Conference At Cold Comfort Farm

Whilst searching for more information regarding matters such as the sorry state of the UK’s prisons and miscarriages of justice recently, I came across a news report from 1997 which stated that paedophile gangs were operating within prisons. What had happened was that paedophiles had been sentenced, but then their young victims had ended up in prison alongside their assailants, after the victims had been criminalised and jailed for less serious offences. That was certainly what seemed to be happening at Risley Remand Centre back in the 1980s.

No matter how many shock horror reports, no matter how many lessons will be learned, pledges for change etc, matters in the prison service and mental health services do not ever improve, even in the face of so much ‘expertise’. I maintain that it is because everyone who would implement change is excluded at a junior level. There are no original thinkers in the pool from which the ‘leaders’ and ‘advisers’ are drawn. The ‘leaders’ have only made it into the selection pool by spending their careers keeping quiet about abuse and wrongdoing. Not that Gov’t wants anyone who will expose the rot. The structure is so threadbare that if one gave a loose thread a tug, the whole system would unravel.

Those who are going to effect change are also drawn from a pool of people with remarkably similar backgrounds and CVs. So I thought that in this post I’d take a look at some of those who’s vision was going to effect change in the prison system.

When the Indie reported on the paedophile gangs operating within prisons, David Ramsbotham was HMI Chief Inspector of Prisons for England and Wales. Ramsbotham was in post 1995-01.

David Ramsbotham was the son of a clergyman, John Ramsbotham, who became the Bishop of Wakefield, retiring in 1967. John Ramsbotham is one of the generation of senior clergyman whom we now know colluded with a massive child abuse problem within the Church of England.

David Ramsbotham was educated at Haileybury and the Imperial Service College. Ramsbotham entered the Army to do National Service and was commissioned into the Royal Artillary in 1953. After National Service, he retained a TA commission and then completed a degree at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge. 

In 1958 Ramsbotham was appointed to a regular Army commission. He served in Borneo during the Indonesia-Malaysia confrontation, Dec 1965-66. By 1971 Ramsbotham had achieved the rank of Lt Col and from 1970-73 he served as Military Assistant to the Chief of the General Staff, Sir (Later Lord) Field Marshal Michael Carver. Ramsbotham commanded a battalion of the Royal Green Jackets in N Ireland from 1974-75. By the end of 1978, Ramsbotham had achieved the rank of Brigadier and served again in N Ireland, commanding a brigade based in Belfast from June 1978 and was appointed CBE for his service there in the operational honours of Oct 1980.

David Ramsbotham will know a great deal about shoot to kill, the torture and sometimes murder of suspects, the law breaking that was associated with internment, the miscarriages of justice in N Ireland, the internal wars between different factions of the security services and of course the identity of those who were abusing boys at the Kincora Boys Home, as well as about the activities of the paedophile child psychiatrist who was linked to Kincora, Dr Morris Fraser, who was afforded complete protection by the British establishment.

As the British Army’s Director of PR, 1982–84, Ramsbotham leaked documents to a journalist which showed that prior to the Falklands War, the Army had developed a comprehensive plan for dealing with the media, but it had been overlooked; the Army was subsequently criticised for not having done such planning.

Ramsbotham commanded the 3rd Armoured Division for a period prior to March 1987. In April 1987 he was appointed Commander UK Field Army and Inspector General of the TA.

Ramsbotham stepped down as Commander of the Field Army in August 1990 and received a further honorary appointment as ADC Gen to Lilibet on 3 Dec 1990, which he held until his retirement from the Army. On 27 December 1990 Ramsbotham was appointed Adjutant-General. This period included the UK involvement in the Gulf War; he retired from the Army in July 1993. In Dec 1995 Ramsbotham became Chief Inspector of Prisons for England and Wales.

Ramsbotham had a ‘strained relationship’ with the Home Secretaries in office during his tenure – Michael Howard and Jack Straw – and this contributed to his contract not being continued for the full eight years that had originally been possible.

In 2005 Ramsbotham was given a peerage and he sits as a crossbencher.  Ramsbotham is Chairman of the Koestler Awards scheme as well as Vice-Chair of both the All Party Penal Affairs Group and the All Party Parliamentary Group for Learning and Skills in the Criminal Justice System. He is President of UNLOCK, the National Association of Ex-Offenders and an Ambassador for the Prison Advice and Care Trust (PACT). Ramsbotham is a Trustee and Vice-Chairman of the charity Institute for Food, Brain and Behaviour.

The primary focus of the Institute for Food, Brain and Behaviour (IFBB) is the commissioning of research into how food, nutrition and diet can affect brain function and behaviour. Former Trustees include Hugh Montefiore, the 3rd Earl Henry Kitchener, Baroness Susan Greenfield and Rev Nicholas Frayling.

Hugh Montefiore, Chairman and Trustee of the IFBB, was Bishop of Kingston-upon-Thames, 1970-78 and then Bishop of Birmingham, 1978-87. Nicholas Frayling is also a clergyman who worked in Peckham, Tooting and Liverpool when organised trafficking gangs operated in those areas. Montefiore and Frayling must have known at least something of what was going on.

Susan Greenfield spent a few years as the media’s idea of a wonderful advert for wimmin in science and there were many articles published about the feminist scientist who wore leather and short skirts. Greenfield played the journos for all that she could, most of them had no knowledge of pharmacology or biochemistry and obviously saw Greenfield as some sort of Einstein. Greenfield’s colleagues are less wowed and she has stood accused of publishing theories without the evidence to back them up. Susan Greenfield was appointed Director of the Royal Institution in 1998 and more gushing articles followed. Within a few short years there was the most enormous ding dong, with Greenfield being accused of complete incompetence and wasting millions of quid and Greenfield responding that her accusers were a bunch of old farts in possession of testicles. Then the writs began flying. Whatever went on must have been really bad because the post of Director of the Royal Institution was subsequently abolished, just in case Susan came back again.

After the disaster at the Royal Institution, Susan rocked up in the Lords as a people’s peer. When reading about Susan, I had the most terrible shock. I thought that Blair rang up his mates to invite them to become people’s peers, but it’s worse than that. People’s peers are ‘self-nominated’, as indeed was Susan. No wonder the people’s peers are all narcissistic loonies, they’ve applied to be peers themselves, they haven’t even been chosen. So that’s why the Lords is now so obviously the House of the Sharp-Elbowed and Mediocre. I think that I might contact hundreds of dinner ladies, cleaners and service users and encourage them all to nominate themselves as people’s peers. They can bang on about empowering wimmin just as well as Susan Greenfield can and they’ll be able to cook a dinner for a family of five at the same time.

Lord Henry Kitchener, former President and Trustee of the IFBB, was a physicist who spent most of his working life with ICI in Cheshire and was President of the Organic Food Society. He was a Freemason who was initiated in 1947 and rose to senior rank, serving as Senior Grand Warden of the United Grand Lodge of England. In 1972 Lord Kitchener was Deputy Lieutenant of Cheshire. Which rather puts him at the scene of the crimes and cover-up re Dafydd, Sir Peter Morrison and the gang. Kitchener was a friend of Bertrand Russell’s son Lord Conrad Russell (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’). Bertrand Russell spent the last 25 years of his life living in north Wales and was friends with the Welsh Bloomsbury set based at Cwm Croesor who knew about Gwynne, Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’).

Henry Kitchener was a Page of Honour at the coronation of George VI. His niece Emma Joy Kitchener, a Lady-in-Waiting to HRH Princess Michael of Kent, married Julian Fellowes of gratuitous snobbery and ‘Downton Abbey’ fame. In 1998 the Fellowes family changed its surname from Fellowes to Kitchener-Fellowes, because that sounds even posher and it also means that now Julian Fellowes can stress that he’s related to Lord Kitchener of Khartoum, the butcher of WWI and inventor of the concentration camp.

Henry was known to have explained to people that an hereditary peerage was much better than a mere life peerage and that he took his right to sit in the Lords very seriously, although by his own admission he was ‘just too lazy’ to attend the Lords much before his retirement.

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Every little helps – there’s a paedophile gang with links to Parliament and the Royal Family to be concealed!

Because Henry Kitchener was unmarried with no male heirs, his title died with him in 2011. Julian Fellowes was outraged at this waste of a good Earldom and publicly expressed his dissatisfaction that the proposals to change the rules of royal succession were not extended to hereditary peerages, which had they been would have allowed his wife to succeed her uncle as The Countess Kitchener. Emma was in danger of remaining plain old Lady Fellowes – or perhaps Lady Kitchener-Fellowes because of course they’d changed their name – as a result of being married to Lord Julian, only a life peer himself. Which is so naff that one might as well be in trade. Here he is, common as muck:

The Lord Fellowes of West Stafford
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Fellowes stated: “I find it ridiculous that, in 2011, a perfectly sentient adult woman has no rights of inheritance whatsoever when it comes to a hereditary title”. Fortunately for Julian and Emma, Lilibet came to the rescue. On 9 May 2012, Lilibet issued a Royal Warrant of Precedence granting Lady Emma the same rank and style as the daughter of an Earl, as would have been due to her if her late father had survived his brother and therefore succeeded to the earldom. Specifically it declared that Lady Fellowes “shall henceforth have, hold and enjoy the same title, rank, place, pre-eminence and precedence as a daughter of an Earl” and “succeeded to the title and dignity of Earl Kitchener of Khartoum and Broome.”

Much as I am touched by the sudden outburst of the desire for gender equality on the part of Julian Fellowes and Lilibet, where ‘dignity’ enters into the hissy fit of a man who writes laughable dramas for TV because he has realised that his wife cannot inherit the title of a man who concealed the crimes of Dafydd, I cannot imagine. Now how was that well-known Women’s Libber Lilibet persuaded to intervene in this matter I wonder?

Peter Morrison

Sir Peter Morrison, former Tory MP for Chester, celebrity paedophile and brother of Dame Mary Morrison, Woman-of-the Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Major General His Grace The Duke of Westminster, President of the City of Chester Conservative Association when Sir Peter Morrison was the constituency MP
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Carlo, Chancellor of UCNW and close friend of the Duke of Westminster.

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones
The man who exerted massive influence over UCNW while Carlo was Chancellor and who tried to embezzle a few thousand quid from the institution. It really is appalling as I am sure that Carlo would agree.

 

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‘These women are only bloody feminists because they’re too fat and ugly to get a man.’

IFBB’s Science Fellows include Kathleen Taylor, a neuroscientist based at Oxford University. One of Taylor’s research areas is ‘the neuroscience of belief’. I wish you all the best with that one Kathleen, perhaps your research will equal that of some of your colleagues who have told us all that MRI scans show which parts of the brain are responsible for ‘love’ and ‘compassion’ and how these areas experience increased activity after the owners of the brains have done a bit of Mindfulness. Look, the brain areas are lighting up! The MRI scanning machines are obviously in on Prof Mark Williams’s research fraud as well then (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’).

Kathleen’s 2004 book ‘Brainwashing: The Science of Thought Control’ was shortlisted by MIND for their 2005 ‘book of the year’. In 2005 MIND were concealing the abuse and deaths of patients at the Hergest Unit in Ysbyty Gwynedd, as well as in other institutions. Both National MIND were involved, as were MIND Cymru. I rang MIND Cymru in 2005 and told one Ruth Coombs, who I think was their Director of Policy, that I had evidence of the serious abuse of mental health patients in Wales. She was all ears and asked me where. I replied ‘the Hergest Unit’ and I heard her whisper ‘Oh my God’ before putting the phone down on me. Ruth subsequently became Director of MIND Cymru and then the Head of the British Heart Foundation in Wales. See post ‘The Mysterious Silence Of MIND’.

Ruth Coombs has climbed ever higher and is now ‘Head of Wales’ no less at the Equality and Human Rights Commission. Ruth has worked in partnership with the Children’s Commissioner for Wales to produce an ‘anti-bullying resource’ for use in secondary schools in Wales. MIND Cymru recently featured on TV in Wales as being an organisation with a serious workplace bullying problem. This blog also received accounts and evidence of bullying and misconduct from horrified former MIND Cymru staff (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’) and I was subsequently harassed and threatened by MIND Cymru as they tried to force me to remove my posts about them.

Robin Holden, a man with a very cosy relationship with Dafydd who formerly worked as an Angel at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and as a senior manager for the Gwynedd Community Health Trust whilst patients died and were fitted up for crimes by the staff and when serious complaints when uninvestigated and documentation was forged, is now an executive with MIND Cymru (see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’).

The Office of Children’s Commissioner for Wales was established on the recommendation of no less than that of Sir Ronald Waterhouse. Since it’s creation it has been managed and run substantially by paedophiles’ friends. One senior social worker employed by the Children’s Commissioner was the daughter of an Angel at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who had been a close friend of Dafydd’s daughter when they were teenagers. See post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’.

The Equality and Human Rights Commission has a long and proud tradition of appointing Commissioners who have presided over the abuse of vulnerable people, such as Dr Rachel Perkins (see post ‘BMA Calling, BMA Calling’), who was the Clinical Director of Springfield Hospital when that hospital colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and concealed another linked paedophile gang in south London (see posts ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’ and ‘The Most Dangerous Man In the World – Part III’).

Kathleen Taylor’s 2009 book, ‘Cruelty: Human Evil and the Human Brain’ examined human cruelty from ‘the points of view of biology and sociology’. Whereas this blog has examined human cruelty as inflicted by MIND and the many people with who’s crimes MIND have colluded or concealed.

 

The Institute for Food, Brain and Behaviour seems to have spent some years disguised as something else. It began life in 1984 as South Cumbria Alternative Sentencing Options. It was founded to investigate whether nutrition could play a role in minimising recidivism in young offenders, but that aim doesn’t readily come to mind if one talks of ‘alternative sentencing options’. The organisation became Natural Justice in 1991, which again does not sound as though it is an organisation investigating links between nutrition and offending behaviour. Natural Justice metamorphosed into the Institute for Food, Brain and Behaviour (IFBB) in 2010.

The Institute has a collaborative research programme with Oxford University. It facilitated a £1.4 million research project in three prisons funded by the Wellcome Trust. The Wellcome Trust funded Professor Mark Williams and Professor Sarah-Jayne Blakemore to conduct a big Mindfulness research project. Sarah-Jayne is the helpful neuroscientist upon whom Mark Williams is relying to give Mindfulness scientific credibility. Sarah-Jayne’s dad is the Oxford Professor Colin Blakemore, who was formerly Chief Executive of the MRC, which gives Oxford University a great deal of funding. Colin Blakemore had to wait a very long time for his knighthood because his animal work was felt to be so gratuitously cruel, even by other researchers carrying out animal work. For further details of Sarah-Jayne and Colin Blakemore’s network, see post ‘They Are MYRIAD, They Are Legion’.

The Wellcome funded study for the IFBB commenced in Jan 2008 with Professor John Stein –  a Trustee of the IFBB and Chair of the IFBB’s Science Advisory Council – of Oxford University as Principal Investigator. John Stein was the PhD supervisor of Daniel Wolpert, who was the PhD supervisor of Sarah-Jayne Blakemore (see post ‘They Are MYRIAD, They Are Legion’). Sarah-Jayne Co-directs the Wellcome Trust PhD Programme at UCL.

The Institute has been carrying out a study at Robert Clack School into whether nutritional supplements can improve disadvantaged pupils’ cognitive skills and behaviour, funded by the Esmee Fairbairn Foundation. I suspect that John Stein might find that a range of cultural and socio-economic factors may be playing a part in the cognitive skills and behaviour of disadvantaged pupils, as well as in how ‘cognitive skills and behaviour’ are being defined.

Prof John Stein came under fire in 2008 during that row when Gordon Brown was PM about the girl from Newcastle, Laura Spence, who had been turned down for a place to read medicine at Oxford despite a string of As at A level. Laura went to university in the US in the end. John Stein angrily denied that Oxford had discriminated against Laura, a state school pupil and maintained that he and his colleagues had been working very hard to welcome state school pupils at Oxford. Laura’s rejection was most likely simply a result of the huge numbers of very well-qualified students applying for a place at Oxford for medicine. Although I don’t believe that most Oxford admissions tutors do actively discriminate against state school pupils and it is true that more state school pupils are indeed entering Oxford, they are nearly always state school pupils who’s parents are professional middle class people, often academics. Students like Sarah-Jayne Blakemore was.

If John Stein wants more genuinely disadvantaged students to benefit from an Oxford education, he’d do better addressing the variety of interacting socio-economic and cultural factors that excludes those students rather than wasting his time giving them food supplements. That will boost the profits of Holland and Barrett, but I doubt that it will change the social profile of Oxford undergrads.

Lots of fish oil, that’s what the lower classes need. Then they’d all be as clever as Sarah-Jayne Blakemore. They’re only held back because they do insist on eating Big Macs and chips, Jamie Oliver will confirm that, whilst he insults their mothers at the same time for not feeding their offspring the sort of delicacies that Buddy Bear and his siblings enjoy.

In 1999, when Jamie was riding high on the success of his TV programme Two Fat Hairy Naked Chefs, Jamie was invited to cook Tony Blair a dinner at No 10. So that is why Tony Blair’s kids have done so well for themselves, it was the quality of the grub that the family were served by Jamie! Euan Blair bagged an internship at the Whitehouse, subsequently pursued a career in the City and is the proud joint owner of a house worth £3.6 million. Bloody hell Jamie, you must have put something special in Blair’s dinner. It was revealed in the media that Cherie is the joint owner of Euan’s house, rather than Euan’s wife Suzanne. That’ll be because Suzanne once ate a Penguin biscuit.

Jamie Oliver went to Newport Free Grammar School and left with two GCSEs. He went on to Westminster Technical College, where he gained an NVQ in home economics. Well that’s curious Jamie, because I went to a troubled shite comprehensive school, but I ended up with O levels, A levels, a BSc, an MSc and a PhD. I’ve never been fed food supplements and I didn’t grow up in a household which possessed items of expensive kitchen machinery, but I was surrounded by books and people who discussed politics. I wonder if there could be a link. It’s called ‘cultural capital’ Professor Stein and Jamie, Pierre Bourdieu wrote about it years ago before people worked so hard to blame disadvantaged people for their own disadvantage.

John Stein’s brother is the celebrity chef Rick Stein. I did wonder if Rick flogged food supplements, but a quick look at his wiki entry reveals that he actually owns a few fish and chip shops.

 

On the topic of Oxford entry, I wonder if John Stein can solve a puzzle. Back in the mid-1980s, there was a lot of huffing and puffing in the media regarding certain schools having reserved places at Oxford. Oxford angrily denied any such practice, maintaining that was only back in the Olden Days and things were different now. The year that this row blew up was the very same year that Brown’s cousin applied to read law at Oxford. She didn’t get the place that she wanted, but was subsequently offered a place to do theology instead, which confused me, because she had not shown the slightest interest in theology. It was explained by Brown’s uncle and auntie that Brown’s cousin’s school had a reserved place at Oxford, but it was for theology and it had been offered to her. The school in question was Tiffin Girls’ in Kingston-upon-Thames. Tiffin Girls’ still has an excellent track record for getting pupils into Oxbridge.

 

Here’s some Fox’s Party Rings, perfect for an at home with Peter Morrison and Dafydd:
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And some crumpets:

London's Best Crumpets | Londonist

 

Alderman Roberts probably sold them in that grocer’s shop in Grantham that we heard so much about from Thatch.

 

The Patron of the IFBB is the restaurateur and chef Prue Leith. Leith grew up in South Africa and her father worked for and became a Director of African Explosives, a subsidiary of ICI producing dynamite for use in mines. In 1975, Leith founded Prue Leith’s School of Food and Wine, of which Caroline Waldegrave is Managing Director. Caroline is married to William Waldegrave, who’s OK by Julian Fellowes, being the son of the 12th Earl Waldegrave. William Waldegrave was Secretary of State for Health, 1990-92 and while in that post he covered up the barrel of shit which was Dafydd and the paedophile gang and the linked gang in south London which was concealed by St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital. Waldegrave was the Tory MP for Bristol West. That must have been very useful for Dr D.G.E. Wood, Dafydd’s partner in crime who came from the Bristol area, qualified from Bristol University and who’s father was a Top Doc who continued to live near Bristol long after Wood himself had settled in north Wales to follow a life of serious organised crime. Waldegrave’s sister is Lady Susan Hussey, Lady-in-Waiting to Lilibet and Godmother to Prince William. The Lady Susan was married to Marmaduke Hussey, whom Thatch appointed Chairman of the BBC to sort out the pinkos there. Duke Hussey was Chairman when my friend, a witness to the wrongdoing in north Wales, was forced out of his job at the BBC, while Waldegrave was Health Secretary (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).

In his autobiography, ‘A Different Kind Of Weather’, Waldegrave banged on about his noble ancestors and his bitter regret that he never became PM. Presumably this aristocratic complete scumbag who ignored the most serious crime in the NHS and social services thought that he would have done a so much better job than the scumbag who was the petit bourgeois grocer’s daughter or the scumbag who was the son of the circus performer from Brixton who ignored the same serious crime.

In Matthew Parris’s article for ‘The Spectator’ in which he reviews Waldegrave’s autobiography, Parris mentions that he and Waldegrave were elected to the Commons at the same time in 1979. Parris wrote: ‘That old charmer Edward du Cann, to whom in the days after William and I had been elected in 1979 I once confided my feelings of hurt when criticised, put a hand on my wrist. ‘Dear boy,’ he said, ‘nice people are always hurt.’

Edward du Cann was the Conservative MP for Taunton, 1956-87 and was highly influential in the Tory Party as a result of his position as Chairman of the Tory Party, 1965-67 and as Chairman of the Party’s 1922 Committee, 1972-84. Du Cann was a very rich man whom my grandfather always claimed was a crook. Du Cann was criticized as “incompetent” by a 1974 DTI report regarding the bankruptcy of Keyser Ullman bank, of which du Cann was a Director. In 1973, Keyser Ullman lent £17m to a 28 year old entrepreneur, Christopher Selmes, secured on a valueless guarantee. Mr Selmes later fled the country, leaving debts of more than £20m. The bankruptcy of Keyser Ullman was the only reason why du Cann did not put himself forward as a candidate in the Tory leadership contest against Thatcher, du Cann being yet another mediocrity who fancied himself as a future PM and had led the rout against Ted Heath, initially under the guise of robustly supporting Thatch for the leadership. Peter Morrison was a leading light in encouraging Thatch to run for the leadership.

Du Cann succeeded Duncan Sandys as Chairman of Lonrho in 1984, a position from which he was forced to resign in 1991 due to his role as Deputy Chairman of Homes Assured, a finance company which crashed. His resignation came two days before the company collapsed, owing £10 million to creditors. The Serious Fraud Office began an inquiry. Du Cann was involved in several legal disputes over debts. His Somerset estate Cothay Manor was repossessed in 1992 and his London flat in Tufton Street in Westminster was repossessed in 1993. In 1985-86, the Eagle Star insurance company began proceedings three times to repossess Cothay Manor. The amount was paid each time and the mortgage later discharged.

Between 1980 and 1993 there were at least seven writs against du Cann for late payment of bills, including failure to pay water rates, to pay commission on the sale of a yacht, to keep up his mortgage payments and to clear a £137,000 overdraft.

Du Cann had a bankruptcy order served against him in 1993 and lived for several years in Alderney on the Isle of Wight. So one wonders how du Cann then subsequently wound up living in Lemona in Cyprus with enough dosh to invest in a vineyard.

Here are some clues:

On 26 March 1993 the Indie reported that du Cann had applied to have the bankruptcy order against him lifted. The order was made in the London Bankruptcy Court on 12 March 1993 on a petition over unpaid bills by the solicitors Denton Hall Burgin & Warren, who used to act for du Cann. Because of that order, an Inland Revenue petition for unpaid taxes became a formality on 25 March 1993 and was automatically dismissed at a brief private hearing before Registrar Geoffrey Pimm in London on 25 March 1993. Both the Inland Revenue and the law firm had filed their petitions in Jan 1993. Du Cann told ‘The Independent’ on 25 March that his solicitors would be applying to have the bankruptcy order lifted in the next few days.

A curious article in the ‘Sunday Herald’, 18 July 1995, about du Cann mentioned his long and glorious life – he was by the 71 yrs old – his service in the Royal Naval Reserve in the 1940s, his former close relationship to Ted Heath and his numerous dodgy deals and friendships with the rich and famous. It was explained that du Cann’s wife Jen had recently died, that du Cann was living on the Isle of Wight in reduced circumstances and was unhappy at the way that the Tory Party was ‘being run’. Du Cann told the ‘Sunday Herald’ that he had a lot to tell and he would be telling it.

In July 1995, Nicola Davies QC was supposedly reviewing the paperwork relating to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal to determine whether a Public Inquiry was needed. Although Dame Nicola stated in Dec 1995 that a Public Inquiry would not be in the public interest, by summer 1995, Sir Ronald Waterhouse had altered his retirement plans and had embarked on a tour of the paedophiles’ friends in Cheshire and Wales who were responsible for so much of the parts of the infrastructure which allowed the abuse of children in Cheshire/north Wales to occur, infrastructure which was to feature in Ronnie’s subsequent Inquiry, which was announced by William Hague on 17 June 1996.

By July 1995 Dafydd et al in north Wales were moving heaven and earth in an attempt to demonstrate that I was so dangerous that I should be banged up in a secure hospital on their say so without the inconvenience of a trial, having failed dismally in their serial attempts to have me imprisoned by perjury, planting evidence etc.

Du Cann never did tell anyone anything, or at least if he did, whatever he told them received no publicity.

In Oct 2013 the ‘Cyprus Mail’ ran a feature on a long forgotten elderly English gentleman who had been living in Cyprus for the last 12 years and who’s previous as the Chief Exec of a a wine company with vineyards in the south of France had prompted him to ‘invest’ in Cyprus vine yards years previously. It was Edward du Cann. Du Cann told the ‘Cyprus Mail’ that he used to regularly visit the south of France to ‘inspect the vine yards’.

John Allen owned a villa in the south of France to which he took kids from the children’s homes of north Wales ‘on holiday’. Dafydd was a regular in the south of France as well, he ‘held clinics’ there.

For some years now Dr D.G.E. Wood has been ‘holding clinics’ in Cyprus.

 

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

Cheers, We’re as corrupt as fuck!

Dafydd’s mate and umbrella Professor Robert Bluglass has a second home in the Pyrenees. Which are located on the south west France/Spain border.

 

Du Cann was a board member of E-Clear, a British payment processing company, which went into administration in Jan 2010. He married three times; first, in 1962, to Sally (a cousin), whom he divorced in 1987, then he was married to Jennifer until her death in 1995. Du Cann died in Aug 2017 and was survived by his third wife, Maureen Hope-Wynne. Perhaps Maureen could let us know whence that influx of dosh came which refloated the Good Ship du Cann after his bankruptcy and public disgrace. Maureen might also tell us why Sir Edward decided at some point in 1995 that he didn’t have anything to tell after all, even though he thought that he did. Unless William Hague wants to explain instead.

Sir Edward du Cann’s second wife Jen was the widow of Robert Cooke, who had been Waldegrave’s predecessor as the Tory MP for Bristol West. Cooke served as a councillor on Bristol City Council, 1954-57 and taught English at a Bristol public school. D.G.E. Wood went to a public school in or near Bristol, but I don’t know which one. A long standing loyal protector of Dafydd and the gang was Lord David Hunt. Hunt was MP for Wirral and then Wirral West, 1976-97 and served as a junior Minister in the Welsh Office and as Secretary of State for Wales twice. David Hunt did his law degree in Bristol and is of a similar vintage to D.G.E. Wood. Before Hunt was elected to the Commons, Lilibet gave him an MBE for services to politics in the west of England. I’d love to know what those services were. Lord Hunt continues to do his best for the paedophiles’ friends. Hunt’s international law firm DAC Beachcroft now works on behalf of Top Doctors who have found themselves in trouble.

One of Edward du Cann’s earliest scams was perpetrated when he was a Director of BAC (British Car Auctions), a company founded by David Wickins, alongside whom du Cann served in the Royal Naval Reserve. British Car Auctions group was the world’s biggest second-hand car business. David Wickins was a long-time friend and business associate of both Denis and Mark Thatcher.

BAC flourished first as Southern Counties Car Auctions, but soon outgrew the name as auction sites were opened throughout the country. Among regular sellers were the Post Office, the Ministry of Defence and the regional gas boards. Potential problems with buyers were overcome by selling vehicles only as seen on the most perfunctory inspection and enforcing a foolproof payment system. Wickins also bought up several car auction businesses in the US, building a highly profitable empire which was eventually selling a million cars a year.

Wickins’s long friendship with Denis Thatcher was cemented by golf and lubricated by gins and tonic in the Sunningdale clubhouse. Wickins was part-owner in a waste-disposal business called Attwoods, of which Denis was a Director, while BCA was a sponsor of Mark Thatcher’s short-lived motor racing career. It was Mark who introduced Wickins to Lotus in 1983.

Lotus was famed for financial instability as much as engineering excellence and was in deep trouble at the time. The company was losing money and its recently deceased founder Colin Chapman had been implicated in the DeLorean scandal: Lotus had undertaken a redesign contract for the ill-fated car project, based in N Ireland, from which large sums of money provided by Gov’t grants had disappeared. As a result, the company was besieged by Inland Revenue inspectors, who imposed an £84 million ‘protective assessment’.

Mark Thatcher arranged for Lotus’s Directors to meet Wickins, who took a 29 per cent stake, became Chairman, resisted the taxmen and brought in other investors, including the Bamford family. As demand for exotic cars grew with the 1980s boom Lotus’s fortunes swiftly recovered and in 1986 – again through Mark’s introduction – the business was sold to General Motors. In the meantime, Wickins gave Mark a job as a consultant to BCA’s American subsidiary, declaring that he was sure that Mark would be a great asset.

Favoured regulars attending Wickins’s car auctions were treated to lunch in his lavishly-appointed dining room overlooking the ring at Frimley, where the original field was developed into a multi-million-pound auction complex.

Upon leaving school, David Wickens took articles with the accountants Deloitte & Co, where he was posted to South Africa. There he worked on audits for Rhodesian copper mines and Zambian sawmills until the outbreak of war in 1939, when he enlisted in the South African Navy. After 18 months Wickens returned to England on secondment to the Royal Navy and brother officers Edward du Cann and the future entrepreneur and yachtsman Owen Aisher became lifelong friends.

At the end of the war Wickins was offered a permanent commission in the South African Navy, but he entered ‘business’ instead, in the auction trade and also in the buying, selling and floating of companies. Wickins assisted in the flotation of the Forte family’s catering and restaurant business and was a generous sponsor of sport, both of major events and of individual sportsmen such as the young Nick Faldo and the jockey Bob Champion. When BCA sponsored the Wightman Cup in 1989, the year of Wickins’s retirement, the Thatchers opened the doors of 10 Downing Street for a splendid party.

David Wickins also enjoyed racing International One design yachts and, later, motor cruising. He owned a string of racehorses and in retirement on Majorca he bred Great Danes.

Wickens was a ‘ladies’ man’ and employed ‘pretty girls’ as pilots for his helicopters and aircraft and as chauffeurs for his cars. He was married at least three times and possibly, although his own account varied, six.

When the wider world finally got a glimpse of the sort of man that Denis Thatcher was, many people were entertained to find that he was remarkably like the satirical portrayal of him in the ‘Dear Bill’ letters in ‘Private Eye’, a gin sodden golf club bore, who’s friend Maurice sold goods out of car boots. On one memorable occasion, Denis observed to Bill that ‘I had no idea that those friends of Maurice’s were in the Mafia’. Following the success of the ‘Dear Bill’ letters, in 1981 John Wells embarked upon his ‘Anyone for Denis?’ stage play, the catch phrase being ‘Stop me and buy me one’.

It was Richard Ingrams who wrote the ‘Dear Bill’ letters. I wonder if he based them on David Wickins.

 

As for William Waldegrave, the snooty aristo who did the dirty work of this collection of wide-boys, conmen and gangsters, he is constantly constructed as a being a man with great intellectual gifts. So Waldegrave hasn’t even got the excuse that he was as thick as Thatcher.

During the late 1980s and 90s, a number of people in Somerset who knew what was happening to me in north Wales, like Edward du Cann, inexplicably found themselves in possession of a great deal of money. I explained in my post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ that some of that money had arrived in the form of a cheque from Coutts. William Waldegrave is someone who is involved with Coutts.

 

The IFBB’s Trustee David Ramsbotham became an honorary Fellow of Corpus Christie College, Cambridge in 2001 and serves on the Advisory Board of the International Centre for Prison Studies at King’s College, London. He is also a Patron of Prisoners Abroad and the Prison Education Trust. Ramsbotham is also Patron of the African Prisons Project and President of PTSD Resolution, providing veterans with treatment for PTSD.

I can’t find any mention of Dafydd on the website of PTSD Resolution, but I’d be surprised if he hasn’t been associated with them at some point. It was Dafydd after all who invented PTSD and who subsequently made a mint from it (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). This is not to suggest that I do not believe that soldiers suffer from severe psychological distress during or after combat, it rather suggests that I believe that they do, but that Dafydd just made it all up as he went along as he usually does and that no soldiers or indeed anyone else benefited from PTSD Dafydd-style.

Ramsbotham is also an ambassador for the charity SkillForce.

David Ramsbotham has written extensively on matters relating to prisons and the military. His 2003 book ‘Prisongate: The Shocking State of Britain’s Prisons and the Need for Visionary Change’ sets out his ‘vision for reform’ of the prison system. 

 

The discourse surrounding prisons and prison reform is remarkably similar to that which surrounds the mental health system. After a few years of involvement at a senior level, the post holder tells the world that the system is dangerous, degrading, damaging, not doing what it should and is in desperate need of ‘reform’. No reform ever happens. What does happen is that the person who has just pronounced then spends the next few years clocking up a whole load of appointments with other organisations in the field, all of whom agree that Something Must Be Done and who promise a new vision.

Meanwhile, another person succeeds the post which has just been vacated, someone else who, like the last incumbent, has the necessary CV involving some sort of career which has involved keeping quiet for decades about state wrongdoing that has been concealed at the highest levels . After seven or eight years, they too will stand down, announce that the system is terrible, write a book and then take a senior role in organisations which promise a new vision, a new line of researching the problem etc etc.

Ronnie Waterhouse went one better than this. After a lifetime of service to a paedophile gang as a corrupt barrister and then a corrupt judge, Ronnie Chaired the monumental cover-up which was the massively expensive public inquiry into the activities of that paedophile ring and subsequently became Patron of the charidee Voices From Care, representing kids in care. One of the Trustees then nicked the funds.

So I was delighted to read in the media this weekend that there is a mental health crisis in the UK, we’re all mentally ill on a scale never seen before…1 in 4… a Cinderella service…caring nurses exhausted…no community services…talking treatments needed…all a matter of funding and resources…

I think that we’ve been here before. I was first subjected to this discourse by a nurse called Ingrid when I sat in the North Wales Hospital, unlawfully imprisoned in Dec 1986. I told Ingrid that this was a thoroughly abusive, corrupt institution staffed by people who did not give a damn about the patients. Ingrid yelled at me that they cared and it was very offensive of me to state that they didn’t. She then walked off in tears. Ingrid wasn’t Dafydd, but she knew what he was doing and when after a very long time and a pitched battle on my part to finally get an investigation held into my complaint – which was Chaired by Dafydd’s mate Robert Bluglass who concealed Dafydd’s crimes anyway (see post ‘Enter Professor Bluglass CBE’) – Ingrid refused to give evidence at the hearing.

Now stop this nonsense, get a team out to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and excavate the whole site. Bring those bodies up, admit that they were concealed there in the 1970s and 80s, not the 1870s and 80s, identify them and face the world with what has gone on. Then never again consult the BMA, the GMC or the Royal Colleges on any health or social policy matter.

‘We didn’t know.’

Then how did those bodies find their way there? And why were their owners never reported missing? Denis Nilsen murdering young homeless men whom no-one even realised had vanished had nothing on the North Wales Hospital.

 

The first Chief Inspector of Prisons for England and Wales to be appointed was Philip Barry, who only served between 1981-82. Dafydd’s empire was at full strength at this time, although there was all that dreadful publicity about Mary Wynch who had been unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dafydd only two years previously and was now taking the first steps on her path to legal action against Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority and Risley Remand Centre. Other people were suffering as badly as Mary had. The Birmingham Six and many others were languishing in various prisons after having been framed and kids in care and mental health patients, many of whom had also been fitted up, were dying in Risley Remand Centre (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

Curiously enough, the internet seems to have been erased of virtually all details pertaining to Philip Barry, although he also held the role of Chief Inspector for Prisons for Scotland, 1980-86.

Sir James Patrick Ivan Hennessey succeeded Philip Barry and was Chief Inspector of Prisons for England and Wales, 1982 -87. Dafydd’s regime was still so much intact that in 1987 he and his colleagues embarked on a well planned co-ordinated attempt to frame me and have me imprisoned for ‘attempting to stab a doctor’ (see posts ‘Workers’ Play Time’ and ‘Security, Security’). The plan fell apart after Sergeant Morgan at Bangor Police Station and a senior nurse, Jeff Crowther, didn’t tell the required lies. Within two years Sgt Morgan had been found guilty of indecently assaulting a teenaged girl in custody and was sacked. Jeff seemed to know that Sgt Morgan was going to be found guilty before his trial had begun. Shortly before the Waterhouse Inquiry, Jeff’s wife died whilst ‘in the care of’ Ysbyty Gwynedd. A few weeks later Jeff had to go into hiding after an addict threatened to murder him. Jeff left north Wales not long after. Documents in my possession demonstrate that Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission were on board with the plan to frame and imprison me.

 

James Hennessey was educated at Bedford School and then King’s College, Durham (now part of Newcastle University). He joined the Royal Artillary and was later being seconded to the Indian Army, 1944-46. After WWII, Hennessy joined what was then HM Overseas Service, serving initially in South Africa from 1948 in a number of roles. He was seconded in 1961 to the Office of the High Commissioner in Pretoria and took on a number of positions in the Gov’t of South Africa. Hennessey retired from the Overseas Service in 1968 and was appointed to the Foreign Office, serving as Charge d’Affaires to Montevideo, Uruguay, 1971–72 and then High Commissioner to Kampala, Uganda and non-resident Ambassador to Kigali, Rwanda, 1973–76. Hennessey served as Consul-General in Cape Town, 1977-80, before ending his career as the last Governor and Commander-in-Chief of British Honduras (now Belize), 1980–81.

Hennessy’s wiki entry tells us that he was appointed Chief Inspector of Prisons, taking over from Bill Pearce, ‘previously the Chief Inspector of Probation for Inner London whose tenure as HMCIP was cut short by illness’. Bill Pearce is someone else who has been airbrushed out of history, but him being the Chief Inspector of Probation for Inner London at a time when the Probation Service across the UK was colluding with serious crime including the organised abuse of children and vulnerable adults suggests that the Prisons Inspectorate made an interesting choice when they appointed him. The Home Secretary at the time was Willie Whitelaw who was a faithful servant of Dafydd and the paedophiles for decades (see previous posts).

James Hennessey served a five-year term until 1987. After stepping down, Hennessy served on the Parole Board for England and Wales until 1991, joining the paedophiles’ friends sitting on the Parole Board, including the Top Docs who colluded with Dafydd, ie. Colin Berry, David Mawson and others.

Hennesey was a Trustee of the Butler Trust until 1998.The Butler Trust was named after Mr Conservative Party Rab Butler, who influenced criminal justice policy for decades after he retired from politics (see post ‘Rab Butler, High Table And The Founding Fathers’). The Butler Trust was set up in 1985 by Veronica Linklater, former prison governor Rev Peter Timms and David Astor, former editor of ‘The Observer’, to recognise and celebrate outstanding practice by those working with offenders, through an annual award scheme.

Veronica Linklater, Baroness Linklater of Butterstone is a Lib Dem peer. Her interests are in children’s welfare, education and special needs, and prison reform. Linklater is the daughter of Lieutenant-Colonel Archibald Michael Lyle and the Hon. Elizabeth Sinclair, younger daughter of the former Leader of the Liberal Party, 1935-45, Archibald Sinclair, 1st Viscount Thurso.

Veronica’s grandfather Sinclair was a friend of Churchill and served as Churchill’s Personal Military Secretary, 1919-21, when Churchill was Secretary of State for War and then moved with Churchill to the Colonial Office as his Private Secretary. In 1922 Sinclair entered the Commons and supported David Lloyd George. In 1931 the Liberal Party joined the National Gov’t of Ramsay MacDonald and Sinclair was appointed Secretary of State for Scotland. When Churchill formed an all-party Coalition Government in 1940, Sinclair entered the Cabinet as Secretary of State for Air and worked with the RAF in planning the Battle of Britain. He remained a Minister until May 1945 when the Coalition ended. Sinclair lost his seat in the 1945 General Election.

Archibald Sinclair’s grandson, Veronica’s cousin, John Archibald Sinclair, 3rd Viscount Thurso, is also a Lib Dem politician, as well as a Scottish businessman. He occupied his grandfather’s seat in the Commons, 2001-15. John Thurso had entered the Lords when he inherited his father’s title in 1995, but lost his seat in 1999 when the automatic right of hereditary peers to sit in the Lords when abolished. After losing his seat in the Commons, Thurso was back in the Lords in April 2016, after winning a by-election to a vacancy in the Lords following the death of Liberal Party grandee Lord Avebury aka Eric Lubbock, a faithful paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘He Knows Where The Bodies Are Buried’). John Thurso’s father Robin, the 2nd Viscount Thurso was also a Liberal Party politician and sat on the Scottish Liberal Party Executive.

The male Thursos all went to Eton and they’ll all have known about the excesses of Jeremy Thorpe.

Veronica didn’t go to Eton, being female, but she knew about Jeremy Thorpe. As well as Cyril Smith and no doubt all the others. Veronica was educated at Cranborne Chase School in Wiltshire, followed by the Universities of Sussex and London. In 1967 Veronica married the journalist Magnus Linklater. Magnus Linklater pompouses at length in the media and is on record as saying that ‘the social sciences and humanities are automatically inferior explanatory models’ to the sciences. Magnus Linklater was the editor of ‘The Sunday Times’ when in 1983 it made itself a laughing stock by publishing the forged Hitler Diaries. Linklater later blamed it all on Murdoch, claiming that of course he, Magnus, saw straight through the forgeries but Murdoch forced him to publish. Which sounds rather like an inferior explanatory model to me Magnus.

Magnus manages the Scottish estates of Veronica’s family – like Veronica’s male relatives, Magnus went to Eton and he was also Chairman of the Scottish Arts Council, 1996-01. Which neatly spanned the years of the Waterhouse Inquiry, it’s publication and the immediate aftermath when the outrage regarding the blatant cover-up was at its peak. I cannot think how being Chairman of the Scottish Arts Council could be linked to Waterhouse, but I bet it was because of a few of Veronica’s former jobs.

In 1967, Veronica became a Child Care Officer for the London Borough of Tower Hamlets and between 1970–85, she became governor to three Islington Schools. Tower Hamlets sent a lot of kids in care into the arms of John Allen and the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng And Tessa Jowell’). Many of them were then trafficked back to London and Brighton, where some of them made up the cohort of high profile young men who died of AIDS in the late 1980s (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Buried Beneath Canary Wharf’). The Islington Child Abuse Scandal was in full swing while Veronica was governor of those schools and she will have known about it.

 

Veronica’s good works knew no bounds. From 1971-77, Veronica co-founded the Visitors’ Centre at Pentonville Prison and her continuing interest in this field led to her involvement with the Prison Reform Trust, 1981-82.

Baroness Jean Trumpington served as a visitor at Pentonville Prison. Trumpers was the junior Health Minister who appointed Jimmy Savile to the task force which managed Broadmoor. Trumpers was also mates with Rab Butler, after his political career, in his capacity as Master of Trinity College, Cambridge. See post ’95 Glorious Years’.

Veronica is a Trustee of the Esmee Fairbairn Foundation.

Veronica bagged her peerage in Nov 1997. After Ronnie Waterhouse had spent a few months telling the former residents of the children’s homes in north Wales that they were a bunch of lying gits who were only after compensation.

 

The Rev Peter Timms, who established the Butler Trust with Veronica, is a Methodist Minister and the former Governor of Maidstone Prison and Young Offenders Institute Glen Parva. When he was Governor of Maidstone Prison, Peter Timms opened the first prison wing related to the treatment of sex offenders. Peter Timms would have known George Thomas, the former Speaker of the House, who was probably the most well-known Methodist in the UK for decades and who preached across the country. George Thomas was also a paedophile who serially assaulted underaged boys. See post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’.

Glen Parva is located in Leicestershire, the site of a long standing paedophile ring, which was concealed by politicians, Leicester University, Leicester City Council, the Leicestershire Police, local lawyers and courts, the areas schools and of course the NHS and social services (see previous posts). The Leicester gang had links to Dafydd et al in north Wales and concealed their crimes (see post ‘An Expert From England’)

In 1997, the Chief Inspector of Prisons walked out of an inspection at Glen Parva because conditions were so bad. After a subsequent inspection a year later, the report stated that there was ‘hope for the future’ for the prison but added that a lot of work still needed to be done and recommended that some staff should be moved because of their attitude towards inmates. In July 2002, four inmates from Glen Parva escaped whilst on a camping trip in the Peak District. In its annual report in 2003, the Board of Visitors revealed two serious cases of unrest at Glen Parva. On one occasion, 16 inmates barricaded themselves inside a building. The report blamed an unprecedented rise in the number of inmates at the prison and also the fact that some inmates were bored and unsettled, finding themselves hundreds of miles from home.

In Nov 2004, the Prison Reform Trust condemned Glen Parva for the high amount of time inmates spent in their cells and for the lack of time spent in ‘useful activity’ at the prison. Statistics for 2003-2004 showed that on average inmates spent just 17.3 hours a week in useful activity, and an average of just another seven hours a week out of their cells.

In Feb 2010 the Prisons Independent Monitoring Board (IMB) described conditions at Glen Parva as ‘deplorable’. Their report said ‘water from the prison’s poorly-maintained toilet plumbing system leaked out of the pipes and seeped through the walls,’ causing ‘a horrible smell that fills the corridors and cells on regular occasions’ and that the prison ‘operates within the confines of a sprawling campus of largely shabby buildings which continue to degrade over time, despite the best efforts of the management and staff.’ The Board also warned that the policy of transferring prisoners into Glen Parva from other regions ‘has recently introduced an increasing level of gang rivalry, thereby adding yet another dimension to an already toxic melting pot’.

In Aug 2016, ambulance personnel called to the prison criticised staff for their lack of urgency when faced with a life threatening medical emergency. The Healthcare Centre at Glen Parva has 14 inpatient beds with 24-hour nursing cover. Many health services at the prison are provided by Leicestershire Primary Care Trust. Whose staff have concealed organised abuse and a dangerous mental health service for years.

Towards the end of 2016 it was announced that HMP Glen Parva would close and be replaced with a newly built category C adult prison. It will be completely demolished and redeveloped with a new built prison on the site.

The Rev Peter Timms is or was Chair of the Loudon Trust. The other members of the Loudon Trust are virtually entirely Top Docs working in secure mental health units specialising in ‘treatment’ for sex offenders. Every one of the institutions in which this lot are employed has colluded with organised abuse and the associated crime.

 

Veronica’s and Peter Timms’s mate David Astor built up a reputation as an impeccably liberal editor with integrity and a concern for radical causes. David Astor forgot any such concerns when he was called upon to help handle the family crisis which was the fall out from the Profumo Affair (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’).

 

The Chief Inspector of Prisons 1987-95 was judge Sir Stephen Tumim. Tumim was appointed by Dafydd’s mate Douglas Hurd and although Tumim made many outraged noises about the disgusting conditions in England and Wales’s prisons, not a great deal changed. The Risley Remand Centre riots happened on Tumim’s watch and although Tumim was not shy in describing the conditions in Risley as terrible and Michael Mansfield represented some of the rioters, no-one mentioned that the ‘hospital wing’ was full of people from children’s homes in north Wales and mental health patients, who had not been found guilty of any offence (see posts ‘Workers’Play Time’ and ‘Include Me Out’). Risley went off like a bomb in 1989, which was shortly after people in Somerset who knew what was happening to me in north Wales began to find themselves rubbing shoulders with the renegade relatives of leading Tories and their friends and in receipt of a great deal of money themselves (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

 

Tumim was the son of a barrister and was educated at St Edward’s School, Oxford and Worcester College, Oxford. In 1978 Tumim became a County Court Circuit Judge. Tumim’s contract was not renewed by Home Secretary Michael Howard in 1995 and David Ramsbotham was appointed.

Tumim was knighted soon afterwards, just before the Waterhouse Inquiry. He served on many charitable trusts and was close to numerous paedophiles’ friends who involved themselves in supposedly worthy causes, including some of those directly associated with the cover-up which was Waterhouse (see post ‘The Waterhouse  Tribunal – Who Was Involved And What Happened To Them Subsequently?’).

Tumim was the founding President of UNLOCK, the National Association of Ex-Offenders. Between 1996-98 he was Principal of St Edmund Hall, Oxford, leaving amidst some controversy (he was popular with students, less so with academic colleagues). He was High Steward for Wallingford, 1995-01. Tumim was on the committee and a buyer for the Contemporary Art Society. He was President of the Royal Literary Fund, 1990-03.

  • Dame Anne Elizabeth Owers succeeded David Ramsbotham as Chief Inspector of Prisons and was in post, 2001-10. Blair’s Gov’t was so pleased with Anne Owers that her appointment was renewed in June 2006 and again in March 2008. Anne Owers had also pursued a career which involved keeping quiet about state abuses, which will have been why Home Secretary David Blunkett appointed her. When Home Secretary, Blunkett gave a Citizen’s Award to a woman who lived in a village near Caernarfon who intimidated neighbours with mental health problems, who spoke out in the local press about the problem of mentally ill black criminals and who was related to someone who raped a girl under 7 yrs old, but the rest of the village were intimidated into keeping quiet about that.
  • Owers was educated at  Washington Grammar School, Co Durham and studied history at Girton College, Cambridge. On graduating Owers went to Zambia to teach. Owers took time out to raise a family and also undertook ‘research and voluntary advice and race relations work’. She joined the Joint Council for the Welfare of Immigrants in 1981 as a research and development officer and was appointed its General Secretary in 1985. In June 2008, Owers was appointed Chairman of Christian Aid, succeeding John Gladwin. In 2010 Owers was appointed Chairman of Clinks, a charidee supporting the work of the voluntary and community sector working with offenders and their families and also Chaired a review of prisons in N Ireland, 2010-11. In March 2012 Owers was appointed Chair of the Independent Police Complaints Commission. Prior to this, she was Director of JUSTICE.
  • Owers was appointed as the first National Chair of the Independent Monitoring Boards by in Oct 2017 by Justice Secretary David Lidington. Lidington’s name, in his capacity as a junior official in the Home Office, appeared on Home Office documentation in relation to Lord Peter Taylor’s 1989 interim Report into Hillsborough, a Report which it seems was drafted before the Home Office stated that it was completed and which was not actually signed by Lord Taylor. Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary at the time. When porkies were being told by the Home Office about Peter Taylor’s Report, the Home Office were colluding with the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’).

Owers was also a non-executive Director of the Criminal Cases Review Commission and a member of the advisory group to the Lammy Review of race and criminal justice. Like James Hennessy, Owers  is a Trustee of the Butler Trust.

In 2012 Anne Owers won the Perrie Award. The Perrie Award has been presented annually since 1995 by the Perrie Lectures Committee to the person who has done most to promote an understanding of the work of the Prison Service in England and Wales and pushed forward the development of penal policy. The award and the associated lectures aim to improve the care of offenders and advance penal policy. The organising committee is made up of members from within the penal service (National Offender Management Service, NOMS) and from academia, charities and other fields.

Six years after Dame Anne won the Perrie Award, there has been a stream of scandals emanating from prisons in England and Wales. Prisoners are either out of their heads on spice or are injuring and killing themselves and in recent months it has been admitted that there is a substantial problem with the standard of ‘training’ of prison officers. Conditions at Liverpool Prison were damned as being the worst that the prison has experienced for decades only a few weeks ago and builders contracted by Liverpool Prison were dismissed after they raised Health and Safety concerns. The perennial problem of the prisons being full of people with mental health problems or addictions rather than villains continues.

The outcomes of the NOMS itself remain depressingly poor.

The Perrie award was named in honour of Bill Perrie (1918-1997), regarded as one of the leading prison governors of his time. Because conditions in prisons were just so great when Bill was busy being a leading governor weren’t they. Previous lucky winners of the Perrie Award include Stephen Tumim and David Ramsbotham. Why does that not surprise me? Other winners include Tony Pearson (former Deputy Director, Prison Service); John Staples (former prison governor); Lord Chief Justice Woolf; Colin Allen (Deputy Chief Inspector of Prisons, 1995-02); Sir Martin Narey, former DG of Prison Service for England and Wales and a good friend of the paedophiles (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part V’); Alison Liebling of Cambridge University, who is one member of the network of criminologists who have kept silent about some real horrors discussed in my post ‘Rab Butler, High Table And The Founding Fathers’.

As Young Mr Grace used to say on ‘Are You Being Served’ ‘You’re all doing very well!’

 

Former Christian Aid Chairman John Gladwin was Bishop of Guildford, 1994-04, then of Chelmsford from 2004 until he retired in 2009, whereupon he became Chairman of CAB. John Gladwin would have known about the sex abuse scandals in the Church which have now become very public.

Lucille Hughes has been involved with the senior management of the CAB in Wales for quite some time and has attracted more paedophiles’ friends into the organisation. Ronnie Waterhouse was involved with the establishment of the CAB in the Royal Courts of Justice at The Strand, a CAB which was entirely controlled by a number of people who also doubled up as paedophiles’ friends. When the gang in north Wales took me to the Royal Courts of Justice in 1991 in an attempt to have me imprisoned, I didn’t notice the CAB of which Ronnie boasted and no-one alerted me to its presence either.

Someone who has been involved with Christian Aid in Wales for many years – I think that she was Director of Christian Aid in Wales at one point – was Branwen Niclas. Branwen caused quite a stir when I lived near Bethesda as a result of her Welsh language activism; she had a long involvement with the Welsh Language Society. She very effectively trashed some sort of Gov’t office at Colwyn Bay – I can’t remember which one exactly – for which she was imprisoned. I think that Branwen was at one point the girlfriend of Hywel Williams, the former psychiatric social worker who is now the Plaid MP for Arfon.

Branwen’s family home ie. that of her parents, was near Tal-y-bont, down the bottom of the hill from the village where I lived. I was friendly with some people who knew her father, mathematician and teacher James Nicholas. James Nicholas died in 2013 and Meic Stephens wrote his obituary for the Indie.

James Nicholas, served as Archdruid for the Gorsedd of the Bards, 1981-84 and had won the Chair at the National Eisteddfod of 1969. He ‘lent his support to the law-breaking campaigns of the Welsh Language Society and, further afield, the horrors of apartheid and the plight of the Third World were always prominent on his agenda’.

James Nicholas was influenced by the pacifist poet Waldo Williams (1904-71), with whom he had a close personal friendship. He wrote about Waldo’s mysticism and attraction in later life to Quakerism, delivered a moving funeral address, edited a volume of memorial essays and gave lectures on Williams.

James Nicholas was born in St David’s in Pembrokeshire in 1928. Because as a school boy he spent two years in a sanatorium, he was 20 before he left St David’s Grammar School for the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth, where he took a degree in mathematics. His first teaching post was at Bala.

Nicholas then moved to Dyfed, being appointed Head of Mathematics at Pembroke in 1959 and Headmaster of Ysgol y Preseli at Crymych in 1963.

As well as Branwen, the Nicholas’s had another daughter, Saran, who is a Top Doctor, a haematologist with Hywel Dda University Health Board.

James Nicholas was a staunch member of the Welsh Baptist Union, which he served as President. During his time as Headmaster at Crymych he was awarded a fellowship in the Philosophy Department at the University College, Swansea. From 1975 until his retirement in 1988, Nicholas was a member of HM Inspectorate of Schools and based in Gwynedd.

Meic Stephens tells us that Nicholas ‘proved a pillar of common sense and the utmost integrity while acting as Recorder’ at the National Eisteddfod.

 James Nicholas knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles, of that there is no doubt. He lived his entire life surrounded by them. I do not interpret that as meaning that James was of them or even liked what they were doing, he could well have been horrified yet helpless, but he knew what was happening.
There were trafficking gangs in west Wales and in north Wales, which were linked. Swansea University hosted Dafydd’s mate Saunders Lewis and the succeeding generation who ran that institution were the family of Rhodri Morgan (see posts ‘A Bit More Paleontology’ and ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). Numerous paedophiles’ friends were enthusiastic about the National Eisteddfod, as was Dafydd. Dafydd addressed the Welsh Baptists Union in 1971 (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’). Owain Gethin Evans was the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services in the 1980s when the gang were busy in the children’s homes in Gwynedd and was a leading light in the Quakers in Gwynedd. Gethin was Lucille Hughes’s henchman and was involved in smearing and excluding Alison Taylor after she blew the whistle on the abuse of children. Dr Paul Nickson, a GP in Bethesda, was another Quaker who colluded with the abuse of children and mental health patients (see post ‘Pets Win Prizes’).
When James Nicholas was employed as a Schools Inspector in Gwynedd, numerous staff in Gwynedd schools and in Gwynedd County Council’s Education Authority were colluding with the abuse of children (see posts ‘Today We Have Naming Of Parts’ and ‘Dulce et Decorum est’).
Branwen will have known something about Dafydd and the gang as well. The Welsh Language Society contained mates of Dafydd – although by no means all members of the Welsh Language Society had time for him – and Meri Huws occupied a leading role in the Welsh Language Society when Branwen was actively campaigning with them. Meri Huws worked as a community social worker with Gwynedd Social Services on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor when the kids from Ty’r Felin children’s homes on that estate were being trafficked for sex locally and to Dolphin Square. Branwen may well be one of those who detested Meri – a great many people involved in language activism don’t have a good word to say for Meri and I have never seen any accounts of Branwen and her fellow activist Angharad Tomos being involved in anything with the dreadful Meri – but Branwen will have known what Meri’s time as a social worker involved.
I note that Branwen’s twitter account describes her as a mother of four who lives in Menai Bridge. Branwen’s tweets contain references to all sorts of activism past and present and there are the obligatory tweets pledging undying support for the NHS. Therein lies the clue. Branwen, her Top Doc sister, her dad and everyone else in their network will know that the Top Doctors were integral to the operation of that trafficking gang and are now integral to ensuring that everyone keeps quiet about them. Squealers find themselves denied all NHS care, no matter how many denials of this are made. It happens and everyone knows it. Branwen has four children, I can completely understand why she is not going to risk it.
Well dim problem Branwen, they killed one of my closest friends years ago and they’ve denied me treatment for every one of the three serious conditions that I’ve had. I was left to die and this was made quite clear. A letter from an NHS manager admitting that I was being denied treatment was destroyed by a GP because of the legal bomb which it constituted (see post ‘Rab Butler, High Table And The Founding Fathers’). So I’m happy to write this blog, name everybody involved and detail their crimes and furthermore I’m providing this service free of charge.
Branwen’s father lived just down the road from the corrupt judge Huw Daniel, who spent a lifetime assisting the paedophiles’ friends. Huw’s dad J.E. Daniel was a tutor at the Bala Theological College. J.E. Daniel was an Inspector of Schools in the generation before James Nicholas. J.E. Daniel was also a friend of Saunders Lewis who was a mate of Dafydd’s! Up the hill from Branwen’s dad’s house was the village of Llanllechid, where Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council lived (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).
James Nicholas, Ioan Bowen Rees and Huw Daniel all occupied a Plas. The rest of us slummed it in the quarrymen’s cottages.

 

Nick Hardwick was Chief Inspector of Prisons, 2010-16. Nick is someone who built his whole career on his knowledge of the crimes of the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’) and was succeeded by Peter Clarke.

When Peter Clarke was appointed, Mark Leech, editor of ‘The Prisons Handbook’, published a highly insulting ‘open letter’ to Peter Clarke, giving Peter Clarke a bollocking for not being Nick Hardwick. Mark Leech seemed very cross that Clarke was not an insider with a track record of keeping quiet about Gov’t failure and wrongdoing, but instead has had a career as a police office. Mr Leech reminded Mr Clarke of the great work of those giants Stephen Tumim and David Ramsbotham…

Peter Clarke was personally invited to apply for the position of Chief Inspector of Prisons by Michael Gove when Gove was Justice Secretary. Gove did insane things when he was Education Secretary, but he was suddenly overcome by a great deal of sense when he became Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. He identified which parties were responsible for the nation’s lethal, sclerotic, corrupt Prison Service and Gove did try to effect change. So that must have been why he was removed by Theresa after only one year in the post and was replaced by the drip Liz Truss and then by the former minion in Hurd’s rotten to the core Home Office, David Lidington.

 

I mentioned the Prison Reform Trust (PRT) earlier in this post. The PRT is yet another organisation which has made zero impact since its foundation in 1981 by a ‘small group of prison reform campaigners who were unhappy with the direction in which the Howard League for Penal Reform was heading, concentrating more on community punishments than on traditional prison reform issues’. PRT offers advice and information to prisoners, their families, prison and probation staff, the legal profession, students, academics and interested members of the public. PRT organise an annual lecture, which in 2005 was delivered by Charles Clarke, the Home Secretary. That’ll be the Charles Clarke who was responsible for the Windbag’s office throughout those years when the Windbag desperately wanted to become PM and his only strategy for this was to conceal the mountain of crap in north Wales and beg the staff of the NHS to vote Labour (see post ‘I Warn You…’). The Windbag knew Dafydd’s colleague Tony Francis when they were students in Cardiff. I wonder if Charles Clarke ever bumped into Tony Francis, Dafydd and co were busy making friends all over the place after Brown and I began to uncover the enormity of their crimes.

The Windbag and his wife listening to Ed’s 2013 Party Conference speech:

Neil Kinnock Ed Miliband Gives Keynote Speech at Party Conference

 

The Prison Reform Trust carries out research on all aspects of prison. Recent studies include: prisoners’ views on prison education, the mental health needs of women prisoners, older prisoners, prisoner councils, foreign national prisoners, prisoner votes and a report into how sentences make the decision to imprison offenders.

Founding members included Sir Monty Finniston and dear old Veronica Linklater, who is obviously determined to help those who have gone off the rails.

Monty Finniston was metallurgist who was a graduate of and then a lecturer at the Glasgow University. He spent WWII in the Royal Naval Scientific Service, seconded to the Chalk River Laboratories in Canada, working on the application of nuclear power to submarines.  After the war Finniston was appointed Chief Metallurgist at the Atomic Energy Authority, Harwell, 1948-58.

Finniston initiated and oversaw a wide-ranging research programme into the many metallurgical problems associated with nuclear reactor design. In 1958 Finniston moved to north-east England to become Director of the Nuclear Research Centre newly founded by the Newcastle engineering firm C.A. Parsons. He was Vice-President of the Royal Society, 1971-2 and became Chairman of British Steel Corporation in 1973.

In response to complaints from industry about a shortage of qualified engineers, in 1977 Callaghan’s Gov’t invited Finniston to set up a Committee of Enquiry into British Engineering. In 1979 the Finniston Report was published, which addressed the concerns that engineering was of relatively low status in the UK.

Sir Monty Finniston was Chancellor of Stirling University, 1979-88. He was President of the Association for Project Management, 1984-91. 

There is nothing in Finniston’s biography that indicates why he would be interested in Chairing an organisation dedicated to prison reform. However, as someone who worked in the nuclear industry at Harwell during the 1950s, Finniston would know about Macmillan’s cover-up which followed the Windscale accident, which occurred just after Dafydd had left his job at Windscale to study medicine at Liverpool University. Like Dafydd, Finniston will have known about the corrupt practices of Ernest Marples, one of the Ministers involved and his use of prostitutes. See post ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’ for details.

It was in 1980 that Mary Wynch finally escaped the clutches of Dafydd and the gang after being unlawfully arrested, imprisoned and then banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year. Like Alison Taylor and I, Mary was not easily intimidated and in 1980 Dafydd et al will have realised that there was trouble coming their way. So I wonder if someone somewhere thought that a new organisation concerning itself with locking people up, rather than as the Howard League were more interested in, community sentences, might be required in the wake of Mary’s dissent? Whatever would have happened if Mary’s case was used by campaigners to highlight the abuses of the Prison Service?  Monty Finniston might have been willing to help.

Monty was an accommodating man after all. He was a leading light in the nuclear industry which was beset by problems with the potential to cause maximum embarrassment to Gov’ts and he helped out old Callaghan by setting up the Committee of Inquiry as requested. Monty also did Gov’t a few favours when he was Chancellor of Stirling University. Stirling students were fairly politically active and there was a huge row as well as student protests when the journalist Alastair Hetherington was appointed to a Research Chair in 1982 (see post ‘Life In Cold Blood’). Hetherington had no academic background, but he was the sort of appointment that Thatch’s Gov’t were trying to encourage universities to make, that of people with links to Gov’t and industry who excelled at toadying to Important People.

Monty was Chancellor when Jack McConnell, who later became FM of Scotland, was a student at Stirling and then led the Students’ Union there.

 

Stephen Shaw was Director of PRT from 1981-99 and then became the Prisons and Probation Ombudsman for England and Wales, 1999-10. In 2001 Shaw’s remit was extended to taking complaints about National Probation Service and in 2006 was extended again to taking complaints regarding those detained in immigration centres. A whole series of disasters and scandals occurred when Stephen Shaw was Director of the PRT and nothing improved in any of the areas for which he had responsibility.

 

Sir Monty Finniston was succeeded as Chair of the PRT by the former Cabinet Minister, Edmund Dell, the MP for Birkenhead, 1964-79. Dell began life in the Commons as a Labour MP but in 1981 he joined Dr Death in the SDP. In 1988, Dell became a Lib Dem.

Birkenhead was part of the Liverpool branch of Dafydd’s empire (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). The lefties of Liverpool were fully complicit with Dafydd’s crimes, but then so were Dr Death and his Top Doctor mates. Dr Death’s former colleagues at St Thomas’s were mates of Dafydd’s, they weren’t simply keeping quiet because it was politically expedient to do so like Eric Heffer and co.

Edmund Dell was born in London and served in the Royal Artillary in WWII. He was educated at Dame Alice Owen’s School and Queen’s College, Oxford, where he was a member of the Communist Party, as his future ministerial colleague Denis Healey had been before the war.

Dell began work for ICI in Manchester as an overseas sales manager, specialising in Latin American trade and eventually rose to Vice President of the Plastics Division. In 1953 he was elected to Manchester City Council and served for seven years. Dafydd’s mate Professor Kenneth Rawnsley and his network dominated the psychiatric services in Manchester in the late 1950s/first half of the 60s, before Rawnsley relocated to Cardiff and continued to collude with the wrongdoing of the north Wales gang from there (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy’).

Dell stood unsuccessfully for Parliament in 1955. He was dissuaded from standing for Parliament in 1959 by ICI on the grounds that it would make promotion to the highest ranks of the company difficult. However, he eventually gave in to the temptation of Parliament and was elected for Birkenhead in 1964. He served as Parliamentary Private Secretary to Jack Diamond, then Parliamentary Secretary for Technology under Tony Benn in 1966 and as a junior Minister under Peter Shore in 1967.

Tony Benn knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring and the role that Dafydd et al in north Wales were playing in it. I wrote to Tony Benn some years before he died about the abuse of mental health patients in north Wales and he simply wrote back saying ‘sorry mental health is not my areas’. I wrote to him because I had been told that he was interested in disability issues. Tony Benn was rather more interested in Top Doctors. He had very good links with St Thomas’s Hospital and both he and his wife were treated there.

‘Please don’t kill me Top Docs, just take revenge on the service users. I’m useful to you! I can campaign to prevent your failing dangerous units being closed down, I can vote for you to have an even bigger salary and never face charges of corporate manslaughter, you know us in Parliament, we’re so craven that we just do exactly as you order us to…’

I really am mystified as to how politicians on the left such as Tony Benn get away with their deep and meaningful friendships with them all at Tommy’s. Tommy’s has a well-established reputation as being the most elite of the London hospitals, it’s the place where one finds medical students who are actually titled members of the aristocracy but who just fancy dabbling in medicine for a bit. Furthermore it tends to be the Tommy’s consultants who are raking it in at Harley Street.

Peter Shore was someone else who knew about Dafydd et al. Shore was an East End Labour MP and children from his constituency were being packed off to children’s homes in north Wales. They then returned to Shore’s area as teenaged sex workers who were infected with HIV. There were so many of them dying that in the late 1980s, that Shore helped convert the old Mildmay Mission Hospital into a specialist unit for terminally ill AIDS patients (see post ‘Apocalypse Now’).

In 1968 Edmund Dell was promoted to Minister of State for Trade and then moved to Employment. When Harold Wilson returned to No 10 in 1974, Dell became Paymaster General and then Secretary of State for Trade and President of the Board of Trade, 1976-78 under Callaghan.

So Dell would have been a colleague of George Thomas the child molester and Leo Abse, Thomas’s mate who constantly got Thomas out of trouble, often breaking the law to do so (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). Abse himself was investigated for historical child sex offences. Dell would also have known Greville Janner, Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the rest of them…

Dell served as a trustee of both the SDP and the Lib Dems and served as one of the SDP’s three representatives during emergency negotiations with the Liberals in Jan 1988 when it appeared the two parties’ merger might fall through after the failed launch by David Steel and Bob Maclennan of the joint manifesto, ‘Voices and Choices’. So Dell was obviously a trusted pair of safe hands.

After Parliament, Dell had a career in business as Chairman of Guinness Peat, founding Chairman of Channel 4 and as a Director of Shell Trading. In 1991-2 he was President of the London Chamber of Commerce and Industry. Channel 4 was packed with paedophiles’ friends pretending to be daring, but none of whom dared whisper anything about organised abuse, yet alone by politicians (see post ‘What’s Left? The Politics Of Social Justice’).

 

The Chair of the PRT who succeeded Edmund Dell was broadcaster and journalist Jon Snow. Douglas Hurd succeeded Jon Snow as PRT’s fourth Chair in Nov 1997. So Douglas of the corrupt Home Office and Douglas of the Kincora Boys’ Home cover-up when Douglas was N Ireland Secretary was installed as Chair of the PRT just as Ronnie Waterhouse finished taking evidence from the victims of Dafydd and the gang, who were told by Waterhouse and most of the world’s media that they were criminals who could not be believed. Of course they were criminals, the first thing that Dafydd and the gang did in response to any complaints about them was to fit the complainant up for a criminal offence and then tell everyone that they couldn’t be believed because they were criminals. Thank goodness Douglas was in post at the PRT to keep an eye on things.

Douglas was succeeded as Chair in Sept 2001 by Lord Robert Fellowes. Fellowes went to Eton as all the best penal reformers do and then worked as a banker for many years. In 1977 Fellowes was recruited to join the Royal Household as Assistant Private Secretary. He spent the next 20 years in the Lilibet’s Private Secretary’s Office, becoming Deputy Private Secretary to Lilibet in 1986 and Private Secretary in 1990, where he remained until 1999. Robert Fellowes would have been well-acquainted with Dame Mary Morrison, Lady Susan Hussey and Carlo then. As well as Backstairs Billy.

Robert Fellowes was the brother-in-law of Diana, Princess of Wales and is the first cousin of Ronald Ferguson, father of Sarah, Duchess of York. Major Ron entertained the nation when media reports appeared in 1988 featuring Major Ron’s visits to the Wigmore Club. The Wigmore Club was a health club and massage parlour in London staffed by girls who, dressed in starched white ‘medical’ gowns, allegedly offered à la carte sexual services to members.

Dafydd: Could you have got me a job there by any chance? That could have been a high risk strategy, unlike those whom you usually trafficked, I am someone who would have known who Major Ron was.

I heard something even better than that about Major Ron years after the Wigmore Club revelations. I used to work with someone who had spent their youth in the posh bits of London hanging out with posh people but not the sort of posh people who toadied to the Royal Family. This person used to watch the polo matches and was part of the crowd of young people who’s role it was to go onto the field and stamp the turf back down half-way through the match. I was told that Major Ron’s predilection for underaged girls was so well-known that my friend and her mates all sported home made badges saying ‘Major Ron’s Kiddie Sex Club’ to one of the polo matches just to see if anyone challenged them. Not one person dared mention it. Major Ron’s first wife Susan died in a car crash in Argentina in Sept 1998. After the horrific details of the lives of the kids in care in north Wales had been heard at the Waterhouse Inquiry, but before Ronnie published his Report reassuring the world that a paedophile ring had existed in north Wales, but it only involved a few Welsh sheep-shaggers who at most worked as teachers or social workers.

Major Ron was polo manager, initially to Phil the Greek and later, for many years, to Carlo. Major Ron had to resign as Carlo’s polo manager, as well as from his position with the Guards Polo Club after the business at the Wigmore Club. Which seems ridiculous considering that Peter Morrison’s associates were killing witnesses in north Wales.

In 1999 Robert Fellowes left his job at Sodom and Gomorrah in The Mall, bagged a peerage and returned to banking. He became Vice-Chairman, and then Chairman, of Barclays Private Banking. Fellowes is also a Company Director and a Trustee of the Rhodes Trust, the Mandela Rhodes Foundation and the Winston Churchill Memorial Trust. He is also Vice-Chairman of the Commonwealth Institute. Fellowes was Chairman of The Voices Foundation, 2004-12.

Who better to Chair the Prison Reform Trust? Here’s the great radical himself:

Lord-Robert-Fellowes2.jpg

Robert Fellowes is a distant relation of Julian Fellowes, but I don’t expect Robert Fellowes admits that to anyone, although Julian Fellowes will tell as many people as possible.

 

The inquest on Diana Princess of Wales and Dodi was carried out by Thomas Scott Baker. Thomas Scott Baker was a curious choice of coroner because Diana and Dodi’s inquests were the first that he’d ever performed. In 1995, Thomas Scott Baker was the judge who jailed Susan Brooke, a woman from north Wales, for abducting a baby from Ysbyty Glan Clwyd after receiving an ‘assessment’ on her from Dafydd et al after she’d been detained in Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. There are so many features of Susan Brooke’s case that are so worrying that I have previously blogged quite extensively about it, ‘So Who’s Path Had Susan Brooke Crossed?’, ‘More On The Susan Brooke Case’ and ‘Update On Cases Of Susan Brooke and Sara Thornton’.

A mate of Dafydd’s with no previous experience performing inquests on Royals who’ve died amidst allegations of foul play might be all in a day’s work for Lord Fellowes, but I find it rather worrying.

 

The Prison Reform Trust’s nemesis, the Howard League for Penal Reform, was founded 1886 and focuses on penal reform in England and Wales. It receives funding from the Legal Services Commission and holds Legal Aid contracts in order to represent and assist young people in custody. There does not seem to be quite so many flaky people involved with the Howard League for Penal Reform as there are with the PRT, but there are a few who are worth a mention.

The Chief Executive is Frances Crook, who joined as Director in 1986. Frances Crook graduated in history from Liverpool University, subsequently qualified as a teacher and worked in secondary schools in Liverpool and London until 1980. She won’t have been able to avoid knowing about some kids being neglected or abused then.

Crook was the campaigns co-coordinator at the British Section of Amnesty International, 1980-85, and served as a Labour Councillor for East Finchley in the London Borough of Barnet, 1982-90.

Crook has been a school governor and Chaired various local community organisations. She was a Governor of the University of Greenwich for 6 years and Chaired the Staff and General Committee, retiring in 2002. Crook served on the Board of the School Food Trust, 2005-08, the non-departmental public body charged with overseeing the implementation of national standards for school food to every school in England and Wales.

In 2009 Crook was appointed an NHS non-executive Director of Barnet Primary Care Trust and in 2010 she was appointed a Senior Visiting Fellow at the LSE.

Lord Alex Carlile QC, was appointed President of the Howard League for Penal Reform in 2006.

Alex Carlile is a barrister who grew up in Ruabon near Wrexham and in Lancashire. At one point he practised from Chambers in Chester when Chester was a hub of corruption among lawyers. Carlile was the Liberal MP who later held paedophiles’ friend Emlyn Hooson’s old seat, Montgomeryshire, 1983-97. Hooson was a big friend of Ronnie Waterhouse. In 1995 Alex Carlile was the last person to dare ask questions in Parliament regarding Mary Wynch’s case. Carlile was given a brief written answer informing him that Mary had been finally shafted by the Home Office the year previously, that no-one was admitting to anything and if Carlile knew what was good for him he’d say no more about it. He didn’t and he picked up his peerage in 1999 (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Carlile’s domestic life hit the press in Jan 2007 after he left his wife and began a relationship with a much younger barrister, Alison Levitt, leaving his wife distraught. Alison Levitt is Head of Business Crime at the London law firm Mishcon de Reya. Perhaps Dafydd and Robert Bluglass will be seeking her services soon.

Carlile was Chair of the 2006 Inquiry into physical restraint, solitary confinement and forcible strip searching of children in prisons, secure training centres and local council secure children’s homes. On 11 May and 6 June 2011, Lord Carlile held a follow-on Public Inquiry in the House of Lords. He put together an expert panel to advise and to give evidence to the Inquiry. This expert panel who gave both written and oral evidence consisted of Nick Hardwick (Her Majesty’s Chief Inspector of Prisons), Paul Cook (G4S children’s services), Eric Baskind (British Self Defence Governing Body, Liverpool John Moores University), Malcolm Stevens (JusticeCare Solutions), Laura Janes (Howard League for Penal Reform), John Drew (Youth Justice Board for England and Wales), Sue Berelowitz (Office of the Children’s Commissioner) and Carolyne Willow (CRAE).

With the experts that Alex drew together, is it surprising that nothing has changed?

Alex was highly effective at one thing however. He defended Paul Burrell, Diana’s butler, against charges that Burrell had nicked a load of Diana’s frocks, as well as a few other goodies. Things looked bad for Burrell, until someone somewhere found good cause to put Lilibet in the witness box if the trial went ahead, whereby Lilibet immediately realised that she had forgotten that Burrell had been given all the goodies, no question about it. If only Alex could have got such a result for Mary Wynch!

The legal firm whom Diana used to represent her in her divorce was Mishcon de Reya, who employ Alex’s wife Alison Levitt.

Alex was educated at Epsom College and King’s College London. He was called to the Bar by Gray’s Inn in 1970 and Alex is now a bencher at Gray’s Inn. Alex knew Sir William Mars-Jones, who concealed Dafydd’s crimes for years.

 

 

Now I’ve named more big wigs who oversee the activities of the paedophiles’ friends, I’ll finish off this post by identifying a few others who were witnesses to the wrongdoing themselves.

Firstly, Dr Vicky De Hoxa. I don’t know where Vicky is now, but until about 10 years ago she, her husband Robert and their friends ran a Christian healing centre at Bala. Vicky and her husband Robert were both Top Doctors, as was their business partner, I think he was called Peter. There was quite a demand for the services of Vicky and her colleagues, because a lot of people in Gwynedd simply could not get NHS treatment. Vicky heard some real horror stories and I gave her a blow by blow account of what was happening to me. Vicky did not accuse me of lying but she did become obviously very frightened by what she was hearing. She told me that after speaking to me and others, she could only conclude that there was ‘something evil’ at the Hergest Unit. There was, it was the staff. Vicky told me frankly that there were mental health units which were as dangerous as the Hergest Unit and the Gov’t would not close them down because under the provisions of the Mental Health Act, there has to be ‘hospital places’ for sectioned patients. Vicky also admitted that when units become as troubled as the Hergest Unit, good doctors simply won’t work there. Vicky and Robert’s own daughter was a Top Doctor in Leicester.

Vicky and her friends suddenly left north Wales some years ago, not long after they arrived. They didn’t give anyone much warning and a lot of patients were quite bereft. Vicky and her colleagues had invested much money into the Centre and it doubled up as a hotel. They had moved to Bala with the intention of beginning a long term project. There was a rumour going around that Vicky et al had sold the building because the business partners had fallen out with each other. I’d be very surprised if that was true, I saw no signs of friction among them, they took their Christianity seriously and I think they had all known each other for years. I think it very much more likely that Vicky and her friends fled, because they found something evil. The remains of the Westminster Paedophile Ring. I wouldn’t be entirely surprised if they had been threatened. There were witnesses talking to Vicky, including me.

Another person who knows a great deal about the abuse of patients and crime in Ysbyty Gwynedd is Romy Lawson, who used to work at Bangor University. I used to share an office with Romy and I knew that one of her closest friends was a nurse who worked in the A&E Dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Romy and her friend, Clare, knew what was happening to me and to other patients. Romy was always very careful what she said in front of me, but one day I was burrowing about in some cupboards and Romy and her friends did not realise that I was there. They were having an intense discussion about the neglect and abuse of mental health patients at the Hergest Unit and how Clare and the other staff in the A&E would call out the mental health staff when suicidal patients turned up in A&E, only to be told by the Hergest staff that they would not treat them. Romy was also discussing how the police were begging the Top Docs to treat suicidal patients, but Top Docs were snapping ‘we will not treat them’. The discussion moved on to how many Hergest patients were killing themselves after being refused treatment. I felt uncomfortable eavesdropping, so I showed myself and said yes, that is what is happening, they are unlawfully refusing to treat anyone who has complained. The room went silent and the conversation was changed to another subject.

I know why. It was because people were dying and Clare and her colleagues were implicated because no-one would blow the whistle. Romy doesn’t work at Bangor any longer. When Brown and me began publishing with regard to what was happening in the mental health services Romy emigrated. Just before Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Romy is now Professor Romy Lawson, Deputy Vice-Chancellor at Murdoch University in Perth, Australia.

If anyone visits Perth and bumps into Romy, how about asking her and her old pal Clare to make a statement about those patients whom they knew were being left to die? Romy might know a lot more as well. For years she worked as a warden in the halls of residence and told me how often she’d had to look after suicidal students because there was no functioning mental health service in Bangor. Romy commented that all she could do was ‘mop up the blood’ while she waited for the student’s parents to come and take them home.

Just one more thought re Romy. She wasn’t Welsh, she was from Manchester. She had grown up with a famous next door neighbour – the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester, the notorious James Anderton (see post ‘Rab Butler, High Table and The Founding Fathers’). Anderton was infamous for having an obsession with gays and prostitutes while his police force had been taken over by serious organised crime. Before Anderton retired, worrying stories appeared about him in the media suggesting that he was, er, mad. Anderton’s supporters robustly denied them, maintaining that these were smears from Anderton’s foes. So I asked Romy what he was like, as she had lived next door to him for years. She rolled around laughing and said ‘he was completely mad’. I asked if she meant that he was extreme in his anti-gay views. She replied that no, he’s mad, everyone knew it, we all kept away from him and he had his whole garden rigged out with special lights to catch evil spirits.

I could understand why Romy as a teenager was so entertained by her mad neighbour who was the highest ranking police officer in Greater Manchester. However, as competent adults in her 30s, she and her friend should not have been colluding with a bunch of maniacs at the Hergest Unit who were known to be leaving seriously ill people to die if they had made a complaint against the hospital.

 

Another rather more unlikely witness. Someone who works at Pentraeth Automotive near Menai Bridge who was a friend of Tony Francis. I don’t know his name, but he is either the owner of the garage or the senior manager. There were complaints about his behaviour towards women and it was Tony Francis who was reassuring everyone that he knew this man – he certainly did, Tony and his wife Sadie always had top of the range cars purchased from Pentraeth Automotive – and that it was the women who were the problem not the man at the garage. Which is what Francis said about me when I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd.

I heard another interesting account of the business practices of Pentraeth Automotive, this time involving ‘the boss’, a man called Ken. When I was working in a truly appalling care home on Anglesey in 2000, I witnessed a care assistant slap an elderly lady, catch the elderly lady’s skin with her fingernails and draw blood. I reported the assault to the care home owners and I was given a written warning for ‘breaching confidentiality’ when I admitted that I’d told another care assistant what happened. I walked out a couple of weeks later when I witnessed yet more abuse of patients. (I have blogged about all of this in a previous post.) Before I witnessed the care assistant assault the old lady, the care assistant told me that she and her husband purchased a car from Ken at Pentraeth Automotive on an HP agreement and within weeks couldn’t afford to pay for it. Ken announced that he would repossess the car. I thought oh well, fair enough, if you haven’t got the dosh. Not so. The slapping care assistant and her husband had an enormous row with Ken, let him know that they had the details of his many illegal practices and thus Ken let them keep the car without paying for it.

Why did the slapping care assistant not have the money for the car? Because her husband was keen on hard core porn which he was having imported at great cost. The slapping care assistant and her porn addicted husband had a teenaged son who was a student on a catering course at Coleg Menai. Because the family’s income was all going on porn, the Coleg Menai student applied for a hardship grant. He bloody well got it as well, I didn’t know any others who did. The slapping care assistant told me that she knew that her son had his head screwed on right because when the hardship grant arrived, he used it to buy some ‘good name trackie bottoms’.

I thought that the whole saga involving this family was hilarious – except for the slapping of a bedridden old lady – and I gave a full account to Brown. Brown told me that he agreed with the slapping care assistant, her son knew what he was doing. We didn’t have good name trackie bottoms, we didn’t have a hardship grant yet we weren’t importing hard core porn from Europe either. Neither did we have a car that we weren’t paying for. We haven’t scarpered to Australia and been given jobs as Deputy VCs either.

After making a merciful escape from the dreadful care home, Bryn Ceirios at Pentraeth, imagine my surprise when some months later I saw a feature in the local paper, placed by Coleg Menai, about their ‘star adult learner’. It was the slapping care assistant, the mum of the young man with good name trackie bottoms and the inhabitant of the house full of grumble vids fresh from Europe. Well Dorothy Griffiths, my real problem with you is that you violently assaulted an elderly lady and then did a deal with two negligent home owners to ensure that you remained in your job while I was the one who received a warning. However, the events involving Ken at Pentraeth Automotive, the European porn, the hardship grant and the good name trackie bottoms were certainly interesting, but what is most interesting of all is how with a track record like that, you managed to persuade Coleg Menai to award you their star learner gong and feature you in the local paper. Oooh let me guess – you had a load of shit on them???

 

The Top Doctors continue to make regular media appearances, firmly in denial regarding their own contribution to the parlous state of the NHS. BBC News Wales has featured Dr Mark Taubert, dispensing his wisdom about the difficulties of predicting how long terminally ill patients have to live. Dr Taubert is a palliative care specialist treating cancer patients, so I can understand that he can’t be precise when patients ask him how long they’ve got left, but it was a real laugh at the Hergest Unit to witness the Top Docs refuse to waste their time treating severely depressed people because they’re only going to kill themselves anyway. Do you know, the Top Docs were right, loads of those patients killed themselves. Years ago I asked Dafydd why there was such a high suicide rate among his patients. He put on a grave voice and told me that four out of ten severely mentally ill people end up killing themselves. Not only did Dafydd get the stats wrong, but he failed to address my point – why were there just so many people killing themselves in north Wales? Not that anyone gave a stuff, because ‘they all kill themselves anyway’.

Dr Mark Taubert isn’t Dafydd, Dr Taubert is a senior lecturer and Clinical Director at Velindre Hospital, which treats cancer patients in Cardiff. Welsh politicians love Velindre, they do like to pop down for a photo opportunity. Rhodri Morgan always managed to make it over to Velindre, as he refused to address the genocide in north Wales.

I found some interesting media coverage regarding Dr Taubert. Dr Taubert knows how to drum up a bit of good publicity for himself. In 2016 Dr Taubert achieved headlines after he wrote to David Bowie, thanking him for being an inspiration (what else??). What had Bowie done that was so inspirational? He’d died. Dr Taubert didn’t write to Bowie before his death, because David Bowie wanted a bit of privacy and no-one knew that he was dying. So Dr Taubert got in on the act and wrote to Bowie after his death. Not that he sent the letter to David Bowie – Dr Taubert uploaded his letter to David Bowie on the BMJ blog, so the world could read what he’d written to Bowie! No-one wrote back to Taubert and said why are you writing letters to dead people on the BMJ blog you publicity seeking tosser, but Duncan Jones – Bowie’s son – and Benedict Cumberbatch did write back to Dr Taubert thanking him on behalf of the dead rock star. This guaranteed full media coverage.

Dr Taubert’s letter to David Bowie observes that Bowie ‘chose’ to die at home and Taubert ponders on his own patients making such choices. Not only has Taubert wisely kept schtum about the multi millionaire Bowie choosing to live in Switzerland and not risk his neck with NHS Wales – Bowie probably heard about the circumstances in which Anne Clwyd’s husband died at the University Hospital in Cardiff – but Taubert fails to mention that most terminally ill patients do not have the choice of dying at home. There is huge pressure on people to die in hospital, where one’s final hours can consist of being dumped naked on a bed with one’s glass of water out of reach. Even if things are not as grim as that, the real biggie for cancer patients is that they can’t get the pain relief that they need if they stay at home and there’s bugger all home support available to nurse the dying. So unlike millionaires in Switzerland, they don’t have ‘choices’.

Mark’s letter to David Bowie waxed lyrical about Bowie’s music and stage personas. It didn’t mention the years that Bowie spent with a serious drug problem, which would have caused him to be refused treatment if he were an NHS patient in Gwynedd. It didn’t mention the bisexual swinging with the sort of young people whom Dafydd and the gang trafficked to London and Brighton and it didn’t mention the incredibly acrimonious divorce between Bowie and his wife Angie, which resulted in Angie threatening to go public about a great many things but being gagged by David and his expensive lawyers.

David Bowie was one of those who played at the Freddie Mercury Tribute Concert on 20 April 1992, following Mercury’s death from AIDS. Like Bowie, Mercury kept his condition very quiet, although there are indications that he had known that he was HIV positive for a long time before he told even close friends.

The proceeds of the Tribute Concert were donated to AIDS research. My post ‘Apocalypse Now’ details the establishment of the first specialist AIDS hospice in the UK, the former Mildmay Mission Hospital in the East End. Most of the young men who died there were rent boys, many who had been trafficked from children’s homes in north Wales. The Top Docs and AIDS researchers knew that. These witnesses to serious crime died surrounded by staff who ensured that no-one ever found out how they had become infected. The Mildmay did have some celebrity patients and I wondered if one of them had been Freddie Mercury, judging from the account that I read.

The dying rent boys at the flagship AIDS ward at UCH/Middlesex Hospital were filmed shaking hands with Diana, with the viewers being told that they had no-one in the world because their families had rejected them for being gay. No, they had been taken away from their families and sent to Dafydd and the paedophiles. Those who did have families who rejected them were rejected because they were sex workers rather than because they were gay. The celebs were not filmed shaking hands with Di. People worked very hard to give them complete privacy.

Most of the stars who played at the Freddie Mercury Tribute Concert knew that many of those with whom they had often had sex were kids in care. They might not have realised the brutality that had been involved in coercing the kids into prostitution, but they did know that they were underage and they did know that they weren’t living at home with families. No-one bothered to enquire further.

 

Lastly, I think it is time that I exposed someone upon whom many patients and relatives in north Wales pinned a lot of hopes but who has let them down very badly. Donna Ockenden. Donna Ockenden conducted the ‘independent investigation’ into the Tawel Fan Scandal at the Betsi. Donna wrote an interim report about Tawel Fan which was hard hitting (see post ‘The Tawel Fan Scandal’) and she then conducted a second investigation, promising to leave no stone unturned and expose just how bad the situation was, if necessary. We all waited with baited breath. Donna produced her final report a few weeks ago. It was damning, but like every other report into care scandals in north Wales, it did not admit just how bad things are in mental health in north Wales. Patients and relatives accused Donna of a luke-warm response or even a cover-up. I presumed that Donna was going to return to do a bit more work in north Wales. No. Donna has gone. So I’ll brief readers as to the evidence that Donna ignored.

After Donna wrote her first report she stated that she wanted to hear from any mental health patients in north Wales who were not happy with the ‘services’. I was one who contacted Donna. I spoke to her on the phone and she reassured me that she had serious concerns about the Betsi and was determined to expose any rot that there was. I e mailed Donna masses of evidence – witness statements, e mail correspondence, insulting letters to me from NHS personnel refusing to investigate the most serious of complaints. I also forwarded evidence relating to another patient in north Wales, with their permission, who had become too ill to do this themselves. They had been imprisoned on the basis of the perjury of Hergest staff and then refused all NHS treatment.

Donna was given documentary evidence of perjury, perverting the course of justice, conspiracy, assault on patients, unlawful imprisonment, destruction of evidence by NHS senior managers and unlawful denial of NHS care. Donna asked me if I would meet her and a surgeon from England who was assisting with the investigation in an hotel in north Wales to discuss what had happened to me and others. Some days later, after I sent yet further evidence of serious crime on the part of the NHS and social services in north Wales, Donna e mailed me and asked if we could postpone the meeting until she’d had a chance to meet with other patients and relatives. I never heard from her again. I subsequently had to leave Wales for my own safety, but Donna had my e mail address. Neither did she or her surgeon colleague contact me again regarding the evidence pertaining to the other patient that I sent her. He ended up going abroad for life-saving treatment because the NHS flatly unlawfully refused to treat him.

So Donna has written her report and she’s gone. She was given documentary evidence of serious organised crime. Donna, you should not have fled, you should have taken it to the police. We tried the police ourselves again and again, but we were just threatened when we did so. You and the surgeon have just buggered off and left patients in north Wales to die.

Donna’s background is in midwifery and senior NHS management. She has also worked in the United Arab Emirates. I recommend that readers visit her website and note her numerous senior and advisory positions. Donna is described as a ‘catalyst for change’. She hasn’t been in north Wales, she got the hell out of there and abandoned the patients to a bunch of gangsters.

 

There’s something nasty in the woodshed in north Wales. It’s so nasty that no-one will go near it.

 

 

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor

The Guardian online edition has just published the obituary of Bronwen Astor, the third wife of Bill Astor aka William Waldorf, 3rd Viscount Astor – Bronwen died at the age of 87 on Dec 28.

Bronwen married Bill Astor in 1960 and only three years later found herself at the centre of the Profumo Affair, the scandal which brought down Harold Macmillan in Oct 1963. Bronwen and the Astors considered that they suffered very badly as a result of the Profumo Affair – they complained that their reputations had been unfairly tarnished and that friends had deserted them. In 2001 Peter Stanford wrote a biography of Bronwen with which she readily co-operated by making papers and other information available. Bronwen felt that Stanford’s biography had gone some way to salvaging her reputation and after its publication she felt able to move back to London to live among those who had previously coldshouldered her. There were however two other people who fared rather more badly than Bronwen or the Astors, as we shall see.

Bronwen was born Janet Bronwen Alun Pugh in London, the third daughter of the Welsh circuit judge Sir Alun Pugh.  Although she was raised in Hampstead, Bronwen went to Dr Williams School in Dolgellau, north Wales, as a boarder. After leaving school she trained to be a teacher at the Central School of Speech and Drama. Bronwen didn’t actually want to teach and she took up modelling work instead. In 1954 she worked for a while as a BBC TV presenter and then went to Paris where she became a high profile catwalk model. Bronwen retired from the catwalk after she married Bill Astor and dedicated herself to running Cliveden, Astor’s country seat. Bill Astor was Tory MP for Fulham East, 1935-45. He served as a naval intelligence officer during WWII and made many contacts. In 1951 Astor was elected as the Tory MP for High Wycombe. He relinquished his seat when he inherited his father’s title ten months later.

Cliveden was the centre of a group of aristos known as the Cliveden set – which included Baroness Jean Trumpington – who enjoyed weekend gatherings there. Trumpers’s friend Sally Norton was Bill Astor’s first wife. Cliveden was to become notorious as a result of a party that was held there on the weekend of 8-9 July 1961. It was at this party that one of the guests, 19 year old Christine Keeler, met another guest, John aka Jack Profumo, who was the Minister for War in Harold Macmillan’s Cabinet. Jack Profumo was very keen on Christine and they started an affair.

Christine was not one of the aristocratic friends of Bill Astor. She had experienced a very difficult life and whilst in her mid-teens had become involved with various unpleasant people, including a violent pimp and a gangster associated with London’s jazz scene, Johnny Edgecombe. Christine was also friendly with someone who treated her rather better than Edgecombe did, a society osteopath and portrait artist, Stephen Ward. Ward had met Christine in 1959 when she was 17 and working as a dancer in Soho – her bit of the dancing consisted of her standing on the stage topless but motionless whilst the other dancers did the dancing. Christine moved in with Stephen Ward – his house was in Wimpole Mews – and she also spent time with him at Spring Cottage, a house that Ward rented on the Cliveden estate. Ward was a good friend of Bill Astor and Ward and his guests at Spring Cottage would attend the bashes that Astor was holding at the main house. Another person shared Ward’s house with Christine and him – Christine’s friend Mandy Rice-Davies.

Stephen Ward was the son of an English vicar, who someone responsible for adding information to his wiki entry tells us was a ‘lazy and regular underachiever’ at school. Such was Ward’s underachieving that he had no other options for a career but osteopathy – which the lazy underachiever was very good at. The lazy underachiever qualified as an osteopath in the US and then in 1944 was posted to India with the Army, where he was allowed to continue with his osteopathy – Mahatma Ghandi was one of his patients. Whilst in India Ward had a ‘nervous collapse’ and was hospitalised. He returned to England in 1945 and was discharged from the Army on the grounds of disability.

Ward then worked at the Osteopathic Association Clinic at Dorset Square in London, where one of his patients was Duncan Sandys, Churchill’s son-in-law, who was sufficiently impressed by the lazy underachiever to recommend him to Churchill. So many other people were wowed by the lazy underachiever that word spread among the members of High Society and Ward opened his own clinic in Cavendish Square, off Harley Street. Ward had become friendly with socialite Arthur Ferrier who invited Ward to his parties. At these gatherings Ward met other lazy underachievers, including Prince Philip of Greece, who at that point was a junior officer in the Navy and hadn’t yet married into the Saxe-Coburg-Gotha family of German origin which allowed him to hurl racist insults at Johnny Foreigner with impunity. One of Ward’s patients was Bill Astor. They became good friends and in 1956 Astor let Spring Cottage to Ward at a nominal rent.

History tells us that Ward introduced the ‘shy Bill Astor’ into Ward’s world of girls and parties . Bill Astor was so shy that he’d managed to get married a couple of times and procreate by the time that he married Bronwen in 1960. I don’t think that the parties at Cliveden were solely Ward’s idea either.

Ward’s laziness and underachieving also led to him studying at the Slade and subsequently establishing a reputation as a painter of portraits. In 1960 he was commissioned by the Illustrated London News to paint a series of portraits including those of Prince Philip and Princess Margaret. Ward wanted to visit the Soviet Union to paint the Soviet leaders, so the editor of the Daily Telegraph Sir Colin Coote arranged for Ward to be introduced to Yevgeny Ivanov, a Russian naval attache at the Soviet Embassy. Ward became good friends with Ivanov – who was known to the British security services as a KGB agent. Ward was used by the Foreign Office in unofficial diplomacy – as a backchannel through Ivanov to the Soviet Union – at the time of the Cuban missile crisis. Christine Keeler began a relationship with Iavanov.

The security services wanted Ivanov to defect and had planned to use Christine as a honey trap. However that plan was complicated after she met Profumo and begun an affair with him as well – Ward had reported to MI5 that they had met at the party. Christine and Profumo definitely had an affair but no-one is quite sure how long for, as so many people told so many lies. It is known that they regularly met at Ward’s house in Wimpole Mews. Ward had joked to Christine about her participating in pillow talk with Profumo regarding the possibility of West Germany being provided with nuclear warheads, but MI5 didn’t take this seriously. However the story regarding the possibility of a security breach got out.

On 9 Aug 1961 Profumo was warned of the dangers of his friendships with Ward’s group by Cabinet Secretary Sir Norman Brook, who had been told by Sir Roger Hollis DG of MI5 that MI5 were unsure of Ward’s dependability.

Although there were plenty of rumours circulating about Christine’s relationship with Profumo, nothing emerged in the press until Johnny Edgecombe got particularly nasty. Christine – who was described as Edgecombe’s ‘lover’ but seems to have fallen more into the category of a call-girl/battered girlfriend of his – was assaulted by a male acquaintance of both of them. Edgecombe slashed him with a knife causing considerable injury, was arrested and subsequently appeared at the Old Bailey in March 1963. Christine was called as a witness but was so frightened of Edgecombe that she failed to materialise in Court. She had good reason to be frightened – three months previously Edgeware had gone looking for her and had fired a few shots into Ward’s door for good measure.

After Christine’s non-appearance at the Old Bailey, there was a hoo hah about the ‘missing witness’ and Christine went public on what had been going on re Profumo and her and tried to sell her story to the press. No-one dared publish anything but the level of rumour was such that on 21 March after Edgecombe’s trial Private Eye published a thinly disguised account replacing the names of the people involved with ‘Dr Spook’, ‘Miss Gaye Funloving’, ‘Mr James Montesi’ and ‘Vladimir Bolokhov’.

On 22 March 1963 Profumo made a statement to the House denying any ‘impropriety’ with Christine. Stephen Ward initially supported Profumo’s story but was so aggressively targeted by the police and threatened with arrest for living off immoral earnings on the grounds that Christine and Mandy were prostitutes that he revealed all to Profumo’s political masters and to the press. Profumo fessed up and resigned from Parliament. The police had interviewed more than 100 people as part of their investigation into Ward and Mandy Rice-Davies was arrested for a driving licence offence and remanded in Holloway until she agreed to testify against him.  Two days after Profumo resigned, among growing rumours of many more sex scandals in high places including allegations that senior civil servants were involved in unacceptable sexual practices and that Prince Philip was somehow linked to the Profumo Affair, Ward was arrested and charged with living off immoral earnings and procuring.

Ward’s trial in July 1963 caused a sensation. The famous bit was Mandy Rice-Davies’s response after being told that Bill Astor had denied having sex with her – she replied ‘well he would wouldn’t he’. Mandy was sixteen when she lived it up and slept with the Cliveden set. There was a paucity of evidence against Ward. Mandy and Christine had contributed towards household expenses whilst they had lived with him and had repaid money that he’d lent them. Furthermore Ward had a very good income from his osteopathy and painting. Most charges against him were dismissed, but Ward was convicted on two counts of living off immoral earnings.

Ward was made a complete scapegoat because a bunch of aristos and politicians who were mates with the Royal Family had been caught out. His character was completely trashed, first at the committal proceedings on 28 June 1963 at Marylebone Magistrates Court and then again at his Old Bailey trial. None of the rich very well-connected people who had been close friends with Ward for years spoke up for him and MI5 didn’t reveal that they had been using him. Towards the end of the trial there was evidence available from another case at the Court of Appeal that Christine had perjured herself in that case and therefore wasn’t a sound witness – she was the chief prosecution witness at Ward’s trial. The presiding judge at Ward’s trial Sir Archie Marshall – who had been active in the Liberal Party since he had been at Cambridge and had previously stood for election as a Liberal candidate on a number of occasions – did not make this evidence known to the jury. The prosecution barrister was Mervyn Griffith-Jones, who had become notorious three years previously at the Lady Chatterley’s Lover trial, when he had questioned whether someone would want their ‘wife or servants’ to read the book. Griffith-Jones ripped Ward apart and stated in Court that Ward represented the ‘very depths of lechery and depravity’.

On 30 July Archie Marshall began his summing up. He made such an attack on Ward that Ward overdosed on barbiturates and was taken to hospital where he died three days later. His memorial service was held in the chapel at St Stephen’s Hospital, so I presume that is where he died.

Ward was the man who was put on trial but the police had investigated Bill Astor as well and had threatened to charge him with brothel keeping, after they discovered that he had written a cheque to pay the rent on a flat of Christine’s and Mandy’s.

Another judge knew a great deal about what did or didn’t go on at Cliveden but he didn’t appear at the Old Bailey – Sir Alun Pugh, Bill Astor’s father-in-law. Jeremy Lewis’s book ‘David Astor’ describes how before Ward’s trial Alun Pugh met with Bill Astor, David Astor, David and Bill’s brother Jakie and Bill Astor’s lawyer to discuss whether Bill was going to give evidence. Sir Aun remembered that ‘David was breathing fire and talked about the fight for the honour of the Astor family’ and was ‘begging Bill to go into the witness box’. Bill was advised against this by his ‘awful lawyer’.

The Astor family owned the Observer and David was the editor. David went to Eton and then Balliol, whereas both Bill and Jakie went to Eton and then New College, Oxford. Jakie was the Tory MP for Plymouth Sutton, 1951-59. Nancy Astor, the mother of Bill, David and Jakie, had been the Tory MP for Plymouth Sutton, 1919-45. Nancy had a son from her first marriage, Bobby Shaw, who was quite troubled. He had problems with alcohol and in 1931 he was arrested for homosexual offences. Many years later, after his mother’s death, Bobby killed himself. Nancy Astor’s political views were a bit odd. She was an appeaser who met Nazi officials on a number of occasions and also had a problem with Jewish people and Catholics – such that she dictated that they should not be employed by the Observer, a policy which was still being followed in the 1960s. She took an interest in juvenile justice and was involved in the passing of legislation regarding sex offences against young people.

David Astor was viewed as a socially liberal compassionate man supportive of a number of radical causes. When he was young he had a breakdown and was analysed by Anna Freud. David was very friendly with George Orwell, who was employed by the Observer. David and George Orwell are buried next to each other – David purchased the two burial plots for that purpose. David Astor was one of the founders of Amnesty International in 1961 and was also very supportive of the ANC from the mid-60s. Nelson Mandela publicly paid tribute to David Astor for his support.

However there are a few interesting things tucked away regarding David in Jeremy Lewis’s book. Although the Observer condemned Profumo for lying to the House, David was obviously able to wield considerable control over what it published about the Profumo Affair. Jeremy Lewis’s biography of David Astor records how at the time of Stephen Ward’s trial David was on holiday on Jura and wrote to Bill Astor telling him that he wished that he could control what the Observer was going to say about the trial. Yet David will have known the date of the trial weeks in advance – he didn’t HAVE to go on holiday to Jura at that time. David had a friend and an advisor who was notoriously effective at assisting people in high places who were in trouble – Lord Arnold Goodman. Goodman was Harold Wilson’s solicitor and also helped Jeremy Thorpe out when he was charged with conspiring to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). David Astor is one of the many people who maintained that Ward was ‘the victim of an historic injustice’. Astor was on record as saying that the build up of hostility towards Ward before the trial was a ‘nightmare’ and that he regrets that he didn’t say anything about it. Ah well he just had to go on that holiday to Jura when he had absolutely no influence at all over what the paper that his family owned and which he edited was going to publish about the very hot water in which his older brother had landed.

George Orwell wasn’t the only employee of the Observer who’s name became part of British history. The Observer also employed Kim Philby. After Burgess and Maclean defected, Kim Philby was under suspicion of being the Third Man and was grilled by MI5. He resigned from the service. Malcolm Muggeridge, Philby’s war time colleague from MI6, suggested that Philby should try and bag a job on the Observer. Philby wrote to David Astor in Feb 1952 and made a good impression on Astor and Philip Toynbee. Philby subsequently filed a number of reports for the Observer. Two years later in 1955 Philby was officially cleared in the House of the accusation that he was the Third Man. MI6 re-employed him and posted him to Beirut, under the cover of working for the Observer as their middle east correspondent. In 1963 Philby defected to Russia. Ted Heath later told the House that Philby had been the Third Man and had been working for the Soviets. Astor later denied knowing that Philby was working for MI6, although the security services maintain that Astor did know.

The Observer came in for a lot of flak for employing Kim Philby.

John Pringle maintained that thanks to David Astor, ‘the Observer behaved with generosity and restraint’, which saved the reputation of Cliveden. Bronwen stated that she was ‘very touched’ by a letter that she’d received from David. David also wrote to Profumo, acknowledging that Profumo blamed Bill Astor for his troubles and that he found it ‘difficult to entirely forgive Bill’, but urged him to visit Bill who was at the time in the Middlesex Hospital.

The Observer was ailing in the 1960s. The Sunday Times’s circulation exceeded that of the Observer – the Sunday Times even managed to employ Lord Snowdon as their photographer – and the launch of the Sunday Telegraph in 1961 provided further competition for the Observer. David Astor, Tristan Jones the MD of the Observer and the Trustees were working flat out to keep the newspaper afloat. Tristan Jones was the son of Tom Jones, the President of Aberystwyth University, 1944-54. Scores of the lawyers and judges who concealed the criminality associated with the Top Doctors and the paedophile gang in north Wales trained at Aberystwyth. Tristan Jones’s sister was Baroness Eirene White, who for many years was the Labour MP for Flintshire, who did a great deal to conceal the criminality as well (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

After Stephen Ward’s trial the Master of the Rolls Lord Denning was appointed by the Gov’t to investigate all the rumours that emanated from the Profumo Affair. Denning’s Report was published in Sept 1963. He maintained that there had been no security leaks, no evidence to link members of the Gov’t with the associated scandals and blamed the ‘utterly immoral Ward’ for absolutely everything. After Macmillan resigned ‘for health reasons’, his successor Lord Home resigned his peerage and became Sir Alec Douglas Home. In Oct 1964 Labour won the General Election and Harold Wilson became Prime Minister.

It was John Hunt who in his capacity as Cabinet Secretary to Harold Wilson’s Gov’t advised Wilson to appoint Sir Kenneth Stowe as the Principal Private Secretary to the PM. John Hunt – who served as Cabinet Secretary, 1973-79 ie. to the Gov’ts of Heath, Wilson, Callaghan and Thatcher – had been Sir Norman Brook’s Private Secretary, 1956-58 – the Norman Brook who had warned Profumo about Stephen Ward’s crowd. John Hunt and Kenneth Stowe became incredibly powerful people and Stowe spent many enjoyable years as the Principal Private Secretary to Wilson and Callaghan and then as the mandarin who concealed all the crap in the NHS, including the activities of the lobotomist Gwynne Williams, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophile ring (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’) In 1989 Sir Kenneth Stowe published a book called ‘On Caring for the National Health’. Stowe certainly cared for the health of society’s elites and for the Top Doctors who served them but unfortunately not for patients who were the targets of the Top Doctors who were involved in serious crime. Gwynne the lobotomist and facilitator of the paedophile ring became Medical Superintendent of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in 1963. Dafydd followed hot on his heels. Dafydd and Gwynne also were involved in the sexual exploitation of young attractive female patients who like Christine Keeler had come from difficult backgrounds and had no-one to look out for them. Christine Keeler had been in the hands of the welfare agencies herself as a teenager.

The account written of the Profumo Affair by Anthony Summers and Stephen Dorril maintains that a former MI6 operative admitted that Stephen Ward had been murdered by an MI6 agent, because of the potential for him to cause embarrassment to the Gov’t and the Royal Family. Jean Trumpington mentions in her biography ‘Coming Up Trumps’ that when HM the Queen visited Cliveden, the less reputable guests would be hidden (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). The alleged method of killing Steven Ward was to encourage him to take increasing doses of barbiturates until a fatal dose had been ingested. Which would be a very easy thing to achieve if you were, for example, a Top Doctor treating a very distressed Stephen Ward who was being fitted up in Court. In fact that is exactly what very nearly happened to me at the hands of the mental health services in north Wales (see post ‘An Attempt To Frame Me – Witnessed’).

In 1982 Ward’s MI5 role whilst he was friendly with Ivanov was confirmed by the Sunday Times, who located his former contact.

Christine Keeler died recently and maintained to the end that the truth about the Profumo Affair had never ever been revealed. Although in one of her accounts Keeler stated that Ward was a spy she always maintained that he was a gentleman and that their relationship had never been sexual . Mandy Rice-Davies weathered the Profumo Affair rather better than Christine did and became a successful businesswoman. Christine went to prison for perjury – but not at Stephen Ward’s trial – and spent most of the rest of her life being called a slapper.

Jack Profumo rehabilitated himself completely through Good Works with the disadvantaged and dispossessed at Toynbee Hall in the East End. Toynbee Hall has featured previously on this blog. Some of those involved with Toynbee Hall have concealed the sexual abuse and exploitation of disadvantaged young people.

Bronwen was frozen out of high society post-Profumo and was miffed to be accused of being another one of Ward’s girls who was trained to bag a rich husband. Bronwen maintained that she only met Ward after her marriage to Bill Astor and took an ‘instant dislike’ to him. As of course did everyone else once the scandal became public – after they’d been mates with him for years, invited him to their knees-ups, had their portraits painted and had their muscles and bones manipulated by him. And of course asked him to supply them with girls for their parties.

In 1966 Bill Astor died in the Bahamas.

Bronwen moved from Cliveden and founded an ecumenical religious community at Tuesley Manor in Godalming in Surrey. The community collapsed in 1974 – in 1986 Bronwen qualified as a psychotherapist and ran a practice for over 20 years. She was regarded as something of an authority on the link between religious experiences and the mind and Chaired the Alester Hardy Religious Experience Research Centre at Oxford – which is now located at Trinity St David’s University in Wales.

Those who were involved with Cliveden are nearly all dead now. So perhaps Trumpers would like to let us know exactly who did what because I don’t suppose that the Queen and Prince Philip are going to be giving any interviews about their time at parties with the Cliveden set.