party – but Birt was also a member of the Labour Party at the time of his appointment to the BBC, although this was only revealed later. Which was certainly ironic because Birt had been recruited by Thatcher’s old mate Duke Hussey, who had been appointed as Chairman of the BBC Governors because Thatcher and Tebbit et al were fuming at what they believed were the pinkos working on the Today programme and the broadcasting of a few other things that had upset them, such as ‘Maggie’s Militant Tendency’ (see post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’).

Birt was appointed as DG in 1992 and remained in post until 2000. His tenure was certainly controversial. He – along with Hussey – was loathed by many and numerous people became very alienated. Birt was perceived to be Thatcher’s lap dog and he also really liked Management. So much so that as well as all the highly paid managers already in the BBC, Birt spent huge quantities of money on management consultants McKinseys and Co – who had also been sent into the NHS by Gov’t in a vain attempt to address the entrenched corruption and bad practice. Although Hussey and Birt were both hated by much of the media world, they didn’t like each other very much either. Dyke maintains that months used to pass without them even speaking to each other and the final straw came in 1995 when Panorama broadcast the infamous Tell All interview with Diana, Princess of Wales. Hussey was mates with members of the Royal Family and was horrified that he hadn’t been told about the programme until he wasn’t in a position to stop it.

When Birt became DG of the BBC, he fell out with another person with whom he’d been big mates with in LWT as long ago as the 1970s – Michael Grade. Grade got so pissed off with Birt that Grade left his senior post at the BBC and went to Channel 4. Grade later described Birt’s BBC as a ‘secret and forbidding place to work’ in the McTaggart lecture in Edinburgh. The following year the McTaggart lecture was given by Dennis Potter, who put the boot into Birt’s groin even harder and described him and Hussey as ‘croak-voiced daleks’.

It was Birt who was behind the expansion of the BBC into online services, which enraged many people because it squeezed out virtually all other competitors – Birt created a whole New Media Division.

Despite the high levels of dissatisfaction all around at the BBC with Birt’s activities when he was DG, when he left the BBC he picked up a peerage and was appointed as strategy advisor to Blair. Of course Birt already knew Blair – they had known each other since the 1980s. It was Birt who in his capacity as DG at the BBC in 1998 had ordered a blackout on any references to Mandelson being gay, after Matthew Parris let it slip on Newsnight. Mandy had also been a Councillor in Lambeth Borough Council in the late 1990s – Lambeth children’s homes had been choc full of paedophiles for years, but whether Birt was censoring that piece of info as well I do not know. Blair also knew Greg Dyke and Greg’s mate Barry Cox from LWT. Greg first met Blair in 1980 at Barry Cox’s – Greg was a producer with LWT and Blair was working as a barrister, presumably as George Carman’s junior, but told Dyke that he wanted to be a Labour MP. Barry Cox and his wife Fiona Hillary (who was Dyke’s PA for many years) were neighbours and friends of Blair and according to Dyke, when Cox was Director of Corporate Affairs at LWT in the early 1990s (by which time Dyke was Chair of LWT), Cox warned Blair of Murdoch’s dominance and ambitions to achieve further dominance of British TV. Blair knew about the danger that Murdoch posed, but maintained that Labour could do a deal with Murdoch. So that’s how Murdoch ended up taking over the world and telling UK PMs what to do, blackmailing a twelve year old Charlotte Church into singing at a private event of his by threatening to publish stories about her mum who had mental health problems if she didn’t – although Murdoch published the stories anyway a few years later – whilst his staff hacked into the mobile phones of murdered teenagers and purchased stories from police officers, prison officers and NHS staff.

Birt had already begun advising Blair before he was appointed his strategic advisor – Birt had previously dispensed pearls of wisdom regarding criminal justice. Birt – the man who had been DG at the BBC whilst everyone kept schtum about Savile.  Once he became strategy advisor, Birt also advised Blair on drugs, health and crime reduction, as well as other matters. Since then Birt has picked up numerous other advisory roles and directorships, including a consultancy at McKinsey and Co.

In 2005 Birt began a relationship with Eithne Wallis, the former head of the National Probation Service, whom he later married. The wedding was attended by, among others, Mandelson and Trevor Phillips, Chair of the Commission for Equalities and Human Rights. Phillips had worked at LWT along with Birt and Mandy.

Although most people are very rude about Birt’s legacy at the BBC – producer Tony Garnett stated that Birt’s regime of ‘totalitarian micromanagement’ remained even after Birt himself had departed – James Purnell believes that Birt’s ‘boldness’ saved the BBC. It certainly ensured that a lot of things were never broadcast, including a lot of things about Mandelson et al.

The Chair of the Governors who appointed Birt, Duke Hussey, later said that he should not have done so. I mentioned previously that Hussey was a political appointment, made by Thatcher et al. No matter how keen Thatcher was to give the Guardianistas at the BBC a kicking, Hussey didn’t seem to be a good choice for Chairman, although he was there for ten years, 1986-96. Hussey had previously worked for Fleet Street, but not as a journalist – all his experience had been as a manager, but he hadn’t had a great deal of success. He had nearly succeeded in destroying the Daily Mail when he had management responsibility for Associated Newspapers. Hussey then became Chief Exec and MD of the Times Newspapers in 1971. He entered into a disastrous war with the unions in the late 1970s during which he decided to lock them out – the lock-out lasted so long that the papers went out of production for the best part of a year, without the unions conceding anything. The proprietors sold out to Murdoch after sustaining substantial losses. The world was astonished that Hussey remained in place after Murdoch took over, but it was speculated that Murdoch only wanted Hussey in place for the shin dig that he was soon to be holding to celebrate the bicentenary of the Times at Hampton Court. Hussey was able to rope Prince Charles in as a guest which afforded Murdoch some good PR.

Hussey was able to secure a high profile Royal because he had close links to the Royal Family. Hussey’s wife Susan had when young been appointed as Woman to the Bedchamber of Elizabeth II, a position that she retained for the rest of her life. Susan was also godmother to the Duke of Cambridge and the Queen occasionally dined at the Husseys’ home. Hussey’s wife also provided close links to the Tory Cabinet – Susan was the elder sister of William Waldegrave, who held a number of Cabinet posts, including that of Secretary of State for Health, 1990-92. Yes, Waldegrave was in office whilst the paedophile ring which involved Thatcher’s aide Sir Peter Morrison raged in north Wales and the mental health services resorted to criminal activities in order to conceal it, whilst they busied themselves with perjury and perverting the course of justice in an attempt to imprison me, whilst five witnesses were killed in an arson attack and whilst the associated corruption at St George’s was in full swing. Waldegrave had also worked in the Conservative Research Dept in 1971 – Matthew Parris worked in that Dept in the 70s and alleged that not only were there many gay men employed there, but at least one senior member of staff was very predatory and was known to go out seeking younger men. Staff in that Dept also holidayed in a destination in Italy at a place known as the Villa of Shame where ‘boys’ were supplied.

Hussey was Chairman of the Royal Marsden Hospital, 1985-98.

Hussey was offered the position of Chairman of the BBC over the telephone by Douglas Hurd, the then Home Secretary. Hussey cheerily admitted that he knew nothing about the BBC – he didn’t even know where it was. When Hurd offered him the Chairmanship Hussey had to look up the location of the building where he would be working. Alisdair Milne was the DG in place when Hussey was appointed but was forced out by Hussey and the Governors within months. Sir Michael Checkland, an accountant, was appointed DG by the Governors as the ‘compromise candidate’, with Birt as Deputy DG. Checkland remained as DG until 1992 and did the bidding of Thatcher’s Gov’t. After his retirement, Checkland was involved in NCH (the National Children’s Home) – which had links to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Checkland also sits on the Board of the Wales Millennium Centre. Checkland was Vice-President of the Royal Television Society between 1985-94. So he was in post when my friend who worked at the Royal Television Society and who wanted to make a documentary about what had happened to me in north Wales was bullied out of her job and later won a case against them for unfair dismissal. I think that it’s about time that I named the foot soldiers who did the dirty deed where my friend was concerned – they were Tony Pilgrim and Claire Price. Price still works at the RTS. Hey Claire, did you know about that employee of yours who was convicted of indecently assaulting a ten year old boy? And did you know that one of your colleagues told my friend – whom you unlawfully hounded out of her job – that it was ‘a pity’ about him being caught?

Hussey’s Vice-Chair at the BBC was Lord Joel Barnett, the Labour MP who had been Chief Secretary to the Treasury when Denis Healey had been Chancellor of the Exchequer under Jim Callaghan. Barnett was Vice-Chair between 1986-93 – he had succeeded William Rees-Mogg.

Hussey was given a peerage in 1996. His obituaries mention that it was uncertain why he was ever offered the position of Chairman of the BBC above other people with links to the Conservative Party – there was speculation that it could have been as a result of his Royal connections or that perhaps William Rees-Mogg suggested his name, Rees-Mogg having been the editor of the Times and supportive of Hussey whilst he was Chief Exec and MD of the Times Newspapers. Greg Dyke suggests that it was Murdoch who recommended that Thatcher appoint him.

Dyke maintains that Hussey assisted Murdoch’s business interests by carrying out negotiations involving the Premier League and thus licence payers money was used to help Murdoch.

Hussey stood down as Chair of the BBC in 1996 – Sir Christopher Bland was then appointed and remained Chair until 2001. Bland had been Deputy Chair of the ITA – which then became the IBA – in 1972 and Chair of LWT in 1984. Bland had been involved with the Conservative Party – he had been a member of the GLC for Lewisham, 1976-70. Lewisham was yet another Council which had a problem with the abuse of children in care – a reader of this blog sent me a link recently concerning a number of cases of abuse that were of course concealed by Lewisham Council when they were brought to their attention. Bland had been Chair of the Tory think tank the Bow Group, 1969-70.

Bland was a Director of ITN, sat on the GMTV Board and was also Chair of LWT. He joined the Board of LWT (Holdings) in 1984 and after the 1993 franchise renewal when LWT was taken over by Granada, Bland was one of the people – along with Dyke – who made a great deal of money. Dyke states that he made £7 million and Bland made much more. According to Dyke this bonanza was engineered by Neil Canetty-Clarke, a merchant banker on placement with LWT, who later became financial director. The huge profits resulted from a clause that had been added to the relevant Parliamentary Bill by David Mellor, who was at the time a junior Home Office Minister.

Christopher Bland was Chair of Hammersmith and Queen Charlotte’s Hospitals NHS Special Health Authority, 1982-94 and Chaired Hammersmith Hospitals NHS Trust including Charing Cross Hospital, 1994-97. So Bland presided over the research fraud and bad behaviour that was occurring in Hammersmith Hospital in the mid-late 1980s, as detailed in my post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. He will also have been Chair when Lord Robert Winston employed a gynaecologist who was a serial sexual harasser, but passed him onto St George’s Hospital Medical School rather than ensure that he was removed from circulation. Bland was a member of the PM’s advisory panel on the Citizens Charter and co-owned Leith’s School of Food and Wine, with Caroline Waldegrave, wife of Tory Cabinet Minister and Secretary of State for Health 1990-92, William Waldegrave.

Christopher has a son, Archie. The ability to land plum jobs in the media is obviously a genetically inheritable trait – in 2004 Archie was named ‘Guardian Student Columnist of the Year’. In 2012 he became Deputy Editor of the Independent – the youngest Deputy Editor in the paper’s history and possibly the youngest ever on Fleet Street! In 2013 Archie was appointed a senior writer at the Indie and Indie on Sunday and he is at present Deputy National Editor at the Guardian. Perhaps we can expect Archie soon to be given responsibility for some major London teaching hospitals pervaded with corruption carrying out some questionable animal experiments.

Greg Dyke was appointed DG of the BBC shortly before Bland stepped down. Greg’s book describes considerable opposition to his appointment. He believes that the Editor of the Times Peter Stothard led the fight against his appointment. Pauline Neville-Jones, a BBC Governor and a Tory, opposed Dyke’s appointment. William Hague, then the leader of the opposition, wrote to the Chair of the BBC stating that Dyke was unsuitable on the grounds of his Labour Party membership and donations to the Party – Dyke had donated to Blair’s leadership campaign in 1994. Alan Yentob – who later achieved infamy through his involvement with Kids Company – also wanted the job as DG.

Like Bland, Dyke was a media executive who had been asked for his remedy for the NHS. In the summer of 1997, Dyke met Margaret Jay – Minister of State for Health, daughter of former PM James Callaghan and wife of Dyke’s media colleague Peter Jay – at David Frost’s garden party (Greg was a regular at Frost’s garden parties, he bumped into Alistair Campbell at one of them a few years after the huge scrap between the BBC and Campbell). Margaret Jay, Minister of Health under Frank Dobson, subsequently asked Dyke for new ideas regarding the Patients Charter – Dyke was helped in this by Alison Nield, an Angel who became an NHS manager. Dyke’s report was published in Nov 1998, whilst Margaret Jay was leader of the Labour Party in the Lords.

At the time that Margaret Jay was tapping Greg for his wisdom, havoc had broken out in the mental health services in north Wales – this was before devolution, so the NHS in Wales was still run from Westminster. The Hergest Unit had really hit the buffers. The corrupt manager Alun Davies was in the process of closing down the day centre – which was the only part of the Hergest that functioned properly and was overwhelmingly popular with the patients – on the orders of the dreadful Dr Terry Maxwell, the Medical Director of Ysbyty Gwynedd. Maxwell had been given a merit award in return for cutting the mental health services and I suspect that Davies will also have received a ‘performance related bonus’ for his role in the dirty deed. At this time the better staff at the Hergest Unit were very obviously voting with their feet and leaving and the unit was unable to recruit replacements. Patient care began to suffer greatly and a number of patients killed themselves – others became destitute. One consultant, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X), went into meltdown – he was having huge rows with his colleagues in public, patients were told by Angels that Francis was ‘mentally ill’ (which was true, but the information should not have been communicated and certainly not in that manner) and Francis took (very) early retirement soon after. What was happening in north Wales at this time? The Waterhouse Inquiry. By 1998, the witnesses had given evidence and the most appalling catalogue of abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales had been revealed – abuse that had been concealed by the education system, the NHS and many others. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse famously did his best to discredit the witnesses, but it was crystal clear that something very, very grim had gone on over many years and Ronnie did have to fess up to that. Tony Francis killed himself a few years ago – just as Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. I was told recently that he was under investigation himself, but I do not have documentary evidence of this.

So what were Greg’s suggestions for turning around an institutionally corrupt sclerotic NHS which for years has colluded with the abuse of vulnerable people? I haven’t read the report that he compiled for Margaret Jay, but Greg outlines his views in his book. He bangs on about leadership – the NHS has a surfeit of leadership, they’re all fucking leaders in the NHS, I think that they’ve got quite enough leadership – and states that the senior managers in the NHS should be doctors. That is the opinion of many people and one can see the logic, but there are problems with that idea. Good doctors very rarely want to be managers – they want to be doctors. Traditionally in the NHS, there were doctors who became managers (they were called administrators in those days) – it was usually what was done with doctors who were so bad that letting them loose on patients was not a good idea. The documents that my lawyers obtained pertaining to my own case contain numerous references to these doctor-managers that worked in north Wales in the 80s and 90s – for example, Dr Cedric Davies and Dr David Jones. It is quite clear from my documents that these two people had only one function – their status as clinicians was used to further conceal the criminal activities of their colleagues. The lethal lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams had also been given a managerial role – unsurprisingly it compounded the problems. What the NHS desperately needs is high calibre, honest managers who are able to genuinely facilitate the work of the practitioners in the NHS. The NHS has such a rotten culture that managers like that really don’t want to work in the NHS. If they are tempted in, they leave again very quickly.

Greg does of course mention the necessity of ‘culture change’. Everyone who is asked to give their opinion on the NHS mentions this. It is obviously the polite response from people who can barely believe what they have discovered going on in the NHS. But because it’s the NHS no-one dares state what has been uncovered, so it’s all breached in terms of the need for a ‘culture change’. We need HSE prosecutions and indeed even corporate manslaughter charges in certain cases before the ‘culture change’ can begin to happen. Not that the general public have any idea of the state that the NHS is in – because the media won’t report it will they Greg…

Greg mentions in ‘Inside Story’ that Mal Young, who was responsible for drama series at the BBC, was concerned that Holby City and Casualty didn’t reflect real hospitals. Was Mal referring to the fact that in these dramas there are very rarely staff portrayed who are vindictive and abusive to patients or who regularly make mistakes so serious that patients are harmed? Or that these dramas never show staff lying at inquests or in Court, or altering medical records to conceal cock-ups? No, Mal was concerned because he believed that the ‘BBC hospitals’ didn’t show the same racial mix as NHS hospitals – Mal wanted more ethnic minority actors in these dramas, so he sent the producers into some real hospitals to see what they were like. In which case, the producers will have actually noticed that ethnic minority staff in NHS hospitals are disproportionately represented in cleaning, cooking and portering jobs and that if they are practitioners they overwhelmingly tend to be working in the more junior roles or in the less prestigious specialities where recruitment is difficult.

Now I don’t see that on the dramas that Mal was responsible for. Holby City has a consultant neurosurgeon who is Afro-Caribbean and hailed from the ghetto. That would be a very rare thing alone, but Holby City has also managed to find a consultant cardiac surgeon who I think has now been given a Chair as well – one who leads the unit furthermore and is a world expert on experimental cutting edge procedures – who grew up in a children’s home and was sexually abused whilst she was there. The same cardiac unit has yet another surgeon who is Afro-Caribbean and the first in her family to go to university. That’s one hell of a hospital and it’s certainly nothing like any UK NHS hospital that I’ve ever come across – it is a hub of upward social mobility that simply does not exist in UK medicine. Casualty did its bit by having a romance – and then a wedding, albeit one that went badly wrong – between an Asian female doctor and a white male porter. There is a great deal of social snobbery in hospitals and the nearest to the Casualty scenario that I ever came across was a porter at Ysbyty Gwynedd who was caught serially having sex with people on hospital premises. Was he sacked? No – because he actually had a place to read medicine at Guys and Tommy’s and he was working at Ysbyty Gwynedd for a few months before taking up his place. There were similar incidents whilst he was a medical student. He qualified – and returned to work at the Hergest Unit as a psychiatrist. There were a number of concerns raised about him – including by me. I wrote to the GMC, only to find that Keith Thomson, the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust, also wrote to the GMC stating that I had made ‘outrageous allegations’. There was no investigation. Some four years later I heard that this man had attacked his wife so violently that she was sectioned such was her distress and that his two children had been taken into care as a result of severe neglect. It was only then that he was stopped from working as a doctor. How did I know all this? Because he was one of my neighbours and I knew him well for about ten years. As did the rest of the village. We saw him attack his dog so ferociously that the dog nearly died and the vet threatened to prosecute him, we saw him kick a neighbour’s cat across the garden because he ‘didn’t like cats’ and we saw a previous partner of his leave with her child and refuse this man access because she was so frightened of his violence. The Rev Wynne Roberts, the hospital chaplain at Ysbyty Gwynedd, was friends with this doctor, knew about his violence and said nothing. Wynne Roberts sat on the Bangor University School of Healthcare Sciences Ethics Committee and was also a member of the Mental Health Act Commission. Wynne had previously worked as a priest in the Church in Wales but had been obliged to leave after he had a sexual relationship with a parishioner – whilst Wynne was married to somebody else as I think was the parishioner concerned – whereupon the North West Wales NHS Trust employed him as their hospital chaplain and later gave him a management role (see post ‘Music Therapy Anyone?’).

Beat that Mal.

Greg states in his book that Foundation Hospitals are the way forward because they ‘give power to local managers’. The local managers in the NHS are like Martin Jones and Keith Thomson – they are mini versions of the corrupt ferocious bullies that are the regional managers and the most senior directors. It is the NHS model of management. Mid-Staffs occurred because a bunch of lying callous dickwits wanted to achieve foundation status – if the managers are both thick and corrupt, no model of management is going to be successful. The mortality rates at Mid-Staffs were known throughout the NHS hierarchy, right up to the level of Secretary of State. The problems had begun under the Tory administrations of the 80s and 90s and became worse and worse and worse, because the response of everyone was to conceal the serious problems. Mid-Staffs was in crisis at the time that Margaret Jay was bollocking on to Greg about the Patients Charter. Whilst patients drank water out of vases, were told to crap in their beds by Angels who couldn’t be bothered to walk across the ward with a bed-pan and were ‘assessed’ by receptionists – and died unnecessarily in great numbers.

Dyke’s observations on the culture and management at the BBC include that there is much inbreeding at the BBC – that is, people working in the BBC being married to each other or being in relationships with each other (just like the prevailing situation in the NHS). What Greg doesn’t mention is that this sort of inbreeding at the BBC is also often the basis for securing jobs or promotion – as is sexual relationships between staff. Neither does Dyke mention the number of BBC staff who are the children of media executives/professionals, often specifically those who have worked for the BBC.

Dyke mentions that in the 80s the BBC was ‘very white, very male’, but with initiatives pushed through by John Birt ‘who felt passionately’ about gender equality this has all now changed – the glass ceiling has been well and truly broken. Dyke also mentions the efforts that the BBC have made towards better representation of ethnic minorities in the workforce. Greg wrote his book some ten years ago. A few weeks ago, a huge rumpus followed the revelations that women at the BBC earned far, far less than their male colleagues – even when sitting in the same studio, presenting the same programme – and that very few people from ethnic minorities were in senior positions or on higher salaries. Because the debate pivoted around gender inequality, the many other injustices barely received a mention. Although women were paid less than men at the BBC, women doing jobs needing a high level of education, knowledge and competence were paid a pittance compared to the airheads presenting light entertainment programmes. Claudia and Tess from Strictly Come Dancing were earning twice as much as Laura Kuenssberg or the women journalists on the Today programme. And everyone was grossly overpaid anyway.

The BBC does now have many senior female executives. They behave pretty much as the senior male executives always have – they are ruthless and obsessed with their status and money. Many of them achieved their positions via relationships with their male senior colleagues and have evolved into cougars continuing this fine tradition with their more junior colleagues. Greg observes that in the BBC, the upper echelons consist of ‘competing individuals in a climate of fear’. Yes – and the women carry on just like the men. Greg doesn’t mention social class – the BBC still draws it’s staff – particularly the senior staff – from the middle classes who have been educated at Oxbridge or Russell group universities. Of course there will be plenty of excellent graduates coming out of those institutions but this phenomenon definitely squeezes out everybody else – it is also closely linked with the nepotism that is so obvious at the BBC. My mum/dad went to Oxbridge/Durham/St Andrews/Bristol, read humanities and spent their careers in the BBC and now I’m doing exactly the same…It’s because we’re all so talented! Unless my mum is Eve Pollard who has edited most of the nation’s biggest circulation newspapers, in which case I’ve evolved into Claudia Winkleman which is why I get paid nearly £500k for wearing too much eyeliner and wiggling my bum once a week on Strictly Come Dancing.

Dyke’s book mentions a few of these women who have broken the glass ceiling at the BBC. One is Jenny Abramsky – now Dame Jenny – who when Dyke was DG was Director of BBC Radio. Abramsky was responsible for digital radio – she ‘persuaded, threatened, cajoled’ everyone at the BBC to push this through; the BBC spent £18 million/yr on new digital services and then had to spend many more millions on the transmission system. There is still a proportion of the population who cannot receive digital radio. When Abramsky strong-armed the BBC into the switch- over to digital radio, it was actually the TV audience which was expanding at the time – radio listeners were dwindling. According to Dyke however, everyone was ‘too scared of incurring Jenny’s wrath’ to oppose the idea. It was commercial radio which really benefited – they wanted the switch to digital because they wanted the new radio stations which would result and they knew that only the BBC was big enough to push the switch-over through.

Jenny Abramsky was married to Alasdair Liddell. Liddell went to Fettes College – the same school that Blair attended and the school at which Blair’s father taught. Liddell was an NHS manager! In the 80s he was involved in the creation of the University College Hospitals Trust – so Alasdair will have known about the dodgy research practices there then. He then went on to manage the East Anglian Regional Health Authority between 1988-94, where he experimented with many of the structures that were later introduced into the NHS – structures which failed. So it was hardly surprising that in 1994 Liddell was appointed Director of Planning for the NHS in the Dept of Health. Liddell went on from success to success – he was the brains behind NHS Direct, another disaster and also worked on various IT projects for the NHS. The ones which cost millions but never got off the ground. In 2000 Liddell left the NHS and joined the PR firm Bell Pottinger – which has just imploded as a result of some very foolish decisions that they made in South Africa. Liddell also joined a company called Healthcare Locums. Now I wonder how they make their money?? Liddell was of course a Senior Associate of the Kings Fund. Liddell is now dead.

Another woman who broke the glass ceiling at the BBC was Carolyn Fairbairn, who when Greg was there was Director of Strategy. Fairbairn had previously worked for the World Bank, as a journo on the Economist, as a consultant at McKinsey and Co and in John Major’s Policy Unit in 10 Downing Street, developing policy on health and social care no less. It was Fairbairn who led the BBC team to secure the DTT licence. According to Greg, Andy Duncan – who later became CEO of Channel 4 – and Emma Scott ‘sold’ the idea of Freeview. The beauty of which was that because the customers have to buy the box, if the box doesn’t work or goes wrong, it’s the customer’s problem not the BBC’s.

Dyke maintains that the BBC wanted people to go digital – the Gov’t planned to switch the analogue signal off because if it wasn’t switched off the BBC couldn’t defend the range of digital services. Freeview also sustains the licence fee – the more Freeview boxes there are, the harder it is for the BBC to switch to subscription services and most boxes can’t be adapted for pay TV. In 1998 the BBC agreed to pay £5 million to BSkyB to put TV services on the BSkyB digital platform – although BSkyB wanted the BBC to do this anyway.

Since her involvement in this scam, Fairbairn has been a Director the FSA, a Director of Capita, a non-executive director of the Competition and Marketing Authority, Lloyds Banking Group and the UK Statistics Authority. In 2015 Fairbairn was appointed Director General of the CBI – the first woman to hold the post! Woman’s Hour had better add her to their Power List. Fairbairn’s husband is described as a ‘multi-millionaire property developer’. So she can afford to be ripped off over her Freeview box – however at least she doesn’t have to run the risk of Crapita screwing up their assessment for her disability benefits, as they have done for thousands of other people.

Dyke was well-known for claiming that he would dispense with the managerialist insanity that John Birt imposed upon the BBC and for subsequently coining the slogan ‘cut the crap’. Cutting the crap sounds an excellent idea, but Greg did seem to introduce quite a lot of crap of his own. He lists numerous initiatives that he introduced – ‘Just Imagine’, ‘Leading The Way’, ‘The Big Conversation’. Why the staff of the BBC just can’t go into work and do their jobs he doesn’t explain, but Greg did all sorts of bizarre things to demonstrate to the staff that a new style of management had arrived, such as ‘allowing the staff to busk in the foyer of Bush House in London at lunchtime’. Presumably Claudia’s 500 grand a year isn’t enough for her to make ends meet, she’s got to play the penny whistle and pass the hat around as well. For ‘The Big Conversation’, Greg boasts of having 17,000 staff in a ‘huge live discussion’ – this meant that £250k had to be spent on extending part of the BBC building to cram in an additional 8000 staff in order that they could ‘watch and participate’. Greg maintains that a ‘party atmosphere’ prevailed and in all 400 events were held, including in Delhi, Moscow, Cairo, Nairobi, as well as across the UK. At TV Centre in White City, Cerys Matthews entertained everyone and food and booze was supplied.

Anyone still up for paying their licence fee?

Greg observes that the only people who didn’t take part in all this idiocy were the Governors – they probably thought that they had better things to do with their time. Like go to Glyndebourne, on BBC expenses obviously. There was one exception – Gavyn Davies, the Chair of Governors who was appointed after Bland, did participate in the crap that hadn’t been cut. But then Gavyn Davies had previously been a partner at Goldman Sachs. Gavyn had also worked in Harold Wilson’s Policy Unit, 1974-76; had been economic advisor to James Callaghan 1976-79 and was one of the ‘wise men’ to the Chancellor of the Exchequer during the 1992-97 Parliament. Gavyn was recommended for the post of Chair of the BBC by Tessa Jowell.

An ‘inspirational leader’, Susan Spindler, was Director of the crap known as ‘Making It Happen’ in 2002. I presume that this is the same Susan Spindler who was involved with making the documentary series ‘Doctors To Be’ which followed the careers of a group of medical students at St Mary’s Hospital Medical School some ten years before ‘Making It Happen’ – which left out a great many things…

More money was wasted on leadership. The BBC used Ashridge Business School for their ‘leadership training programme’. Ashridge Business School was originally a trust established by Bonar Law, the former PM. In 1929 it became a ‘College of Citizenship’ which was established to help the Conservative Party develop it’s intellectual forces in the struggle with left-wing organisations such as the Fabian Society – it was a cross between a think tank and a training centre. It was then re-launched in 1959 as a College providing ‘management training’.

Greg himself was sent to Harvard Business School at a cost of $30,000 which Christopher Bland was happy to sign off. Not only does Greg make it clear that anyone who paid the fee would pass the course – which sounds very familiar – but for some reason it was Greg’s course at Harvard that prompted him to rejoin the Labour Party. Perhaps because Miliband, Yvette et al had all done a stint at Harvard – what with them being so very radical and Yvette being a Woman who’s first job was driving a tractor in Yorkshire, or so she claimed when she thought that she was a dead cert to become Labour leader.

Dyke discusses devolution of broadcasting and tells us that in 2003 he suggested to the Governors that some of the BBC services should be relocated to Manchester, in the wake of much feeling that the BBC was far too centred upon the south east of England and that Scotland and the north of England had become alienated from the BBC. Abramsky threatened to resign if Radio 5 Live moved to Manchester, Jana Bennett the Director of TV – another Strong Woman Who’s Broken The Glass Ceiling – wanted BBC 3 to stay in London and the children’s dept also refused to move. BBC did of course end up building a big centre at Salford – and there has been endless trouble because the staff refused to move out of London.

Even Gavyn Davies was savaged for suggesting that too much BBC money was spent on the southern middle classes, but Greg mentioned that whilst he was DG he sent ‘a signal’ by appointing Pat Loughrey from N Ireland as Director of Nations and Regions.

It wasn’t a signal that anyone noticed. In 2005 I was a member of the public at a ‘meet the BBC’ event in Cardiff. This was when Michael Grade had taken over as Chair and Mark Thompson was DG. Grade and the other Governors were there, as was Thompson and Mark Byford (Mark Byford’s dad played a role in concealing the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – please see post ‘Top Of The Cops’). The audience were all from Wales – obviously – and Rhun ap Iorwerth, now Plaid AM for Ynys Mon, who used to work for the BBC, was the man with the microphone who went among the audience. Grade gave the best display of rude, anti-Welsh bigotry that I have ever witnessed. The big idiot sat there pompousing away bellowing at Rhun ‘you’re tall aren’t you’. It took me a few minutes to work out what it was all about – it was Grade’s idea of a joke, because as we all know, Welshmen are small, so that they can fit down the mines. Rhun’s height is within the normal parameters for an adult UK male. It didn’t stop there – the rudeness regarding everything Welsh and the lame stereotypes continued all evening. The only person who didn’t lapse into this was the Governor for Wales who had to share a platform with this bunch of twats. He did make a few comments that suggested that they were revealing themselves to be a bunch of racist bastards, but it was water off Grade’s back, the insults continued. When a member of the audience raised the question of Ann Robinson recently insulting the Welsh on TV, we were told that the Welsh had to know when to take a joke. Well I look forward to Ann Robinson blacking up and joining in a song and dance routine a la the Black and White Minstrels and we’ll see what happens. Further details of Grade and his colleagues’ appalling crassness at that event can be read in my post ‘News Round Up, May 18 2017’. Greg Dyke mentions in his book that in 2000 he gave a lecture to the Commission for Racial Equality (CRE). I presume that Grade, Ruth Deech and Richard Tait were not in the audience.

Greg observes that Michael Grade was ‘a good and brave Chief Exec of Channel 4, willing to stand up against bullying from politicians’. Well that’s interesting Greg, because the reason that I take an interest in Grade is that back in the 1980s when Grade was a nobody on the make most famous for simply being a relative of Lew Grade, one of my friends worked as the box officer manager for the Edinburgh Fringe Festival one summer. My friend received a very rude demanding letter from a Samuel Brittan, journo on the FT and brother of Leon – later the centre of child sexual abuse allegations. The letter demanded that my friend send Samuel a ticket for the Fringe and arrange hotel accommodation for him – it ended by saying that Samuel worked at the FT ‘and anyone at the Financial Times can vouch for me’. The letter arrived shortly before the Fringe was due to open, so of course the tickets had sold out and accommodation in Edinburgh is booked up months in advance for the duration of the Festival anyway. My friend wrote back to Samuel explaining that she wasn’t able to send him a ticket or arrange accommodation because both had sold out.

Shortly after, a diplomatic incident occurred. My friend was summoned by High Authorities at the Fringe and given copies of the rude letter that Samuel had written her – as well as a copy of a letter that Brittan had then written to Grade FUMING that my mate hadn’t pulled strings for him and a reply from Grade to Brittan, telling Brittan that he was ‘appalled’ at my friend’s ‘rudeness’ and that Grade would ensure that Brittan got a ticket for the Festival ‘even I have to give you mine’. Someone had demanded that my friend should be dismissed over all this – only that wasn’t really possible, because it was just a summer job. I wanted to send the correspondence to Private Eye – but my friend was then told by a well-wisher that Grade was about to become head of Channel 4 and her planned career in media would be wrecked if any of us publicised the letters.

Grade was given a peerage in 2011. He sits as a Conservative – his wiki entry states that Grade didn’t announce that he was a Tory until 2010. He didn’t need to, some of us had known for years…

A couple years after the BBC event in Cardiff I was chatting to some BBC folk from Cardiff who were all telling me how much ‘charisma’ Michael Grade had and how it was this that had taken him to the top. At the same time there were articles appearing in the UK liberal broadsheets about Grade’s winning ways and yes his ‘charisma’ and how he wears red braces and matching socks. Not a word about doing favours for people who’s brothers are Cabinet Ministers running a corrupt Home Office and who are widely believed to have been tangled up in a child sexual abuse scandal that was covered up by a corrupt Home Office whilst he was Home Secretary. If matching red braces and socks are the essential ingredient to being Chairman of the BBC, there are a great many other people who would be capable of doing that job without grovelling to the relatives of some very unsavoury politicians.

Dyke mentions in his book that Tessa Jowell was very keen for Blair to appoint Grade as Chair of the BBC. Tessa herself earlier in her career knew about the abuse of children in care and psychiatric patients, she worked for some of the organisations that were actually perpetuating and concealing this (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’). However Dyke also observes that Tessa just went along with whatever Blair ordered her to do which is why she was such a pushover when she was at Secretary of State for Media, Culture and Sport. Dear old Tessa did once say that she’d jump under a bus for Blair – so one can’t tell if the driving force behind Grade’s appointment as Chair was Blair, Tessa or someone else. What is clear is that it is very likely that Grade knew something about the chaos and wrongdoing of the inner London boroughs where children were being abused in the 70s, 80s and 90s – run by Councillors like Tessa – and the wrongdoing at the Home Office, run at one point by his mate Samuel’s brother. Grade had spent donkeys years at LWT – he’ll have learnt something from all those current affairs and politics programmes about London that he was involved with making and he’d been toadying around enough politicians for a sufficiently long time to have heard a few things about them as well. Someone who was very much opposed to Grade’s appointment as Chair of the BBC though was John Birt. He tried to influence Tessa and then wrote to Blair telling him that Grade was the worst public appointment he’d made as PM.

It’s not just the Chairs of the BBC Governors who have chums in Gov’t, their relatives do as well. Gavyn Davies’s wife Sue was one of Gordon Brown’s inner circle. As for a few of the other Governors – at one point the Vice-Chair of the BBC was Richard Ryder. Ryder was a former Tory Whip and responsible for organising the revamp that Thatcher underwent in the late 70s. Ryder knew about Sir Peter Morrison’s activities (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’). Sarah Hogg, wife of Tory Cabinet Minister Douglas Hogg was a Governor – Hogg had previously been head of John Major’s Policy Unit at the time of Black Wednesday in 1992 (see post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’). Although Sarah claims to be one of the UK’s leading economists and was head of the Policy Unit, Black Wednesday wasn’t her fault. So that’s why Sarah was given a life peerage in 1995, just three years after someone else crashed the economy. Sarah then became Baroness Hogg, although she was already Viscountess Hailsham. Hogg was the first women to Chair a FTSE 100 company. Sarah’s daughter Charlotte has inherited her mother’s talent for highly paid jobs – Charlotte Hogg was at one point the Deputy Governor of the Bank of England, but the Deputy Hogg had to resign when an unfortunate undeclared conflict of interest was discovered – Charlotte’s brother had his snout in the same trough but the Hoggs forgot to mention it. Another Governor was Heather Rabbatts, the former Chief Exec of Lambeth Borough Council between 1995-2000. So she was running Lambeth Council when Mandelson was a member. Heather was the youngest Council Chief Exec in the UK. She is a black female barrister who advertises her disadvantaged background. I wonder whose Chambers that she might have passed through? Would you happen to know anything about all those kids who were abused whilst in the care of Lambeth Heather? The kids to whom huge amounts of compensation was later paid, not just because they were molested but because Lambeth knew that it was happened but did nothing? Some of those kids were sent by Lambeth to children’s homes in north Wales…

Heather was a BBC Governor between 1999-01. Heather was on FIFA’s anti-discriminatory task force until she resigned in 2015 after Sepp Blatter was re-elected as President. So she was busy not discriminating there whilst he was President for his first innings at FIFA then – didn’t she notice what he was like? Heather was named in the Woman’s Hour Power List!

 

Greg’s time as DG ended notoriously as sparks flew between the BBC and Blair’s Gov’t – most obviously in the form of Alistair Campbell – which eventually resulted in the resignation of Dyke and Gavyn Davies and a number of other Governors. The row was precipitated by a report regarding Saddam Hussein’s WMD by Andrew Gilligan that was broadcast on the Today programme that Blair et al took umbrage over. The Gov’t tried to pressurise the BBC into saying that Gilligan’s story wasn’t true and when the BBC refused to do this, Mandelson rang his old friend Caroline Thomas who was Director of Policy at the BBC and told her that the BBC would get the full force of the Gov’t PR machine. Mandy was as good as his threat and Campbell et al mobilised against the BBC. In the cross-fire Dr David Kelly’s name was made public by the MoD and Downing Street’s Press Office. Dr Kelly was later found dead, supposedly as a result of suicide, although the injuries that were stated to have been found on Dr Kelly’s body and the quantity of drugs that were said to have been found in his blood would never have been enough to kill him. A group of medics did make this point in a letter to the press sometime afterwards, but nobody took any notice of them. If only they’d alleged that they were being attacked by dangerous mental health patients – their concerns would have been headline news then.

The uproar was such that it led to the Hutton Inquiry, which was about as honest and transparent as the Waterhouse Inquiry. Before Hutton published his exoneration of Blair, Dyke alleges that Philip Gould, a member of Blair’s clique, was asked if the Report could prove difficult for the Gov’t. Gould is alleged to have replied ‘don’t worry, we appointed the right judge’. When Rebekah Brooks ended up in deep shit after the serious wrongdoing of News International became public, it is alleged that she went to Blair for advice and was told ‘tough up and arrange an inquiry that will clear you’. Which is exactly what Brooks did – as well as ‘leaving to start a family’ (I think Rebekah had to resort to fertility treatment to do this, she was no spring chicken, so presumably starting a family had not been a priority previously), receiving at least one million from Murdoch – to pay for the pram and nappies obviously – only to return at a very senior level in Murdoch’s empire a few years later! A lot of people were of the opinion that Brooks should have gone to prison along with her staff. But she had advice from Blair and shared horses with David Cameron…

Grade himself departed from the BBC in a puff of smoke to move into the most senior position at ITV. The next Chair of the BBC was Chris Patten who angrily refused to shoulder any responsibility at all when Jimmy Savile and the Newsnight allegations regarding the abuse of children in north Wales exploded in his face. This is the Patten who was Chair of the Conservative Party when Sir Peter Morrison was busy with kids in care in north Wales, the Chris Patten who’s wife Lavender was the Patron of the Oxford Mindfulness Centre that was established and run by Professor Mark Williams. Not only was Patten himself Chancellor of Oxford University at the time, but Mindfulness Based Cognitive Therapy was based on a research fraud that Williams had carried out whilst he was working as a clinical psychologist in Bangor in the late 80s/early 90s (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Whilst patients killed themselves and were left destitute. Williams’s ‘fieldwork’ was carried out by the notoriously abusive Arfon Community Mental Health Team, whose colleagues were some of the social workers responsible for the abuse of children in care in north Wales. An early publication of Williams’s had an acknowledgement to Keith Fearns. Keith Fearns was the Gwynedd social worker who perjured himself in court on the orders of Lucille Hughes in order for Gwynedd County Council to obtain a High Court injunction against me to prevent me pursuing my complaints against Gwynedd Social Services. Fearns had never met me when he swore his affidavit. Lucille Hughes was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in Gwynedd Social Services when she was Director, but she failed to act.

Like the NHS, the BBC seems to be a complete recidivist. One of my friends worked there in the late 80s and he spent the best part of a year watching the entrenched corruption, with commissions given out to friends of people at the BBC and the fuckwit children of bigwigs at the BBC turning up in plum jobs. He also noticed that a lot of the senior managers at the BBC were older gay men who had a rather worrying sexual interest in much younger boys. The BBC seems to have got away with a great deal in its time. Just before my friend worked there, Private Eye used to provide updates on the activities of a manager there whom they named ‘spanker’. I can’t remember Spanker’s name, but I do remember the Eye’s regular reports on him. Spanker was interested in women rather than men, but he made a habit of asking young women who had applied for jobs at the BBC whom he was allegedly interviewing if they’d let him spank them. Spanker continued to do this even after the Eye began publishing articles about him – he did eventually resign but it took a while. Neither do I remember hearing about Spanker from any other media outlet.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain

An earlier blog post, ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’, explains in details how in 1989 scores of people employed by Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd Social Services – most of whom I didn’t even know existed at the time – colluded with the Welsh Office in working very hard to have me declared dangerous and incarcerated after I’d complained about criminal activity and abuse in the north Wales mental health services. These efforts were largely being led by a psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd who killed himself some four years ago whom I call Dr X, as well as Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns from Gwynedd Social Services and Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council and Andrew Park, a lawyer from the Welsh Office. This bunch were utilising the talents of a forensic psychiatrist from south Wales, one Dr Chris Hunter – another man whom I had never heard of – in their attempts to have me declared dangerous and banged up without trial. I mentioned in the previous blog post that Dr Chris Hunter held a meeting with those prepared to tell so many porkies about me when he travelled to north Wales for another meeting with Dr DJC Davies at a place called Garth Angharad Hospital, which was described as being an institution for ‘abnormal mentally ill criminals’. I also mentioned that one of the boys who had claimed to be a victim of the north Wales paedophile ring in the recent criminal trials had been detained at Garth Angharad and I speculated that this clearly operated as a personal prison – along with the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – used by the north Wales mental health services for anyone who asked a few too many questions.

Garth Angharad is near Dolgellau and when I wrote my previous post I presumed that it was a state facility owned and run by the then Gwynedd Health Authority. I was wrong – a reader of this blog has been doing some research into Garth Angharad and has pointed me in the direction of some fascinating information. Garth Angharad was owned and run by one Paul Hett, also known as Simon Paul Hett. Paul Hett gave evidence at the Waterhouse Tribunal in 1998 and was described as a ‘headmaster’. Paul Hett was an odd sort of headmaster – he had entered teaching in the 1960s after marrying someone from a teaching family and seems to have been set up in the private schools business by his father-in-law. He did eventually gain teaching qualifications but Paul Hett’s credentials as a teacher by the time that he moved to north Wales in the mid 70s seemed to be substantially predicated on the basis of him owning and managing three establishments in the Dolgellau area which were variously described as ‘children’s homes’, ‘residential schools’ or schools for ‘special needs’ children. Hett’s business arrangements certainly seem complicated – these establishments functioned as different things at different times, were sometimes registered with Gwynedd County Council and sometimes not. Nearly all the staff were described in various inspection reports as inexperienced and unqualified. The Welsh Office, HMIs and even Gwynedd County Council were highly critical of Paul Hett’s ‘schools’ and the Waterhouse Report was very rude about Paul Hett as well. Allegations of sexual abuse and cruelty at the schools had been made and at least some of those allegations were accepted in the Waterhouse Report. So the Welsh Office and Gwynedd County Council were aware of the flaky institutions run by Paul Hett – institutions from which local authorities had withdrawn children after abuse allegations – yet this man was allowed to own and run a facility for ‘mentally abnormal offenders’, a client group that would be even more difficult than the troubled and vulnerable youngsters that were placed in Hett’s schools. I can’t imagine that Hett raised his standards especially for Garth Angharad. But Hett’s career didn’t stop at owning and managing questionable establishments for vulnerable people or indeed a prison for anyone who dared complain about the abuse that was endemic in the mental health services and children’s services in north Wales. At one point Hett qualified as a solicitor – and was subsequently struck off for embezzling clients money. Hett also had business interests in Dolgellau Golf Club. So he’s had fingers in many pies.

I have noticed that in recent media reports referring to the gross abuses of vulnerable people in previous decades that are finally coming to light, comments along the lines of ‘ooh it was a long time ago’, or ‘it was past failures’ or even ‘we want to move on’ are made in a desperate attempt to excuse some dreadful things. Now one reason why I started writing this blog was that I knew that so many of the people involved in the abuses and failures at the North Wales Hospital in the 1980s are still employed – sometimes in very senior positions – in health and social care. It might be thirty years ago now but It Matters – these people committed some very serious offences and what they did was not acceptable even back then, that’s why they went to such lengths to conceal what was happening. The general public would have been horrified if they had known what was going on in the mental health and children’s services and they would have wanted those involved to face criminal charges. But even an old cynic like me who has witnessed some pretty awful things can be lulled into thinking that perhaps the worst is past. I had assumed that Garth Angharad had shut down long ago. My reader enlightened me – it hasn’t. It now operates as a ‘care home’ for people with mental health problems, run by something called the Treherne Group. One of the directors of Treherne is a Paul Hett. Not that you’d ever know that this ‘care home’ exists – you can drive around Arthog (the location of Garth Angharad) for hours and you’d still never know that it was there. There are no signs or notices and the area is heavily wooded with a lot of isolated buildings down tracks and drives that can’t be seen from the main lane. No-one to see you, no-one to hear you scream and a very long way for anyone to visit should you request it – and a long way from a railway station should you manage to do a runner… Whilst I was researching Mr Hett, I discovered that his wife and sister run Cerrig Camu, a residential home near Dolgellau for people with mental health problems, learning disabilities and autism. Cerrig Camu is part of the Regard Group and their website is plastered with details of the many awards that they have won. However I notice that Cerrig Camu seems to be constantly advertising for staff. Whilst browsing a website established for workers in social care to give feedback on their employers I discovered why – the feedback from people who have been employed at Cerrig Camu and at Regard in general is unremittingly grim. Allegations of not being paid what had been previously agreed were made, along with allegations of promised training not materialising. Not that Regard will mind – the senior managers were recently invited to the House of Lords to be congratulated on their sterling efforts!

Whilst researching the history of Garth Angharad and Paul Hett I was struck by how many familiar names popped up. Good old Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd County Council were there again and again, but so were the names of some other local authorities such as Islington which are now now known to have been infiltrated by paedophile rings – they were placing children in Hett’s establishments. I have explained on this blog how it is clear that there was a UK-wide network of ‘professionals’ that was firmly established even by the late 1980s that were concealing criminal activity and serious abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales. So during my research into Garth Angharad I was interested to notice that St Andrew’s Hospital in Northampton cropped up. I have mentioned St Andrew’s Hospital previously (please see post ‘Family Annihilation’) – it played a role in a possible major miscarriage of justice in the mid 1980s and more recently has been the centre of allegations of serious abuse of patients. In 1981, Howard Hughes, a former Bryn Estyn resident (Bryn Estyn being the children’s home in Wrexham where serious sexual abuse of boys occurred), was sectioned under the Mental Health Act, sent to St Andrew’s Hospital Northampton and then to Garth Angharad. Howard Hughes became very much more famous in 1996 when he was convicted of the murder of 5 year old Sophie Hook – he denied it, the evidence against him was circumstantial and to this day many people believe that this was a serious miscarriage of justice. But Howard Hughes had a chromosome abnormality which led to him growing exceptionally tall, as well as a learning disability and a truly dire mug shot of him was released by the police – so he looked like a murderer which always helps in such cases. He had a long criminal record and the police maintained that they had suspected him of a number of previous sex attacks on children but had not been able to gain the evidence needed for a prosecution (this man had been involved with the mental health services and children’s care system – surely the police could have just found a few people willing to perjure themselves as they did so often when allegations were levelled at me?). After initially arresting Hughes for Sophie’s murder, the police then released him but re-arrested him when they conveniently discovered a stack of indecent images of children at his home. The Home Office pathologist who gave evidence regarding Sophie Hook’s injuries and the way in which they were incurred was another person who has previously starred on this blog, Dr Donald Wayte, who has in the past felt able to mouth off about matters way beyond his experience. Hughes’s trial was at Chester Crown Court – that’s the Chester Crown Court where, five years earlier, four members of staff from Gwynedd Social Services lied in order to attempt to imprison me and who, when it became clear that they had lied, were given the opportunity to rewrite their statements by one Justice Roche, who has now disappeared off the face of the earth. (Please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’ for a full account of the corruption that went on.) Who knows, if I had been born with a chromosome abnormality and a learning disability I too could be serving a life sentence for murder on the personal orders of David Blunkett, just like Howard Hughes is.

Since being convicted of the murder of Sophie, Howard Hughes alleged that he was abused at Bryn Estyn and launched a case for compensation. It was very soon blown out of the water and there was much public anger that he had even attempted to sue – because he was a vicious criminal. As were so many of the people whom he had encountered throughout his life before he was imprisoned, but they haven’t been caught yet.

I mentioned earlier that Garth Angharad is hidden away near Dolgellau in a heavily wooded area. It’s in a very scenic place, near the Mawddach Estuary in Snowdonia, an isolated place but popular with walkers. It hit the UK media last week because Theresa May was on a walking holiday there, where it was alleged that she made the decision to call the General Election whilst chilling out with her husband. May and hubby stayed at Penmaenuchaf Hall Hotel, which is just down the road from Garth Angharad! I read in the media reports that Theresa was followed at all times whilst she was there by two bodyguards. It isn’t the likes of Theresa who needs the bodyguards – she won’t be in any danger, her policy of privatising mental health services is manna from heaven for Paul Hett et al.

The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter

My blog post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ describes how my very serious complaints regarding my unlawful detention at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and the associated abuses in that institution were, after going completely uninvestigated by the hospital itself and the Mental Health Act Commission, eventually ‘investigated’ by an ‘Independent’ Professional Review, led by Professor Robert Bluglass. I described how documents recently released from my lawyers revealed a very cosy relationship between Professor Robert Owen, the man appointed by the Welsh Office to set up the investigation into my complaint and the people that he was supposed to be investigating, with behind the scenes meetings between all of them and much correspondence, some of it submitted by people whom were not even involved in my complaint. There were even letters going to Prof Owen’s home address. After this review, I received brief letters from Clwyd Health Authority telling me that they would be ‘discussing’ some aspects of the report with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and that the file was now closed and a letter from Gwynedd Health Authority saying that Dafydd Alun Jones’s employment contract was held by Clwyd so it was nothing to do with them. No disciplinary action had been taken against anyone and most parts of my complaint had not been addressed at all, particularly those parts involving Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd Social Services.

As well as all the chumminess between Prof Owen and the north Wales mental health services however, in the months leading up to the Review something else was happening behind the scenes that I didn’t know about. Gwynedd Social Services, Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd Health Authority were all making plans to obtain High Court Injunctions against me to prevent me from even corresponding with them, let along telephoning them or visiting their premises in pursuit of my complaints or to try and gain access to my medical records. I presume that the rationale was that once I’d been chewed up and spat out by Robert Bluglass, my complaints file would be closed and I would be prosecuted for breaching an injunction if I tried to pursue my complaints any further. What I had witnessed in Denbigh and indeed what had happened to me at the hands of Jones would never be spoken of again, particularly as by then I had moved away from north Wales. The documents reveal that the ground was being very carefully prepared indeed in the weeks before the Review took place in July 1989.

On 28 April 1989, Alun Davies, an administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd, wrote a letter to Barry Shingles, a manager at Ysbyty Gwynedd, detailing numerous ‘incidents’ involving me. (The incidents were simply visits that I had made to Ysbyty Gwynedd, or phone calls or letters, asking for my medical records. Davies stated to Shingles that Shingles might have concluded that ‘little or no disruption’ had been caused by me (the incidents were all non-events). But Davies continued that a nursing officer and an administrator had had to leave their work to deal with me – yet the reason for this was because Davies et al had insisted on ‘fast bleeping’ these two people every time I was seen in the hospital. Davies maintained that ‘medical staff’ had ‘informed’ him that I was a ‘serious risk’ to members of staff – I have previously described the process whereby the psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd manufactured scare stories about me without any evidence and then used these stories as ‘evidence’ of the risk that I posed to life and limb. Best of all, Davies stated that ‘a considerable amount of police time is wasted as the police are asked to attend in order to remove her…only to find that she has left the hospital’. This sounds to me as though it was Davies et al wasting police time by needlessly calling them. This letter of Davies’s contained a reference to a letter that Andrew Park, a solicitor from the Welsh Office, had written to me dated 9 February 1989, threatening to take out an injunction against me. Park’s letter to me contained a reference to the ‘assaults’ that I had carried out on staff. I had never assaulted the staff, although in Denbigh staff had assaulted me. Davies’s letter also referred to a request that he had made of Mr P.M. Rees, the District General Administrator of Gwynedd Health Authority, that he should ask Andrew Park to take out an injunction against me ‘with powers of arrest’. There was a hand-written message on the letter from Shingles saying ‘please discuss with Mr Rees and make appropriate arrangements’. This letter was copied to Mr D. Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing, Ysybyty Gwynedd) a nursing officer, Robyn Williams (administrator), Mrs Julie Evans (a social worker from the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – whom I had not even heard of at the time) and Jackie Brandt, the social worker who had sectioned me in 1987 after I’d asked for a copy of my medical records.

On the 2 May 1989, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones sent a letter to Alun Davies stating that he’d been told that I was ‘in the vicinity’ and demanding that Robyn Williams therefore organise for a ‘security person’ to be on duty in the clinic. This letter is most entertaining as many of Jones’s letters were – although I wasn’t even on the premises Jones waxes lyrical about the threat that I posed to him and how he was feeling unwell so he went home early because the thought of me turning up was just too much. Among the many complaints about Jones at that time were that Jones constantly left NHS clinics early or even didn’t turn up at all because he was busy at private clinics elsewhere. So I presume that it was business as usual for Jones on that day then, but this time I was the excuse for him abandoning his NHS work. In his letter Jones even makes reference to him ‘interviewing a patient in his study’ at home later on the same day.

There was a letter written by Alun Davies in May 1989 to a nursing officer, in which Davies refers to the ‘very limited powers’ that they had to deal with me. Well as I wasn’t breaking any laws despite them constantly reporting me to the police, it is hardly surprising that they found that they had ‘limited powers’. Davies had the answer though – he mentioned that ‘hopefully our colleagues’ were pursuing the matter with the Welsh Office to obtain an injunction against me, preventing me from either visiting the hospital or communicating with staff there. This was of course the same Welsh Office that were providing Gwynedd and Clwyd Health authorities with legal advice as to how to withhold my medical records and defend themselves against my complaint, whilst they were telling me that they were organising an ‘Independent’ review into my complaint.

On the 10 May 1989, Dafydd Alun Jones wrote to one Dr Peter Higson, a manager at Denbigh, and Alun Davies, demanding that there should be ‘positive action to restrain this behaviour’ – the behaviour in question being me telephoning him. Higson had of course been one of the people who had completely failed to deal with my complaint about Jones and Denbigh.

There is a very interesting letter written to Mr PM Rees from Alun Davies sometime in May 1989 (the reproduction is poor and I cannot make out the exact date) telling him that I’m purchasing a property near Bethesda. So this piece of info was worthy of passing on in a formal letter.

Dafydd Alun Jones enters the picture again on May 16, when he writes a letter to Davies accusing me of ‘wasting NHS time and resources’ by telephoning and ‘harassing the receptionists and the secretaries’ ie. asking for my records. This from a man who regularly abandoned his NHS clinics whilst he was being paid to hold them, who colluded with a corrupt police officer to unlawfully detain me in an NHS secure unit and then failed to answer letters from the Mental Health Act Commission or his own managers….

Now for something really fascinating. In a previous blog post ‘A Network Stretching To London?’ I described how, when I was working at St Georges Hospital in London, a junior doctor turned up in my dept saying that he’d heard that there was a girl from Bangor working there and he wanted to meet her because he had connections with Bangor as well. This man was Dr Jimmy Schroff, who it transpired had been a GP trainee at the practice of my former GP Dr DGE Wood. When Jimmy Schroff met me he literally named all the doctors in north Wales whom I had encountered and made complaint about, asking me if I knew them. I have always reserved judgement about this visit from Jimmy Schroff although I was a bit suspicious – he did seem very open and friendly. However, since writing that blog post I have found documents demonstrating that Dr DGE Wood was saying some very poisonous things about me to a lot of people and was being copied into correspondence about me and invited along to meetings where I was being discussed long after I had left Bangor. And look what has turned up in the documents from my lawyers – a letter from Alun Davies to Mr PM Rees, dated 19 May 1989, saying ‘I wish to inform you that [I have] moved from her [Surrey] address and is, I believe, working at St George’s Hospital London. However recent correspondence to the hospital does not indicate her new address’. So Alun Davies knew someone in St George’s who had not only tracked me down there, but who had accessed my mail in an attempt to discover my address and inform Davies. But that’s not all. My blog post ‘A Network Stretching To London?’ described how in a previous bundle of documents I discovered a letter from someone to someone else at Denbigh asking them if the man that they knew at St Georges had found out which dept I was working in yet. Unfortunately, the reproduction on this letter was so poor that neither signature was visible. However, another letter has turned up in the latest bundle. It is from Alun Davies, to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh, dated 11 April 1990 asking ‘Did you speak to your colleague at St Georges and if so what was the outcome?’ There was a hand-written message on the letter noting ‘Discussed with Alun Davies 12/4/90’.

And these people accused me of harassing them….

There’s another corker from Alun Davies, dated 18 July 1989, a ‘note for file’, in which Davies writes that Dafydd Alun Jones ‘informed’ him that at the summing up at the Independent Professional Review, Bluglass had ‘suggested that [I] was a dangerous person and that [I] was possibly suffering from a psychopathic or personality disorder. [I] could very well end up in an institution such as Broadmoor’. Now I have copies of other documents in which Jones alleged that Bluglass made lurid references to me ending up in a ward for the ‘criminally insane’, but Bluglass flatly denied ever saying such things (please see blog post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). To this day I do not know who was telling the truth, although it is clear that neither Bluglass or Jones could be trusted further than one could spit a proverbial rat. But there may very well have been a reason why this bunch of liars and crooks were running around making confident predictions regarding me ending up in some grim institution with a dire diagnosis attached to me – I will return to this later on in this post…

On September 7 1989, Julie Evans, the ‘co-ordinator’ of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, wrote to Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, ‘on behalf of the team’. This was a team most of whose members I had never met. I had met Jackie Brandt once, when she had sectioned me and I had met Bob Ingham, a CPN once and had been grabbed by the arm and dragged along the hall by him. Nonetheless, Evans was demanding that Jackie Brandt be afforded ‘legal protection’ from me – because I had ‘periodically’ telephoned and visited her office seeking to speak to her. Evans states that Gwynedd Health Authority had an Injunction against me prohibiting me from entering Health Authority property (they didn’t – their first application for an injunction was rejected by the Court) and that ‘the team’ were requesting that Gwynedd County Council ‘take every action’ to legally protect Brandt. Evans states that the ‘nature’ of my ‘harassment’ had been ‘extremely stressful’ to the team – the team that I had never met…. Evans’s letter was copied to Mr Brian Jones (County Offices, Caernarfon), Mr Ron Evans (County Secretary, County Offices), Mr Gwilym Roberts (Chairman, Arfon Local Planning).

Lucille Hughes replied to Julie Evans on 12 September, thanking Evans for her letter, telling her that ‘we at Headquarters share your concern and the County Secretary’s Dept, via Mr Ron Evans, Assistant County Secretary, will now seek a relevant injunction…. The County Secretary would have proceeded earlier to seek such an injunction but was under the impression that the matter had been resolved. Please keep Mr Evans and myself informed of any developments’. The letter was copied to ‘Assistant Director (M), Area Officer (Arfon), Mr Ron Evans (Assistant County Secretary)’. I am wondering whether Lucille’s reference to the ‘matter being resolved’ was a reference to the handiwork of the Welsh Office and Professors Bluglass and Owen. I’d been trashed, the file had been closed and I had left the area. But now I was back and was still daring to ask questions.

On Sept 13 1989, Dr X from Ysbyty Gwynedd wrote to Alun Davies discussing the possibilities if I returned to live near Bangor (by this time I was working in London during the week but used to spend weekends at my house near Bethesda). Dr X observed that neither he nor Dafydd Alun Jones would be able to ‘treat’ me, so the Health Authority should make ‘special arrangements’ for me – but as will be explained soon, it seemed that Dr X was busy involving himself in the planning of such special arrangements… In this letter Dr X also mentions that Gwynedd Social Services were about to take out a High Court Injunction against me.

Alun Davies wrote me a letter on 18 September, in reply to a letter and a phone call from me in August, as I continued to ask for my records and to try to follow up my original complaint against Jackie Brandt and Dr Perera (please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’). This complaint had been made at the end of 1987 and still had not been investigated. Davies told me that they would not be releasing my records or corresponding with me further. On the same day, Davies also wrote a letter to Mr PM Rees, asking him if Andrew Park of the Welsh Office had obtained an injunction against me yet.

Dr X continued with what was now obviously his Plan. On October 2 1989 he wrote to the Chairman of the Mental Health Act Commission (who were supposed to have investigated my complaints against Ysbyty Gwynedd and Denbigh but never did. However, like Professor Owen at the Welsh Office, the Mental Health Act Commission turned out to be quite chummy with the people whom they were supposed to be investigating (please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship and Some Serious Smears’). Dr X states that I’m subject to his injunction and to two ‘pending injunctions’ not to ‘molest the staff’ of Gwynedd Social Services or Gwynedd Health Authority. (Is it not poignant that Dr X makes a reference to me ‘molesting’ the staff of Gwynedd Social Services? At the time that Dr X wrote this, there was and indeed had been for years a paedophile ring operating in Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services.) He notes that I had recently purchased a house and was intending to settle in the area and that the nature of the injunctions might ‘compromise the objectivity of the staff of both Authorities….[there was] more than a possibility that an assessment for a Section under the Mental Health Act might have to be carried out by staff who are part of a potential High Court Injunction…potential complications for the working of the Act….would wish the Commission to be aware of the situation prior to any further episodes…grateful for the Commission’s advice…as to what measures could be taken to ensure objectivity but also to avoid breaking any potential injunctions that might be in force by the two authorities’. This letter was copied to Alun Davies.

I don’t think I need bother to write at length regarding the irony of Dr X desiring to see ‘objectivity’ prevail – the one thing that regular readers will now by now is that Dr X was certainly no stickler for ‘objectivity’. But look what’s happening here – Dr X worked very hard to gain an injunction against me based on allegations of ‘assaults’ and ‘dangerous’ actions that were actually no more than rumours that he spread himself. I had been sectioned by then, but both times it was by Dr X and his colleagues and in both cases the law was broken and the Mental Health Act Commission themselves failed to investigate. Dr X’s colleagues were now taking a leaf out of his book and had persuaded Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd Social Services to raise injunctions against me, again on the basis of assaults and crimes and a level of danger that did not exist. And all this was highly organised, as the numerous letters that were being passed around and copied to numerous people show. So the problems that Dr X was discussing and predicting had been entirely constructed by him and his colleagues. But why did Dr X think that I might ever need to be sectioned again? We shall find out soon….

Between the end of September and the end of October 1989, there was a flurry of memos and letters passed around about me. Every single one referred to nursing officers and administrators being fast-bleeped and the police being called to the hospital – because I had gone there, made another request for my records and for my complaints to be followed up and had then left again of my own accord.

On October 4, two days after Dr X wrote to the Mental Health Act Commission, Bob Ingham from the Arfon Team wrote to Mr D Campbell, Deputy Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd, stating that I was ‘causing concern to both Authorities by her behaviour…. causing disruption and usually necessitating police involvement. Her visits have been spasmodic but….she is living [near Bethesda]… we need an agreed policy for dealing with her…Arfon social workers have been directed by the Authority not to become involved in any matter relating to [my] mental health assessment…the matter is being agendad for the Local Planning Group Meeting on 13 October 1989.’ Ingham then explains that the nurses working for the Arfon team have been ordered to throw me out and call the police if I go to their offices. The letter was copied to Mrs Pauline Dickson, Mr Derlwyn Roberts, Mrs Jan Cowley, Ms Fiona Kerridge, Mr Gwilym Roberts, Mr Tom Harney, Mrs Bridget Lloyd, Mrs Thelma Cockayne, Mrs Rhian Baker. (I had only ever met one of these people. I had not even heard of any of the others.)

Someone else was busy on October 4 as well. PM Rees (General Administrator) wrote to Alun Davies enclosing a letter that he’d received on September 20 from Andrew Park. Andrew Park was asking for ‘more details’ to ‘supplement the information’ that Davies had previously supplied on April 28. Rees continues ‘I appreciate the difficulties but to make progress with the injunction….we are going to have to try. Could you please have another look to see what can be done? Could you also please confirm that you would be willing to swear the Affidavit? I enclose a copy of another letter from Mr Park. It is interesting….that both Clwyd Health Authority and Gwynedd County Council are now contemplating taking out similar injunctions’ (but hardly surprising – they’d all spent months writing letters and having phone conversations to each other urging everyone involved to do this.) I am wondering if Rees’s reference to ‘the difficulties’ might have been a reference to their first unsuccessful attempt to gain an injunction against me because they basically didn’t have any evidence that I was doing any more than writing letters and asking for my records.

A letter from Dr X to Alun Davies dated 18 October 1989 demonstrates that Dr X’s Plan was now well underway. At this time, I was busy working in London during the week. I had not ‘assaulted’ anyone, been arrested or anything dramatic and I had not sought any mental health ‘care’ or ‘assessment’. I had however continued to try to access my records and I continued to maintain that very serious abuses were happening in the north Wales mental health services. So Dr X’s letter was interesting. He stated that ‘Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services, Whitchurch Hospital, Cardiff, has kindly agreed to provide us with a second opinion [regarding me]. He is due to visit Garth Angharad to meet Dr DJC Davies on…7 and 8 November. He has kindly agreed to set aside Wednesday afternoon 8 November and Thursday morning 9 November for a case presentation and for examination of the relevant material appertaining to this case. As agreed it would be very useful to a) have the relevant parties concerned…. able to provide information to Dr Hunter…. b) for us to arrive at decisions with regards to future management. It would be helpful perhaps to have a representative of the police force and Mr Park from the Legal Dept’. Dr X goes on to ask for office space and secretarial cover and for people to liaise with Chris Hunter regarding ‘any further needs he may have’. He tells Alun Davies that he is grateful for his help and support and that he is sure that this will be a ‘helpful way of proceeding’ and that Dr Hunter has ‘also kindly agreed to provide a second opinion if necessary, via a Report to the Courts’.

So let’s clarify this. Dr X and his colleagues were all refusing to treat me. Yet they were all attending a ‘case conference’ about me being held without my knowledge, led by a man whom I had never heard of who worked as a ‘Director of Forensic Psychiatry’ hundreds of miles away from where I lived or worked.  Unidentified ‘relevant parties’ were to be invited along to ‘provide information’ to the man that I did not know so they could discuss what they were going to do with me. The police would be in attendance – although every time the mental health services had insisted on involving the police in my life, the police used to stress that they had no problem with me – and the ever-helpful Mr Park from the Welsh Office, who had been advising this lot ever since I had first complained about them but whom had not yet managed to get an injunction against me despite trying very hard, would also be attending. And everyone is going to be very, very nice to Dr Hunter and give him whatever he wants. And although I was not facing any charges at this time, Dr Hunter would be ready with a Report for the Court! So Dr X was obviously expecting a Court to play a part in my life in the near future…. Dr X is also very grateful to Alun Davies for his help – just as Professor Owen was when Davies organised the Independent Professional Review in an ‘excellent’ way.

Readers unfamiliar with north west Wales might be wondering what the reference to Dr Hunter visiting ‘Garth Angharad’ was all about. Garth Angharad was an institution near Dolgellau, described at the time as a hospital for ‘abnormal mentally ill criminals’. I had never heard of Garth Angharad until I read the details of the boys from north Wales who alleged that they’d been abused by the paedophile ring whilst they were ‘in care’. One of them had been sent to Garth Angharad….

So that’s why Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept telling everyone that I was going to end up in an institution for the criminally insane! They had their very own version here in north Wales – which clearly housed people who had witnessed the worst that the region’s ‘caring professions’ had to offer.

Dr Hunter et al must have been almost at the point of organising the Black Mariah to deliver me to Garth Angharad. On October 20 Dr Devakumar wrote to Alun Davies explaining that Dr X had copied his letter regarding the Plan and that Devakumar ‘strongly supported’ the ‘recommendations’ made by Dr X and asks Davies to ‘work out a practical arrangement to deal with [me] if and when [I] present myself to the hospital’. He states that ‘if Dr Hunter felt that she needs to be under treatment then an arrangement should be made to engage her in that process as it will be for her own benefit’ (just like being illegally incarcerated and assaulted in Denbigh was).

Five days after receiving the letter from Devakumar, Alun Davies wrote to Brandt telling her of the jamboree with Dr Hunter, asking her to inform him if she was unable to attend the meeting. On the same day, Davies sent an identical letter to Keith Fearns (another person whom I had never met). There was a hand-written message on Fearns’s letter, from Fearns, saying ‘Jacky, shall we go together on the 8th?’ Presumably everybody needed to get their stories straight after all this work.

Fearns then wrote a letter to W. Oswyn Rees, the Area Manager at Gwynedd Social Services, saying that he was ‘enclosing a self-explanatory letter’ from Alun Davies and telling W.O. Rees that he hoped he’d be able to attend on the 9th November ‘at least’. Fearns had obviously impressed someone in Gwynedd Social Services with his dedication to duty because by now he had been promoted to ‘Senior Social Worker’. He copied his letter to Mr G. Owen (Deputy Director of Social Services), Mr Rob Evans (Assistant Director of Social Services), Mr Ron Evans (Legal Dept). Fearns also wrote a letter back to Alun Davies asking for a police representative to be present at Hunter’s ‘case conference’ ‘as agreed at the planning meeting’.

Now Dr X needed some evidence. On October 27 1989 Dr X’s wife wrote to Alun Davies telling him that I’d ‘entered the seminar room’ and ‘although [i] did not verbally or physically threaten me I felt frightened by her demeanour. Dr Devakumar, Dr Jay and Dr Raj, two junior doctors and Mrs Sheila Jenkins (social worker) were in the room and they all agreed with me that they found her presence threatening. Those who have seen her before felt that her demeanour was more threatening than before’. Dr X’s wife also noticed that I ‘made a comment’ about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones as I left the room. So although I didn’t threaten anyone in any way, I was still threatening – and I was even more threatening than the last time that I didn’t threaten anyone. Which was obviously why Dr X’s wife’s letter continued to explain that they rang PC Bill Jones who told them that should I be seen in the vicinity again, they were to ring the police station immediately and they will respond to the call as quickly as possible (presumably after the police had finished crying tears of laughter at all these ‘experienced psychiatrists’ ringing them up every time that I didn’t threaten anyone).

But Dr X’s wife needed expert advice now that I hadn’t threatened anyone yet again. On 30 October 1989 she wrote to Dr I.M. Sanderson at the Medical Defence Union. She noted that I’d ‘not paid much attention’ to her and ‘certainly not in any direct way’, but I’d entered their meeting and made references to staff assaulting patients – I had a ‘rolled-up newspaper’ with me and she and her colleagues all thought that I probably was concealing a knife inside it. I was also ‘hurling abuse about Dr DA Jones’. I note that the first time she reported this terrorist attack, Dr X’s wife recorded that I’d merely ‘made a comment’ about Dafydd Alun Jones.

I presume that Dr Hunter’s jolly must have gone ahead as planned on November 8 and 9, although I haven’t found any documents recording what happened there. However on November 10 1989, H. Ellis Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor, wrote to Keith Fearns, stating that ‘further to the meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd on Thursday 9 November….if you would provide me with a full and precise statement of any involvement that you have had with [me] and of problems created by her constant harassment of your staff’. H. Ellis Hughes then kindly gives Fearns a list of things that he’d like Fearns to include in this statement and gives instructions regarding the sort of things that are admissible in Court. He asks Fearns if there’s anyone else in the Arfon Team apart from Jackie Brandt who has had ‘direct involvement’ with me and ‘who should make a statement’. Fearns is asked to give the matter his ‘urgent attention’…. So Fearns was preparing to swear an Affidavit about me – someone whom he’d never met.

I was glad to see that the north Wales mental health services ended 1989 in the way that they’d begun it – by complaining about me ‘harassing them’. On December 28, Dafydd Alun Jones rang the police and ‘dictated’ a statement about me over the phone to the Senior Officer at the Police Stations in Denbigh and Bangor. He also read out the statement to Alun Davies and Dr Peter Higson. Jones believed that I was going to gate-crash a New Year’s Eve party that he was going to hold. On the basis of absolutely no evidence at all.

But all the hard work hadn’t been in vain. Dr Hunter had come up with the required judgement – but I only discovered this last week when my lawyer sent me the latest batch of documents (indeed I only learnt of the existence of Dr Hunter last week.) That will be the subject of a future blog post.

There were more surprises in store for me in 1990….

Previous blog posts have noted that odd things happening to me in north Wales were frequently happening in parallel with Alison Taylor trying to raise concerns that there was serious abuse of children happening in north Wales throughout the region’s social services. At the time that Dr X and his colleagues were calling upon the services of Dr Chris Hunter, Yorkshire TV had started filming a programme about child abuse in north Wales, featuring Alison Taylor. All that was happening to me at the time was happening with the full knowledge of lawyers from the Welsh Office, Gwynedd County Council and the Medical Defence Union. Indeed, they were advising these people who were abusing so many – and these lawyers knew that I was alleging abuse and criminal activity in the mental health services because I described what was happening again and again in my letters. Letters that those lawyers – and Dr Hunter – had scoured for ‘evidence’ of my ‘dangerousness’. Just to emphasise – the people reading my letters detailing criminal activity in the mental health services in north Wales were LAWYERS.

 

 

 

 

 

 

THE BLOG POST THAT WAS HACKED CAN NOW BE READ

Last night one of my blog posts was hacked. I have now taken advice and am happy to say that I have reposted the post (below) that was hacked. Many thanks to the concerned readers who e mailed me. This is a message for one of them, Pete, who is currently in India – Pete, I tried to reply to your e mail but the message inexplicably bounced saying that it couldn’t be delivered to your address. Can you e mail me again on a different address so that I can try and reply to that? Or correspond with me via the comments section on the blog? Thanks.

 

 

My previous blog posts ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ and ‘An Expert From England’ describe the flurry of correspondence behind the scenes regarding me that was happening in the wake of my complaints about the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I was completely unaware of just how frantic this activity had been until last week when my lawyers released files that I had not seen before. Dr James Earp, the ‘independent expert’ from Leicester, had been tasked with writing a report about me for Bangor Magistrates Court after the mental health services in north Wales moved mountains to bring a charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ against me. Earp compiled and submitted his report in the autumn of 1987, by which time I was living in Leicester. I was unable to visit the Bangor area until the court case had been heard because of my bail conditions. (Since moving away from north Wales I had remained a regular visitor because I enjoyed hill walking.) Although I was no longer living in north Wales it seemed that a lot of people in north Wales were still taking a very big interest in me, some of these being people whom I had never heard of, let alone met. The recently released files contain scores of documents compiled by such people, demonstrating just how frenetic the correspondence and meetings about me were. The documents also reveal a degree of collusion between various people and organisations that I had been completely unaware of. Although I didn’t know these people at the time, I do recognise some of their names now – their names have featured in connection with the investigations into the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales. One of these people was Lucille Hughes, then Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Hughes was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring operating in Gwynedd Social Services but failing to act. She ‘retired’ on the eve of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. I was told many years ago that Lucille Hughes was a former partner of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and had remained on good terms with him. She now sits on the Board of Trustees of CAIS, the charity that Jones founded and still chairs. Interestingly enough, despite all these meetings and correspondence about me, the one thing that no-one was doing was attempting to investigate the very serious complaints that I had made about the mental health services in north Wales. Instead it seems that a huge well-oiled machine went into action to ensure that my complaints were never investigated and to paint a picture of me as a phenomenally dangerous nutter. There was a key player involved in this in a way that I had never before realised – Dr X from Ysbyty Gwynedd. (For more background on Dr X please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’. I am not naming him on this blog because he killed himself some four years ago and his widow, who was also a psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd, is still alive and living in north Wales.)

Whilst I was in Leicester I continued to pursue my complaints about the mental health services. This did not go unnoticed, although no-one was replying to my letters. The files released from my lawyers however have given me some idea of what was going on behind the scenes.

On 7 January 1988, Lucille Hughes wrote to Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns to inform them that ‘today’ I had made a complaint about Brandt. Brandt had sectioned me in Ysbyty Gwynedd on 17 Sept 1986 and my representations about her gross incompetence were being ignored. (Please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ for details regarding this event.) I was getting nowhere with either Gwynedd Health Authority or the Mental Health Act Commission. So I wrote to Gwynedd Social Services who employed Brandt. Fearns was the co-ordinator of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, one of Brandt’s colleagues. I had never heard of him at the time that Lucille Hughes wrote this letter to him, but I later did encounter him (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for more background on Fearns and his dreadful conduct) and heard many first hand accounts of his intimidating, aggressive, unpleasant behaviour. Fearns survived as a social worker in Gwynedd for decades, but some years ago he and his ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that he was dismissed for serious neglect of patients. He now works as a CBT therapist and has even written a book about CBT such is his expertise.

Although Fearns had never met me, on the day that Lucille wrote to him and Brandt notifying them that I’d complained about Brandt, Fearns wrote a letter to Alun Davies (Administrator for the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd) telling him that he knew that Davies was ‘collecting examples of [my] behaviour’ and that he hoped that Davies ‘will add these to your list’ (there is no indication in the files as to what these ‘examples’ are). Fearns stated that they wanted a ‘procedure’ to prevent me from entering the building where the Arfon Team were based and that ‘we would of course seek the assistance of the police in exploring any authority policy to preclude her access’. So upon receiving my complaint about Brandt, rather than responding to the complaint, the first reaction of Gwynedd Social Services was to collude with Alun Davies (who had been involved in the sectioning of me by Brandt) and to call for police ‘assistance’.

On January 27 1988 Brandt wrote to Mr W. Oswyn Rees (Area Officer for Arfon Area Office, Gwynedd Social Services) defending her conduct on the day that she sectioned me. Brandt’s letter was also signed by Fearns. This letter was copied to Mr R. Evans (I assume that this is a reference to Rob Evans, Assistant Director, Gwynedd Social Services) and Mr R. Evans (Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Offices).

The files contain a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from H. Ellis Hughes, the County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council, dated 9 February 1988, although this letter contains the instruction to ‘ask for Ron Evans’. The letter is regarding me writing to Brandt and asks Davies for ‘information that you might consider useful’. However there is a handwritten note on this letter saying ‘sent on 22/2/88 R’. Presumably ‘R’ is Ron. But why did Ron not send this letter until 22 February if it was typed up on the 9 February? Here’s a clue. The files contain another document dated 22 February 1988, that is a ‘report’ written by Bob Ingham, a CPN with the Arfon Team. This ‘report’ is Ingham’s version of a visit that I made to the Arfon Team’s offices in an attempt to get some answers from Brandt. I remember the incident well. Ingham wedged himself in the hall to bar my way and at one point grabbed me by the arm and dragged me along for a few yards. I told him that he was assaulting me and he then rang the police to report me for ‘threatening’ them all. When I asked him who he was he refused to tell me but just said ‘I’m in charge here’. The police did not arrest me because they were of the opinion that I hadn’t broken any law. Ingham’s report states that Brandt ‘had been advised’ not to speak to me or answer my letters. Ingham notes that he ‘liased with Ysbyty Gwynedd’ about the incident and that he spoke to Mr Campbell and Dr X about the situation. Mr Campbell was presumably Mr D. Campbell, Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Dr X was the psychiatrist who told Brandt to section me on September 17 1986.

On 2 March 1988  Fearns wrote a letter to W. Oswyn Rees (the Arfon Area Officer, Gwynedd Social Services) referring to me having been bound over to keep the peace. (This had been the result of the charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ that the mental health services had brought against me.) Fearns states in his letter to Rees that ‘the staff group here would therefore strongly urge both [Gwynedd] County Council and the area Health Authority to pursue this matter legally as [my] behaviour appears to be in breach [of court orders] and as such may be interpreted as contempt of court…’ Now I do not remember any Court Orders against me at that time that I was breaching by either writing to Brandt or visiting her office. Yet a man who had never met me was urging legal action against me by both Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd Health Authority, allegedly at the behest of a ‘staff group’ most of whom I’d also never met except for one whom I’d made a complaint about. Fearns’s letter was copied to Rob Evans (Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services) and Ron Evans (of the Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Council). One week later, on 9 March 1988, Lucille Hughes (Director, Gwynedd Social Services) wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor, but sent it as FAO Ron Evans of the Legal Dept. Lucille made reference to a copy of a ‘report’ by Fearns of 2 March, regarding me visiting the Arfon Team’s offices on 22 February 1988. (So Fearns had helpfully compiled a ‘report’ about an incident that he did not witness and which occurred when he was not even in the building.) Lucille asks Ron ‘Do you feel that all appropriate steps have now been taken to protect our staff…Can you advise on any aspect of the case which you feel still causes you concern?’ A copy of this letter was sent to W. Oswyn Rees – who of course the week before had been urged by Fearns to prosecute me for contempt of court. And it seems that Ron Evans from Gwynedd County Council’s Legal Dept was right at the centre of all this – and there seemed to be a hotline between Lucille Hughes and Ron.

In June 1988 I was admitted to one of the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I was visiting north Wales. For once this was not as a result of unscrupulous people breaking the law, but as a result of a very helpful nursing officer who used to work at Ysbyty Gwynedd (the same nursing officer mentioned in blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ who, after a junior doctor made a statement to the police maintaining that I had ‘attempted to stab him’ saved my bacon by making a statement saying that he was in the room at the time and I had done no such thing). I was depressed with suicidal feelings and accepted the nursing officer’s offer of a bed on the ward – of course I had no idea at the time what was happening behind the scenes and my perception then was that the main problem in north Wales was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and his regime at Denbigh and to a lesser extent an incompetent social worker and a number of junior doctors who didn’t know what they were doing. Whilst I was on the ward, the consultant who had been allocated to me on a temporary basis wrote to another consultant who was taking over my care. On 23 June she wrote to a Dr Devakumar stating that ‘[I had] been relatively co-operative whilst on the ward…..she claims and expresses continued paranoid ideas regarding one particular consultant psychiatrist’. I presume that she was referring to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. This statement is fascinating because the doctor who wrote it used to work at the North Wales Hospital herself and found things there so horrific that she worked very hard to escape to Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Among the documents from the files there is also another letter that seems to have been written in the summer of 1988. This is a letter from Dr X to his solicitor Ann Ball of Hempsons, the lawyers used by the Medical Defence Union. The letter from Dr X indicates that although Ann Ball had advised him to take no further legal action against me he was clearly thinking of asking her to invoke his existing injunction against me. (For the background as to how this injunction was obtained please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’.) This was not the only letter that I have read written by Dr X and his wife demonstrating that they were ignoring their own legal advisors. There were angry letters written by them in previously released files berating their legal advisors for not understanding how ‘dangerous’ I was when Dr X and his wife were being told very frankly by their lawyers that they seemed to be over-reacting.

Dr X was not the only person over-reacting. There is a truly splendid letter written by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) dated 24 June 1988. This letter is Jones’s rather florid account of an encounter that he had with me in an open-plan secretaries office in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I asked him some questions that he didn’t want to answer. He made a fist and raised his arm and I thought that I was about to get thumped – so I told him that it wouldn’t be a good idea to assault me because there were witnesses present (although from what these documents suggest, Jones could have murdered me on the spot and no-one would have remembered seeing a thing). Jones lowered his arm and with a wonderful bit of ham-acting asked one of the secretaries to call someone to ‘accompany Sally back to the ward’. But Jones’s letter tells a somewhat different story. He states that ‘ [I] accosted [him] in a menacing way in the typing pool…she has repeatedly made threats and there is a general feeling among the consultant psychiatrists that she is a potential hazard…it is disturbing that she is able to wander seemingly at will and quite unsupervised…when she is quite obviously a problem of grave concern…’ Jones continues in a similar vein, alleging that Ysbyty Gwynedd is attempting to do a job for which it is not equipped ie. cater for a dangerous nutter like me. There is a letter dated 29 June to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) written by Mr D. Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd) which is clearly a response to the rant that Jones had sent a few days earlier. Mr Campbell refers to a memorandum that Jones had sent Huw Thomas and comments that he is ‘concerned about the second paragraph’ and refers to a conversation with a nursing officer ‘about his remarks to Dr Jones’, so there was obviously some allegations flying around between the staff. Mr Campbell states that I was a voluntary patient ‘and there was no need to confine her to the ward. Indeed any such confinement would have been illegal…supervision was relaxed as she was not seen as being a danger, either to herself or others…she has long-harboured a dislike of Dr Jones. Unfortunately their paths crossed and she took the opportunity to ‘bend his ear’…’ Mr Campbell copied this letter to a Mr J Caddell, Dr DA Jones, Dr X’s wife, Alun Davies and a nursing officer.

Mr Campbell’s letter to Huw Thomas seemed to have tipped Jones over the edge. On 5 July Jones wrote to Huw Thomas ‘I think this patient is potentially dangerous. I speak from extensive experience in working with patients with personality disorder and with the experience probably of more forensic work than many general psychiatrists. You may possibly be aware of occasions when she has seemingly offered menace to other doctors…several members of staff…have been subject to her verbal threats and persistent harassment…at least 5 or 6 names spring to mind as having been given cause for perturbation. The third paragraph of this letter is quite unacceptable. It was well known that she was lying in wait for me at my clinic….To suggest that there was a casual crossing of paths is quite misleading. I do not understand what Mr Campbell wishes to convey by his expression…’bend his ear’. There was certainly a distinct air of menace…This paragraph is distorted to the point of impertinence….This is a grotesque distortion of events….and misses the point of the potential hazard. I wrote to you in grave concern….this young woman may commit grave injury to herself or to some other person. I am sending copies of this correspondence to my consultant colleagues. I think there is danger in this case and I think the tone of this letter is quite unacceptable.’ Jones copied this letter to Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Mr D. Campbell, Alun Davies and a nursing officer. So this was what happened when someone dared challenge Jones, although that person was in a senior role himself – the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd. (It is interesting that Jones relies on his ‘extensive experience’ with ‘personality disorder’ and ‘forensic’ patients to try and pull rank. One reason why Jones had such vast ‘experience’ was that he constantly diagnosed patients as having ‘personality disorders’, denounced them as ‘dangerous’ and had them arrested. Thus he constructed himself as an ‘expert’ in such matters.

It seems that Jones’s tactics had been very effective. Two days later, 7 July 1988, a letter was sent to Alun Davies from Dr X and Dr Devakumar. There was a reference to the correspondence that had been exchanged ‘about the recent upsetting incident involving [me]’ and a meeting was requested ‘between consultant medical staff especially Dr Jones who seems most at risk and the administration possibly with legal advisors also present’. Although this letter was signed by both Dr X and Dr Devakumar, the rest of the letter is written as though it was written by one person only. It continues ‘personally…I feel the only recourse is to law…with her history of assaults and the use of knives could lead to tragedy…Dr DA Jones has expressed his professional opinion that this lady poses a severe threat to him…the fact that she…has recently attempted to assault Dr DA Jones cannot be ignored…all the consultants would wish to see…a definite policy towards her….involve immediate police action…and recourse to an injunction both by the Health Authority and perhaps….through the Medical Defence Union…this lady is in fact a severe danger….it should be remembered that this lady has assaulted medical staff in the past….a tragedy could occur….’

So the Assistant Director of Nursing challenging Jones had resulted in the sending of letters from the consultant psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd stressing how severely dangerous I was, an opinion backed up by references to ‘assaults’ and ‘the use of knives’ – allegations which had previously been made by the psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd but had been demonstrated to be quite untrue when the police held investigations into these allegations. I note that Mr Campbell’s initial letter in which he was very clear that I was not a danger to anyone which so enraged Jones was not copied to Dr X or Dr Devakumar. Was this why they felt able to subsequently write lurid letters backing up Jones? There was clearly so much gossip and tittle tattle about me circulating around the mental health services that it would have been inconceivable that they hadn’t heard about Mr Campbell’s  letter, but if it hadn’t actually been copied to them they could plead ignorance. But a myth had been born – a myth of serious danger, of assaults and of attacks with knives. On 14 July Huw Thomas wrote to Jones thanking Jones for his letters ‘expressing your concern’ and telling him that Alun Davies was arranging a ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ on 15 July to ‘discuss the problem’. There are no documents in the files revealing who was invited to this ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ or who said what there – but in my experience when a multi-disciplinary meeting was held in the psychiatry dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd, it meant that social workers were invited too. What’s the betting that Keith Fearns attended this meeting to ‘discuss the problem?’

On 12 August 1988, by which time the multi-disciplinary meeting had presumably taken place, Mr PM Rees, an administrator from Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote me a letter in which he stated once again that they would not release my medical records. This letter makes reference to the letters that I had previously received from Keith Best MP and Mark Robinson (Under-Secretary of State for Wales) outlining the legal position ie. that doctors are usually willing to check the accuracy of records and that decisions as to whether they should be released rests with the doctor with responsibility for the patient’s care but the decision should be made in the patient’s best interests. (Which was very obviously not happening in my case.) The files also contain a copy of a letter from Alun Davies to me written in August 1988 refusing to release my records, again mentioning Mark Robinson and Keith Best.

People were clearly busy in August 1988. The files contain two letters that are both dated 24 August 1988. One was written by Dr X to Huw Thomas (General Manager, Gwynedd Health Authority).  This letter reveals that Dr X had acquired a new status – he signs the letter in his capacity as ‘Secretary to Consultant Psychiatrists’. Dr X refers to enclosing ‘relevant correspondence’ regarding me. He also refers to a letter from Mr Park, acting for AJ Beale, Solicitors to the Welsh Health Authorities, addressed to the District General Administrator, stating ‘it is with the advice of the Welsh Office that disclosure of the notes should only take place in the context of a Court Order under Section 33 or Section 34 of the Supreme Court Act 1981. It was then the Welsh Office had advised no disclosure of these notes together with the Medical Defence Union. It is the opinion of all the psychiatrists and the GP involved that disclosure of these notes would be harmful to the individual concerned…in view of the fact that this individual has a criminal record with two convictions for breach of the peace and assault…’ Dr X then mentions ‘two assaults against junior medical staff and an assault against a consultant psychiatrist recently…’  He then goes on to grumble that they’ve received no ‘legal guidance and protection’ and will therefore seek involvement of BMA representation. This letter which once more makes reference to assaults that never happened also manages to lie about my ‘criminal record’ – a criminal record that was only ever gained in the first place because Dr X and his colleagues insisted on pressing charges against me for ridiculous ‘offences’. This is then used to justify refusing me access to my records – records which we now know contained details of law breaking and the most unscrupulous behaviour by mental health professionals in collusion with numerous other people. Dr X copied this letter to Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Dr DA Jones, Dr DGE Wood (my former GP, who had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist, but who seemed to be still taking a very big interest me), Dr WB Davies (BMA) and Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority).

The other letter written on the same date was sent to Dr DJC Davies, Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority (who had been copied into Dr X’s letter described above), from Mr AH Chadwick of the BMA. Chadwick’s letter refers to a meeting in Dr DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988. This was the day after Dr X and Dr Devakumar sent the florid letter to Alun Davies regarding the danger that I posed to DA Jones, following Jones’s hissy fit when his idiocy had been challenged by the Assistant Director of Nursing. Chadwick writes ‘I expressed extreme concern re the antics of the above named lady. I also registered my concern with the apparent lack of positive involvement by the administrators at Ysbyty Gwynedd. I have today been requested by the four Consultant Psychiatrists for urgent assistance re the ongoing matter….received further alarming reports…informed of incidents of physical violence against both medical staff…there is an urgent need to arrange a meeting…between interested parties…legal representation from the Welsh Office and from the North Wales Constabulary are essential…If we do not receive a positive response to this letter by Friday 9 September we shall not hesitate to vigorously pursue this matter elsewhere.’

So the BMA were enlisted to exert yet more muscle regarding the battle against the ‘dangerous psychiatric patient’ – who happened to have made some very serious complaints about the people who were telling as many people as possible how dangerous she was. And those complaints had still not been investigated.

But the pressure was working. On 2 September Mr PM Rees wrote to Dr X about me. The letter refers to the letter that Dr X wrote to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) on 22 August and states that it ‘has been passed to me for my attention’. He continues ‘you will…be aware that Dr Cedric Davies has received a letter…from Mr Chadwick of the BMA. I enclose a copy of a letter I have today sent to Mr Chadwick…I am attempting to arrange a meeting with representatives of the Legal Dept and the North Wales Police as requested’. Mr Rees reiterates that there is ‘no intention’ to disclose my notes to me. This letter was copied to Huw Thomas as well as to the Chief Administrative Legal Officer and Alun Davies.

Mr PM Rees wrote another letter on 14 September, this time to Dr Devakumar, confirming that he had ‘as requested, through the BMA, arranged a meeting with Chief Inspector Parry of North Wales Police to discuss the problems posed by [me]’. Rees states that he hopes that Devakumar attends the meeting on 18 September. He continues ‘I have been in contact with the Authorities Legal Advisor Mr Andrew Park in the Welsh Office…[who] needs further information about [me]…he will be willing to travel to Bangor to discuss matters personally’. This letter was copied to the Chief Administrative Medical Officer, to Alun Davies and to AH Chadwick of the BMA.

All this was not sufficient for Alun Davies however. One of the documents from the files is a note from him dated 30 September in which he makes reference to an article that he has seen in the Times regarding ‘a new criminal offence – poison pen letters which may be appropriate for this particular case’. The files contain another (undated) document compiled by Alun Davies which seems to have been written about this time. This is a letter from Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, North Wales Police, Bangor, stating that he is enclosing ‘a copy of a letter’ from me to Jones. Davies makes reference to Parry ‘advising’ them recently.

 By this time the mental health services in north Wales might have had a reason to have been going into overdrive and working very hard to involve as many people as possible to promote the myth that I was a dangerous nutter who should not be believed at any costs. Because my complaints had not been investigated properly by either the Mental Health Act Commission or Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, I had requested an Independent Professional Review. I’m not sure if this option still exists in the UK NHS complaints procedure, but back then, if a serious complaint had not been resolved to the satisfaction of the patient, one could request an Independent Professional Review, in which the complaint would be reviewed by independent practitioners from outside the geographical area. I think that the granting of such a Review was discretionary – I seem to remember someone telling me that someone must have been very concerned at what had happened to me for me to have been granted an Independent Professional Review. I hoped that finally, some light would be shed on the appalling practices in north Wales. The man appointed to set up the Review was a Professor Robert Owen, a surgeon from Cardiff. I met Professor Owen and he gave me the impression of being someone who was very unhappy with what seemed to have been going on and who was determined to get to the bottom of it. I remember him commenting to me that ‘David Jones [Dafydd Alun Jones’s real name] may run rings around everyone else but he’s not going to run rings around me’. Internally I breathed a sigh of relief. However, something was happening that Brown always told me that he suspected was going on but that I had no evidence of until I read the newly released documents last week. Professor Owen was doing an awful lot of communicating with the people whom he was investigating and their colleagues.

The files reveal that on 28 November 1988 Dr X wrote to Dr DJ Jones, Area General Manager for  Clwyd Health Authority. Dr X makes reference to the fact that the Medical Ombudsman was now involved in my case ‘and that you are due to set up some form of enquiry into her care’. Dr X maintained that ‘consultation should take place between all parties because of the legal ramifications and history of assault…I enclose a summary of this lady’s behaviour up until August 1988. Since then Gwynedd Health Authority have met with Mr Park of the Welsh Office…Police are involved under the Malicious Communications Act…the Medical Defence Union are involved to enforce a High Court injunction’. Dr X expresses ‘concern’ that no contact regarding the enquiry has been made with Ysbyty Gwynedd or Brandt. He continues ‘the clinical notes should not be released to this patient by anybody…based on the advice of the Welsh Office Legal Department…it is felt by medical staff that serious harm might result to the patient and to others if they were released in any form…we would all be grateful for a clarification as to the nature and scope of the enquiry by the Ombudsman…I would be happy to provide any information as I am sure other colleagues would….it is important that he seeks it prior to proceeding any further…’ Dr X then bangs on about the risk that I was to staff. This letter was copied to Dr DJC Davies, Dr DA Jones, Alun Davies, Dr WB Davies (BMA) and the Medical Defence Union. So Dr X, who by now had a track record of making serious allegations about me that everyone, himself included, knew were not true, was offering ‘information’ to the enquiry and indeed stating that the Ombudsman shouldn’t proceed further until he had sought this ‘information’. Dr X introduces in this letter another allegation – that of police involvement under the Malicious Communications Act. I have never been charged with any offence under that Act – presumably my communications were not considered malicious enough. Dr X mentions the involvement of the Medical Defence Union to enforce an injunction – yet I have copies of letters demonstrating that Dr X was ignoring the advice of lawyers from the MDU with regard to this.

 Another document constitutes Gwynedd Health Authority notes made at a meeting held with the Welsh Office Legal Dept on 14 December 1988 regarding me. The following people were present at this meeting: Alun Davies, A Park (solicitor, from the Legal Dept at the Welsh Office), Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr DA Jones, Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer, Gwynedd Health Authority), Mr G Palmer (Chief Administrative Nursing Officer), Mr D Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing), a nursing officer, Chief Inspector G Lloyd (North Wales Police), Robin Williams (administrator). Dr X and Dafydd Alun Jones ‘outlined in detail to Mr Park their involvement with [me[‘. Chief Inspector G Lloyd mentioned the Malicious Communications Act and stated that mail from me should be referred to the police ‘with a view to prosecuting [me] under this legislation’. Mr Park advised an injunction.

 So the people whom I had complained about or had vigorously supported those whom I had complained about all had a meeting with the legal representative from the Welsh Office and were offering ‘information’ to the man charged with setting up the investigation into my complaint. Mr Park from the Welsh Office was a lawyer – presumably he was therefore aware of how often the mental health services had broken the law in my case.

 But the mental health services clearly didn’t feel that they’d done quite enough to cover their tracks just yet. On 20 December 1988 Alun Davies wrote to PM Rees stating that he was forwarding my case notes and correspondence to Professor Owen. Davies states in this letter that before I was admitted to Denbigh, Dr DA Jones saw me at Bangor Police Station. This is not true. Jones did not see me or assess me in any way before I was admitted to Denbigh – he only turned up to speak to me several days after I’d been admitted. So Jones did of course break the law – people can only be detained under the Mental Health Act after they have been assessed by the appropriate people. No-one assessed me at all. So Professor Owen was about to be told another whopper.

An internal memorandum from Alun Davies dated 22 December 1988 was sent to the following people: Dr X, Mrs J Evans (who I think was a lawyer), a nursing officer, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees. Davies states ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me] to Clwyd Health Authority who in turn referred the matter to the Welsh Office Complaints Dept. Prof Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore invite you to a meeting…on 4 Jan 1989….’ Davies notes that if anyone’s unable to attend, another date will be arranged.

So Professor Owen was appointed by the Welsh Office to investigate my complaint – after lawyers employed by the same Welsh Office had spent many, many months providing legal advice to the people that I was complaining about and telling them that under no circumstances should they release my records to me.

But there was someone else who was also keen to speak to Professor Owen. On 29 December 1988, Debra Lewis, secretary to Alun Davies, sent a letter to Professor Owen. In the letter she explained that she had been contacted by Dr DGE Wood, who couldn’t attend the meeting. (Regular readers will remember that it was DGE Wood who effectively started the ball rolling regarding me and the mental health services. Whilst I was still an undergrad, Wood had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams, a retired lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Wood subsequently told me that I ‘wasn’t allowed’ to complain when I raised extreme dissatisfaction with Williams.) Wood had left a message for Professor Owen telling him that Wood ‘has many details and correspondence he would like to discuss with you’. Wood was so keen to discuss these details and correspondence with Professor Owen that he provided a phone number and details of the morning which he’d left free in his diary in order for Prof Owen to ring him. I noticed something else interesting on this letter, which was sent to Prof Owen’s home address. I had assumed that Prof Owen lived in or near Cardiff. But he didn’t – he lived at Colwyn Bay. Not a million miles away from Denbigh. And in the area that was at that time covered by Clwyd Health Authority. So Professor Owen would have known all about Denbigh and Jones and the horrifying anecdotes doing the rounds locally. He would also have been living in close proximity to all the senior people in Clwyd Health Authority and may well have mixed with them socially.

So clearly the land was being carefully prepared for the ‘Independent’ Professional Review, which took place in March 1989. I shall blog about this soon.

 Previously this blog has discussed the emerging links between the problem of the serious abuse of children in care that was pervasive in north Wales and the problems in the mental health services in the region. Richard Webster wrote a now notorious book ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’ some years ago in which he maintained that the ‘secret’ was that there was no paedophile ring at all and that Bryn Estyn was merely another rather mediocre children’s home. Webster died a few years ago, but a blog that he wrote is still available online and is obviously being maintained by someone. This blog’s purpose seems to be to throw mud at Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse that was happening. However, Webster’s blog very helpfully provides a ‘North Wales Timeline’ which lists a series of dates on which various events happened https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/

It is interesting to compare the dates of certain happenings on Webster’s timeline with happenings in my life at those times. For example, at about the time when Jones was unlawfully banging me up in Denbigh, Alison Taylor was being investigated and was then suspended by her employers, Gwynedd Social Services. At about the same time that Alison Taylor was telling Margaret Thatcher that there was serious abuse happening in children’s services managed by the social services in north Wales, I was writing to Thatcher’s Ministers alleging that serious abuses were happening in the mental health services in north Wales. Alison Taylor was dismissed by Gwynedd County Council just a few weeks before Lucille Hughes busied herself writing letters about me and asking Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, if he had any ‘advice’ regarding me. At the beginning of 1988 Alison Taylor wrote to Tony Newton, the Health Minister, describing a brutal assault that she’d witnessed. At the beginning of 1988 Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns started taking a very big interest in gathering ‘information’ about me in partnership with people from the mental health services with a view to bringing the full force of the law down upon my head despite the noticeable lack of serious crimes for which I had been convicted. Webster’s timeline also mentions that in 1988 Gordon Anglesea, the notorious former North Wales police officer who was last year imprisoned for abusing youngsters in care in north Wales but who has since died in prison, was promoted to Superintendent in the North Wales force in Colwyn Bay. The HQ of the North Wales Police was at that time in Colwyn Bay. As was Professor Owen. Webster’s timeline also mentions a man called Frank Beck, and notes that an investigation into Beck’s offending began in March 1989. Beck was a social worker in Leicester who was later convicted of serious offences against children. Allegations of organised child abuse in Leicester were made, involving other people as well as Beck, including Lord Greville Janner, a former Leicester MP. After Beck was convicted, a report was compiled that was highly critical of the management of Leicester Social Services in the 1070s and 80s. Social services work hand in hand with the mental health services in the UK. The first ‘independent expert’ who wrote a court report about me regarding my problems with the mental health services in north Wales who seemed to miss what was staring him in the face was Dr James Earp. Earp worked in Leicester.

I want to relate one more memory here that always troubles me. Readers may remember that some of the correspondence about me detailed in this post was copied to a man called Rob Evans, Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services. I met Rob Evans in person many years later when I eventually discovered the extent of Keith Fearns’s intervention in my life and complained about it. It was very obvious to me that Keith Fearns could have had Rob Evans for breakfast. As Rob Evans flailed around trying to find excuses for Fearn’s dreadful behaviour, he gave me a little speech about how practice in social work changes. As an example, Evans told me that when he worked in child ‘protection’, he used to take away the children’s shoes because if he didn’t they’d run away from the children’s home. Much more recently, I was reading the evidence that the people who were abused in children’s homes in north Wales gave at the trials. One man remembered not being able to run away from the home where he was being molested because his shoes had been taken away.

 

 

 

 

A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears

My blog post ‘Behind The Scenes – At The North Wales Hospital’ describes how my very serious complaints about the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Dr Dafydd Alun Jones were never investigated either by the authorities at Denbigh or the Mental Health Acts Commission and my blog post ‘Massive Over-Reaction – Or Something To Hide’ details the flurry of letters that were being exchanged about me between Dr X at Ysbyty Gwynedd, the Medical Defence Union and the Welsh Office.

This blog post will describe how the ‘concerns’ about me rapidly escalated into a serious smear campaign and how that, unbeknown to me at the time, the Mental Health Act Commission was clearly colluding with the mental health services in north Wales rather than investigating my complaints and protecting my rights in the face of some very abusive people who had broken the law repeatedly.

On the 17th September 1986 I had been sectioned overnight at Ysbyty Gwynedd. I had complained to the hospital authorities – and later to the Mental Health Act Commission – about this incident because the people who sectioned me were very obviously grossly incompetent. One was a registrar, a Dr Perera, whose language difficulties were such that he had great trouble understanding me – he also misquoted the law on a number of points. The social worker involved was a Jackie Brandt from Gwynedd Social Services (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’) who witnessed Perera’s difficulties but did not intervene, even when I directly asked her to find me an English speaking doctor because this one couldn’t understand what I was saying. Brandt giggled and said that he was the only doctor that they had. Halfway through this ‘assessment’, Dr X walked in and asked Brandt to meet him outside the room. She returned shortly after and stated that ‘she’ had decided that I should be sectioned. I was taken up to one of the psychiatric wards where soon after Alun Davies (an administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd who later became manager of the Hergest Unit) entered my room without knocking (I was changing my clothes and my jeans were still undone) and smugly announced that he was sorry ‘that it had come to this’. I’m not sure how sorry he was because some weeks earlier Davies had told me that if I continued to arrive at Ysbyty Gwynedd requesting my notes I’d be sectioned.  The next morning I was told that there was a Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to see me. This was my first encounter with Jones. During the meeting he felt able to tell me that if I agreed to leave the hospital immediately he’d let me go but if I came back to ask for my records again I’d be arrested. I was due to start an MSc in London very soon after this and it was quite clear to me that these people were prepared to do pretty much anything, so I left the hospital and returned to my place on Anglesey.

On 15th June 1987 David Ewart, from the Mental Health Act Commission, wrote to Barry Shingles (the manager of Ysbyty Gwynedd) referring to a ‘long communication’ that the Commission had received from me, concerning my detention at Ysbyty Gwynedd and my subsequent detention at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I had tried to detail to the Mental Health Act Commission all the breaches of good practice, policy and law that had occurred. Ewart requested evidence regarding the circumstances of my admission to Ysbyty Gwynedd, in particular evidence regarding Perera’s ability to communicate. Ewart also asked whether a report was compiled by Brandt. On the 24 June Mr D. Hinchcliffe (the administrator at Denbigh) wrote to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones telling him that he too had heard from the Mental Health Act Commission regarding my detention at Denbigh and was asking Jones for information.

At the same time as these letters between the Mental Health Act Commission and the north Wales mental health services were being exchanged, there were also letters circulating regarding my complaint to the authorities at Denbigh. On 22nd June Mr Hinchcliffe wrote to me telling me that Jones was offering to meet me at Ysbyty Gwynedd to discuss my complaint (I have explained in a previous blog post how Jones flatly refused to correspond with me regarding my complaint.)

There is a further letter from Ewart to Shingles asking for a response to his earlier letter regarding my complaint, so the first letter from the Mental Health Act Commission was obviously ignored. There are also a number of letters that refer to Dafydd Alun Jones failing to respond to correspondence from the Mental Health act Commission.

On July 6th 1987, Alun Davies wrote a letter to Dr X requesting information regarding the occasion on which I was sectioned at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Dr X then responded to Amanda Lloyd (who was standing in for Alun Davies) with his version of the circumstances in which I was sectioned by Perera and Brandt. It is interesting. Dr X states that I ‘was mentally disturbed and insisting on having her notes. Her talk was irrational and she seemed sufficiently disturbed for [Perera], after consultation with me, to admit her…because of her long-standing history of complaints about her treatment it was felt that the registrar…should make an emergency section order for her. With regards to the comments about the doctor, she was in a disturbed state at the time and obviously was not sufficiently aware of the circumstances…she was assessed by…Dr D.A. Jones who felt that she had settled down some days later. Alun Davies…was party to and aware of the circumstances of the admission and was involved in the discussion as to what would be the correct action to take with her…’

On 21 July 1987 Alun Davies replied to Ewart, giving him the same story that Dr X had given Amanda Lloyd, using exactly the same phrases. Davies had added that whilst Perera was not British ‘his English is good and he is approved under section 12 of the Mental Health Act’. Davies stated that my ‘rights’ ‘were explained to her by myself’ and that Brandt did not complete a report. (Among the documents that I have in my possession is a letter that Davies wrote many years later admitting that Perera had language difficulties. I was also told that Perera was sacked by Ysbyty Gwynedd for incompetence not long after he was involved in sectioning me and was subsequently unable to secure another position.)

On 6 August 1987 Ewart writes a truly extraordinary response to Davies’s letter. He tells Davies that they ‘understand’ that I am in Risley Remand Centre! Ewart then goes on to say ‘so we have written to her (at her home address) stating that we understand that she was due to see Dr D.A. Jones at the end of July’. Ewart then asks Davies why a social work report was not completed by Brandt. So Ewart had obviously been in touch with Denbigh as well but had wrongly been told (by them?) that I was in Risley – presumably if Ewart believed this he would have known that I would not receive a letter sent to my home address.

On 13 August 1987 Davies writes an equally bizarre letter in reply. He states that I was presently on bail from Bangor Magistrates Court following an incident at the hospital on 21 July when I was charged with threatening behaviour. Davies states that I’d broken my bail conditions and as a consequence I may have been arrested and detained at Risley. He then goes on to explain that Brandt hadn’t supplied a report because the situation was ‘an emergency’ so they considered that a report wasn’t necessary. Where the rumour that I was in Risley had come from I do not know. I was on bail but I hadn’t broken the bail conditions. The reason that I was on bail was as follows: I turned up at Ysbyty Gwynedd on 21 July to meet Jones to discuss my complaint as had been arranged. Jones wasn’t there. Instead a junior doctor who I did not know arrived in Jones’s place, stated that he knew nothing about my complaint and started to ask me questions about my mental health. He then contacted the police and told them that I’d tried to stab him. Interestingly enough, whilst I was at Bangor Police Station being interviewed regarding this attempted ‘stabbing’, the policeman interviewing me observed that ‘they’re all conspiring against you up there’ – fortunately a nursing officer had made a statement that contradicted the florid allegations made by the junior doctor.

I was charged with threatening behaviour rather than attempting to stab anyone and bailed. At that time I was living in Leicester with Brown, so I’d returned there. It was at this point that Brown sought advice from a friend who was a mental health social worker, so horrified was he at events in north Wales (please see blog post ‘The Mysterious Silence of MIND’ for details). Brown also rang my solicitor to ask if the junior doctor could be charged with perjury, but my solicitor explained that he could only be charged with perjury if he swore in the statement in court – when he discovered that the nursing officer had made a statement that contradicted his account, he withdrew his statement. So there was no comeback at all for him despite the whoppers that he told the police.

On 25 August 1987 Mr Hinchcliffe wrote to Jones telling him that ‘once again’ I was attempting to pursue my complaint about Denbigh and he suggests that they await advice from a Dr D. Egdell – a senior figure in Clwyd Health Authority – before replying to me.

On 7 September 1987 Dr X wrote to Dr D.J.C. Davies, Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, addressing him informally as ‘Cedric’. Dr X states that I had carried out a ‘second assault on junior medical staff’ and that he had made an appointment with the Medical Defence Union to seek a High Court injunction against me. He also tells Cedric that he intends to claim his travelling expenses for this trip from Gwynedd Health Authority. At the time that he wrote this letter to Cedric, Dr X knew perfectly well that I had not been convicting of assaulting anyone, junior doctors or otherwise – two such allegations had been made, but both allegations had to be withdrawn when it became clear that I hadn’t assaulted them.

On 11 September Ewart wrote to Alun Davies telling him that the Mental Health Act Commission ‘would be pleased to hear the outcome of the hearing at the Magistrates Court on 18 August 1987 if this is known to you, as [I continued] to be in correspondence with the Commission’.

On the 22 September Dr X wrote a letter to Alun Davies that was even more lurid than his letter to Cedric. He expresses his ‘extreme concern’ about me, stating (once more) that I had ‘made two serious assaults on junior medical staff’. He mentions the possibility of me committing suicide and then goes on to state that I have made ‘threats of suicide and severe physical attacks upon staff and these threats have always been carried out…and must be taken seriously to avoid a tragedy’. (Dr X does not explain why I was still alive if my previous threats of suicide had always been carried out.) Dr X ends his letter by saying that I hadn’t lived in Gwynedd for two years so there was no need for me ever to be seen in the dept. (I hadn’t actually lived in Gwynedd for one year, but I found this letter interesting because I’d saw a letter many years ago written by Dr X in which he’d used exactly the same argument to deny mental health care to someone else who’d been a patient at Ysbyty Gwynedd -for details please see blog post ‘Another Case of Not Knowing’.)

Attached to this letter from Dr X is a further note in which he states that he had now heard from the MDU solicitors, Hempsons, and that he’d obtained an injunction against me, banning me from a five mile radius around Ysbyty Gwynedd. He points out that therefore if I was offered any appointments by the mental health services in Bangor I’d be in breach of the injunction. Dr X did indeed obtain an injunction against me – it was an ex-parte injunction, so I didn’t know that he had applied for it and thus I couldn’t defend against it. He did of course obtain this injunction by making references to all these assaults that he had absolutely no evidence for and numerous other references to my general madness, whilst implying that he was an experienced psychiatrist who was very skilled at handling crazy people but I was too much even for him…

But Dr X had clearly been busy. He also wrote another letter on September 22 1987. This letter was to Alun Davies and surpasses all others. It is an absolute tirade regarding the fact that I had found out about the numerous allegations of Dafydd Alun Jones’s sexual misconduct with patients and the many complaints about him (please see blog post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’) Dr X wrote that it ‘is having an extremely disturbing effect upon professional relationships. There is no doubt…that information is being disclosed to her from [Ysbyty Gwynedd, North Wales Hospital or the Mental Health Act Commission] which I would have thought was a breach of professional relationships and highly improper…it is important that the source of information is identified and disciplinary measures are taken to stop this improper action. The information giver seemingly has malicious intent and is in fact only serving to disturb a situation which could end up in a criminal offence taking place…[I am] taking this action on behalf not just of myself but of colleagues, including deceased colleagues, who have suffered from this external abuse which has now become a legal matter. I would have thought that such unauthorised disclosures about colleagues would have been the subject of a severe disciplinary matter within the NHS if it turns out that information is being given to this very disturbed individual…’ Dr X was clearly a very worried man. It is interesting that he presumes that some rebel member of the mental health services had been divulging information – he’ll never know this now because Dr X killed himself a few years ago, but the people who had told me about Jones’s activities at that point were not NHS staff or mental health professionals employed in north Wales. Jones had made such a nuisance of himself that there was no shortage of women – or their partners – who alleged that they had first-hand accounts of his conduct….I note Dr X’s description of me as a ‘very disturbed individual’. ‘Dame’ Margaret Hodge made exactly the same comment about a man who dared complain that he had been a victim of the paedophile ring that operated in Islington children’s homes when Hodge was the leader of the Council.

In October 1987 Alun Davies wrote a letter to David Ewart.  Davies was  writing to request a ‘meeting between representatives of this authority and the commissioners to discuss the way forward in dealing with [me]. Davies complains that in my letters I was ‘using derogatory terms to describe members of staff within the Authority’. He makes reference to the allegation that I’d threatened a junior medical examiner with a knife. He expresses concern that I might attempt suicide at his hospital and that is ‘now making us reconsider as to whether or not we ought to be taking out a separate injunction against [me]’. Davies then reasons that there is a problem with this plan in that it would not actually stop me walking into the building and attempting suicide. He does however observe that an injunction would stop me writing letters to the Health Authority. Davies explains to Ewart that my main request is for my medical records and he reiterates that the only way that they will ever release them to me is though the Courts and only then possibly by having the notes referred to an independent medical arbitrator. Davies observes that it is difficult for him to pinpoint specific issues that they want to discuss with the Commissioners – but they would like to share with the Commissioners the correspondence that I’d written to the Commission and the information that the Commission had given me.

None of my complaints were ever resolved by the Health Authorities involved or by the Mental Health Act Commission. Since reading these documents I now know why. There was ample documentary evidence that the Mental Health Act had been grossly abused and the law broken repeatedly. It was very clear that I was sectioned – twice – for daring to complain about the mental health services. Documentation was not in order. Barefaced lies were told in an attempt to bring very serious charges against me and these lies were then presented as ‘facts’ and further documented even after it was admitted that there was no evidence and the charges were dropped. Dr X was very obviously making increasingly hysterical allegations against me in an attempt to smear me as I discovered more and more wrongdoing in north Wales. He then seems to have decided that the best way of resolving the problem was to stop me from even writing to anyone to pursue my complaints. Everyone seems to have believed that I was a suicide risk but their main preoccupation was that this mustn’t happen on their patch. As for the Mental Health Act Commission – in the face of evidence that the most dreadful abuses were taking place, they were exchanging chummy letters and information with Alun Davies and were not even following up Jones’s flat refusal to respond to their letters. All the correspondence involved was being copied to numerous people, some of them occupying the most senior positions in the Health Authorities – none of them could plead ignorance regarding what was going on. The irony is that Dr X sought legal ‘protection’ from the Medical Defence Union and legal advisors funded by them. Those lawyers were shown the letters from me that upset Dr X so much and will have been fully aware of just how unlawful the practices that I was describing were.

Previous blog posts have mentioned that some of the people and organisations that were subsequently identified as playing a role in the north Wales child abuse scandal had also been mentioned on my own records. Upon reading the documents from the files released by my lawyers last week, it became clear that although I didn’t realise it at the time, all hell was obviously breaking out in the authorities of Clwyd and Gwynedd during 1986-87. There were obviously a lot of very desperate people prepared to do some very extreme things. Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the paedophile ring that operated across Gwynedd and Clwyd, made her first allegation in 1986. She was dismissed in 1987. Of course, Alison Taylor’s allegations didn’t go away and events snowballed.

Events snowballed where I was concerned as well – by 1988 a lot of people, some of whom I’d never heard of, were planning something very unpleasant for me which I never knew about until a few days ago. This will be the subject of future blog posts…