Rab, High Table and the Founding Fathers

A reader of this blog has sent me the Report of the Home Office Research Unit, June 1974 – when Roy Jenkins was Home Secretary – summarising current and past projects funded by the Home Office Research Unit as far back as the mid 1950s. This Report is certainly an interesting document but there is not the capacity on this blog to write as much as I’d like to about the research summarised. What is very clear from the Report is that for many years, the Home Office Research Unit had been conducting research into children’s social services, the psychiatric system, detox units, prisons and remand centres, borstals, approved schools, the Probation Service, the parole system and the practices of the police. Even if those researchers were of mediocre quality – and I imagine that some of them were – they could not have missed the large scale abuse of vulnerable people within the systems that they were researching. Research projects included investigating: who were the clients of prostitutes; why children and young people were attempting suicide or running away from approved schools and borstals; the histories of teenaged girls in Borstals and women in prison; narcotics users in detox units and prisons; and the workings of legislation relating to children, young people and prisoners deemed to be mentally ill. The Home Office Research Unit will have stumbled upon Dafydd and the gang repeatedly. Which might be why some of those being commissioned by the Home Office Research Unit to conduct the research were associates of Dafydd et al.

The Home Office Research Unit was established in 1957 under Macmillan’s Home Secretary Rab Butler. After the Children and Young Persons Act 1963, the Unit’s responsibilities were extended to matters relating to child care and adoption and extended again in the wake of the Race Relations Act 1968 and the Misuse of Drugs Act 1971. Universities and academics were invited to apply for grant funding from the Unit.

The Home Office Research Unit acted as a liaison between the Home Office and Social Work Group and the Scottish Home and Health Dept. Throughout many of the years that this Unit was in operation, there were at least two civil servants at the very top of the Home Office who were corrupt and colluding with serious crime – Barbara Kahan and Bing Spear. Kahan was a social worker based in Oxfordshire for much of her life who colluded with the most serious abuse of children throughout her career and was appointed as the Home Office’s Deputy Chief Inspector of the Children’s Dept in 1970, under Heath’s Home Secretary Reginald Maudling. When the remit for childcare moved to the DHSS in 1971, Barbara moved with it and became adviser to the then Secretary of State of the DHSS, Keith Joseph (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). Bing Spear spent years as the mandarin responsible for the supervision of the prescription of Class A drugs in the Home Office’s Drugs Branch. Spear seems to have been an addict himself and was undoubtedly facilitating the sale of Class A drugs by Top Doctors like Ann Dally and Dafydd (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Bing Spear and Sir Peter Morrison were most conveniently found dead just four days apart in July 1995, as decisions were supposedly being taken by John Major’s Gov’t as to whether to hold a Public Inquiry into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. The decision to hold the Inquiry and to appoint Ronnie Waterhouse as Chair had obviously been taken by then because Ronnie had altered his retirement plans and was on manoeuvres, as was the well-camouflaged paedophiles’ friend Professor Eric Sunderland, former VC of UCNW (Bangor University). And of course Dafydd had finally ‘retired’, but he hadn’t, business had simply been re-routed through his charidee CAIS and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh had closed down, except that it hadn’t, parts of it were still up and running but no-one was told. Then there had been the recent musical chairs at the very top of the Welsh Office, with Secretaries of State coming and going and paedophiles’ friend Lord David Hunt just taking over for a few days whilst all the crime was concealed as best as it could be.

 

Some of the work commissioned by the Unit was conducted by people who were already big names, such as the now discredited Prof H.J. Eysenck and his wife Sybil of the Institute of Psychiatry, who conducted research on the ‘personality of offenders’, 1971-74. Dafydd, Tony Francis, Professor Bob Woods and many more passed through the Institute of Psychiatry during their ‘training’. Eysenck was there for years, Dafydd et al will have known him even if they didn’t work with his team. Many people named in the Home Office Research Unit’s June 1974 Report have disappeared without trace, some became well-known but are now names from a previous era, whereas a few are still highly influential today or have only relatively recently died.

This Report exemplifies why there are such problems with the care and treatment of vulnerable people, including those who end up in the criminal justice system. If one takes the time to read some of the other research published by some of those named in this Report, it comprises some of the most notorious ‘research’ conducted during the latter half of the 20th century, for example the experiments on ‘neurotics’ with sodium amytal. Such experiments at Aston Hall Hospital were a smokescreen for the most serious abuse of children by the Top Doctor who ran that institution. It was an Aston Hall survivor who sent me the Report – they have also told me that the report of the police investigation into Aston Hall is due to be published later this month. The people who abused children, patients and prisoners in the name of this lame, poor quality research trained the generation of researchers and practitioners who are just retiring now ie. those who were responsible for educating and training today’s researchers and practitioners.

 

The more critically minded students were able to see through the terrible practices of their mentors, but a frighteningly high proportion of those students were not critically minded and were taught laughable theory and inducted into very bad practice.

This was a problem in the School of Psychology at UCNW. Professor Fergus Lowe, who led the regime there for decades, was known to lie, cheat and plagiarise. Some psychologists walked away from Fungus and Bangor because of this, but a great many didn’t, they learned – or didn’t learn – at the knee of Fungus. Thus this ‘world leading department’ contained more than a few researchers who did not adhere to basic protocol. The School of Psychology used to recruit a lot of people to participate in the PhD students’ experiments and I and two friends of mine volunteered for this in about 2005. The students didn’t know that two of us held postgraduate qualifications in science subjects ourselves and they responded to us as they did to other participants. They were rude, arrogant and patronising while we watched them make elementary mistakes. Midway through one trial which involved me hitting a computer key in response to images flashing on the screen in front of me, the keyboard provided for the participants was changed. The substitute keyboard was of a completely different design and it was a design that I had not seen before. As I grappled with the new keyboard, the PhD student looked at me contemptuously and commented that I probably wasn’t intelligent enough to participate in this trial. I explained to him that I had been given a different keyboard. He stated that didn’t matter. Yes it did you idiot, it is called ‘alerting the variables during the course of the trial’ and it is something that one never does. I demanded the return of the original keyboard and after much aggro it arrived. I completed the experiment while Mr Fuckwit looked on in amazement.

My two friends who participated in trials with Fungus’s minions had similar experiences, but with added extras, having taken part in many more trials than I did. They noted serious breaches of ethics as well as flaws in methodology. I knew these friends from my days in Bethesda, when the Top Docs and paedophiles’ friends had me arrested constantly and tried to set fire to my house. They had lived in the same village as me and witnessed what was going on. One of them died some years ago. He had a long-standing heart condition with which he had lived for many years, which was known to the GPs at Bethesda surgery. He had a non-fatal heart attack at home one evening and his wife rang the GP on call, Dr Nicky Heinersdorff. Heinersdorff refused to attend her patient’s home, although Nicky Heinersdorff lived just up on the hill behind Rachub, about half a mile away from the house of the man who had the heart attack. His wife had to ring an ambulance for help. By the time that the ambulance arrived, my friend was unconscious. He died in hospital a couple of weeks later without ever regaining consciousness. Heinersdorff’s negligence was the talk of Bethesda but there was no investigation.

This man’s death was yet another death of someone who knew about the paedophile gang and what it was doing to victims, who also knew some of what was going on in the School of Psychology under Fungus and who many years ago had been a student of Prof Greig-Smith, the botanist at UCNW who worked with the spouses of some of the paedophile gang and who knew Prof Edred Henry Corner, the botanist who was the uncle of Douglas Hurd. Hurd was Home Secretary, 1985-89 and colluded with the crimes of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’).

It really is quite striking as to who pegs out when a Top Doctor refuses to do their job.

 

I have mentioned in previous posts that when I was an undergrad, a lot of my friends were postgrad students at UCNW in zoology or plant biology. I was friends with a number of students on the MSc Ecology degree at Bangor, which was at the time considered the leading course of its kind. Prof Greig-Smith led the course and even the keenest and most able students complained bitterly about Greig-Smith’s deep unpleasantness and the lack of student support. One such student was an Oxford zoology graduate called Adrian Barnett. Adrian had been a member of the Exploration Society at Oxford and had done the David Livingstone bit and had hacked through jungles. During the course of his adventures, Adrian had contracted malaria which is of course recurring. Adrian would be spotted shaking and sweating around the University and in lectures and would be cheerfully ignored by the staff, while the students said to each other ‘oh it’s Adrian’s malaria again’.

Adrian knew my friend Anne who was killed by the paedophiles’ friends in spring 1986 and I think that Adrian knew what was happening to me at the hands of the Top Doctors as well.

Adrian didn’t end up with an MSc from Greig-Smith, he was given a Post-Grad Diploma instead. I can’t remember whether Adrian was just given the booby prize or whether he opted for it by leaving the course early. There was such dissatisfaction with Greig-Smith that students did talk of leaving without hanging around for their MSc. Adrian later went to Surrey University in Roehampton to do a PhD in Primatology, but he didn’t get that either.

Not that any of this has held Adrian back. He has spent many years exploring Central and South America, including the Andes and the Amazon, as well as West Africa. Adrian now styles himself as a rainforest ecologist and works at the Instituto Nacional de Pesquisas da Amazonia.

Adrian’s career highlights include:

Research Associate, Department of Anthropology, California Academy of Sciences, San Francisco, California, USA: Public Lecturer: Los Angeles, London and Philadelphia zoos; Royal Geographical Society; British Museum of Natural History; Oxford, Cambridge and London Universities, Universities of California Berkeley and Pennsylvania and others; Senior Research Officer, Friends of the Earth England, Tropical Rainforest Campaign, 1991-93; Environmental Journalist, 1986-present: BBC Radio 4, 5 and BBC World Service Radio (Over 600 appearances and presentations.) Children’s educational radio: presenter of ‘Animal Talk’ and 2 years as resident scientist on the ‘Mark Curry Morning Show’. ‘BBC Wildlife’ magazine, ‘Earth’ magazine, ‘The Guardian’, ‘The Times’, ‘New Scientist’ magazine. Royal Geographical Society-Shell UK Rainforest Education Pack, Maraca Rainforest ProjectPartner, Akodon Ecological Consulting, 1996-present. Staff, Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences, Education Department, 1998-99. Staff, The Franklin Institute Science Museum, 1998-99. Resident Faculty, International Honors Program in Global Ecology, 1992-96. Expedition team leader, 1999, for the Wildlife Conservation Society mammal survey. 

Scientific societiesFellow, Royal Geographical Society. Scientific Fellow, Zoological Society of London. Member, American Society of Mammalogists; American Society of Physical Anthropologists; Neotropical Bird Club; Primate Society of Great Britain.

Adrian’s success is certainly impressive when one considers how many degrees that he failed to complete and how sought after opportunities in ecology in exotic places are. Zoologists and botanists of Adrian’s generation with career-orientated parents were very used to receiving grief from their mums and dads about their terrible prospects if they insisted on wasting their talents studying flora and fauna.

Jobs with the BBC as naturalists are damn near impossible to bag. David Attenborough landed one, but then his dad was Principal of University College Leicester, an institution which concealed a VIP paedophile ring (see post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’) and of course Terry Nutkins and Chris Packham landed such jobs, although I don’t know how, particularly as Chris Packham keeps telling everyone that he was seriously dysfunctional and autistic. Bill Oddie of course succeeded, the Bill Oddie who was part of the Footlights tribe, along with Graham Chapman, a Top Doctor who molested young boys and was a friend of one of those who gave thousands of quid to people in Somerset who knew what was happening to me in north Wales (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’) and of course Jonathan Miller, a Top Doctor who was the son of a Top Doctor, who knew damn well what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’). Jonathan’s son William worked at the BBC with my friend, when a gangster went after my friend, before the BBC forced my friend out of his job (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).

So when Adrian’s CV arrived on the desk of Jimmy Savile’s employer and of course the employer of Esther, who did not reply when I wrote to her and told her of Dafydd’s abuses in the late 1980s, what outstanding features did Adrian’s CV have out of the hundreds that the BBC would have received? Er – UCNW, Ecology, 1986 perhaps?? AAAARGGGH – we’ve either got to kill him or give him a job…

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Mark Curry used to present ‘Blue Peter’ and later in his career he starred in the TV series ‘Doctors’. I do hope that Val, John and Pete weren’t linked to Dafydd as well. I wasn’t one of these people who believed that my childhood had been stolen when Savile was unmasked as a sex offender, because I didn’t waste time with ‘Jim’ll Fix It’, I hated the weird old creep and years later, after falling into the clutches of Dafydd and the paedophiles, I knew that there was no innocent explanation when Savile was appointed manager of Broadmoor particularly as I had heard that Savile was a child abuser even if no-one at the BBC had. However I did like Val, John and Pete and of course Shep and the other pets and it would be a great disappointment if it were to become known they they too hobnobbed with a gang of paedophiles. If anyone has info that they did, please let me know and Brown and I will reconstruct the tale in the style of that popular ‘Blue Peter’ feature ‘John Nettleton Tells The Story’. It’ll make a change from The Life Of Mozart which was what John Nettleton was usually narrating.

 

To return to the June 1974 Home Office Research Unit Report. Many people working for the Home Office Research Unit, either directly as staff of the Unit or as researchers in universities who had received funding from the Unit, will have known about Jimmy Savile as well as Dafydd and the gang. These researchers were working with the group who were targeted by sex offenders – young people deemed to be troublesome. They could not have failed to have noticed what had happened and what was happening to some of their research participants.

The Director of the Home Office Research Unit, 1972-83, was John Croft. Croft was in post throughout the incumbencies of Home Secretaries Robert Carr (July 1972-March 1974); Roy Jenkins, (March 1974-Sept 1976); Merlyn Rees (Sept 1976-May 1979); Willie Whitelaw (May 1979-June 1983). Croft’s tenure may also have covered the last few months of Reginald Maudling’s time as Home Secretary and the first few months of Leon Brittan’s incumbency.

Throughout this time the Home Office was riddled with corruption. A whole series of high profile miscarriages of justice occurred, which took years to be remedied as a result of the Home Office’s flat refusal to admit the degree of wrongdoing involved. Dafydd et al did precisely what they wanted in north Wales and teenagers from children’s homes in north Wales as well as psych patients died at Risley Remand Centre without investigations taking place (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

For decades, Bryn Estyn was an approved school run by directly by the Home Office and I had thought that was the situation until Bryn Estyn became a community children’s home in Nov 1973 and was transferred to the management of Clwyd County Council. However, I have now found information from the Home Office stating that the running of approved schools was transferred from the Home Office to the DHSS in Jan 1971. Thus Bryn Estyn was managed by the DHSS from Jan 1971 until Oct 1973. So that’s how Dafydd and Lucille came to be ruling the roost there. The abuse of boys in Bryn Estyn was endemic throughout the various different regimes, but it was when the DHSS were responsible for the institution when one Head was forced out after only a short time in post and when his successor was killed in a car crash, along with his wife and young son – and the Deputy Head. That car crash provided the opportunity for Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth to take up positions at Bryn Estyn in 1973 and it was then that the place turned into basically a brothel staffed by children.

The Secretary of State for the DHSS June 1970-March 1974 was Sir Keith Joseph. In 1967 Harold Bennett who had been Head of Bryn Estyn for 26 years retired. David Ursell succeeded him. On 15 March 1971 – two months after the DHSS had assumed responsibility for Bryn Estyn – an inquiry was held into a complaint against Ursell concerning his methods of instilling discipline. In 1972 David Ursell was suspended as Head concerning complaints regarding his methods of discipline. Peter Burton was appointed Head of Bryn Estyn. In March 1973, Peter Burton and his Deputy were killed. In May 1973, Matt Arnold took over as Head and in Nov 1973, Arnold appointed his former colleague from Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead to a position at Bryn Estyn.

Barbara Kahan was Keith Joseph’s adviser throughout these events. In my previous post ‘A Local Boy Made Good?’, I explained how when we were undergrads, Brown and I wrote to Keith Joseph in his capacity as Secretary of State for Education regarding student finance. We wrote separately, yet Joseph sent one – rather unpleasant – reply to both of us, knew that our both of our home addresses were near Bridgwater and seemed to know that we were friends. I have mentioned in previous posts how I have been given evidence that Brown and me were under surveillance by the security services, before I encountered Dafydd and the paedophiles, from my earliest days at UCNW.

It was Keith Joseph who, with Thatch, set up the Centre for Policy Studies.

Bryn Estyn was located in Wales, so of course the Welsh Office would have been the direct layer of management, below the ultimate masters at Westminster. Peter Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales while the events at Bryn Estyn concerning Headmasters were occurring. Thomas was also Chairman of the Tory Party for some of that time. Peter Thomas’s father was a solicitor from Llanrwst.

Peter Higson’s family are from Llanwrst. Higson was a clinical psychologist at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, then the manager of Denbigh, then a regional manager for the mental health services, then the Chief Executive of HIW and now Higson is the Chairman of the Betsi. Higson presides over patient harm and death wherever he is. Higson’s sister Dr Ruth Hussey is the former Chief Medical Officer of Wales.

Peter Thomas became a barrister and was a member of Middle Temple, as was Ronnie Waterhouse. Thomas and Waterhouse both worked on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Thomas was Deputy Chairman of the Cheshire Quarter Sessions, 1966-70 and Denbighshire Quarter Sessions, 1968-70. Thomas was the Tory MP for Conwy, 1951-66 and for Hendon South 1970-87. He was Secretary of State for Wales throughout Ted Heath’s time as PM. For more info re Peter Thomas, see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’.

The DHSS and the Welsh Office weren’t the only people helping Dafydd. The police and magistrates did as much as they could to assist him and the paedophiles, rather than their victims.

 

John Croft is an Honorary member of the British Criminological Society and on their website he explains that from approx 1953, he was a member of the forerunner of that Society, the Scientific Group for the Discussion of Delinquency Problems. Croft became a member of the British Criminological Society in approx 1961.

In 2015 Croft wrote a piece for the website of the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies regarding the problems of bridging the gap between research and policy. Croft mentions that when he was Director of the Home Office Research Unit, there was political resistance to acknowledging the bias against ethnic minorities in the criminal justice system. This is true, but at least Croft and others were permitted to voice their concerns regarding this matter. The serious widespread abuse of people in children’s homes, approved schools, borstals, prisons and long stay hospitals was not even acknowledged by people like Croft. Peter Morrison and his mates dropping into Bryn Estyn to have sex with the kids? Never even got a mention. Dafydd preparing young people for the sex industry in his ‘personality disorders unit’ in the North Wales Hospital (see post ‘Include Me Out’)? I don’t remember seeing any references to that, not even in the most radical of publications. I’d never have known myself if I hadn’t have heard all about it from Mary Wynch and if Dafydd hadn’t have been trying to manoeuvre me into that unit himself.

Even films like ‘Scum’ and ‘Scrubbers’ which were considered to be frighteningly frank regarding life in institutions for troubled young people didn’t show staff abusing inmates, they only portrayed volatile, unhappy inmates abusing each other. The 1994 film ‘Sin Bin’ about life in a secure psychiatric hospital was very much more realistic in that it made evident the extreme brutality towards the patients and staff whistleblowers on the part of the Angels, but even ‘Sin Bin’ couldn’t admit that the Top Doctors were facilitating such abuse. Top Docs and clinical psychologists were instead portrayed as naive idiots with no understanding of the realities of dealing with difficult dangerous patients. Sadistic Top Docs shagging the patients themselves? No sign of them.

 

Croft mentioned on the Centre for Crime and Justice Studies website that individual pieces of research rarely led to a direct change in policy, but they can influence the climate of opinion among policy makers as well as practice. Indeed Croft and his colleagues’ main achievement in their endless dishonest research was to convince politicians that places like Bryn Estyn were the proverbial holiday camps for violent terrifying young criminals, rather than repositories for youngsters with multiple vulnerabilities who were being beaten and sexually assaulted by gangs of men who either worked in those institutions or were mates with those who did. Thus the spectacle of Willie Whitelaw wobbling away banging on about short sharp shocks for young thugs when he became Home Secretary. Had Croft et al ever told the truth about what was happening in approved schools and borstals and the sort of young people who were ending up in them, no-one would have been able to claim that hardened teenaged criminals were ‘getting away with it’ in the face of daft pale pink Guardian reading social workers and criminologists.

As Director of the Unit, John Croft inherited about 50 research workers and approx 10 support staff. Before he retired in 1983, Croft was proud that he had managed to get the Unit located in the main Home Office building at Queen Anne’s Gate. So the bent researchers were sitting alongside the bent civil servants and their Ministers then. Croft was obviously following the model of the Welsh Office – all the crooks under the same roof.

The Home Office Research Unit under Croft had a Scottish arm, with a Senior Research Officer based in Edinburgh, P.J. Didcott and also had teams based in Manchester and Edinburgh. At that time, Dafydd’s mate Dr Bob Hobson had just left the Maudsley and had established an outpost of his empire at Manchester University (see post ‘The Mentor’). Dr Tony Francis was based at Manchester with Hobson, Ian Brockington et al in the 1970s, before he joined Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. Once Francis bid Manchester a fond farewell, Ian Brockington was given a Chair at Birmingham University’s Dept of Psychiatry, alongside Professor Robert Bluglass (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’), Bluglass being Dafydd’s mate and umbrella (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).

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It was John Croft’s Unit which was responsible for the launch of the British Crime Survey as well as the 1977 Review of the studies of screen violence and film censorship by Stephen Brody, a Principal Research Officer at the Unit. Brody’s Review was produced when paedophiles’ friend Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary and John Allen in north Wales was busy with his highly profitable side line in child porn starring kids in care.

There’s a few familiar names in Brody’s references, including Stan Cohen, Laurie Taylor and R.D. Hare. Laurie Taylor must have come across branches of the Westminster Paedophile Ring, he is yet another person who, with his CV, could not have missed it (see post ‘My Arse – It’s Tatifilarious’). Laurie’s mate Prof Dick Hobbs’s specialism is in white collar and organised crime; Dick was a friend of Lord K.O. Morgan’s late wife Jane. Lord Ken was VC of Aberystwyth University, 1989-95 and has spent his career surrounded by paedophiles’ friends, whereas Jane was a criminologist who grew up in Wrexham who’s specialism was the child victims of crime (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). Laurie’s son Matthew is Blair’s former adviser.

R.D. Hare is the man responsible for the Hare Psychopathy Checklist, which enabled Dafydd and his ilk to spend twenty minutes failing to establish any rapport with someone whom they had unlawfully imprisoned and then by ticking a few simplistic ridiculous categories hey presto, creating a Dangerous Psychiatric Patient. Get Robert Bluglass on the blower please, a ‘second opinion’ is needed, then it’s off to Broadmoor because this particular witness has made a note of a few of the names of those involved in breaking the law on their journey here in the middle of the night. Hare went into business on a grand scale after he devised that Checklist, he started holding weekend courses for a few hundred quid – he held a few in Wales – allowing a variety of ‘professionals’ ie. social workers, Angels, Top Docs, clin psychs and other sundry paedophiles’ friends to acquire ‘training’ in diagnosing psychopaths. One journalist who got wind that something worrying was going on signed up for one of Hare’s courses and wrote a witty expose of how he was now qualified to give people the psychopath test.

It was good of that journo to expose the con, but he might be surprised to know that a great deal of ‘training’ in the field of mental health is just as farcical. The ‘therapist’ who one sees is very likely to be an Angel who has ‘trained’ in CBT or another ‘talking treatment’ over four weekends. The Mindfulness practitioner may have had just as little ‘training’ and they didn’t need any qualifications to get on the course – life experience is just as important! The only qualification that is required is a few hundred quid, Prof Mark Williams has always been quite strict about that. Oh and they don’t accept nutters either. Hergest patient? No, you’re not coming on the training course, it’s ‘not suitable’ for Hergest patients, as Mark’s colleague Judith Soulsby will confirm (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’).

I have yet to meet someone who has failed their course in talking treatments or Mindfulness.

Other names which made an appearance in Stephen Brody’s Review were those of Leicester University academics Prof Jim Halloran and Paul Hartmann, who were those responsible for pushing the boat out in an attempt to prevent Brown from completing his PhD (see post ‘Life In Cold Blood’). Halloran and Hartmann worked at Leicester University during the years when numerous people in that institution concealed the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal, which involved Frank Beck and Greville Janner (see post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’).

 

The 1974 Home Office Research Unit Report names many people as having conducted research for the Unit, so I’ll just draw attention to a few here. I’ve mentioned that the Eysencks received dosh to carry out work, but two others from the Institute of Psychiatry whose expertise was called upon were Professor T.C.N. Gibbens and Dr J.C. Gunn. Gibbens and Gunn were funded to conduct research on mentally ill people in prison, 1970-75. Top Doctor John Gunn became a very big name in terms of being a friend of Dafydd and the paedophiles and I blogged about him in my post ‘Security, Security’.

Professor Trevor Gibbens was a forensic psychiatrist who died in 1983. Gibbens was the son of a civil servant. Two of his brothers became Top Doctors, but medicine was not Trevor’s first choice as a profession. He was ‘steered’ in that direction by ‘the persuasive powers of Edward Glover and Sir Cyril Burt’ after Gibbens began a degree in history at Emmanuel College, Cambridge. I have not found out why Glover and Burt were so convinced that medicine could not do without Gibbens, but after Glover and Burt twisted Gibbens’s arm, he switched to medicine and subsequently did his clinical training at St Thomas’s Hospital.

Edward Glover was a Top Doctor and psychoanalyst who was close to Welsh psychoanalyst Ernest Jones who knew many of the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales and in Plaid, include Gwynne the lobotomist (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Glover was co-founder of the Psychopathic Clinic (renamed the Portman Clinic in 1937) and the Institute for the Study and Treatment of Delinquency and co-founder of the British Society of Criminology aka the British Criminological Society.

Cyril Burt was the educational psychologist and geneticist who in the 1970s was accused of research fraud regarding his studies of the hereditary nature of intelligence using twins. Burt was suspected of having made up data and even the identities of the researchers who allegedly carried out the research. Burt’s name has been mud for years and he is viewed as being doubly unsavoury because of his involvement with eugenics and the use of his data to support racial theories of intelligence. However having read quite a lot about Burt’s contemporaries, it is clear that Burt was not the only person making up data, if indeed that is what he did (the matter was never resolved) and a belief in the benefits of eugenics was common throughout much of the 20th century among Top Doctors, scientists and many others. I learned about Burt’s alleged research fraud when I was 17 from a Guardian reading biology teacher who thought that Burt should be burnt at the stake, but a more salient question for me now is why was Burt exposed and his reputation ruined when so many others did rather worse? Very few of these people were kind, compassionate old buffers who wanted to Help The Poor; they were usually privileged, autocratic, arrogant, unpleasant people who saw themselves as very much more superior than the plebs upon whom they literally experimented. Their towering reputations are entirely based on the medals and prizes that they awarded each other and the obituaries written by their friends which stressed their genius.

 

At the outbreak of war in 1939 Trevor Gibbens was at the Maudsley, but as soon as it became possible, he was commissioned in the RAMC. Gibbens was posted abroad with the British Expeditionary Force, but was taken prisoner. He was directed to a prisoner of war camp where his job was to look after Russian prisoners. Gibbens and a friend attempted to escape but were caught. Gibbens was kept in solitary confinement for six weeks and was later transferred to a British POW hospital.

The website of the Royal College of Physicians tells us that ‘there can be no doubt that his experiences as a prisoner of war, and as an escapee, had a profound influence on him and were in no small measure responsible…for the deep, and lifelong sympathy he felt for the underdog. It was in fact the notes he kept of his clinical experiences in the POW hospital, where he had to cope as best he could with prison psychoses, that were to serve later as the basis of his MD thesis.’

OK, so Gibbens – who was one of those who held a senior position at the Maudsley when Dafydd ‘trained’ there, was also someone who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and who conducted dodgy research for the corrupt Home Office – was of course fully in sympathy with those on the streets and was such a whizz academically that notes compiled in a POW camp concerning the poor buggers who disintegrated under those conditions later became an MD thesis. I suspect that thesis was not particularly impressive.

After demobilisation, Gibbens was appointed as registrar at Hammersmith Hospital, where he joined the fraudsters who would do anything at all to make a name for themselves and who were given Chairs after making substantial donations to the hospital (see post ‘Interesting Facts’). There were strong links between Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School and Top Docs in north Wales.

In 1946 Gibbens resumed his training at the Maudsley. In 1948 he was awarded a Nuffield travelling fellowship which allowed him to visit forensic institutions and prisons in the USA. On his return, he was appointed senior lecturer in forensic psychiatry at the Institute of Psychiatry located at the Maudsley. In 1967 Gibbens was appointed to the Chair of Forensic Psychiatry at the Institute. He retired in 1978 and was later appointed Emeritus Professor.

Trevor Gibbens’s ‘major research projects’ included surveys of borstal lads, of cruel parents, of the clients of prostitutes and a study of shoplifting. Gibbens’s colleagues were running paedophile and prostitution rings and removing kids from ‘cruel parents’ in order to traffick them into sex work. Furthermore they were fitting up anyone who complained for criminal offences. When I have time I will read Gibbens’s research, I imagine that it will be quite something.

Gibbens just kept on giving. He was a member of the Streatfield Committee in 1958 and a member of the Royal Commission on Penal Reform, 1964-66. In 1967 Gibbens served as President both of the British Academy of Forensic Sciences and of the International Society of Criminology. He was a member of the Parole Board, 1972-75. He acted as adviser to the World Health Organization, the Probation and After-Care Advisory Board and to the Institute for the Study and Treatment of Delinquency. Gibbens was Vice-Chairman of the Howard League for Penal Reform from 1975.

In 1950, Gibbens married Pat Mullis by whom he had three children: a daughter who qualified as a Top Doctor and two sons.

Gibbens found ‘comfort and relaxation’ with his family in his home in Dulwich – that’s the posh bit within spitting distance of the Maudsley, it’s not as if Gibbens was going to live in the slummy bit nearer to the hospital where the patients tended to reside. Not that Dulwich was sufficient for Gibbens, he later purchased a cottage in the Dordogne. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France to which he took kids in care ‘for holidays’. Dafydd held ‘clinics’ in the south of France.

Trevor Gibbens ‘left his mark on British forensic psychiatry, a mark as indelible, indeed, as the mark he made on the minds and hearts of those of us who were privileged to know him and to learn from him’.

Bless!

Well, Dafydd  – have the lambs stopped screaming?’

Da dafydd – a yw’r ŵyn wedi rhoi’r gorau i sgrechian?’

 

Drs Russell and Rebecca Dobash of Stirling University’s Dept of Sociology were listed in the Home Office’s Research Unit’s Report as carrying out research on ‘violence within the family setting’, 1974-75. Russell and Rebecca Dobash are two Americans who became leading researchers in the field of domestic violence, violence against women and men who murder women, particularly in Scotland. They will know that among the mess, false allegations are made about people by welfare professionals, that other people are sometimes pressurised into backing these false allegations up and that children involved in domestic violence are subjected to yet more abuse and violence on the part of the ‘helping professions’. They will also know that in mental health settings, patients are allowed, or even positively encouraged, to form relationships with other patients who have a history of abusive behaviour without being warned about this.

The Strathclyde University Centre for Law, Crime and Justice, listed Professors Russell and Rebecca Dobash as experts specialising in sexual killers, domestic violence, homicide, violence, gender and justice. The Professors Dobash contributed to the Future Learn course ‘Understanding Violence Against Women’ at the University of Strathclyde.

Russell Dobash received his BA and MA from Arizona State University and his PhD from Washington State University. He started his career at the University of Stirling, Scotland and moved to Cardiff University in 1992. Since 1996 he has been Professor of Criminology at the University of Manchester. He is an internationally recognised expert in the area of domestic violence. Rebecca Dobash is Professor of Social Research in Criminology in the School of Law, Manchester University. After completing her PhD at Washington State University, she went to the University of Stirling, then the University of Cardiff and finally to the University of Manchester.

Rebecca and Russell worked at Cardiff University while Dafydd and the gang wreaked havoc in north Wales and their colleagues at Cardiff University colluded with them. Cardiff University also colluded with organised child abuse in south Wales, including the crimes of George Thomas (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’).

Rebecca and Russell Dobash have won the World Congress of Victimology Award for Original Research and Publications in the area of Domestic Violence; the American Society of Criminology’s Distinguished Book Award for Comparative Research and the American Criminological Association’s August Vollmer Award; and have been visiting scholars at the University of California, Berkeley, University of Arizona, University of Melbourne and University of Sydney.

Russell and Rebecca have held fellowships and/or research grants from the Carnegie Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, the Fulbright Foundation, the Harry Frank Guggenheim Foundation, the ESRC, the Home Office, the Scottish Office and other Gov’t departments and served as research and policy advisers in Britain, Canada, USA, Australia and Sweden.

The volume ‘Women, Violence and Social Change’ by Rebecca and Russell Dobash ‘demonstrates how refuges and shelters stand as the core of the battered women’s movement, providing a basis for pragmatic support, political action and radical renewal. From this base movements in Britain and the United States have challenged the police, courts and social services to provide greater assistance to women. The book provides important evidence on the way social movements can successfully challenge institutions of the State as well as salutatory lessons on the nature of diverted and thwarted struggle’.
Perhaps Russell and Rebecca would like to explain why the Women’s Aid movement across the UK has never spoken out about the distressing experiences that women who suffered domestic violence then suffered at the hands of the mental health system or the ways in which their children were abused and neglected if those children entered the care system. It is often these factors which prevent women leaving abusive relationships. The ‘help’ isn’t actually there is it Russell and Rebecca? Women’s Aid has been very good at highlighting the fact that some men are violent within the home but it has never admitted that it is the abuses of welfare professionals which sometimes keeps women in the situations which Women’s Aid has lapped up so much credit in exposing. But then Women’s Aid is dependent upon Gov’t funding and it won’t be too rude about Gov’t ‘services’.
In Wales, the founder of Women’s Aid was Jane Hutt. Hutt ignored the abuse of children and vulnerable people by the state when she led Women’s Aid, she ignored it in her capacity as a Councillor for South Glamorgan County Council and the Vice-Chair of the Social Services Committee and she completely ignored even when she was Minister for Health and Social Services in the Welsh Gov’t.
In Jan 2009, Russell and Rebecca Dobash wrote the obituary of their friend and former student Kate Cavanagh for ‘The Guardian’, who ‘spent her life trying to understand extreme forms of violence in order to work towards their prevention’. In 1971 Kate enrolled at the University of Stirling, where the Dobashes were lecturers in sociology, newly arrived from the US. Kate stayed on after graduation as a research assistant to help the Dobashes with their studies of ‘battered wives’. After a one-year pilot focusing on recently opened refuges in Edinburgh and Glasgow, which became a part of the newly formed Scottish Women’s Aid, the team were granted further funding. The research collaborations and friendship lasted more than three decades. The Stirling team conducted more than 100 interviews with abused women and examined more than 12,000 police records.

In 1978, Kate joined Leicestershire County Council as an unqualified social worker and over the next eight years obtained a Master’s degree, in social work, from the University of Warwick and a Certificate of Qualification in Social Work. She was also appointed guardian ad litem (in litigation) for Derbyshire, helped establish a voluntary hostel for women with housing needs and became the authority’s first research social worker.

So Kate, a member of the crack team on violence and abuse, worked as a social worker for Leicestershire County Council which was colluding with one of the biggest paedophile rings in the UK at the time. Kate then moved on to work for Derbyshire County Council, which hosted the paedophile ring who not only supplied abusive staff to children’s homes in north Wales, but who’s Director of Social Services was John Jillings, who later led the Jillings Investigation into abuse in Clwyd children’s homes. The Jillings Report was damning, but Jillings pointedly refused to state whether he found evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales with links to VIPs and/or paedophiles in other parts of the UK (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’). Perhaps to men in Leicestershire called Frank Beck and Greville Janner or to a gang of molesters in Derbyshire.

Kate knew nuzzing.

Kate and her partner moved to Edinburgh in 1986 and later joined her old mates at the University of Stirling as a part-time lecturer in social work. Kate also worked with the Dobashes once more, which led to the book ‘Changing Violent Men’ (2000). Kate also completed her PhD with the Dobashes at Stirling in 1998, although in 1993, she joined the University of Glasgow, where she remained for 15 years, first as a lecturer and then as a senior lecturer in social work, before returning to Stirling in 2004 as a senior lecturer in social work.

While Kate was at Glasgow, with the Dobashes, she undertook a study of the murders of children by examination of more than 800 cases of men and women convicted of murder, as well as 200 in-depth interviews with men and women serving life in prison. The resulting publications included ‘Men Who Murder Children Inside and Outside the Family’ (2005), in the ‘British Journal of Social Work’, and ‘The Murder of Children By Fathers in the Context of Child Abuse’ (2007), in ‘Child Abuse and Neglect’. Kate’s ‘efforts to raise public awareness, change public policy and practice and introduce innovations for abused women and their children and for victims of rape, were tireless.’ Although Kate couldn’t quite bring herself to admit the complicity of welfare professionals with these crimes, because let’s face it, ‘Two Ovaries Good, Two Testicles Bad’ sounds good, is nice and simplistic and no-one dares quibble with a Strong Woman who’s Speaking Out About Male Violence. They’re certainly not going to dare mention that sometimes it is the female partner who is violent or of course that domestic violence occurs in some same sex relationships.

 

The Home Office Research Unit funded Professor R. Illsley at the University of Aberdeen’s Dept of Sociology to carry out research into ‘juvenile delinquency and the social control network’, 1972-75. This study investigated the role of social workers with young people in trouble with the law. Raymond Illsley arrived at Aberdeen University in 1951 and was the first Director of the MRC Medical Socioogy Unit there. There is another Prof Raymond Illsley who has recently worked at the University of Bath in the field of health inequalities but the Aberdeen Raymond Illsley was born in 1919, so they cannot be the same person. They might be father and son though…

Raymond Illsley of the Aberdeen MRC Medical Sociology Unit seems to have worked with some real butchers, even by the standards of Top Docs in the 1950s. Illsley was part of Sir Dugald Baird’s Obstetrics and Gynaecology empire, which pursued what was euphemistically described as ‘social reproductive health research’. Sir Dugald gathered together a team which included Top Doctors, midwives, a lady almoner (what would now be called a social worker), a psychologist, a physiologist, a statistician, a dietitian and a nutritionist. Then sociologist Illsley joined the crew. This team was involved in a number of strands of work, but what Sir Dugald was really proud of was their pioneering work in ‘NHS abortions for socio-economic reasons’. This was in the 1950s. Abortion for ‘socio-economic reasons’ was illegal, although no-one stopped Dugald. Neither does Dugald mention the views of his patients when he performed abortions on them for socio-economic reasons. Dugald boasted that he was leading the way, as he performed abortions upon low income patients and sterilised those who already had children. For socio-economic reasons.

Baird ‘saw Aberdeen as a unique opportunity in which to conduct research to establish the factors that contribute to efficient childbearing and the influence of social conditions’. The ‘population was of an appropriate size and a settled nature, which would permit follow up of women and their families and there was a centralised medical service. The relative isolation
of the northeast of Scotland, with the City of Aberdeen as the major administrative centre for a large rural hinterland, facilitated the epidemiological study of a total population.’

I think it was a Dafydd situation – a madman turned loose in a large rural area among a lot of desperate people who had no money. Dugald was so busy performing abortions for socio-economic reasons that word got round that abortion was rife in Aberdeen, indeed many believed that the situation was one of abortion on demand. Of course this wasn’t true, as Dugald and his supporters stressed. After all, it was only poor women who’s babies were aborted and who were being sterilised because they were breeding like rabbits. Lest anyone is in danger of believing that old Dugald was concerned for an over populated planet, a quick perusal of Dugald’s writings confirms that Dugald didn’t have a problem with moneyed women having big families, because that was Different.

Sir Dugald was a Wimmin’s Champ before his time. He was a strong supporter of abortion law reform, he was keen on cervical screening and on promoting ‘family planning’. A lot of people have thought me rather odd when I have shown such cynicism towards the causes which were so close to Dugald’s heart – I have been asked if I am a Roman Catholic or if I am ‘religious’. No, I have just met people like Dugald. The causes pursued by Dugald can, in the right circumstances, be used to help people. But not when Dugald and those like him have their hands on the controls. The worst case scenario is girls in their early teens being prescribed the contraceptive pill to ensure that the men sexually abusing them will not have the bother of a pregnancy, slightly older girls being sterilised without informed consent for the same reason and women being invited for cervical screening appointments by groping Top Doctors who know damn well that there are not enough staff in the labs to read the samples and where so many false positives and negatives are flying around that the screening programme is meaningless. Where have I seen this? North Wales of course, I was well aware of what was going on. So I was interested to receive an e mail from someone a few weeks ago who had witnessed contraceptive pills being prescribed for girls in their early teens who were in the care of Gwynedd Social Services in the 1980s. Girls who were not showing any interest in acquiring a boyfriend as well.

I had come across Sir Dugald Baird before I researched Raymond Illsley. When I was researching Dr Ann Dally, the Top Doc who ended up in such trouble for flogging prescriptions to addicts, I read Dally’s own account of her career. She detailed at some length the numerous illegal abortions that she and her colleagues at Tommy’s performed and made reference to their role model in Aberdeen, Dugald Baird (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’).

Baird’s team collaborated with the London-based Social Medicine Research Unit (SMRU) under the directorship of Professor Jerry Morris. Jerry Morris and Richard Titmuss were involved in the initial planning and the research started in 1948.

Jerry Morris was a Scottish epidemiologist who was a lifelong member of the Labour Party until he resigned in old age over the Gulf War. Jerry Morris worked with Brian Abel-Smith, the elitist gay LSE economist who was an NHS adviser to successive Labour Ministers. Abel-Smith was one of those who loved the NHS so much on the grounds of his socialist principles that he remained silent about the poorest members of society whom Abel-Smith knew were being abused, neglected and were dying at the hands of the NHS. But Abel-Smith had his boyfriends, his celebrity friends, his range of Italian gentleman’s clothes which he flogged to pop stars and the reputation of the NHS and the Labour Party to think of, he could not be distracted by trifles such as organised abuse and trafficking. For more info on Abel-Smith, see post ‘The Old Devils’.

Richard Titmuss was the founder of the discipline of Social Administration (now known as Social Policy) and held the founding Chair in the subject at the LSE. Titmuss’s work in the 1950s helped shape the characteristics of Britain’s post-war welfare state. At the LSE Titmuss trained social workers – some of his students are among those we know and love. Titmuss advised Gov’t regarding matters health and social services. He robustly promoted public provision over private and was directly involved in social policy eg. he was Vice-Chairman of the Gov’ts Supplementary Benefits Commission. Titmuss was one of those who did design a welfare state, but much of what they built in to it was profoundly degrading and demeaning for those who were supposed to benefit. I found a short book written by Abel-Smith the other day which details many aspects of welfare provision that exemplifies this. Brian Abel-Smith and Richard Titmuss weren’t on the receiving end of their system.

Titmuss’s wife Kay was a social worker, which says it all really. Their daughter is the feminist sociologist Ann Oakley, who is Professor and Founder-Director of the Social Science Research Unit at the Institute of Education, University of London. Oakley went to Haberdasher Aske’s School for Girls, did her first degree at Somerville College, Oxford and her PhD at Bedford College, London.

 

In 1955, the Aberdeen offshoot of the SMRU (Social Medicine Research Unit) developed into an autonomous unit: ‘…the Medical Research Council created for Dugald Baird the Obstetric Medicine Research Unit. Together with the University and the Health Board, they built a new research floor on the top of the [Aberdeen] Maternity Hospital’. The nutritional and physiological parts of the Obstetric Medicine Research Unit was relocated to Newcastle when Sir Dugald retired in 1965.

Newcastle-upon-Tyne University housed many paedophiles’ friends, some of whom arrived in north Wales to join Dafydd and the gang, such as Dr Neil Davies and Prof Bob Woods (see post ‘The Newcastle-upon-Tyne Connection’). Others such as Lord John Walton provided the most enormous umbrella for Dafydd et al from their stronghold in Newcastle (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’).

If one tried to escape Dugald, one had his wife Lady May to contend with. May, like Dugald, read medicine at Glasgow University. Prominent in her
own right, in 1937 Lady May became a town councillor in Aberdeen for the Labour Party and in 1947 she was appointed as the first Chair of the North Eastern Regional Hospital Board, with which she served until 1960, where she ‘supported’ Dugald’s work. She was also a National Governor of the BBC in Scotland for 4 years. Lady May Baird died in 1983 and Sir Dugald in 1986.

Feature Lady May on ‘Woman’s Hour’, she broke a glass ceiling!

When Raymond Illsley retired in 1984, the MRC Medical Sociology Unit moved to Glasgow, with Sally Macintyre as its new Director.

 

Professor Dame Sally Macintyre read social theory and administration at the University of Durham, graduating in 1970. She then did an MSc in Sociology as Applied to Medicine at Bedford College, London and undertook a part-time PhD while working as a research fellow at Aberdeen University, on the topic of decision-making processes following premarital conception, the degree being awarded in 1976.

From 1975 Macintyre was employed at the MRC Medical Sociology Unit in Aberdeen. She was appointed Director of the Unit in 1983 and moved it to the University of Glasgow in 1984. In 1998 she took on the Directorship of the Chief Scientist Office funded Public Health Research Unit, which merged with the MRC Medical Sociology Unit to become the MRC/CSO Social and Public Health Sciences Unit. Dame Sally retired from the Directorship in 2013 and was succeeded by Professor Laurence Moore. From 2011-14, Macintyre was also Director of the Research Institute for Health and Wellbeing and Prof of Social and Public Health Science at the University of Glasgow.

Sally Macintyre is an advocate for robust approaches and methods for evaluating public health policies and interventions and in doing so has contributed to guidelines for the evaluation of public health policies. So that is why so many interventions and policies have been endorsed and implemented which do not work and sometimes have had disastrous consequences for patients.

Dame Sally is a member of the Human Tissue Authority as well as the Ethics and Governance Council of UK Biobank and has recently completed an eight year term as a member of the MRC. In Feb 2017, Sally was appointed as the first Chair of the Governing Board of the Nuffield Council of Bioethics.

Sally Macintyre is married to Dr Guy Paul Muhlemann, a zoologist who later moved into computing systems management. They live in Glasgow and have an apartment in Chamonix, France. I do hope that place in Chamonix has been robustly evaluated. Now shut up and eat your five a day while Dame Sally gets on with the apres ski.

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One of Raymond Illsley’s team at the Medical Sociology Research Unit in Aberdeen was Janet Askham. Askham graduated from the LSE in 1960 and in 1963 began working for Mark Abrams, the market researcher and social surveyor, at Research Services Ltd. Askham’s early work was on families, relationships, fertility and marriage, her later work being on ageing and patients’ relationships with health professionals. In 1975, Askham published the ‘ground-breaking’ ‘Fertility and Reproduction’ a study of differential fertility among working class families in Aberdeen. Presumably the families who had the highest fertility rates were those who steered well clear of Dugald Baird and Lady May.

In 1980 Janet married the political commentator Byron Criddle.

In retirement Mark Abrams founded the Age Concern Research Unit, where Askham joined him in 1983. In 1986, Askham and Jonathan Barker subsumed the Unit into the new Institute of Gerontology at King’s College, London. 1998, Askham became the Professor of Social Gerontology and Director of the Age Concern Institute of Gerontology at King’s, launching and managing the Masters course. In 2004, Askham relocated to Oxford when she was appointed as the Director of the Picker Institute, where she remained until 2008. Janet led the external team on research on ageing and old age at the DoH and advised on the training and postgrad education of Top Doctors. She was Deputy Chair to the Advisory Committee on Older and Disabled People at Ofcom.

 

A member of Illsley’s wider academic network was Prof Margot Jeffreys, who, we are told in her 1999 obituary in The Indie, was ‘one of the founders of medical sociology’. Jeffreys discussed matters of social class and health with Illsley in the 1950s when she researched health and social services in Buckinghamshire. At one MRC funded meeting in 1956, one sociologist observed that medicine was looking to sociology for a ‘docile wife’ and that sociology would not play ball. Unfortunately people like Margot and Raymond Illsley did. We are told that Margot avoided the ‘doctor bashing label’ that ‘some sociologists’ earned. Indeed Margot was so successful at this, that many believed that Margot served as a ‘doctors moll’. Not that there was a word of truth in such an accusation, just as Dugald Baird didn’t carry out illegal abortions on women who were not as affluent as he and his friends. And when they say no they mean yes.

Margot joined the Communist Part of Great Britain in the 1930s, but left in 1956, with the Soviet invasion of Hungary. She graduated from the LSE in 1938 and her first academic appointment was at Bedford College at the University of London in 1949, researching ‘Mobility in the Labour Market’ (1954). Margot lectured in the Dept of Public Health at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine, 1953-65, where she taught sociology to Top Doctors. Between 1965-82, Margot worked at Bedford College once more, where she eventually became Director of Social Research.

Bertrand Russell’s son Lord Conrad Russell was an historian who spent much of his career at Bedford College. Bertrand Russell spent his later years living in north Wales, knew about Dafydd and the gang and made use of their services (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’). Margot might have also known some of the members of the Communist Party of Great Britain who rented their second homes in Cwm Croesor in north Wales off Russell’s friend Sir Clough Williams-Ellis, who also all knew about Dafydd et al (see post ‘The Village’).

Following the Todd Report, 1968, (Royal Commission on Medical Education), Jeffreys was invited to develop medical sociology in the London medical schools and she taught the Masters in Medical Sociology from 1969. She later acted as a consultant to the WHO and helped launch an international research programme. Margot worked with GPs and Chaired the 1970 BMA Working Group on Primary Health Care. The DHSS funded her team on primary health care and in 1983 the volume ‘Rethinking General Practice: dilemmas in primary medical care’ was published, which she co-authored with Hessie Sachs. Sachs also published about team work in inner cities between health visitors and social workers. Hessie will have known that the children of poor and dispossessed people were being abused, trafficked into sex work and that many were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales. Margot will have known as well.

After Margot retired in 1982, she continued research into ageing and was appointed visiting Professor at the King’s College Centre for Medicine, Law and Ethics. In Nov 1988, the Royal College of General Practitioners gave Jeffreys an honorary fellowship, while the people trafficking GP from north Wales Dr D.G.E. Wood held senior positions with the Royal College.

Margot may have done the bidding of a bunch of Top Doctors who were doing many disgusting things including illegally aborting babies and sterilising people because they had less money than the Top Doctors did, but Margot did of course have many wonderful qualities. Her obituary explained that her ‘deep belief in equality, liberty and justice guided her life’ and that she was ‘strong, independently minded, generous and loving’. I was greatly relieved to read that although Margot was ‘not a Women’s Liberation kind of feminist, she was particularly helpful to women, conscious of the disadvantages and difficulties we faced’. Thank God for that, we wouldn’t want one of them Women’s Libbers burning her bra when Dugald had his hands full with the unlawful abortions and Wood needed to get on with the business of people trafficking. Presumably Margot showed her feminism to her disadvantaged female colleagues by sympathising over the bother of having to wear one’s girdle when the dratted things are just so uncomfortable.

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The Home Office Research Unit Report informs us that Dr Roger Hood of the Penal Research Unit at Oxford University investigated ‘the definition and explanation of crime’, 1971-76. Roger Hood retired in 2003 and is now Emeritus Professor of Criminology and Emeritus Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford.

Hood did his first degree at the LSE, graduating in 1957, then completed his PhD at Downing College, Cambridge in 1963. He held research posts at the LSE, 1957-63 and was then appointed as lecturer in social administration at Durham University. Hood was Assistant Director of Research and Director of Post-Graduate Studies at the Institute of Criminology, Cambridge, 1967-1973 and Fellow of Clare Hall, Cambridge, 1969-1973. He was Reader in Criminology and Director of the Centre for Criminological
Research (formerly the Penal Research Unit, now the Centre for Criminology), University of Oxford, 1973-2003. From 1996-03, Hood was Professor of Criminology and he was Professorial Fellow of All Souls College, Oxford, 1973-2003; Sub-Warden, 1994-96. He has been a Fellow of the British Academy since 1992.

In addition, Roger Hood has been: Member, Parole Board for England and Wales, 1972-73; Member, Judicial Studies Board for England and Wales, 1979-85; Member Social Science Research Council, Committee on Social Sciences and the Law, 1975-79; Member, Departmental Committee to Review the Parole System, 1987-88; Consultant to the UN on the death penalty, 1988- 2005; President of the British Society of Criminology, 1987-89; Member of the British Foreign Secretary’s Death Penalty Panel, 1999 until disbanded in 2015 and took part in the UK/China Human Rights Dialogues and the UE/China Human Rights Seminars; Consultant to the Great Britain-China Centre Project on ‘Taking Forward the Debate on the Death Penalty in China’ (in collaboration with Beijing Normal University, Centre for Human Rights, NUI Galway and the Max Planck Institute for Foreign and International Criminal Law, Freiburg-im-Breisgau) 2007-09;
Visiting Professor at the University of Virginia Law School, 1980-82, 1984-90 and from 2004-2011; Distinguished Visiting Professor at the University of Hong Kong, 2003-2004; Adjunct (Visiting) Professor, City University of Hong Kong School of Law, 2008-2011;  Guest Professor, College of Criminal Law Science of Beijing Normal University 2007-2012 and Guest Professor, Wuhan University 2008-2011; Consultant to the Death Penalty Project (London) since 2004; Consultant to the Taiwan Alliance to End the Death Penalty (TAEDP); Consultant to the Attorney General of Malaysia’s Committee to Study and Report on the Death Penalty in Malaysia 2014-16;
Member of Scientific Committee formed to advise on the programme for the
World Congress against the Death Penalty, held in Oslo, June 2016; Consultant to the National University of Singapore for a survey of public opinion on the mandatory death penalty, 2016-17.

Since retirement, Prof Hood has given lectures on the death penalty in China, Germany, Hong Kong, India, Japan, Malaysia, Pakistan, USA, Singapore, Slovenia, Spain, Taiwan, Trinidad, Uganda and Vietnam.

Roger Hood became well known as a specialist on the death penalty but in the mid 1960s he carried out work into the lives of borstal boys. Hood will have known about the brutality inflicted upon them and the miscarriages of justice.

Roger soon dispensed with researching the lives of borstal boys, he had his trajectory towards All Souls to think about:

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There is a piece on the internet in response to the question ‘What are formal dinners like at All Souls?’ and the response includes the line ‘Drinks are always excellent, especially reds, from the College’s own cellar and there is a fair amount of drinking (perhaps more than at a regular Formal hall) owing to the advanced age and strong liver of most Fellows’.

 

All Souls College and the many spires of Oxford University, Oxfordshire, England Stock Photo

 

Roger’s not really going to be concerning himself too much with the horrors that prevailed within Bryn Estyn is he. Not when there are reds to drink and such fascinating people at High Table.

 

The Home Office Research Unit Report lists Professor H.K. Bevan of the Dept of Law at Hull University as investigating ‘the interpretation by the Courts of the Children and Young Persons Act 1969’, between 1972 and 1974. H.K. Bevan graduated in law from Aberystwyth University in 1949, so he was a contemporary of all those crooked old lawyers who loyally protected Dafydd and the gang for decades. Bevan’s career as an academic lawyer began in Hull in 1950. He subsequently played a critical role in the emergence and development of the Law School at Hull, where he held a Chair for over 20 years. Bevan was called to the Bar at Middle Temple in 1959. He was a JP in Hull for many years and was Chairman of Hull Magistrates Bench, 1967-71. After he retired from Hull, Bevan was awarded an honorary fellowship at Wolfson College, Cambridge.

Hull and the wider Yorkshire region was the location of a paedophile gang and associated police corruption, much of which involved Jimmy Savile, with links to north Wales.

 

Professor Howard Jones of University College Cardiff is listed in the Home Office Research Unit Report as conducting an evaluation of Long Lartin, a maximum security prison, 1973-76 and as also evaluating a Community Training Centre in Gloucester, 1973-74. Howard Jones was Head of the Department of Social Administration at University College, Cardiff, 1969-84. Jones became Professor Emeritus on his retirement.

Howard left school at 14, worked for a glass firm and in local government before joining the YMCA as Deputy Warden to supervise the training of boys in farm work. In tandem with ten years in youth work, casework and residential social work, Jones completed a London degree as an external candidate part-time and went on to take a Diploma in Public Administration and to qualify as a psychiatric social worker, training at the Tavistock, a ‘leading edge place for psychoanalysis and group work’. Howard Jones also did a PhD under Hermann Mannheim at the LSE. Howard’s ‘sense of commitment’ and of ‘doing it my way’ ‘carried with him till the end of his days’.

Not only was the Tavi a hub of paedophiles’ friends, but all psychiatric social workers at that time were complicit with the most enormous Dafydd-like abuses, including the denouncing of people who had been targeted by organised child abusers as mad.

 

Hermann Mannheim, Howard Jones’s PhD supervisor and the father of British criminology, knew a great deal about white collar criminals and in his 1965 volume ‘Comparative Criminology’ he summarised them thus:

The white collar criminal is neither a political offender nor a rebel. He exploits the weaknesses of society rather than rebelling against its iniquities and his interest in the reform of the legal, political and social system is normally confined to changes which might enable him to make more and more money and to get more and more influence in order to exert increasing pressure to obtain his selfish objects.

Hermann Mannheim worked at the LSE from 1935 and in 1946 he was appointed a Professor. Mannheim was sent, at the age of nine, to Tilsit, in East Prussia where he attended the classical Gymnasium for nine years. He then studied law and political science at the Universities of Munich, Freiburg, Strasbourg, and Koenigsberg. Mannheim qualified as a lawyer, barrister and magistrate and served in the German artillery in Russia and in France during WWI. He held an administrative post in local gov’t, 1919-23, serving as legal adviser and as Chairman of industrial courts, industrial disputes tribunals, rent tribunals etc. Mannheim was appointed Privatdozent (roughly equivalent to that of lecturer) in the Law Faculty of the University of Berlin and at the same time became a deputy magistrate in Berlin.

Mannheim was soon appointed a judge, first in the lower courts, then in the superior court – the district court of Berlin – where he presided over a large number of difficult criminal trials in what was the busiest criminal court in Germany. In 1929 Mannheim was made a Professor Extraordinarius at the University and three years later was promoted to be a judge of the Kammergericht in Berlin, the highest court in Prussia.

When Hitler came into power, Mannheim was deprived of his academic post and realising that there could be no future for him as a judge under the Nazis, he retired from the bench.

In Jan 1934 Mannheim emigrated to London. At that time in England, criminology was not a recognised subject in universities and the scientific study of crime and the criminal was in its infancy.

The ideas of the English social reformers, the work of the Probation Service and expedients in the after-care of prisoners appealed to Mannheim and he had made contact with men such as Dr J. J. Mallon, Sir Basil Henriques and Mr H. E. Norman, the then Secretary of the National Association of Probation Officers, as well as with the Institute for the Scientific Study and Treatment of Delinquency in London, which was founded shortly before his arrival.

In 1935 Mannheim was appointed an honorary part-time lecturer in criminology at the LSE. In 1944 he was appointed to a full-time lectureship, and in the same year published the study, Young Offenders, undertaken on behalf of the Home Office and in association with Sir Alexander Carr Saunders, the then Director of the School and Dr E. C. Rhodes.

In 1946 Mannheim was made a Reader in Criminology in the University of London, a position he was to retain until his retirement in 1955. His link with the LSE was preserved through two years of part-time teaching and subsequently through his honorary Directorate of the Criminology Research Unit.

Out of a selected list of some 30 postgrad students supervised by Mannheim in the years between the end of WWII and his retirement from the School and with whom he had remained in contact, nearly half of that number held university appointments, six were directly connected with law and its practice, another six hold senior positions in the administration of social or penal services, while the remainder were engaged actively in social work. In addition, Mannheim also had a long association with the training of probation officers, at the LSE, at the training centre at Rainer House and at the Institute for the Study and Treatment of Delinquency.

It is clear from the Waterhouse Report that not only was the Probation Service as a whole fully complicit with the serious abuse of children in north Wales over many years, but that probation officers were among those abusing children. I described in my post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ how, contrary to the stereotypes held by many English migrants to north Wales, those staffing and managing Gwynedd County Council and the Social Services during those years when the paedophile gang operated within were not all unqualified people or people who had simply picked up a certificate from Cartrefle College in Wrexham. The more senior people had postgrad qualifications, some of them had studied at elite universities and there were a number of LSE graduates among them. If one looks at the CVs of others who colluded with the child abuse scandals of the 1970s, 80s and 90s, one finds more LSE graduates. One of the north Wales academics who wrote an entirely untruthful sanitised account of the history of psychiatry in north Wales is an LSE graduate. As of course are dear old Jane Hutt and Margaret Hodge. When one takes into account the people who probably knew about north Wales because their close friends definitely did, one finds LSE graduates and staff crawling out of every corner. Such as Ralph Miliband (see post ‘What’s Left? The Politics Of Social Justice’).

Cherie Booth was a student at the LSE in the mid 1970s. Being a Strong Woman, Cherie has in the past discussed matters such as ‘juggling’ (I expect that Cherie multi-tasks as well) and Cherie is of course one half of a Power Couple. What’s the betting that Cherie also enjoys Networking?

Eric Hobsbawm’s daughter Julia is a Professor of Networking at the LSE. Or at least she was, she seems to have moved onto new pastures now, at the Cass Business School and the University of Suffolk. Always ahead of the game, Julia has now moved on from being an expert in networking and is currently an expert on connectedness. Julia founded Julia Hobsbawm Associates in 1992, subsequently Hobsbawm Macaulay Communications. Julia’s business partner was Sarah Macaulay, who later became Sarah Brown when she married Gordon Brown.

I used to wonder how Eric Hobsbawm managed to have such a dipstick of daughter, until I came across information that suggested that Eric Hobsbawm was probably working for MI5. Is there something that Julia is not telling us as she runs around disguised as a fuckwit rubbing noses with some of the most vacuous people on the planet?

Eric Hobsbawm was one of those with a second home at Cwm Croesor who knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’). Julia spent much of her youth in Croesor. She didn’t really blend in up there.

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Croesor village, Gwynedd, Wales Stock Photo

Not of course because one cannot wear a scarf surplus to requirements and pretentious glasses in a village in Snowdonia, but because Croesor is mercifully free of people who are multi-tasking, networking, juggling or indeed who are connected.

 

Harmann Mannheim was associated with the Howard League for Penal Reform for over 25 years. He sat on the Executive Committee from 1940 and became a  Vice-President. Mannheim was a Director and a member of the Council and Executive Committee of the Institute for the Study and Treatment of Delinquency. He was also instrumental in founding the Scientific Group for the Discussion of Delinquency Problems (now the British Society of Criminology), was Chairman from 1956-58 and subsequently a Vice-President.

In 1950, along with Dr Edward Glover and Dr Emanuel Miller, Mannheim founded the British Journal of Delinquency (since 1960 called the British Journal of Criminology) and in 1960 the Library of Criminology (now International Library of Criminology.)

Dr Emanuel Miller was one of the first child psychiatrists and was the father of Jonathan Miller, the self-styled polymath who’s talents were called upon to distract attention from Dafydd and the gang when the police investigations began in north Wales.

Mannheim was visiting Professor at the Universities of Oregon and Pennsylvania in 1953 and after WWII lectured in Holland, Norway, Western Germany, USA and Canada. From 1950-55 he was a member of the Council of the International Society of Criminology and for some years was President of the Scientific Commission of that body. For several years Mannheim was a member of the Colonial Secretary’s Advisory Committee on the Treatment of Offenders. He was repeatedly invited to undertake research for the Home Office.

Mannheim’s most famous work included the wartime study of juvenile delinquency and in 1955, jointly with Leslie. T. Wilkins, the first large-scale prediction study carried out in the UK.  In his capacity as Director of Criminological Research of the LSE, Mannheim directed and supervised two investigations on the sentencing policy of the magistrates’ courts and the psychology of the short-term prisoner respectively, carried out on behalf of the Home Office and the Nuffield Foundation.

Mannheim and Leslie T. Wilkins 1955 work ‘Prediction Methods in Borstal Training’ is noted in the Home Office Research Unit Report, as is Leslie Wilkins’ 1960 work, ‘Delinquent Generation’.

Mannheim must have known about the routine neglect and abuse of vulnerable people by welfare professionals, he had fingers in every professional pie, including psychiatry and worked with and taught some of those directly involved with abuse of their patients and clients.

 

Mannheim’s PhD student Howard Jones began academic life as a lecturer in social studies and then a senior lecturer in sociology at Leicester 1953-65, before moving to a Readership at Keele 1965-69, where he began as the only member of staff in a new department and started criminology there.

Howard Jones worked in one of the Depts of Leicester University where staff were concealing the paedophile ring which was established in the area decades ago and he then moved to Keele, which became notorious for employing people embarrassingly close to child abuse scandals. Keele hit the jackpot when it employed Peter Righton, the social work academic who’s work justified sexual relationships between adults and children, which was certainly convenient for Peter Righton because he was a paedophile who was later convicted of child sex offences. Peter Righton was a Gov’t adviser and worked with Barbara Kahan when she was a Gov’t adviser.

After study leave at Berkeley, Howard Jones in 1969 moved to Cardiff as Professor to head the then Department of Social Administration and School of Social Work. He retired in 1984, before the merger of University College Cardiff with UWIST.

Along with many other people in what became Cardiff University, Howard Jones will have known about the abuse of children in care in south Wales, the scale of which became evident after Howard Jones retired. He’ll also have known about the offences of George Thomas (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’) and he probably knew about Ron Davies’s foibles as well (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’). Howard Jones will have known about Dafydd; most of Cardiff University were protecting Dafydd and Dafydd’s colleague Tony Francis trained and worked in Cardiff.

Jones’s obituary noted that ‘in an age when publishing did not receive the obsessional focus it does today, he was an avid communicator’. His books included Reluctant Rebels (Tavistock, 1961); Crime and the Penal System(University Tutorial Press, 1962); Alcoholic Addiction: a Psycho-Social Approach to Abnormal Drinking (Tavistock, 1963), Crime in a Changing Society (Penguin, 1965); Towards a New Social Work (Routledge, 1975); Open Prisons (Routledge, 1977); The Residential Community (Routledge, 1979); Society against Crime: Penal Practice in Modern Britain(Penguin, 1981); Crime, Race and Culture (Wiley, 1981); and Social Welfare in Third World Development (Macmillan, 1990).

The leading light in the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal Frank Beck was well thought off by his colleagues. He was so committed to those kids, Frank generated new theories, devised new therapies and was always keen to share his expertise. As was Peter Righton. When brave souls did raise questions about Beck and Righton they were met with a wall of ‘how very dare you?’ Because Beck and Righton were experts. As people kept telling me that Dafydd was. It was patently obvious that Dafydd was an insane old man who didn’t know his arse from his elbow, just as it was obvious that the kids in Frank Beck’s care were terrified of him and that there was nothing ‘therapeutic’ about making boys on the verge of adolescence wear nappies, but it’s incredible what one can get away with if one is a Top Doc or a senior social worker. And it’s a real laugh because if anyone does say ‘bloody hell, look what he’s doing to those kids’, all you have to do is to tell everyone that they are a paedophile or a dangerous mental patient and they will soon find themselves unemployed and a pariah.

Howard Jones also made a significant contribution to probation and social work research and practice. He once told the story of a public talk he gave while he was at Leicester – where else? – which included a spoof on how the rabid ‘hang-em-and-flog-em’ brigade would deal with criminals. A reporter walked in during this sequence, having missed the contextual prefatory remarks, and he quoted this purple passage verbatim in the local press. A furious Howard – ‘and he could be a match for Sir Alex Ferguson’s ‘hairdryer technique’ when roused’ – phoned the editor to complain, but the editor refused to issue a retraction or apology, since Howard had indeed uttered the quoted words.  Howard ‘ruefully remembered the damage this press report did to his reputation with local practitioners’.

I’m tempted to suggest that Howard Jones got off lightly if people merely mistook him for the sort of Sir Herbert Gussett who writes letters to the Torygraph from the family seat at Barking-in-the-Marshes, I think that Howard might have been rather more dangerous than that.

Howard ‘had the good fortune not be cluttered by the range of literature available today’ – thank goodness that Howard didn’t have to bother with that, he just churned out his own literature – and ‘he had a direct style and an ability to think and dictate/write in whole paragraphs or chapters’. His first book, Reluctant Rebels, arose out of his work with ‘maladjusted children’ (a term he used without the inverted commas) and addressed the extent to which group therapy could provide them with a sense of security and some insight into their problems. He stressed the importance of treating kids as individuals rather than labelling them as ‘yobs’… The regimes in the school he studied had some positive results, which were dispassionately reviewed in his book, but the school was closed down by the Ministry of Education because its results were not unambiguous enough to fit its evaluation metrics. The date – not 2008, but 1961’.

So that school with the positive results which Howard reviewed dispassionately must have been in a very parlous state indeed, schools didn’t tend to get closed in 1961. What could have been happening there?

Howard’s book ‘Society Against Crime’ was an edited collection of articles by Cardiff criminology and social work staff, aimed at increasing the profile of Howard’s department. I’m familiar with that technique, it doesn’t always lead to high quality outputs.

Howard may not have been supping the reds at High Table in All Souls along with Roger Hood, but he certainly enjoyed himself. As well as sabbaticals with his family visiting adventurous spots such as Papua New Guinea, he ‘played an influential role in developing probation and alternatives to prisons’ in the Caribbean, especially Barbados, Guyana and, to a lesser extent, Jamaica.  A five year project funded by what is now DFID brought some Guyanese to Cardiff to carry out their PhDs and sent to a member of the Howard’s contingent to Guyana.

How the hell did Howard, a state bureaucrat from Cardiff, wangle a sabbatical – with his family – to Papua New Guinea?? Do they have social work teams and therapists in Papua New Guinea?

Papua New Guinea, as visited by Julia Hobsbawm:

Croesor village, Gwynedd, Wales Stock Photo

 

Howard’s last book before retirement, Crime, Race and Culture, explored differences in crime rates between Guyanese of Indian and African origin and tried to account for them in cultural and employment terms. Howard would have known all about that having worked among the paedophiles of Leicester and then the accessories to George Thomas and Ron Davies in Cardiff University.

Howard was kept busy with building up and then managing a ‘quite fractious department of overwhelmingly junior staff’ – could that have been because Howard ensured that no-one ever received promotion? – the majority being social work/probation lecturers; the next largest group being social policy (who distanced themselves from both him and criminology); plus two criminologists other than him.   Most of the social work staff saw themselves primarily as ‘trainers of professionals’. Professionals who would go out and join the world of abusers or find themselves ruthlessly frozen out.

Howard Jones ‘was intellectually and personally sharp in debate’ during the ‘sometimes vitriolic staff meetings and treated some staff like the (far from) ‘reluctant rebels’ of his first book’.  Howard also had to ‘manage some cohorts of social work students who were keen to hone their skills in the culture of complaint’.

Howard’s dept sounds a nightmare. Everyone at war, the students horrified at what they were seeing and probably trying to blow the whistle on abuse of clients as well, only to be dismissed by Howard as vexatious complainants. No wonder Howard Jones did so well for himself in the world of the person-centred professions who care.

Howard ‘was fearless and could be quite outspoken in private and public settings (including with the Home Office), and – though bull-like in his determination to achieve those objectives he thought right – had no temperament for the sustained delicate interdepartmental and governmental alliance-building that might have enabled him to bring to fruition the Welsh Institute for Social Policy or police-funded lectureship he sought to get in the first half of the 1980s.’

So Howard Jones was obnoxious, so obnoxious that even tame people refused to give him resources to expand his dept.

In the early 80s, Howard ‘imaginatively hosted four lectures by leading Chief Constables’ and when he took his regular study leave in the Caribbean, one of his colleagues, Professor Michael Levi, took over from him on ‘an interesting project on police-public relationships in Devon & Cornwall and Greater Manchester’.

Michael Levi will have learned a great deal. In the early 1980s, Greater Manchester Police was riddled with corruption (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’) and were led by the notorious Chief Constable James Anderton, 1976-91. Who had an obsession with prostitutes and poofs but was very much more relaxed about violent, corrupt police officers, as was demonstrated by the conduct of the police towards the students who dared protest when Leon Brittan visited Manchester University on 1 March 1985. The students had the living daylights beaten out of them, in public, on camera and two who made complaint were subjected to such extreme threats that one of them went into hiding on mainland Europe. The other was a female medical student who found herself being confronted by plain clothes officers when she was working in a hospital on placement who threatened her with violence and told her that they’d have a go at any Top Docs who tried to defend her. The corrupt plods needn’t have worried, no Top Docs came to her assistance.

Down in Devon and Cornwall, the Chief Constable, 1973-82, was at the other end of the spectrum, John Alderson, who pioneered community policing. Alderson was appointed a Fellow Commoner of Corpus Christi College, Cambridge and of the Cambridge Institute of Criminology in 1982 and he was a research fellow at Nuffield College, Oxford, 1982-83. Alderson was Visiting Professor of Police Studies at the University of Strathclyde, 1983-89 and a research fellow at the Institute of Police and Criminological Studies at the University of Portsmouth, 1994-2000. He returned to Australia in 1987 as Australian Commonwealth Fellow with the Australian Government.

John Alderson was fully aware of the scale of serious crime and police corruption in some regions of the UK, because earlier in his career he had served in Yorkshire and had been a senior officer in the Met. Alderson was frequently told that community policing might work in the west country where there was no serious crime, but it wouldn’t work in Greater Manchester. Neither did police corruption, but no-one mentioned that. Not that John Alderson didn’t have serious crime on his patch. In the way that Croesor was plagued by Dafydd, the west country had Jeremy Thorpe and his associates and the person who tried to murder Norman Scott. James Alderson didn’t just know about Jeremy as a result of his role as Chief Constable, Alderson will have known Jeremy personally, because Alderson was active in the Liberal Party and in 1983 unsuccessfully contested the Devon seat of Teignbridge. John Alderson served as a consultant on human rights to the Council of Europe from 1981 and was a member of the BBC General Advisory Council from 1971-78. He also served on the Committee of the Royal Humane Society, 1973-81 and was President of the Royal Life-Saving Society, 1974-78.

One of Alderson’s volumes was entitled ‘Principled Policing’. I doubt that’s what Norman Scott felt was prevailing as his desperate pleas for help in the face of Thorpe’s escalating unpleasantness were ignored.

 

Departmental duties at Cardiff left Howard Jones ‘with insufficient time to engage in personal fieldwork in the UK’ so ‘some of his writings lacked the ethnographic base of immersion in the field that would have given them more lasting power’. He always found time for a quick jaunt to Papua or the Caribbean though.

 

The Home Office Research Unit Report certainly looked kindly upon people from the Cambridge Institute of Criminology when they asked the Unit for money. The Report stated that the Unit was funding the Cambridge Study in Delinquency Development, led by Dr D.J. West, which was running between 1961-76, as well as an investigation into sentencing policy by the Court of Appeal, led by D.A. Thomas, 1963-76, as well as another investigation led by D.A. Thomas into maximum penalties, that study having been carried out during 1973-74.

The Unit also funded someone else from the Cambridge Institute of Criminology who later became very well-known, to investigate perceptions of crime and attitudes to criminal justice, 1971-74 – Dr R.F. Sparks.

 

Richard Sparks is Professor of Criminology at the University of Edinburgh. From 2014-17 Sparks was Head of the School of Law at Edinburgh and from 2006-16 he was a founding Co-Director of the Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research. He was Professor of Criminology at Keele University and in his early career also worked at the Open University as well as at the University of Cambridge Institute of Criminology.

Richard Sparks has carried out a lot of work with Ian Loader, Professor of Criminology at Oxford University and Fellow of All Souls College. I briefly met Ian Loader about 11 years ago. The Oxford University Amnesty International branch had invited a French social theorist, one of Pierre Bourdieu’s former students, to give a lecture at Oxford, so I went over to Oxford to attend the lecture. Ian Loader had organised the event. A few days later I told a friend who used to work as a criminologist at Oxford that I had met Ian Loader and they rolled their eyes, told me that he was a very ruthless man and that him organising a lecture by a old French radical was the pinnacle of irony, but then Ian would do anything to advance himself. I’d never heard this person be even mildly rude about anyone before, so I was a bit surprised. At that time, a close friend of mine was working at Oxford, but they weren’t a criminologist. So image my surprise when they too had heard of Ian Loader and told me that the ‘new Professor of Criminology’ was doing some pretty terrible things to people.

I know no more about Ian Loader, except that one casualty works in Wales. This is what Oxford University tells people about Ian Loader:

Ian arrived in Oxford in July 2005 having previously taught at Keele University and the University of Edinburgh, from where he also obtained his PhD in 1993. He is a Fellow of the Royal Society for the Arts. Professor Loader was a member of the Commission on English Prisons Today from 2007-2009, and now Chairs the Research Advisory Group of the Howard League for Penal Reform. He has, since 2006, been co-convener, with the Police Foundation, of the Oxford Policing Policy Forum. From 2011-2013 he was a member of the Independent Commission on the Future of Policing and part of the editorial team which produced the Commission’s Report. Ian is an Associate Fellow of the IPPR (The IPPR is the think tank set up by the Windbag which serves as a job creation scheme for the children of New Labour big wigs who believe that it is their destiny to become PM. I mean ‘who are ready to serve’).

 

Long ago and far away, Richard Sparks learned at the knee of Sir Anthony Edward Bottoms. Yes, that is his name, a splendidly appropriate name for one of the big beasts in criminology who absolutely must know about the sordid practices in swathes of the welfare state and criminal justice system but who won’t be mentioning any of it. Anthony Bottoms is Emeritus Wolfson Professor of Criminology, University of Cambridge and a life fellow at Fitzwilliam College, having previously been a Wolfson Professor of Criminology at Cambridge, 1984-06. Bottoms was the Director of the Institute of Criminology, University of Cambridge, 1984-98. Until Dec 2007, Bottoms was a Professor of Criminology jointly at the Universities of Cambridge and Sheffield.

Bottoms was educated at Eltham College and then read law at Corpus Christie College, Oxford. Bottoms subsequently became a student on the first ever full-time postgraduate course in criminology in the UK, at Cambridge in 1961-2. After a short period as a probation officer, Bottoms returned to Cambridge as a research assistant to F.H. McClintock in a study focused on institutional training for young adult males.

So Bottoms is someone who spent years dining at High Table, but who many moons ago worked as a probation officer when scores of people working in that role were abusing and molesting their clients or keeping quiet when other people did.

Readers who are sufficiently nerdy to remember my previous posts will notice that much of the action in terms of people being favoured by a Home Office Research Unit during the years when the Home Office was actively concealing serious crime and the abuse of youngsters took place in Cambridge. Of course Cambridge by its nature will have hosted some influential people during the 1970s, but there was one person in particular who played a leading light in Cambridge life at that time – Baroness Jean Trumpington aka Trumpers. Thatch gave Trumpers a peerage for doing bugger all and then someone was foolish enough to give Trumpers a job as a junior Health Minister. Trumpers repaid the kindness by appointing Jimmy Savile to the task force responsible for managing Broadmoor, although after Jimmy pegged out and the media began reporting what he had done in reality rather than simply maintaining that he worked as a hospital porter pushing beds along corridors, Trumpers let Edwina Currie take the blame. Edwina wasn’t exactly innocent, she knew that Trumpers had done the dirty deed and did not raise any objections, but Trumpers was the Brains behind it (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’).

Trumpers’s crowning achievement before Thatch gave her a peerage was becoming Mayor of Cambridge. Trumpers had a great many fingers in a great many pies in Cambridge. She was ‘involved with’ single mothers, teenaged delinquents (so how did you get to know Savile then Trumpers?), the insane who didn’t know what was good for them, the NHS and Addenbrookes Hospital, the Social Services Committee and the Leys School, where her husband was Headmaster. Trumpers had been a magistrate but was obliged to resign for reasons which do not add up. I suspect that Trumpers hasn’t been entirely honest regarding the reasons for her departure from the bench.

Trumpers was also mates with Lord Rab Butler, who was Master of Trinity College, Cambridge from 1956-77. Butler had previously held numerous Gov’t positions over a period of many years, including that of Home Secretary, 1957-62, under Harold Macmillan. When Butler was Home Secretary, he established the Home Office Research Unit, which subsequently funded so much research at Cambridge University.

Bring up another red from the cellar, one of our mates is Home Secretary.

Butler was Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1959-61. Butler was Home Secretary and Party Chairman when it was all going off down at Cliveden, with Lord Astor, Jack Profumo, the teenaged call girls, the Russian spies and the unidentified members of the Royal Family (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Trumpers used to stay at Cliveden at the time and her mate Sally Norton was Bill Astor’s first wife.

Anything to declare Trumpers?

Rab Butler was particularly concerned with education and legislation concerning the insane.

 

As if Trumpers’s presence in Cambridge wasn’t enough to blight the place, Tuppence and the fragrant Lady Mary Archer were cluttering up the city as well and they certainly weren’t ones for keeping themselves to themselves (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’).

Anyone for Krug and Shepherd’s Pie? Tuppence is in the slammer for perjury, but rules are there for him to break, so the Home Office has kindly agreed to let him out to hold his parties. Don’t mention Monica, the prostitute whom Tuppence paid to leave the country, who unfortunately died as a result of a car crash shortly before she was due to give evidence at Tuppence’s trial.

 

The Home Office Research Unit Report states that Sir Anthony Bottoms’s former boss, F.H. McClintock, who at the time was based at Edinburgh University’s Dept of Criminology, led research investigating the Scottish Parole System, 1973-75; the institutional treatment of young offenders, 1971-75; children’s hearings and the work of social workers in relation to children in trouble with the law, 1971-74.

Frederick Hemming McClintock was, from 1960, Assistant Director of Research at the University of Cambridge, Institute of Criminology and was Dean of the Faculty of Law, 1982-85. McClintock was a council member of the Scottish Association for Victim Support Schemes (SAVSS), and was a member of the Perks Committee on Criminal Statistics.

McClintock died in 1994 and his obituary for the Indie was written by one Anthony Bottoms.

Bottoms stated that McClintock, who was Professor of Criminology, Edinburgh University 1974-94, began life as an orphan but was fortunate to be fostered by a loving Unitarian couple in South London. He was educated at Colfe’s Grammar School and the LSE. Immediately after graduation, McClintock was recommended by Morris Ginsberg, the sociologist and philosopher, to Leon Radzinowicz, who was then seeking a research officer for the fledgling Department of Criminal Science at Cambridge. McClintock remained at Cambridge for 25 years, first in the Dept of Criminal Science and from 1960 as one of the founding staff members of the new Institute of Criminology, the first major interdisciplinary department of criminology to be established in a British university.

McClintock’s research was mainly the analysis of crime patterns (including studies of sexual offences, violent crimes, robbery and an overview of all crime in England and Wales) and the evaluation of treatment programmes for offenders (including studies of probation, attendance centres and borstal training).

McClintock was twice Acting Director of the Cambridge Institute of Criminology (1962-63 and 1972-73). He was elected a founding Fellow of Churchill College in 1962.

In 1974 McClintock moved to the newly created Chair of Criminology at Edinburgh University. He persuaded the University in 1983 to create the Centre for Criminology and the Social and Philosophical Study of Law, of which he was twice the Director, 1983-86, 1989-92. McClintock was also elected Dean of the Faculty of Law, 1982-85.

One can imagine Bottoms’s eyes misting over as he wrote that obituary, explaining that ‘Other personal memories that his death have brought to mind include watching him interview Borstal boys with a very real empathy, based on his own disadvantaged background; and joining him and his wife, Franca, on summer outings with their large and boisterous family. Derick McClintock was, emphatically, not one of those social scientists who have forgotten how to be human.’

McClintock was born an orphan, but he was adopted into a good family. If he did emphasise with the borstal boys, he never got round to detailing the horrors that the staff of the borstals as well as other people were inflicting upon them, even if McClintock was not one of the bastards of social science.

 

At Cambridge, Bottoms worked at the new Institute of Criminology under the guidance of Sir Leon Radzinowicz, who was the founding Director of the Institute. Radzinowicz was born in Lodz, Poland and studied law at the Universities of Paris and Geneva. He then studied for a doctorate at the University of Cracow. During this time, he spent a year studying under Enrico Ferri at the Institute of Criminology in Rome. Radzinowicz moved to England in 1938, having been granted funding by the Polish Ministry of Justice to study the English legal system, ‘took refuge’ in the Law Dept at Cambridge University when he realised what Hitler was doing in Europe and remained at Cambridge for the rest of his life.

Radzinowicz was Director of the Department of Criminal Science, University of Cambridge, 1949-59. In 1959, he founded the Cambridge Institute of Criminology and in the same year Radzinowicz became the first Wolfson Professor of Criminology. Radzinowicz became a fellow of Trinity College Cambridge, fellow of the British Academy and was a member of the Athenaeum. The Athenaeum is the club of choice for academics and Top Doctors. Jimmy Savile joined after being introduced by Cardinal Basil Hume. Radzinowicz also liked hanging out at Brown’s Hotel over tea and toasted teacakes.

Radzinowicz’s obituary provides a considerable amount of information regarding the state of criminology in the UK when these intellectual giants were building their reputations and their empires. We are told that: ‘Criminology in England had, until the arrival of these emigrés [Hermann Mannheim and Radzinowicz], been a minority interest of the medical profession. It was seen as having little relevance to penal policy and less to forensic aspects of criminal justice.

Mannheim, at the LSE became the “father” of modern English criminology. Without his teaching in the 40s and 50s, the present generation of academic criminologists would not exist. But he was a proud man who never entirely abandoned the formalities of his youth, when he had been a Prussian officer and judge; he lacked the social skills to give the subject the public legitimacy crucial to its survival; he upset so many people that he was never to have the professorial accolade.

In 1957, the Conservative home secretary, RA Butler, approached London University about establishing an institute of criminology; Mannheim was not even consulted. At a private lunch given by the Vice-Chancellor, the Principal, Douglas Logan, dismissed Mannheim’s claims in a single sentence, but praised Radzinowicz, whom he knew well as a fellow Fellow of Trinity. The lunch was attended by the under secretary of state at the Home Office and the Secretary of the Royal Commission on Capital Punishment, on which Radzinowicz had served. 

Many in London believed that the whole thing had been a stitch-up and the man with the needle was Logan. It will never be possible to know why the Vice-Chancellor did not acknowledge, let alone reply, to Butler’s letter until prompted by the Home Secretary’s private office. Did Radzy know what was going on behind the academic arras? It seems inconceivable that he did not, but the Old Fox, another of his nicknames, would have been far too wily to have left the least incriminating scent.

Mannheim wasted a disproportionate amount of energy in his retirement expressing his hatred of the “upstart Pole”; this degenerated into such an obsession that any former pupil who visited Cambridge was re-categorised as an “unperson”. By 1959 the Institute was established in Cambridge. Radzinowicz became the first Professor of Criminology in Britain and some of Her Majesty’s judges began to accept invitations to contribute to the institute’s seminars.

Radzinowicz had carved a niche in the Law Faculty and, by 1948, he had his fellowship at Trinity. By 1949, he was appointed a member of the Gowers Commission on capital punishment’.

With regard to Radzy’s prolific output, the obituarist tells us that ‘Not that they were the result of only one man’s labour down the years. Radzy’s enemies have ascribed to his various co-workers the greater part of particular volumes. For all that his mind ranged the horizons of the subject quick as a falcon’s eye, his individual writings were probably not outstanding.

His membership of the Gowers Commission stood him in good stead, for he made friends in the Home Office and in the shadows of the political establishment. Trinity and the Athenaeum came in handy for such things and lesser, and younger, mortals got the toasted teacakes. He was never short of money.

In 1966, there was a major scandal following the escape of the Soviet spy George Blake, who had just been sentenced to 42 years’ imprisonment. The Labour Home Secretary, Roy Jenkins, appointed Earl Mountbatten to report. Radzy’s seat on the Advisory Council on the penal system led to his becoming Chairman of the sub-committee that considered Mountbatten’s proposals for maximum security prisons in 1967-8. He came out in favour not of Mountbatten’s idea of a concentration of high risk prisoners in one place but of the preferred Home Office option of dispersal.

Mountbatten was furious, which must have troubled Radzy, since he was totally sycophantic about royalty; the history of the dispersal policy has been the unmitigated failure its critics predicted. Perhaps, knowing the tide, he judged it better not to go against it. Yet, from his introduction to a book by Richard Sparks in 1971, he clearly saw what was happening in the English prison system and made few bones about it.

In 1986, he spoke at a reception in Lincoln’s Inn to mark the publication of the final volume of his History (the Conservative Home Secretary [Douglas Hurd] was the principal guest) and his asides made little secret of contempt in which he held Thatcherite social policies and the mess of British society, never mind its prisons. By this time, he lived in Philadelphia.

His knighthood came in 1970. At last he could feel on equal terms with those senior civil servants whom he had assiduously cultivated down the years, although his heart had been set on a peerage. He was not to be presented in their Lordships’ house, but his retirement dinner was unforgettable.

For many years, Cambridge held regular conferences on criminology and these had become feudal gatherings at which fealty was paid to a liege lord; except that a number of young squires had begun to have their own show, what was to be the York deviancy symposium.

In the paranoid climate of British universities, Radzy was genuinely fearful of the activities of these leftist critics of orthodox criminology and the establishment. Unfortunately, quite a few of them were at his retirement dinner during a conference. Congratulatory messages were read out like wedding telegrams while Radzy, surrounded by the senior home civil service…As he rose to speak, some young squires made an ostentatious exit, but it was not his style to notice such things.

He was not always good at human relations but there was, in his retirement, a mellowness about him. Some thought it stemmed from guilt, long overdue, for the appalling way in which he had treated junior colleagues.

Carel Weight’s portrait of him as a young man conveyed through the eyes a fierce, almost vulpine, impression of a man who knew what he wanted and how to get it. He would have been at home in the courts of Renaissance Italy. It was not in his nature to be a tyrant, for he had too much humanity; he was just uncommonly ill-tempered, especially when he thought that he had been thwarted, when his behaviour degenerated to the level of any departmental bully. He despised weakness in others and respected those with the courage to stand up to his tantrums.

In old age, Radzy was forgiving, even to Mannheim, in a generous tribute in the Dictionary of National Biography; Mannheim would never have done the same for him. Those of us whom he described in his account of the events of 1957 as “still young, but gifted and enthusiastic… eager to leave a mark on the future development of the discipline” had a lot to put up with in the years of his ascendancy.

So if one was being beaten and raped in Bryn Estyn or had been banged up in prison as the result of a corrupt deal between a gang of paedophiles and their mates in high places, it was this group of selfish, warring, complete bastards who spent their time conducting personal vendettas against each other, or getting pissed at High Table and in the Athenaeum while beating a path to a knighthood, upon whom you had to depend to report upon the conditions of the institution in which you were incarcerated or whether the criminal justice system and law were working as they should.

My how things haven’t changed.

In 1968 Anthony Bottoms was appointed by Sheffield University’s Faculty of Law as that University’s first dedicated Lecturer in Criminology. Bottoms became Sheffield’s first Professor of Criminology in 1976. Bottoms did his PhD at Sheffield, but I’m not sure when – he may have completed it while he was working as a lecturer there. In 1984 Bottoms returned to Cambridge as Wolfson Professor of Criminology (a post he held until 2006) and as Director of the Institute of Criminology (1984-98). Bottoms returned to the University of Sheffield as a part-time Professor, 2002-07, holding this position conjointly with his Cambridge post.  Bottoms has been a Fellow of the British Academy since 1997.

Bottoms was a member of the Home Office’s Research and Advisory Group on the Long-term Prison System, 1984-90 and on three occasions acted as a Specialist Adviser to the House of Commons N Ireland Affairs Committee for its inquiries on prison-related matters, 1998; 2003-4; 2007. He was appointed by the Scottish Gov’t to write a report on the structure and content of criminological research in Scotland and this report led directly to the establishment in 2005 of the inter-university Scottish Centre for Crime and Justice Research.

Bottoms has collaborated with, supervised, or taught, a number of other notable criminologists, including David Garland, Alison Liebling, Richard Sparks, John Pratt and Mike Nellis.

In 2001 Bottoms picked up his knighthood. There was a glut of honours dispensed in 2001, the year after the publication of the cover-up which was the Waterhouse Report, as the immediate fury regarding such an obvious rigged scam had dissipated a little bit. I have no idea whether Bottoms’s K was given in that spirit, it wouldn’t surprise me if it was, Bottoms must have a mountain of shit on a great many people.

In April 2018 Bottoms and his colleague Dr Jo Parsons conducted a Review on behalf of the Sentencing Council regarding how the Council can best exercise its statutory functions.

Someone who had spent years at Bangor University sought refuge at the Cambridge Institute of Criminology in 2003 – Professor Roy King. I didn’t know Roy King, he had departed from Bangor by the time that I began working as a social scientist there, but he hadn’t long gone and the memories of Roy King were still raw. I heard a great deal about Roy King. Not from members of staff, I suspect that he was such a nasty piece of work that no-one dared speak of him, but swathes of students past and present and a few retired staff were frank in their opinion that he was the most unpleasant, vindictive, bullying, unscrupulous man that Bangor had ever entertained. Which is quite some accolade. I wondered for a long time why such evil should exist within a criminology team at Bangor until the penny dropped. It’s the paedophiles’ friends again. I met students past and present who’s projects and theses had involved them interviewing sex offenders, visiting bail hostels, liaising with the Probation Service, the mental health services and the social services. The heart of those who had facilitated the trafficking ring. Some of those students seemed to have been put in danger in terms of being left alone with potentially dangerous offenders and I marvelled at how some of the work had ever found its way past an ethics committee.

It did clarify a mystery that I came across in 2002 though. During the weeks when I was in the Hergest Unit in that year – just before the paedophiles’ friends had yet another go at imprisoning me on the basis of their perjury – I noticed that not only had the wards at the Hergest Unit become even more dangerous and not only were the staff even more abusive and neglectful, but that there were hardly any qualified permanent staff there. None of the staff would tell the patients their full names, neither would they wear their identity badges and they simply referred to each other as ‘nurses’. They weren’t, there were hardly any qualified nurses there, virtually all staff were nursing assistants, who were casual labour hired from the nursing bank. I watched carefully and I noticed that on a number of occasions, there was not one qualified nurse on duty. Which is of course unlawful. Assaults on patients by staff were occurring, threats and aggression towards the patients from staff were routine and I sustained injuries as a result of an assault by four Angels. I was prevented from reporting the matter to the police, I was repeatedly lied to and one member of staff external to the ward who was most concerned at what was happening on that ward, Taliesin Ward, was banned by the NW Wales NHS Trust authorities from contacting me and threatened with dismissal if he did so. See my post ‘Who Is In Need Of Restraining? for some of the details. Another patient told me that he witnessed a female patient sexually assaulted by male staff in the guise of ‘restraint’.

I am no stranger to abusive Top Docs and Angels, but one thing really surprised me, which was that one of the bank ‘nurses’ witnessing the thuggery and assisting in preventing me as well as other patients from reporting assaults on us by staff was it transpired a postgraduate student from Bangor University. In my experience, students from Bangor were usually among those being threatened and harassed by the mental health services. I then discovered that this young woman was doing an MSc in Criminology no less. With a Professor Roy King.

Perhaps Kate Madden would now like to tell the world why she regularly worked shifts on a locked ward in the Hergest Unit and stood by saying nothing as she witnessed patients threatened, assaulted, injured, refused visitors and indeed all contact with the outside world until they had agreed to drop their complaints against staff. Oh and Kate – why did you disconnect the ward phone when I tried to telephone a friend to tell them that I had just been violently assaulted by four staff and I was now injured and was being prevented from reporting the matter to the police? Then there was the statement that you subsequently gave to the police after Alun Davies et al conspired to have me jailed. It wasn’t true and the case against me collapsed. Ah – the other patient who had been assaulted by the staff on your watch Kate. The young Muslim man who sat on the floor crying ‘please don’t hurt me again?’

MSc in Criminology??? Where exactly were your ethics during the time that you worked at the Hergest Unit? By the way Kate, look at some of the inspection reports for the Hergest while you were employed there as a hired thug. Patients were dying. I understand that there had even been deaths on the ward. Then there was the elderly lady who set fire to herself ON THE WARD. How exactly did these things happen Kate? Would you now like to belatedly make a statement about what you witnessed Bethan Roberts, Sian Ruth Lloyd, Dave Wood and Michelle Shaw doing to patients? Why did so many female patients wake up to find ‘nurse’ Dave Wood in their bedrooms with them, alone, with no good reason, in the middle of the night? Er – four of us at least had that experience and complained didn’t we? Only to be told that we had assaulted staff and would now be charged. The witnesses to the assaults being Wood and his colleagues.

Another one of Roy King’s postgrads was the vile Dr Denise Baker-McClearns. Who spent years doing everything she could to intimidate me when she was one of my neighbours, then moved on to intimidating other people. Denise made allegations that a local man had molested her daughter. There was no evidence, the offence was said to have taken place years previously, but at least it split the man’s marriage up and made his alcohol problem a lot worse. The mental health services then housed him next to a pub in Bethesda. What happened? He was found dead of course, what else was the outcome going to be. I obviously escaped lightly, Denise only told everyone that I was a danger to their children. God forbid what she’d have said if I’d been in possession of a penis, I’d have been in prison years ago.

Denise was married to a children’s social worker on Anglesey. That’s the Anglesey which had a major problem with the social workers facilitating the abuse of the kids.

Denise had a career in the people business as well. She worked in mental health! Denise – after a great struggle because she isn’t the sharpest knife in the drawer – finished a degree in psychology at Bangor University, did whatever it was that she did with Roy King and then decided that she would help the mad. She was sacked from at least two jobs after she was deemed to be a danger to vulnerable people (imagine how I laughed when I heard about that, if only the poor sod who died after being on the receiving end of Denise had survived to know that as well) and then bagged a job with the Gov’t adviser, leading Top Doc, Manchester University’s Louis Appleby, as a member of his team carrying out the National Confidential Inquiry Into Suicide and Homicide By People With Mental Illness. Denise departed from Appleby’s team under a huge cloud as well and then rocked up at Warwick University’s Dept of Primary Care, where she was sacked within months. Denise then embarked on a new career as a food blogger and a manager of a cafe for the homeless/needy.

Louis didn’t raise the alarm and get Denise removed from circulation then.

Louis might be interested to know that I was told recently that the dreadful Denise was yet another gift to me and Brown from the security services. I can understand why the security services might have wanted a mole near Roy King and Louis Appleby, but not only did Denise cause me far more grief than she caused them, but she obviously wasn’t in the least bit effective, because Roy King bagged a Chair at Cambridge and Appleby has been appointed to more and more Gov’t roles and positions of responsibility.

Note to MI5: If I ensure that I always sport red lipstick as warning plumage, talk with a cockney accent and say fuck even more than I do at present, cheat, lie, steal and harass people so badly that they move house to get away from me, would you pay me whatever you were paying the toxic cow Denise? If you employ me, I’ll actually get rid of the trash for you, unlike Denise who simply joined them.

Another member of Roy King’s merry band was Preet Nijar, ‘lecturer in criminology’. Preet sported red lipstick as warning plumage as well. Preet Nijar was so excruciatingly embarrassing that Bangor University were spending good money on lawyers in an attempt to try and work out how they could get rid of her without the University disappearing in a mushroom cloud. My info re Preet came from students, because the legal nightmare which was Preet was far too hot for the staff to touch. Not all the criminology students were like Kate Madden or Denise Baker-McClearns, lots of them were great and I knew a number of them very well. It was they who filled me in on the extraordinary excesses of Preet Nijar.

Preet Nijar had managed to have a same sex relationship with one of her postgrads. Except that Preet was at the same time in a heterosexual relationship with another criminologist, but not one who worked at Bangor. For added excitement, at some point the relationship involved all three of them. As far as that goes, it’s their own business. Except that for some reason Preet and the man involved fell out with the postgrad and things got nasty. The postgrad began legal action against the University, alleging lack of duty of care. Nijar denied any improper behaviour and denounced the postgrad as mad and a liar. The postgrad then produced photos of all three of them in bed together. The University was left to pick up the crap. Nijar refused to resign and called on the assistance of the union to keep her in her job. Nijar’s male partner then arrived on University premises and told the postgrad to shut her mouth or he’d shut it for her. The Professor of Sociology was left to deal with this thug in order to protect students. Then Nijar and her partner managed to manipulate a few people into believing that they’d been mistreated by Bangor University, so those people began circulating rumours blaming innocent parties for the now unholy mess.

It went on for years and the last that I heard, Preet Nijar still held some sort of post at Bangor but they’d stopped paying her a salary.

So to all those who marvelled at the saga involving Preet Nijar and blamed the senior sociologists for the mess – no, it wasn’t their fault. Nijar and her partner were nuts and nasty, Roy King positively attracted such poisonous people and then departed for Cambridge, leaving Bangor to pick up the pieces in the face of a corrupt union rep who knew damn well that Nijar should have been dismissed on multiple grounds.

I think we do need to ask exactly what criteria the Cambridge Institute of Criminology are using to appoint senior academics…

There was another academic who had formerly worked at Bangor who, like Roy King, had never been forgotten on account of his alleged backstabbing, cheating and one upmanship, Ralph Fevre. Ralph Fevre left for dear old Cardiff, the former home of Howard Jones and Mark Drakeford. Ralph is now Professor of Social Sciences at Cardiff University. Ralph recently wrote a blog about bullying in the workplace and the need to value individuals! Some of Ralph’s former colleagues would I imagine be entertained by that blog, but then Cardiff University might have something to say to Ralph if he wrote a blog about how to behave like a total scumbag and bag a Chair at Cardiff. By the way Ralph, do you remember when I wrote that book proposal years ago and one of your mates recommended that I should send it to you in your capacity as the commissioning editor of the series? And you never replied? So weeks later I wrote to you again and it was a case of ooh dear, I forgot about your proposal and now the deadline’s gone! Ah well never mind Ralph, I was told that you were a cheating bastard who had done it deliberately because Cardiff didn’t want anything high quality coming out of early career researchers at Bangor. Fortunately University of Wales Press were sufficiently impressed that they offered me a contract anyway and they subsequently published my book outside of the series which you ensured only included volumes written by your mates or people working at Cardiff.

 

The Home Office Research Unit Report lists work with offenders in areas of the UK where it is now acknowledged that there were paedophile gangs in operation at the time of the research. T.F. Marshall investigated criminal subcultures in an unidentified town in central Lancashire, 1973-74. Dr M.S. Folkhard studied the treatment of offenders in terms of probation aftercare, borstal and homeless aftercare in London, Sheffield, Dorset, Liverpool and Staffordshire, 1971-77. Rob Evans, who was the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services who presided over the abuse of both children and mental health patients in the 1980s and 90s had previously been a team leader in Dorset (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

Folkhard also investigated Community Service Orders, 1972-74, in Durham, Kent, south west Lancashire, inner London and Nottingham. Furthermore Folkhard researched Day Training Centres in Glamorgan, Liverpool, inner London and Sheffield, 1972-75.

While Folkhard was doing that, George Thomas and others were busy in Glamorgan.

Folkhard and colleagues in 1966 had produced ‘Probation Research – A Report’ for the Home Office Research Unit

The Home Office Research Unit funded work on the influence of narcotics on crime for the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs, to be presented at a conference of the Council of Europe, Strasbourg in Nov 1974. The Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs was packed to the rafters with paedophiles’ friends. In 1972, Sir Philip Myers, who was the Chief Constable of North Wales, 1974-82, sat on the Advisory Council on the Misuse of Drugs. Myers’s Drug Squad officers were endemically corrupt, they were facilitating the large scale dealing of Class A drugs whilst planting such drugs on hippies and students who were blowing dope or indeed on anyone else whom they wanted to fit up. Myers also knew all about the paedophile ring and ignored it, except for to prosecute the victims and witnesses if they complained. After Myers retired he became an HM inspector of Constabulary. Read more about Myers’s eccentric ways in my post ‘Top Of The Cops’.

 

Professor R.A. Parker of Bristol University’s Dept of Social Work and Administration was funded by the Home Office Research Unit to research the operation of Part I of the Children and Young Persons Act 1974 between 1971 and 1974. Bristol University hosted a collection of people who assisted Dafydd and the gang and both D.G.E. Wood and Lord David Hunt were alumni of Bristol. Wood was part of the trafficking ring and Hunt spent years at the Welsh Office concealing their crimes.

 

Other people and studies listed in the Home Office Research Unit Report as having been funded by them included:

Dr W.H. Hammond – Studies of Criminal Histories, 1962-74.

Dr C. Banks and Stephen Brody – Survey of the Male Prison Population, 1971-74.

C.P. Nuttall – carried out a number of parole studies between 1968 and 1974.

Joy Mott – studies on the Boys in Approved Schools and the use of opiates in prisons and psychiatric hospitals.

Elizabeth Field, W.H. Hammond and Prof J. Tizard, ‘Thirteen Year Old Boys in Approved Schools in 1962’, published in 1971.

A New Zealander, Jack Tizard spent most of his professional life in England where, as a psychologist, he worked ‘at the boundaries of psychology, medicine, education and the social sciences’. His work on alternatives to institutional care in the 1950s and 60s ‘underpinned the subsequent development of ‘ordinary life’ models for children and adults with intellectual disabilities’. Tizard’s approach was ‘characterised by a commitment to using high research standards to address important social problems, ensuring through his extensive advisory activities that the results of research were available to practitioners and policy-makers’.

The University of Kent has The Tizard Centre, named in honour of the great man, concerned with learning disabilities and community care.

Helen Sylvia Anthony published ‘Depression, Psychopathic Personality and Attempted Suicide in a Borstal Sample’ in 1973. I think the very title of that work tells us all we need to know, it will have been manna from heaven to the paedophiles and their friends.

Nancy Goodman – Sentencing of Women, 1972-74; long term follow up of borstal girls, 1973-74.

The Home Office’s Research Unit Report also listed Nancy Goodman and Jean Price’s 1967 Study of Female Offenders.

Funds were made available to the Runnymede Trust, 1973-74, to conduct ‘An Analysis of the Coloured Population of Great Britain’. A great many paedophiles’ friends found themselves magnetically attracted to the Runnymede Trust (see previous posts).

 

So that is the story of how a Home Secretary in 1957 is still influencing policy today.

‘Da Dafydd – a yw’r ŵyn wedi rhoi’r gorau i sgrechian?’

 

I have received an e mail from someone who has sent me information concerning Top Doctor Anthony Baker who some time ago found himself in hot water regarding his misconduct but was of course allowed to carry on practising by the GMC. I did know about Anthony Baker, furthermore he was one of the advisers who were involved with the seminars held after the Waterhouse Inquiry, at which Waterhouse’s recommendations and their implementation were discussed. My reader commented that she found it worrying that there were so many perverts around. I’m not sure that there are. The generation of dreadful old politicians who were damaged beyond belief in brutal boys boarding schools and spent their adult lives molesting children has just about died out. The problem now is the hordes of people who knew about them or crimes relating to them who remained silent and continue to remain silent. The consequences of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and Dafydd et al are running down through generations, as so many people are acutely aware that they only bagged their current job/peerage by keeping quiet and toadying.

So here’s another person, a Top Doctor, who was never obnoxious or abusive himself, but who remained silent in the face of those who were. Dr Webb, a GP latterly of Cricieth Health Centre. In 2005, after my lawyer demonstrated that I had been threatened, assaulted and injured by mental health staff and that they had perjured themselves, the NW Wales NHS Trust were unable to continue their denials in the face of documentary evidence and witness testimonies. Their answer was to flatly refuse me all NHS treatment, to threaten me with arrest if I entered Trust properties and to refuse to make any alternative arrangements for me.

I had recently registered with Dr Webb, who seemed very pleasant, admitted that the mental health services left much to be desired but didn’t believe that I had been refused all NHS treatment. So he kindly, in front of me, rang up the NW Wales NHS Trust to reassure me that I had ‘misunderstood’. Medwyn Williams, the newly appointed manager of the Hergest Unit, confirmed to Dr Webb that I had indeed been refused all NHS treatment on the orders of the Trust CEO and Chair. Medwyn finished the phone call by telling Dr Webb that ‘mistakes were made but we’ll never treat her again’. After the phone call, Dr Webb looked a bit nonplussed and said ‘its not very good really is it’. No, it was disgusting and completely illegal. Medwyn then sent Dr Webb a letter in which he confirmed the contents of the phone call. I saw the letter but didn’t keep a copy. I have been told that the legal ramifications were such that Dr Webb threw the letter away.

I don’t think that Dr Webb works at Cricieth anymore. Wherever he now is, could he please come forward and admit that the legacy of a paedophile gang resulted in me being unlawfully denied all NHS secondary care and that this was endorsed at the highest level – by Dr Brian Gibbons, the Welsh Gov’ts Health Minister, who also refused to investigate my complaints.

When Medwyn Williams held that phone call with Dr Webb, the NW Wales NHS Trust had the highest suicide rate for women of any area in England and Wales except for Camden. Patients were suing and writing to the Secretary of State for Wales such was the chaos. The Hergest Unit had virtually imploded and Medwyn Williams had been recently appointed after Alun Davies got up and left in a hurry when he realised that there were too many deaths to explain away. Medwyn Williams did not stay long as manager of the Hergest Unit. He had a nervous breakdown.

These are the consequences of serious organised crime. It needs dealing with.

 

I’ve been so busy on the blog that I haven’t kept up with the news in detail, but I do know that the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse have been guilty of a massive data breach and made public the names and other personal details of hundreds of victims. They have been clobbered with a huge fine and have apologised for breaching people’s privacy. They’ve done rather worse than that. They’ve put the lives of all those people in danger. No-one seems to get this. We are not talking about sad men with arrested psycho-sexual development lurking on street corners. The phenomenon that IICSA is charged with investigating involved organised gangs of criminals with corrupt Top Docs, social workers, police officers, lawyers and judges on their payroll and they murdered witnesses. Please, just stop the IISCA now. Most of those who offered to give evidence have walked away in despair at the fuckwittery, the Chair is a former social worker who presided over the abuse of children herself and now they’ve put the lives of hundreds of witnesses in even greater danger. Just stop. You are idiots, you were the ones who caused the problem in the first place, you really do not have the answers. You might as well install Dafydd as the Chair.

 

I did see a little bit about Cliff, who I think has won a big damages settlement against the BBC. There has been much sobbing from Cliff and his celeb friends at the trauma of it all, in contrast to the media who are seething at the thought that they cannot name people accused of sex offences before they have been tried.

Cliff, the BBC shouldn’t have done it, people are innocent until proven guilty and the whole stunt was obviously designed to embarrass you. However you were in your other house in Portugal at the time and I’m not sure that the tomfoolery of the BBC on that morning was really so traumatic for you and your friends that it was worth a few hundred grand in compensation. No-one seems to really believe the allegations against you, you obviously have lots of good mates around you which is what matters at such times. It’s not as though you’re going to be subjected to vigilante attacks or you are going to lose your job.

As for the media, do you think that you might have brought this on yourselves? Your behaviour has been so bad, just so bad – the worst examples that I can think of at the moment are the treatment of Charlotte Church’s mum, Milly Dowler’s mum and dad and Max Mosley – that people are no longer sympathetic to the reptiles as ‘Private Eye’ always called them demanding their right to hurl poison at whoever they want. Did any of you ever name Savile? No. You had the evidence, but you absolutely did not name him. Instead you continued to run ingratiating stories about his charidee work. You turned your fire on Charlotte Church’s mum and two people who’s daughter had been murdered. Neither did any of you publish anything about what was happening to me and others in north Wales. We weren’t fantasists, there were witnesses and I’ve got 10,000 documents. I know at least one other person in north Wales who’s lawyer extracted a similar number of documents from his records over a period of nearly 30 yrs and as with mine, there is written evidence of wrongdoing on nearly every page. Some of the same signatures and even the same phrases appear on the records of both of us.

For what it’s worth, the consequences for most people – particularly men accused of sex offences – of being named in relation to crimes are usually so negative that I think that people probably should be granted anonymity until they are found guilty. The MO of the paedophile gang in north Wales was to drag anyone who complained through the courts on serious charges in the knowledge that the damage to their reputations would be such that even if they were found not guilty, they were stuffed anyway. Naming innocent people was a Godsend to Dafydd. Was Dafydd ever named? Not until I began this blog, no he wasn’t. Never. Not once. But scores of people who had complained about him or his associates were, some of whom died in prison before their cases were ever heard.

My solicitor in Bangor told me years ago that the magistrates considered that the offenders appearing in the local press was an even more effective punishment than the sentences that the Court imposed. It was certainly enough to stop most people daring to complain about Dafydd et al. Again and again, I was told ‘he knows things about me and he’ll tell people’. I was warned myself that he’d do that to me. Indeed Dafydd and his associates did, repeatedly. Confidentiality was broken again and again and even better than that, Dafydd et al just made things up as they went along. Indeed Judge Huw Daniel made things up about me in Court and they were subsequently published in the local paper as fact. Cliff doesn’t live in Bangor and work as a teacher, so Cliff being named n shamed when nothing has been proved against him is not going to cause much harm, but other people aren’t so well insulated as Cliff.

10,000 documents everyone. Detailing the most serious crime on the part of professional people in senior positions from right across the UK over a period of decades. But you did not want to know.

The irony is that it was Fran Unsworth whom the BBC wheeled out to talk to the media following Cliff’s victory. Fran appeared on this blog a while ago. She is someone who knew about the crimes detailed on this blog but who never breathed a word.

As for the problem of people keeping quiet to protect their friends: I do not have one scrap of evidence that Cliff Richard has ever broken any law in his life. But Cliff has spoken openly of his close friendship with Cilla. Cilla spoke openly of her friendship with Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain. Geoffrey Chamberlain definitely was someone who spent years concealing a paedophile ring in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London, of which at least one of his friends and colleagues was a member. Cilla was a private patient at St George’s Hospital Medical School. The secretary with only the most basic qualifications and education who dealt with the private patients – who’s salary was paid for by the NHS – was a very rich woman. Inexplicably rich, as were her young adult children.

 

Life In Cold Blood

Previous posts have described how the security services monitored what was happening in north Wales, as well as at other places such as St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital, but used their resources to protect Dafydd et al, not their victims. It was obvious to me that ‘national security’ was being defined in terms of avoiding reputational damage to institutions such as law and medicine, although the corruption was so serious many lives were undoubtedly at risk.

While reading Hugo Young’s biography of Thatcher, ‘One Of Us’, I was reminded of a landmark judgement during that Thatcher years, in which the interests of the Gov’t were defined as the interests of ‘national security’, no matter what the interests of the Gov’t was.

In 1984, Clive Ponting, a senior civil servant in the MoD, felt that the deception and misinformation on the part of the Cabinet regarding the sinking of the Belgrano during the Falklands conflict was so great that he leaked sensitive Gov’t documents to Parliament via the Labour MP for Linlithgow, Tam Dalyell. Clive Ponting had witnessed discussions between Michael Heseltine, the then Defence Secretary and Heseltine’s officials, who concluded that Parliament should continue to be misled regarding the sinking of the Belgrano.

When Ponting was identified as the source of the leaked documents, he was prosecuted under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act. The presiding judge at Ponting’s 1985 trial was Justice McCowan.

 

Ponting was subsequently acquitted by the jury, despite remarks in McCowan’s summing up which, as ‘The Daily Telegraph’ said in a leading article, ‘seemed to lean heavily towards the prosecution case’. Ponting’s defence had been that his actions were to save Parliament from being misled and were therefore in the interests of the State (a defence under the Act). McCowan ruled that the interests of the State must mean the interests of the Gov’t of the day, to which the Civil Service was bound by a relationship of trust. McCowan’s ruling meant that civil servants had no higher duty than their duty to carry out the instructions of Ministers.

So it was Justice McCowan who determined that if the Gov’t wished to conceal the crimes of a pan-European sex trafficking ring which was murdering witnesses, that was in the national interest.

 

Sir Anthony James Denys McCowan (12 January 1928 – 3 July 2003) was a British barrister and judge of the High Court of Justice and Court of Appeal. After attending Epsom College, McCowan studied at Brasenose College, Oxford, where he was a member of the University Conservative Association. McCowan was called to the Bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. Sir William Mars-Jones, President of UCNW, 1982-95 and Ronnie Waterhouse’s friend, who acted as an umbrella for Dafydd and the trafficking gang for years, was a member of Gray’s Inn. After building up a practice in criminal, property and personal injury law, McCowan was made a QC in 1972 and was appointed a judge of the Queen’s Bench Division of the High Court of Justice in 1981. In 1989 McCowan became a judge of the Court of Appeal, but only sat for eight years until ill health forced him to retire in 1997.

McCowan was born in Georgetown, Guyana, the son of a magistrate. In 1951 he helped found the Bow Group, the first meeting of which was attended by, among others, William Rees-Mogg, Geoffrey Howe and Norman St John Stevas. Howe worked as a barrister on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit and was a lifelong friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. When I worked at St George’s Hospital Medical School, a member of staff who was well-acquainted with the gay scene told me that St John Stevas was known to be ‘holding spanking parties with little boys’ and that ‘no-one knows how he is getting away with it’.

McCowan’s pupillage was with Stanley Rees, at 1 Crown Office Row. Sir Stanley Rees was born in South Africa. His father was an English doctor of Welsh descent and Rees subsequently read law at University College, Oxford. After taking Silk in 1957, Rees defended in a series of high profile criminal trials at the Old Bailey, including the Brighton police corruption case, at which his client was acquitted. Rees was Recorder of Croydon, 1961-62 and the last Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions, 1964-71. When Rees was appointed a High Court judge in 1962, he went into the Family Division. His most famous case was the wardship proceedings concerning the three children of the 7th Earl and Countess of Lucan.

In the drawn-out first hearing in 1973, Rees – unimpressed with Lord Lucan’s character – gave custody to Lady Lucan, a decision that Lord Lucan’s friends later suggested had triggered the events of the following year. Although Lord Lucan had been granted ‘reasonable access’ to his children, his friend John Aspinall later said that the decision had been a ‘terrible blow’.

On the evening of November 7 1974, a year after the custody hearing, Lady Lucan ran into a Belgravia pub with blood on her face, saying that she had just escaped from a murderer. The police later found the body of the family nanny, Sandra Rivett, in a mailbag in the basement of Lady Lucan’s house.

Lady Lucan told police that she had gone downstairs to find the nanny when her estranged husband attacked her. When challenged by her, he said that he had mistaken the nanny for her and killed her. A warrant was soon issued for Lord Lucan’s arrest and a search was launched along the Sussex coast near Newhaven where it was believed he may have committed suicide; another theory was that he had fled overseas.

A week after Lucan’s disappearance, Rees presided at a further hearing concerning the children and after two and a half hours of secret consultation with Lady Lucan, he announced that the children would remain with their mother. Lord Lucan was never seen again.

After being attacked by her husband, Lady Lucan had the misfortune to end up in the hands of St George’s Hospital and her sanity was questioned. Lady Lucan always maintained that the various Top Doctors who pronounced on her alleged mental health problems were taking instructions from her husband.

The coroner who presided over the inquest of Sandra Rivett, Dr Paul Knapman, was a St George’s graduate himself and in his capacity as the coroner for Westminster presided over some of the highest profile inquests of the 20th century. When I worked in medical research in London I was told quite explicitly that Knapman was corrupt.

 

Sir Anthony McCowan practised in London and on the South Eastern Circuit. He became leader of the South Eastern Circuit in 1978, having been appointed Deputy Chairman of the East Sussex Quarter Sessions in 1969. McCowan was a member of the Parole Board for England and Wales, 1982-84 and of the Crown Court Rule Committee, 1982-88. In 1986, the year after the Ponting case, McCowan became Presiding Judge of the South Eastern Circuit. Throughout the 1970s and 80s, John Allen owned brothels in Brighton, Sussex, where kids from children’s homes in north Wales were trafficked.

On 3 Oct 1989 McCowan was appointed to the Court of Appeal of England and Wales and made a Privy Councillor. In 1991 McCowan was made Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales, a position he held until ill-health forced him to resign in 1995. He resigned from the Bench two years later.

1991 was the year of the Great Cover-Up; the year that I and my two friends who worked in the media and who wanted to make a film about north Wales had our careers ruined (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’); the year that there were two attempts to have me imprisoned by the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales, one of those attempts taking place at the Royal Courts of Justice in the Strand (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); the year that the Somerset contingent who knew what was happening to me in north Wales really began raking in the money (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’); and the year that Lilibet gave Sir Peter Morrison his knighthood and also handed out honours to a few others who were involved in the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

The Lord Chancellor when McCowan was appointed Senior Presiding Judge of England and Wales was paedophiles’ friend Lord James Mackay (see post ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’).

When he was young, Anthony McCowan had briefly featured on Conservative Central Office’s list of approved Parliamentary candidates, but soon decided to concentrate on the Bar.

During the 1980s McCowan presided in a number of highly publicised IRA trials. After his promotion to the Court of Appeal, McCowan was one of the judges on the appeal of the Maguire Seven in 1991; the appellants had spent 15 years in prison after being jailed at the Old Bailey for running an IRA bomb factory. Following an 18 day hearing, the judges allowed the appeal on the sole ground that traces of nitroglycerine found on their hands and gloves at their north London home, which formed the basis for their convictions, could have been the result of innocent contamination. They rejected five other grounds of appeal, in particular claims that the prosecution scientists had deliberately withheld relevant evidence.

The miscarriage of justice involving the Macguire Seven was quite extraordinary. There was no evidence against them, they had been horrifically brutalised while in police custody, including Anne McGuire – a middle aged lady who was a member of the local Conservative Club – and her 14 year old son Patrick. After she was released, Anne McGuire gave interviews in which she said that despite the brutality that she had suffered at the hands of the police, she never thought that she would be convicted because the allegations were so ludicrous. As with the Birmingham Six, virtually every professional involved in the Macguire Seven case had lied and lied and lied.

It was Anthony McCowan, in his capacity as Lord Justice McCowan, who in March 1993 rejected the application of the families of six victims of Hillsborough for a judicial review to quash the Hillsborough inquest verdict.

 

Clive Ponting was not the first civil servant under Thatcher’s Gov’t to have been prosecuted under the Official Secrets Act. In 1983, Sarah Tisdall, then an FCO clerical officer, leaked British Gov’t documents to ‘The Guardian’ and was subsequently jailed. in 1983. Tisdall anonymously sent ‘The Guardian’ photocopied documents detailing when American cruise missiles would be arriving in Britain. The documents set out the political tactics that Heseltine, then Defence Secretary, would use to present the matter in the Commons.

There did not appear to be any threat to national security in the revelation but the Gov’t nonetheless brought a legal action against ‘The Guardian’, seeking an order requiring the newspaper to reveal its source. Although ‘The Guardian’ successfully argued that it was protected by section 10 of the Contempt of Court Act 1981 from providing the information, the judgement by Justice Scott was almost immediately overturned. The appeal by the Attorney-General – paedophiles’ friend Michael Havers – was on the grounds that although the documents themselves were harmless, a civil servant capable of leaking them might leak other documents which could pose a threat to national security.

‘The Guardian’ complied with a court order to hand over the documents, which were identified as coming from a FCO photocopying machine. The machine led to Tisdall. In March 1984, Tisdall pleaded guilty to a charge under section 2 of the Official Secrets Act 1911. She was sentenced to six months in jail, but was released after four months.

‘The Guardian’ handed over the documents when the Editor Peter Preston realised that he might go to prison if they did not. So Sarah went to prison instead. There was much criticism of Preston from other journos at the time for failing to protect his source. But then Preston knew what was happening to kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales and he never published a word about it. Furthermore ‘The Guardian’ was accepting advertising revenue from Social Service Depts which they knew had been infiltrated by paedophiles. See post ‘Workers’ Play Time’.

 

The prosecutions of Tisdall and Ponting took place in an atmosphere of paranoia and panic on the part of Thatcher’s Gov’t re ‘national security’.

I cannot help wondering if Thatcher’s Gov’t were well aware that the wrongdoing of people like Peter Morrison and St John Stevas was so great that they were going into overdrive in order to ensure that it never became public. After all, whilst all this was happening, a bunch of benign students in Bangor had been placed under surveillance by the security services because of the fear that they were going to uncover the enormity of the crimes of Dafydd et al.

Heseltine: we were not terrorists, we were entirely harmless young people, with no money and no access to things like broadsheet editors. What on earth did you think that you were doing you mad old git? All I did was complain about an old pervert and people directly linked to your Gov’t tried to kill us and indeed did kill one of us.

 

My friend Anne Vernon was killed in the spring of 1986. Heseltine did not occupy any Ministerial position at the time of Anne’s death, because he had waltzed out of the Cabinet in Jan 1986, over the Westland row, another incident from which someone in Somerset who knew what was going on in north Wales did very well out of (see post ‘Those Who Wish To Serve’). Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary when Anne was murdered by the British state. Law-abiding harmless Anne, doing a PhD on noctuid moths, who’s mum was a teacher and who’s dad was an accountant. Because her closest friend in north Wales had complained about the people running the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

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Is it not extraordinary that Thatcher’s Gov’t set out to kill the young adult children of some solid Tory supporters?? I expect that Thatch thought that we were holding the country to ransom.

 

After completing my MSc at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School in June 1987, I spent a few months living with Brown and some others in Leicester. Brown was doing his PhD at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University. I have mentioned previously that although Brown was in receipt of an ESRC studentship which covered tuition fees paid to Leicester University, he was given absolutely no facilities or mentoring at all. Not even a desk, although other PhD students were accommodated. So Brown made himself an office in our house and worked from home. The only facilities that Leicester University provided for him were library facilities.

Leicestershire was the location of the paedophile ring which included social worker Frank Beck and Labour MP Greville Janner. Beck had not been jailed when we were living in Leicester and Greville Janner had not yet been investigated by the police, although many complaints had been made about Beck and Janner. As in the case of north Wales, the police, the local authorities, the criminal justice system and the NHS in Leicestershire were fully on board with the gang, as were huge swathes of Leicester University, particularly those members of staff in the medical school, education, law and the social sciences (see posts ‘An Expert From England’, ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’). Leicester University also had strong links to the BBC/media industry, as a result of the former Principal being the father of David and Richard Attenborough.

 

University of Leicester – view of the Attenborough tower.

 

David Attenborough’s bibliography includes: Zoo Quest to Guyana (1956); The Tribal Eye (1976); The Trials Of Life (1990); The Private Life Of Plants (1994); The Life Of Birds (1998); Amazing Rare Things (2007); Life In Cold Blood (2007).

David’s brother was the notorious luvvie dear, dear Dickie. Dickie starred in ‘I’m All Right Jack’ (1959). In the late 1950s, Attenborough formed a production company, Beaver Films and began to build a profile as a producer on projects including ‘The League Of Gentlemen’ (1959). His feature film directorial debut was the all-star screen version of the hit musical ‘Oh! What A Lovely War!’ (1969). Attenborough’s later films as Director and Producer include ‘Chaplin’ (1992).

After 33 years of service as President of the Muscular Dystrophy campaign, Attenborough became the charity’s Honorary Life President in 2004. In 2012, the charity established the Richard Attenborough Fellowship Fund to honour his lifelong commitment to the charity and to ensure the future of clinical research and training at leading UK neuromuscular centres.

Attenborough was also the Patron of the United World Colleges movement, whereby he contributed to the colleges that are part of the organisation. He was a frequent visitor to the Waterford Kamhlaba United World College of Southern Africa (UWCSA). The Baroness of Ely is involved with the United World Colleges movement, having attended Atlantic College, one of the United World Colleges, herself.

Attenborough was a longtime advocate of education that does not judge upon colour, race, creed or religion. His attachment to Waterford was his passion for non-racial education, which were the grounds on which Waterford Kamhlaba was founded. Waterford was one of his inspirations for directing the film ‘Cry Freedom’.

Attenborough founded the Richard Attenborough Arts Centre on the Leicester University campus in 1997, specifically designed to provide access for the disabled, in particular as practitioners.

Richard Attenborough was elected to the post of Chancellor of the University of Sussex in March 1998. He stood down as Chancellor of the University following graduation in July 2008. There now hangs a portrait of him in the newly opened Attenborough Centre for the Creative Arts on the university campus.

 

 

Attenborough was also head of the consortium Dragon International Film Studios, which was constructing a film and television studio complex in Llanilid, Wales, nicknamed ‘Valleywood’.

Now why would Dickie have been taking an interest in poor old Wales just as people began demanding that the criminal investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal should be re-opened?

In March 2008, the ‘Valleywood’ project was placed into administration with debts of £15 million and was considered for sale of the assets in 2011.

So which numpty in the Welsh Gov’t gave the green light to the nonsense in the first place?

Attenborough had a lifelong ambition to make a film about his hero the political theorist and revolutionary Thomas Paine, whom he called ‘one of the finest men that ever lived’. Attenborough said in an interview in 2006 that ‘I could understand him. He wrote in simple English. I found all his aspirations – the rights of women, the health service, universal education… Everything you can think of that we want is in Rights of Man or The Age of Reason or Common Sense’.

#Me Too Dickie!!

Sadly Dickie could not secure the funding for his feminist socialist blockbuster. Do you know Dickie, I too have found that if a bit of tenacity, sacrifice and God forbid cash is required for a Cause for the Oppressed, suddenly people become a great deal less enthusiastic.

The website ‘A Gift for Dickie’ was launched by two filmmakers from Luton in June 2008 with the aim of raising £40m in 400 days to help him make the film, but the target was not met and the money that had been raised was refunded. I would imagine that Dickie was a man who was very hard to buy for, so he probably just used to get socks and underpants for Christmas.

In Dec 2008, Dickie suffered a fall at his home after a stroke and was admitted to St George’s Hospital. He’ll have been OK there, they weren’t going to neglect or abuse Dickie, like Cilla he’ll have been useful for PR purposes. In Nov 2009, Dickie held a ‘house clearance’ sale and flogged off a few Lowries, Nevinsons and Sutherlands at Sotheby’s, generating £4.6 million. In Jan 2011, Dickie sold his estate on the Isle of Bute for £1.48 million.

In June 2012, shortly before her 90th birthday, Dickie’s wife Sheila Sim entered the professional actors’ retirement home Denville Hall, for which she and Dickie had helped raise funds. In Oct 2012, it was announced that Dickie was putting the family home, Old Friars, with its attached offices, Beaver Lodge, which come complete with a sound-proofed cinema in the garden, on the market for £11.5 million.

In Dec 2012, in light of his deteriorating health, Dickie moved into a nursing home in London to be with his wife. Dickie died on 24 August 2014, five days before his 91st birthday.

Lest anyone accuse me of being mean spirited and begrudging Dickie and his wife comfort in their later years, I honestly don’t. The reason why I ruthlessly take the piss out of people like Dickie and his extended clan is that they know something about the grim underbelly of the welfare services, yet they knowingly allow themselves to be used as a shameless PR vehicle if anyone dares to say ‘Oh Christ, look what happening here’.

 

After Frank Beck was given five life sentences and a further 24 years in prison in Nov 1991 at Leicester Crown Court for sexual and physical assaults, including rape, against more than one hundred children in his care, there was subsequently outrage in Parliament when Beck gave an interview to a local BBC radio station from inside prison. This was not only considered to have involved a huge misjudgement on the part of the BBC, but it transpired was also against Home Office rules. The BBC was colluding with abuse in high places, as was the Prison Service and the Home Office itself. All three institutions were endemically corrupt and were cravenly following instructions from Gov’t, even when those instructions were to conceal VIP traffickers. Justice McCowan had set the precedent. Concealing paedophiles with links to Gov’t was now in the interests of national security.

Why was anyone surprised that Greville Janner’s mate was allowed to address the nation from his prison cell?

 

I now realise that Brown and I – at that time with Dafydd and the gang in hot pursuit of us – probably could not have ended up living in a worse place than Leicester, if we were not going to live in north Wales, in the way that I could not have ended up working in a worse place than St George’s Hospital Medical School between 1989-91. Since beginning this blog I have been told that traps were laid for both of us to ensure that we ended up living and working on the manors of Dafydd’s mates. Dafydd’s gang had tentacles across Europe by the late 1980s, but Leicester and St George’s were hot spots, along with Haringey, Islington, Lambeth, Camden, Richmond-upon-Thames and Brighton.

Brown did his first degree at Aston University which was run by Sir Freddie Crawford, Thatcher’s mate who was a Freemason and at the heart of the corruption of civic life in Birmingham. Previous posts have explained how Brown and I were targeted by the gang when we were still undergrads. Brown wanted to do his PhD with the Centre for Contemporary Cultural Studies at Birmingham University.

The CCCS was a cool n trendy place, but it was most definitely under fire from Thatcher’s Gov’t, they hated it because of the perception that it was a colony of leftists. The CCCS was founded in 1964 by Richard Hoggart and Stuart Hall was Director, 1968-79. Raymond Williams was also involved with the creation of the CCCS. The CCCS produced some very famous sociologists, such as Angela McRobbie, Paul Gilroy and Paul Willis.

Birmingham University closed the CCCS suddenly in 2002. There was much outrage and it was widely perceived to have been a political move and a backlash against the CCCS as a result of so many of their staff locking horns with the authorities at Birmingham University over the years. However the CCCS did have a track record of a relatively high proportion of PhD students not completing.

The CCCS produced some excellent work, but some of their associates were among those on the left who were colluding with the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Since researching for this blog I have come across quite a few such names linked with the CCCS. It is very sad that everyone on the left talked about bringing down Thatcher, but the thing that would have done that would have been to have exposed Sir Peter Morrison, Norman St John Stevas and other child molesting Tories with Royal connections, but the lefties wouldn’t do it because there was the matter of Greville Janner, George Thomas and all those Labour-run Councils who were supplying kids in care to the gangs…

Then there was the gay scene, which no self-respecting leftie could dare reveal overlapped with the rent boy scene, the rent boys coming from the children’s homes of north Wales and elsewhere. I have been told that the reason why Dafydd et al became so over-excited about me was that when we were undergrads, Brown and I had been clocked going to a club in Birmingham which had a gender-bending contingent in attendance. We also used to frequent a clothes shop/designers in Birmingham called Kahn and Bell to buy our gear. Kahn and Bell jointly occupied a premises with a vintage clothes shop run by a man called Whiskers – I don’t know what his real name was – who was pretty stereotypical, all handle-bar moustache and leather and he used to compere at the gay nightclub Heaven. The shop used to get raided by the corrupt West Midlands Police on a regular basis who would charge in searching for ‘drugs’, but only ever find a load of young people with interesting hair-styles.

It is quite funny to think of those old fools Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd steaming away at the thought of a young woman with coloured hair who dared visit such places – obviously it could only mean that I’d be more than happy to drop my knickers for elderly Top Docs liberally covered in Brylcreem – but I don’t think that they should have tried to murder my friends and I when I said no thanks. Indeed I did just say no thanks, a lot of people seem to believe that I must have inflicted a crippling kick to their cerregs. I wish I had, I just thought that they were horrid old perverts trying their luck, I didn’t realise that they were running a paedophile gang targeting kids as young as 10.

 

Brown applied to the CCCS, was interviewed but didn’t get the offer of funding. They were very nice about it, wrote him a friendly letter telling him that he had performed very well and that his work was of an excellent standard, but funding was tight and difficult decisions were having to be made. Brown later noted that some much weaker candidates had been offered funding, but he didn’t dwell on it. Instead he came to live in our shared house with us on Anglesey, while he built up his publication list and waited for the next round of studentships.

I have been told that the paedophiles’ friends were desperate to keep Brown out of the CCCS and to ensure that he ended up instead at the Centre for Mass Communication in Leicester (the only other place which was researching his chosen field), where the plan was to do everything possible to stop him getting a PhD.

When Brown was a student at Aston, he became very friendly with a lecturer called Guy Cumberbatch and began publishing with him. Guy came up to stay with us on Anglesey one summer and at one point Brown lodged with Guy and his wife at their house in Leicester  and in return did the housework and baby sitting. Guy had previously worked at the Centre for Mass Communications in Leicester. Guy never discussed Dafydd and the paedophiles with us, but Guy was no fool and he took an interest in the murky underworld of political life. He also personally knew some of the 1980s figures who were loud voices on the morality scene, such as dear old Mary Whitehouse and the Rev Brian Brown (not THE Brown, just a pillock with the same name), as well as a senior policeman in the Obscene Publications division who I think was later accused of corruption. These folk all knew about the organised abuse of young people and were keeping schtum.

Guy particularly hated Freddie Crawford and in the end left Aston for Worcester University.

People have been telling me for ages that Guy was knifing Brown without our knowledge, but I haven’t put anything about it on the blog yet, but Brown recently confirmed that yes, Guy had done and said a few things that one would not have expected from a friend and mentor.

I don’t know whether Guy was bribed or threatened, but I am told that the rot had begun when Brown was an undergrad. It would also have been crucially important for Dafydd et al to nobble Guy, because Guy’s area of research was, in the 1980s, ‘video nasties’ and the like and research into whether such material really did increase aggression in children who watched it. Guy’s research interest was dangerously close to other questionable material – John Allen was producing child porn as well as trafficking children and young people.

 

Brown’s first degree was in psychology and there were close links between the Psychology Dept at Aston and the Psychology Dept at UCNW (Bangor). Margaret Newton at Aston, a dyslexia specialist, was a big mate of Prof Tim Miles, the dyslexia specialist at UCNW. Tim Miles was a lovely old boy, but he must have known about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Dafydd was pulling the strings in the Psychology Dept at UCNW until Prof Fergus Lowe overthrew Dafydd in the late 1980s and then created his own toxic empire based upon lying, cheating and holding everyone who had colluded with Dafydd over a barrel (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Furthermore Tim Miles had built up his reputation as a result of his fieldwork with children on Anglesey in the mid-1960s. Not only had Dafydd conducted ‘mental health research’ on Anglesey, 1959-62, but Lucille Hughes had been a children’s social worker on Anglesey in the 1960s. Tim must have known that Dafydd and Lucille were running that gang, he couldn’t possibly have missed it.

One of the mature students on Brown’s course at Aston, Diane Underwood, after causing much grief to Brown and others before the end of the course, subsequently rocked up at UCNW, working for Fungus. Diane arrived at UCNW as the war against Brown and me really escalated. Oh and just to let us know that we were surrounded, Diane spotted us on the platform at Bangor Railway Station one day – now that was a coincidence – and made a point of coming up to Brown to make her presence known, but then refused to engage in conversation when I tried to talk to her. Diane now seems to have disappeared off the face of the planet.

Guy Cumberbatch knew about the murder threats that had been made to Brown and Guy knew that the man making them had previously violently assaulted someone. Dr D.G.E. Wood, the corrupt GP who worked in the Student Health Centre at UCNW, knew about the murder threats to Brown, as did Dr Adrian Bell, my tutor in the Dept of Plant Biology. There was no help or advice forthcoming from anyone.

Whether it was Guy who was responsible for Brown being rejected by the CCCS and subsequently ending up being ignored at Leicester University by Guy’s former colleagues, I do not know. But a few interesting things went on at the CCCS in those days.

 

Stuart Hall stood down as Director of the CCCS in 1979 to take up the position of Professor of Sociology at the Open University, but Hall remained a very powerful influence at the CCCS as well as in wider sociology as a whole and on the left.

Hall was born in Jamaica and in 1951 won a Rhodes Scholarship to Merton College, Oxford, becoming part of the Windrush generation. Hall continued his studies at Oxford by beginning a PhD but, galvanised particularly by the 1956 Soviet invasion of Hungary (which saw many thousands of members leave the Communist Party of Great Britain and look for alternatives to previous orthodoxies) and the Suez Crisis, abandoned this in 1957 or 1958 to focus on his political work. In 1957, Hall joined CND and it was on a CND march that he met his future wife, the feminist historian at UCL, Catherine Hall. From 1958 to 1960, Hall worked as a teacher in a London secondary modern school and in adult education.

After working on the ‘Universities and Left Review’ during his time at Oxford, Hall joined E.P. Thompson, Raymond Williams and others to merge it with ‘The New Reasoner’, launching the ‘New Left Review’ in 1960 with Hall as the founding Editor. In 1958, the same group, with the Marxist historian Raphael Samuel, launched the Partisan Coffee House in Soho as a meeting place for left-wingers. Hall left the board of the ‘New Left Review’ in 1961 or 1962.

E.P. Thompson was one of the radicals who had a second home at Croesor in north Wales, as did Eric Hobsbawm, who was also involved with the Partisan Coffee House. Thompson and Hobsbawm knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’). Raphael Samuel knew Hobsbawm and Thompson well – Raphael Samuel taught at Ruskin for decades (see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’). Matt Arnold, who became the Head of Bryn Estyn in May 1973, taught at Ruskin in the mid-1960s and one of his students was Peter Howarth, to whom Arnold gave a job at Bryn Estyn in Nov 1973. Arnold bagged the job at Bryn Estyn after the previous Head, Peter Burton, his wife had their young son were killed in a car crash. The Deputy Head of Bryn Estyn was killed in the same crash. Peter Burton had only been in post for about a year when he was killed. His predecessor, David Ursell, had been suspended after only four years in post, after a complaint regarding the way in which he enforced discipline. Ursell’s predecessor Harold Bennett had retired in 1967 after 26 yrs.

As far as I can see, somebody badly wanted Matt Arnold in post as the Head of Bryn Estyn and that person could have been on manoeuvres by the late 1960s.

In 1969 John Allen established the Bryn Alyn Community.

 

It was in the latter half of the 1960s that Leo Abse began working towards bringing about what became the Children Act 1975. Abse co-ordinated everything single-handedly, but received assistance from others in ensuring that the legislation was passed, others which included childcare experts such as Dafydd’s colleagues and helpful politicians like Jim Callaghan and Dr Death (see post ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’). The Children Act 1975 vastly increased the number of children finding themselves in the hands of the paedophiles of north Wales.

To spare the readers of this blog the confusion that I experienced for years, let me explain that when the police and others made comment about paedophiles being ‘very clever people’ who are working in professional positions ‘high up’ in society, I think that it was Dafydd and his mates that they were referring to. Police: next time, can you please not use the sort language that one uses if one is addressing primary school pupils? If you had simply mentioned an insane old idiot in north Wales, I would have realised immediately to whom you were referring.

 

There was abuse at Bryn Estyn before Arnold and Howarth arrived, but once those two took up positions there, business really boomed. Arnold and Howarth had previously worked at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead, where there had been complaints of boys being abused.

Scores of Labour and trade union figures passed through Ruskin College, including John Prescott, who was a student there at the same time as Howarth and when Arnold was teaching at Ruskin. For details of Ruskin and those who taught or were students there, see post ‘A Study In Tyranny’.

 

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, Stuart Hall was closely associated with the journal ‘Marxism Today’ and in 1995, he was a founding editor of ‘Soundings: A Journal of Politics and Culture’. I can’t complain about ‘Soundings’, they published an article that Brown, I and a colleague at Bangor wrote about the north Wales mental health system. 

Hall’s political influence extended to the Labour Party and had a profound impact on the Party under both the Windbag and Blair, although Hall was highly critical of New Labour. The Windbag – and his wife – knew all about Dafydd and the gang as well as of course George Thomas and Ron Davies’s penchant for moments of madness and looking for badgers. The Windbag had known Tony Francis, Dafydd’s partner in crime, when Francis was a student in Cardiff. When Brown applied to the CCCS, the Windbag was the leader of the Labour Party.

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Stuart Hall was linked to the Centre for Mass Communication Research in Leicester. Hall first presented his ‘encoding and decoding’ philosophy in the form of ‘Encoding and Decoding in the Television Discourse’ (1973), a paper he wrote for the Council of Europe Colloquy on ‘Training in the Critical Readings of Television Language’ organised by the Council & the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester. In 1974 the paper was presented at a symposium on Broadcasters and the Audience in Venice.

There was quite a degree of hostility between broadcasters and media academics and a lot of people in academia grumbled that a few academics such as Guy Cumberbatch and Alastair Hetherington were too close to broadcasters. Hetherington was the son of Hector Hetherington, a professor at University College Cardiff who later became Principal of Glasgow University. Alastair Hetherington served in the Intelligence Corps in WWII and then went into journalism. He was Editor of ‘The Guardian’ for nearly twenty years and then was appointed as Controller of BBC Scotland.

In 1982 Hetherington was given a Chair by Stirling University. There was much gnashing of teeth and my two friends who’s media careers were killed in the early 1990s and who found a gangster after them when they had wanted to make a film about north Wales (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’), were media students at Stirling at the time. My friends were among those who signed a letter to ‘The Scotsman’ in protest at Stirling appointing Hetherington – who had until then had no academic background – as a toadying gesture to the rich and famous (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). I have recently found that this did not go unnoticed by those who were protecting national security – my friends were already under surveillance because of their friendship with Brown and me.

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At one point, Polly was a fellow traveller with Dr Death.

 

One of my friends had that Jack McConnell in her bed once – without her permission either (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Now Jack would never have become First Minister of Scotland and then Lord Jack if he had not kept schtum about celebrity paedophiles (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’). You might be friends with Kirsty Wark Jack, but I’ve got 10,000 documents.

 

Stuart Hall’s colleague Richard Hoggart was the father of Simon Hoggart, the journo and Parliamentary sketch writer who knew about the Westminster Paedophile Ring.

 

Raymond Williams, another pal of Hall et al, was a Marxist cultural theorist. Williams was Welsh, but investigated his Welsh identity from the perspective of someone who grew up on the Welsh-English border near Abergavenny. Williams was the son of a railway worker in a village where all of the railwaymen voted Labour while the local small farmers mostly voted Liberal. Williams’s writings on cultural theory are great, but his novel ‘Border Country’ sent me into such a sound sleep that I didn’t finish it. 

When Raymond Williams was at Trinity College, Cambridge, he joined the Communist Party of Great Britain and, along with Eric Hobsbawm, Williams was given the task of writing a Communist Party pamphlet about the Russo-Finnish War. Williams became part of the New Left in the 1950s, but by the 1970s he was a member of Plaid, which is why Leanne Wood, who styles herself as a Plaid Marxist, mentions him when she’s on ‘Any Questions’.  Raymond did ignore that paedophile gang though Leanne. But then so did you. When Leanne quoted Raymond Williams on ‘Any Questions’, she referred to ‘a man called Raymond Williams’. Dimbleby elaborated and said ‘you mean the sociologist Raymond Williams’. No Dimbleby, he was a cultural theorist. At least Leanne managed to get his gender right. I would have thought that the BBC could have dug up someone who knew who Raymond Williams was.

Williams retired from his post at Cambridge University in 1983 and spent his last years in Saffron Walden.

Raymond Williams, relaxing in that well-known Welsh working class community of Saffron Walden.
Raymond Williams At Saffron Walden.jpg

 

Saffron Walden market square in July 2012, with the half-timbered Guildhall. Indistinguishable from Methyr Tydfil.

Castle Street contains many historic buildings. It always reminds me of Llanfair­pwllgwyngyll­gogery­chwyrn­drobwll­llan­tysilio­gogo­goch.

 

Bridge End Gardens, a group of seven interlinked 19th-century gardens, including a maze, rose garden and walled garden. Just like the scree slopes of Snowdonia.

Saffron Walden’s MP, for its eponymous Westminster constituency, was Sir Alan Haselhurst, 1977-17. It has been considered a safe seat for the Conservative Party since 1922. I know a little bit about Saffron Walden, because one of my house mates from my undergrad days at UCNW came from there. He was one of those who knew what was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs and he was also a victim of the chaos that rained down upon us in 1983, when the gift from the security services that was Trishles came our way (see posts ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’ and ‘A Local Boy Made Good?’). My friend from Saffron Walden was driven out of his job with a drug company in 1991!

The security services will have heard all the phone calls that we were making to each other as we were all driven out of our jobs within weeks of each other.

 

Tony Blair was elected as MP for Sedgefield in June 1983. Sedgefield is a constituency just down the road from the territory of the paedophile gang in the north east, of which Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth were members, until they relocated to Bryn Estyn. During the 1970s and 80s, hundreds of children in care from the north east were sent to children’s homes in north Wales (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends…’).

Before he became an MP, Blair was a pupil barrister of George Carman QC. Carman knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles and he was retained by Greville Janner and Jimmy Savile, lest he was needed. Cherie also worked in Carman’s Chambers.

Ron Davies was elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly on the same day that Blair won Sedgefield. In 1998, Blair was just about to appoint Ron as First Secretary of the new National Assembly of Wales, but poor old Ron was caught with his trousers down on Clapham Common in the company of Boogie, a male prostitute. Of course, as Rhodri Morgan explained, Rhodri ‘didn’t know’ that Ron had such encounters because Ron cleverly covered his tracks. So carefully that Ron used to go cottaging at Cardiff’s most popular tourist attraction (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’):

A popular cottaging location for a potential FM:

 

Castles in Cardiff

A thick, lying pillock, whose family ran Swansea University:
  • Rhodri Morgan - News - Cardiff University

 

In 2007 a collection of Raymond Williams’ papers was deposited at Swansea University by his daughter Merryn, herself ‘a poet and author’. Merryn’s bio on her website tells us: ‘I went to grammar school in Hastings in eleven-plus days, studied English at Murray Edwards College, Cambridge, and got a doctorate for my thesis on Thomas Hardy’s novels. After that I taught adult students for the Open University and the W.E.A., living for several years near Cranfield University where my husband worked as a physicist. I am literary adviser to the Wilfred Owen Association, having a great interest in the poets of the First World War.’

There’s a down to earth Welsh girl for you!

This is Dai, he holds the Raymond Williams Research Chair in Cultural History at Swansea University. He is – or was – Chair of the Arts Council of Wales, so he decides who gets the dosh:

 

Professor Dai Smith

 

This is Oily, Dai’s offspring:

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Oily got his hopes up, but I think they’ve been dashed now. Oily didn’t live in Saffron Walden, Oily lived in Surrey, until he decided that he’d like to be a Cabinet Minister, preferably Chancellor of the Exchequer. Then he remembered his dad and the pits and the NHS and Nye Bevan and Oily moved to Pontypridd.

Oily’s dad wrote the 2008 volume, ‘Raymond Williams: a Warrior’s Tale’.

Warrier???? He pussy-footed around a gang of sex traffickers and lived in Saffron Walden after spending a few decades at Cambridge University.

The Raymond Williams Society was established in 1989 ‘to support and develop intellectual and political projects in areas broadly connected with Williams’s work.’ Presumably that includes banging on about peace, socialism and feminism while keeping schtum about a gang of paedophiles who are murdering witnesses. The Raymond Williams Centre for Recovery Research was opened at Nottingham Trent University in 1995. The Raymond Williams Foundation (RWF) supports activities in adult education. A collaborative research project building on Williams’s investigation of cultural keywords, called the ‘Keywords Project’, was established in 2006 and is supported by Jesus College, University of Cambridge and the University of Pittsburgh.

 

The person who interviewed Brown at CCCS was Professor Michael Green. Brown told me that Michael Green ‘came over as a bit of a twit despite the loving obituaries which he inspired’, but Brown presumed that he just hadn’t hit it off with Green. The other media specialist who was at CCCS when Brown wanted to do a PhD with them was Ann Gray, who ended up with a Chair at Lincoln University.

 

So after drawing a blank at the CCCS, Brown was offered a studentship at the Centre for Mass Communication Research at Leicester University, which unbeknown to him was at the heart of a load of people concealing the activities of Lord Greville, Frank Beck et al, who had close links to Dafydd and the gang in north Wales.

The Centre for Mass Communication Research was established in 1966 under Prof Jim Halloran’s directorship, initially concentrating on delivering PhDs. In 1978 the Social Science Research Council (predecessor of the ESRC) invited Halloran to design and deliver the UK’s first Masters Degree in media and communications.

Brown’s supervisor at Leicester was Paul Hartmann ‘who was affable enough, but we mostly made small talk about his motorbike and building projects he was undertaking around his house, so there wasn’t much by way of solid academic advice’. So Brown did it by himself.

 

The backgrounds of the senior managers at Leicester University when Brown was a PhD student there and an account of an interesting game of musical chairs which took place at the very top of the institution can be read in my post ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’.

 

As for my arrival at St George’s in 1989 as a result of an offer of a job opportunity which seemed to be a dream come true but turned out to be a living nightmare (see post ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990…’), I have been told that it was all stage-managed as carefully as Brown’s eventual arrival at Leicester was. D.G.E. Wood et al in north Wales knew that I was looking for a research post, preferably in the area of fertility studies, which would allow me to complete a PhD at the same time and I responded to an advert in ‘New Scientist’ placed by St George’s offering such an opportunity. Now for the really interesting bit. When I was interviewed, it was for a fixed term contract as a research assistant. St George’s then telephoned me that evening, told me that I hadn’t got the job that I’d applied for, but I was such a good candidate that they were prepared to create a job for me, a permanent one at that and could I start immediately…

I knew that Prof Oliver Brooke at St George’s had been imprisoned for child porn offences in 1986, but I had no idea that he was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring containing many professional people, with which Dafydd’s gang were directly linked (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’). Neither did I realise that many members of Brooke’s gang were still working at St George’s, Springfield Hospital and in Wandsworth Social Services, that I’d be surrounded by them and that the only reason why I was offered that job was to hound me out of medical research and ensure that I didn’t get back in again. After Brooke was jailed, Sir William Asscher was appointed as Dean of St George’s. Asscher had spent his whole career in Cardiff, he was a mate of Dafydd et al and he’d concealed their crimes as well as the offending of George Thomas, for years. Asscher was sent to St George’s for no other reason than to continue with the cover-up post-Brooke, he kept a home in Glamorgan and moved back there when he retired from St George’s. See post ‘The White Heat Of This Revolution’.

Here’s a man who knew what was going on but who’s desire to become PM was greater than his concern for the lives of the witnesses who’s corpses were regularly turning up in north Wales:

 

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It was just after I began the job at St George’s that Gwynedd Health Authority took me to the High Court in Cardiff in an attempt to obtain an injunction to prevent me even writing to them to pursue my complaints (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.  The legal advice was given by Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office. The Secretary of State for Wales at the time was Peter Walker.

The barrister who witnessed the extraordinary scenes in Chester Court on the occasion in 1990 when four members of the paedophile gang perjured themselves repeatedly and 14 charges against me had to be thrown out of Court – the barrister herself was deliberately sent to the wrong Court, leaving her no time to prepare my defence – was Suzanne Evans. Suzanne was friendly and courteous towards me, but she knew that four people had lied repeatedly on oath, she knew that the judge – Justice Roch – had simply ignored their perjury AND Suzanne witnessed Roch offer to give the four perjurers more time to rewrite their affidavits. Furthermore Suzanne knew that she had been sent to the wrong Court. I have documents in my possession written by a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council which not only make it clear that Gwynedd County Council were told about the change in Court and judge in advance but my team wasn’t, but also indicate that the four perjurers from the Arfon Community Mental Health Team had not actually previously seen the affidavits that they had allegedly sworn. See post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

Suzanne Evans is a graduate of St Anne’s College, Oxford and is now working as a Family Law barrister at Oriel Chambers in Liverpool and Preston.

‘In the Public Law arena she acts predominantly for parents, appearing in cases involving a wide range of key issues including neglect, addictions, non-accidental injury, domestic violence, mental health etc. In care proceedings she acts for parents, grandparents, Children’s Guardians and Local Authorities. In Private Law Children cases Suzanne acts for parents involved in the sometimes complex and distressing process of resolving the arrangements for their children post separation.’

Suzanne, you watched four members of a paedophile ring perjure themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned and you watched a judge collude with them. Didn’t you think that you should have followed this up, rather than just have walked out of the door when 14 allegations against me were demonstrated to be fallacious?

The Home Secretary at the time was David Waddington, the Lord Chancellor was Lord Mackay and the Attorney-General who had authorised the prosecution was Sir Patrick Mayhew.

 

By the time that I was working at St George’s, some of those in Somerset who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al had acquired a great deal of money and a few others had found their careers taking a sudden turn for the better (see posts ‘Upper Class Twit Of The Year – Shooting Themselves’ and ‘Those Who Are Ready To Serve’).

I have explained in previous posts how the Somerset contingent suddenly found themselves tripping over aristos with connections to the Gov’t. I am trying to work out when the odious David Kirke and the Dangerous Sports Club began to spend their time in the region of the Cottage Inn near Fiddington – it must have been in about late 1985. In Nov 1986, the BBC TV programme ‘The Late Late Breakfast Show’ which was presented by Noel Edmonds, set up a badly managed stunt involving a bungee jump which resulted in the death of the volunteer, Michael Lush. There was an almighty fuss and I can remember the twat Kirke pompousing away in the media (and in Somerset) explaining how the BBC should have taken advice from him and if they had done that no-one would have died. Two of Kirke’s mates from Somerset later succeeded in killing a Bulgarian student by firing him from a medieval catapult in Nov 2002. There was a prosecution for manslaughter in 2004 but the nice lady judge at Bristol directed the jury to acquit the two defendants.

By the time that Michael Lush died, I had heard a great deal about Kirke, he must have been hanging around in Somerset for a year or so by then. So the son of the Governor of the Bank of England and his mates found themselves in close proximity to people who knew me at the end of 1985 or so. I hadn’t yet encountered Dafydd by then, but I had encountered D.G.E. Wood, Gwynne the lobotomist and Tony Francis. I had contacted Keith Best, the MP for Anglesey, about the problems that I was having with the north Wales mental health services and he in turn had written to the paedophiles’ friend Lord Wyn Roberts. Best and Roberts were Ministers at the Welsh Office and at that time Nicholas Edwards was Secretary of State for Wales (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’). Everyone was concealing the trafficking gang.

The Lord Kingsdown aka Robin Leigh-Pemberton
Lord Kingsdown.jpg

 

The Secretary of State for the DHSS at the time was Norman Fowler, who is currently Lord Speaker:

The Lord Fowler looking rough
Official portrait of Lord Fowler crop 2.jpg

 

The Home Secretary at the time was Douglas Hurd, who assumed that office on 2 Sept 1985. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who knew Prof Greig-Smith, of the Plant Biology Dept at UCNW (see post ‘Additional Security Meaures’). Greig-Smith was a colleague of scores of people who were concealing the trafficking gang, including Chris Wood, who was the wife of D.G.E. Wood and Ralph Oxley, who’s wife Isabel Hargreaves worked as a social worker for Gwynedd Social Services. One member of staff in Plant Biology, Dr John Wilson, was known to be picking up under-aged girls in Bangor for sex and Dr Adrian Bell and his wife Alison were worried that John Wilson was going to get himself arrested and cause a scandal. John’s conduct was widely known to staff in the Plant Biology Dept as well as to those in the Zoology Dept. Other people whom I heard directly commenting on it included John Farrar, who many years later became a PVC at Bangor University and his wife Stel. At the time Stel had just finished her PhD, but years later she worked as a lecturer in the Dept of Lifelong Learning, while the Head of Dept was Meri Huws. In the 1980s Meri Huws worked as a community social worker on the Maesgeirchan estate in Bangor, the location of the Ty’r Felin children’s home, where the social workers trafficked the children for sex, including to Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’). David Roberts, a technician who worked in the Zoology Dept, also knew about John pursuing school girls.

By the way, is there anyone else out there who would like to continue passing the tittle tattle on about me which they know damn well was made up by a gang of sex offenders because I had found out some of what they were doing? Stel? Fancy refusing to speak to me at a party again? What about you Meri? Feel like giving me one of your ‘you are a piece of shit’ looks? I can’t ask Fungus because the old bastard’s dead, but one day I really must go for an extended tour through Caernarfon and Bangor and watch everybody’s expressions now that I’ve outed the whole bloody lot of you on the internet. Did you really think that I didn’t know what at least some of you were colluding with, although it would seem that even more of you were colluding with serious crime that I realised…

Whilst huge swathes of UCNW concealed a trafficking gang, Carlo was the Chancellor. Sir Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary was Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum. Then there was Carlo’s mate the Duke of Westminster, who was President of the City of Chester Conservative Association, who’s members were openly gossiping about their constituency MP Peter Morrison molesting young boys.

 

Now back in the mid 1980s, not only were some of the zoologists and plant biologists personal friends/relations of the Top Docs and the gang, but even biologists had to ensure that they grovelled with the best to big wigs lest they lost jobs or funding. So let’s have a look at some of those to whom the biologists had to toady.

A lot of funding for the research in the natural sciences at UCNW came from NERC, the Natural Environment Research Council. By the mid-1980s, people were getting worried about their ability to extract dosh from NERC, but up until just a few years previously, they didn’t have to work very hard for their dosh at all. They would just stick the grant applications in and everyone would be given funding for a few PhD students. The biological sciences at UCNW had established their reputation in the late 1960s as a result of the work of people like Prof Greig-Smith and Prof John Harper and their work was well-supported.

The Chief Exec of NERC, 1965-70, was mathematician and meteorologist Sir Graham Sutton. Sutton was Vice-President of what became Aberystwyth University, 1967-76, when Aber was hosting paedophiles’ friends en masse and churning out crooked lawyers who concealed the crimes of paedophile gang. Until the constituent colleges of the University of Wales became independent universities in the own right quite recently, Aber and Bangor were both part of the wider University of Wales. Carlo was Chancellor of the whole of the University and there was a close relationship between Aber and Bangor. Both colleges had Depts of Biological Sciences and Agriculture doing similar things and there was a bit of traffic between those Depts.

The son of one of Dafydd’s Angels – one of Dafydd’s key henchmen actually – has lectured for years in botany at Aberystwyth University. His sister was a children’s social worker who was employed by the Office of the Children’s Commissioner for Wales.

  • Strange but true

 

Sutton was born in Monmouthshire and was educated at Pontywaun Grammar School, then Aberystwyth University and then at Jesus College, Oxford. The former Principal of Bangor Normal College, the teacher training institution which crawled with paedophiles’ friends, is Professor Gareth Roberts, a mathematician who went to Jesus College, Oxford. I think that Professor Roberts also held a senior role in Gwynedd Education Authority at some point in the past and I think that he also worked as a Schools Inspector in Gwynedd. Meri Huws was employed as a lecturer at the Normal College after her stint as a social worker, as was Aled Griffiths. Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer has a brother, Huw, who was a solicitor in Gwynedd who spent years sitting in Court watching the paedophile gang stitch people up. Aled’s sister Gwenan Carrington was the Director of Gwynedd Social Services whilst her staff abused and neglected their clients and Aled’s wife Joanna Griffiths fulfilled exactly the same role in Conwy Social Services. Back in the pre-Cambrian, the Buffet Slayer was President of the Students’ Union at UCNW.

‘We didn’t know.’

Oh don’t be so bloody ridiculous, you were all working cheek by jowl with that gang of paedophiles.

  • Aled Griffiths | Bangor Law School | Bangor University
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After a year teaching mathematics at Canton Secondary SchoolCardiff, between 1926-28 Sutton was a lecturer at University College, Aberystwyth before joining the Meteorological Office. He was seconded to Shoeburyness to work on the meteorological effects on gunnery practices and then transferred to Porton Down, best known as the Gov’t research establishment which among other things researches chemical and biological warfare. By the 1980s the only people who would work at Porton Down were those who would do anything for the comparatively high salaries on offer there.

Whilst working at Porton Down, Sutton was put in charge of the notorious 1942 trial which involved the release of anthrax spores over Gruinard Island as part of a biological warfare project. 

When WWII ended, Sutton was made Chief Superintendent of the Radar Research and Development Establishment, Malvern, a position he held until 1947, when he was appointed Professor of Mathematics at the Royal Military College of Science, Wiltshire. Sutton was Director-General of the Meteorological Office, 1953-65 and Vice-President of Aberystwyth University, 1967-76.

 

A previous post has mentioned that one of the botany students at UCNW, Peter Jackson, who knew what was happening to me at the hands of Dafydd et al landed a plum much sought after job with the RSPB after he graduated. He was an excellent naturalist but I have more recently been told that he was one of many who used his knowledge of what was being concealed in high places to secure his future.

The person who’s arm may have needed to be twisted at the time was Ian Prestt, Director General of the RSPB, 1975-91. Ian Prestt died in 1995 and his obituary in the Indie explains that after working as the Assistant Regional Officer (SW England), Nature Conservancy 1956-59, Prestt went to work for the RSPB, ‘appointed by the great Max Nicholson, doyen of international conservationists and then Head of the Nature Conservancy, as “his ornithologist”‘. Prestt worked at the Monks Wood Experimental Station, teasing out the relationships between ingested chlorinated hydrocarbons and the thin shells of birds’ eggs, leading to recognition of the threats to food chains and to humans.

Later Prestt worked at the Cabinet Office and in the Department of the Environment, under Secretaries of State Peter Walker and then Geoffrey Rippon, to wrestle with the pollution problems which were part of the roots of the subsequent Environment Bill. Walker was Secretary of State for the Environment, 1970-72, under Ted Heath. Peter Walker must have really had the dirt on Dafydd et al because this Tory wet who served in Heath’s Gov’t was retained by Thatch and served as Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87. Thatch put him in that post because she knew that Scargill and the NUM were gearing up for the mother of all battles and she trusted Peter Walker to organised the opposition to the miner’s strike, which finally came in 1984-85. Walker did it as well.
One south Wales son of a former miner really pissed everyone off by sitting on the fence throughout the strike:
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Er, could either of these two people have been the reason why the Windbag was over a barrel:
Dr Dafydd Alun Jones
The Viscount Tonypandy
George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png
 This man won’t have helped either:
  • Welsh people by religion
 Leo Abse, Labour MP, Pontypool then Torfaen, 1958-87. Abse was a crooked lawyer who paid off people who had been sexually assaulted by Lord Tonypandy and if that didn’t work, Abse threatened to fit them up and have them imprisoned. It was Abse who was responsible for the Children Act 1975, which sent hundreds of young people into the arms of Dafydd and the paedophile gang. In 1984 Lord Tonypandy was hospitalised with the effects of an STI. Abse organised the cover story and fed it to the media.
 After Walker organised the crushing of the miners, he became Secretary of State for Wales, in which role he directly colluded with the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles.
Two policemen arresting a miner at Orgreave
I note that Walker was Minister of MAFF, 1979-83. Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned by Dafydd in 1979. Immediately prior to that, Mary worked as a secretary in the dysfunctional Dept of Agriculture in UCNW. I don’t know what Mary found out what going on in that Dept, but something was going on that brought the wrath of the paedophile gang down upon her head. The President of UCNW, 1947-82, was Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron Kenyon. Lord Kenyon was a land owner and his obituary claimed that he had done much to improve agriculture and health in north Wales. Lord Kenyon’s son Thomas was known to be sexually abusing at least one boy in care in north Wales. Thomas was never charged, although one of his conquests was sent to a detention centre after Thomas made a complaint of theft against him. Among other things, Lord Kenyon was: the most senior Freemason in north Wales, Chairman of Clwyd Health Authority, a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a magistrate and a Flintshire Councillor. He occupied numerous other public positions as well. Thomas died of an AIDS related illness in 1993. For further details see ‘A Bit More Paleontology’.
In that era, Agricultural Colleges and University Dept’s of Agriculture had a close relationship with the MAFF, because of the farming subsidy system, the role of the Gov’t organisation ADAS and legislation pertaining to  agriculture.
By the early 1980s, Richard Howarth, one of the members of staff in the Dept of Agriculture at UCNW, was an adviser to Thatch.
As for Ian Prestt’s other boss at the Dept of the Environment, Geoffrey Rippon, he played a role in the wrongful arrest and imprisonment of Mary Wynch. Mary circulated around the system run by the corrupt British state that she was still in the clutches of Dafydd in 1979. However, Mary was originally arrested in Oct 1977, when Jim Callaghan was PM, when Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary and when paedophiles’ friend and the man who was so closely involved with MIND for so many years, Lord David Ennals, was Secretary of State for the DHSS (see post ‘MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course’). David’s brother Martin led Amnesty for years and his son Sir Paul Ennals is involved with charidees, ‘safeguarding’ in Haringey and Tyneside and is the former Chief Exec of the National Children’s Bureau.
  • Strange but true

 

Mary was committed to prison and then released into the ‘care’ of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones at the North Wales Hospital by one James Blackett-Ord, who enjoyed the title of ‘His Honour the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster’. James Blackett-Ord was actually a circuit judge. However his glorious title conferred upon him another role- to exercise general supervision over the conduct of the Chancery Division business in the north of England. The Chancery Division is a Division of the High Court of England and Wales and deals with business law, trust law, probate law, insolvency and land law in relation to issues of equity. So in Mary’s case, Blackett-Ord was effectively judging on a case that it was his role to oversee. Conflict of interest anyone? It gets much worse. The Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster is appointed by the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster after consultation with the Lord Chancellor. The Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster is a Ministerial Office of Government appointed by the Queen on the advice of, or by, the Prime Minister. Mary’s mother’s estate – the original source of the dispute – was administered by the Public Trustee (one of Mary’s later legal actions was against the Public Trustee). The Public Trustee is appointed by the Lord Chancellor – as well as Blackett-Ord! There was nothing impartial about this judge. But I haven’t finished. The Lord Chancellor was also in charge of the later investigation into Mary’s case in 1993 and 1995.

The Lord Chancellor when Mary was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned was Lord Elwyn-Jones, a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse. The Windbag subsequently appointed Lord Elwyn-Jones as Shadow Lord Chancellor.

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The Lord Chancellor when Mary’s case was ‘investigated’ was Lord Mackay of Clashfern.

Are we surprised that Mary was ruined?

After Blackett-Ord’s time as the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster ended in 1987 (he is described as ‘stepping down’), from then on the office was held by a High Court judge of the Chancery Division. Was this perchance related to the shit that hit the fan over Mary’s case? Blackett-Ord died a few years ago and his obituaries described him as a ‘churchman’ and a ‘landowner’ from Northumberland – they also remarked on how much he enjoyed being the Vice-Chancellor of the County of Palatine of Lancaster. They do not explain why he completely shafted a respectable middle aged woman from north Wales who had been swindled by some local solicitors by having her arrested and then handed her over to man – who’s mistress was facilitating a paedophile ring – to be illegally banged up in an asylum for a year.

Blackett-Ord was appointed in 1972 – the year of Mary’s mother’s death and the original dispute. When Blackett-Ord was appointed, the Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster was either Geoffrey Rippon or John Davies and the Lord Chancellor was Lord Hailsham, Quintin Hogg.

Walker and Rippon’s loyal lackey Ian Prestt became Deputy Head of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1974-75. In 1975, Prestt received an unexpected telephone call in his office at the NCC inviting him to dine. His hosts were the Chairman of the Council and Committees, four in all, of the RSPB. Eschewing head-hunters, they had decided that Prestt must be their man. He was Director General, 1975-91 and then President, 1991-95, of the RSPB.

The man who gave Ian Prestt his big break, Edward Max Nicholson, was President of the RSPB, 1980-85.

Max Nicholson was a naturalist and ornithologist who was educated at Sedburgh School and then Hertford College, Oxford. Nicholson was a founder member of the Oxford University Exploration Club.

In 1932 the British Trust for Ornithology was established and Nicholson was the first Treasurer and later Chairman (1947–1949). In 1947–1948, with the then Director General of the UN’s scientific and education organisation UNESCO, Julian Huxley, Nicholson was involved in forming the International Union for the Protection of Nature, now the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN).

Some members of Julian Huxley’s extended family and associates were friends with Bertrand Russell and the Welsh Bloomsbury set who used to spend their summers at Croesor in north Wales and who knew about Dafydd, Gwynne and their wrongdoing (see post ‘The Village’).

 

In 1949 Max Nicholson oversaw Part 3 of the National Parks and Access to the Countryside Act 1949, which established the Nature Conservancy (later the Nature Conservancy Council). Nicholson was Director General of the Nature Conservancy, 1952-66. During his leadership, the Conservancy established itself as a research and management body which promoted ecology as having broad relevance and application to land use decision-making and management. Which will be why the weak botanists and zoologists didn’t dare upset him and why the tougher ones were able to thrash out dodgy deals with him.

In 1961 Nicholson, together with Sir Peter Scott (see post ‘He Got On His Bike And Looked For Work’) and others, formed the group that created the World Wildlife Fund (WWF) (now the World Wide Fund for Nature), with which Carlo’s dad was famously involved for years while he blasted various species to death with a shotgun. It was Max Nicholson who ‘was instrumental in directing the Duke of Edinburgh towards conservation. The Duke’s involvement with the World Wildlife Fund enabled him to travel the world, virtually as a head of state, allowing him to make valuable contributions without apparently straying into the fray of politics, since, as Nicholson enjoyed pointing out, the politicians of the early 1960s had little conception of environmental issues’.

So Max made friends with Lilibet’s husband and ensured that Phil the Greek got a few freebies under the guise of doing something useful.

Nicholson was also a founder of the International Institute for Environment and Development and in 1966 he set up and headed environmental firm Land Use Consultants, (LUC), remaining with them until 1989.

In 1976 Nicholson was an instrumental part of the setting up the Trust for Urban Ecology. In 1978 Nicholson was instrumental in founding the ENDS Report, a highly influential journal for environmental policy specialists. Nicholson helped set up the New Renaissance Group and was a Trustee of Earthwatch Europe.

Nicholson’s 1931 essay A National Plan for Britain led to the formation of the think tank Political and Economic Planning, now the Policy Studies Institute.

Max Nicholson joined the civil service in 1940 and during WWII he worked for the Ministry of Shipping, then the Ministry of War Transport and was with Churchill at the post-war peace conferences at Yalta and Potsdam. Nicholson was Private Secretary to Mandy’s granddad, Herbert Morrison, the Deputy PM, 1945-52. During those years, Herbert doubled up as Lord President of the Council – so he would have been the visitor for the University of Wales…

You kept that quiet Mandy! Here he is, desperately trying to make the Windbag electable:

 

Leader of the Opposition Neil Kinnock talks to Peter Mandelson the Labour Party's director of communications at the Labour Party Conference in...

Max Nicholson also Chaired the Committee for the 1951 Festival of Britain. During the war years he was in charge of organising shipping operations and convoys across the Atlantic. Max was involved in the planning of ‘Operation Overlord’, the invasion of Europe. For his services he was awarded the CVO and CB. So Max was a birder who worked for the security services then.

 

Max married Mary Crawford in 1932 and they had two children, Piers and Tom. The marriage was dissolved in 1964. Nicholson then married Marie Mauerhofer (known as Toni) in 1965; they had one child, a son, David.

Max Nicholson seemed to have believed that he should rightly have been President of the World. He wrote a number of publications regarding how the planet should be organised and run and when the Callaghan Gov’t showed no particular interest in celebrating the Queen’s first 25 years on the throne in 1977, Nicholson got together with Charles Wintour, then Editor of the London Evening Standard, and Illtyd Harrington, then the Deputy Leader of the GLC, to promote the celebration of the Silver Jubilee.

 

Illtyd Harrington knew about Dafydd and the trafficking gang. Illtyd was an ally of Ken Livingstone and served as Deputy Leader of the GLC, 1981–84 and then as Chairman, 1984–85.

Harrington was born in Merthyr Tydfil. His father was an atheist and Communist, who fought against the Fascists in the Spanish Civil War and mother, known as Sally, was also an anti-fascist. Harrington was educated at the Roman Catholic Dowlais School before going to Trinity University College, Carmarthen (now part of University of Wales Trinity St David). Illtyd became a friend of Dylan Thomas while he was there.

Harrington gained employment in Brixton, before becoming a geography teacher at Kennington Secondary school. Then he moved on to become Head of English at Daneford School in Bethnal Green. Illtyd’s friends in the East End included the Krays.

Harrington was openly gay and lived for fifty years with his partner, Christopher ‘Chris’ Downes, who worked as a theatrical dresser for Laurence Olivier and Maggie Smith. Downes became a Board Director of the National Theatre on the South Bank. Both men were active members of the Board of Trustees of the National Youth Theatre. They shared a house in London and later in Brighton, where they entertained the gliterati. Both were heavily involved as writers and editors of The Camden New Journal and West End Extra. Downes died in 2003. 

Harrington’s nephew is actor Richard Harrington.

Harrington’s political career started with election to the Borough Council in Paddington in 1959 and in 1964, he moved up to the Westminster City Council, where he was leader 1972-4 and the GLC. He represented Brent South in 1973 on the GLC, having been rejected as a potential Parliamentary candidate for Merthyr. He was also Chairman of the GLC’s Policy and Resources Committee. During the period he was also Deputy Leader of the Labour Party. Illtyd was a member of Wilson’s kitchen cabinet when Labour returned to power in 1974.

Illtyd’s wiki entry tells us that ‘It was promulgated that he might be offered a peerage, but both MI5 and MI6 were investigating the Cabinet for suspected incidents of Soviet espionage and he was refused’. Well someone with a sense of humour has written that. The Lords is full of people with links to espionage activities but as long as they concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles, they were in. Illtyd concealed Dafydd and the paedophiles as well, so if he was refused a peerage there must have been some other reason.

In 1980, after the leader of the GLC, Sir Reg Goodwin, retired Harrington became Deputy to Andrew McIntosh. The flood of hard left councillors elected in 1981 staged a coup and ousted McIntosh in favour of Red Ken. Ken told Harrington ‘Of course I am not going to oust you as Deputy Leader, you are the acceptable face of extremism’.

Illtyd became an adviser to Red Ken when Ken became Mayor in 2001.

Later in life, Illtyd was a regular contributor to Camden New Journal.

 

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour's victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections

Illtyd Harrington (left) and Andrew McIntosh celebrate Labour’s victory over the Conservatives in the 1981 GLC elections. If Illtyd and his mates hadn’t have colluded with Dafydd and the traffickers, they might have been celebrating a General Election win over Thatcher.
 
If any of Illtyd’s mates who are still alive – John McDonnell perhaps? – would like to enlighten me, I’d be keen to know whether Illtyd and his crew were in any way related to the unpleasant things that happened to me and my friends when we lived on his manor (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’).
Max Nicholson saw the Silver Jubilee as an opportunity to lift the celebrations into ‘the realm of inspiration and guidance for the future’. He developed a document called ‘The Seven Thrusts’ in which he declared he was not content to leave ‘a haphazard legacy of scattered unrelated Jubilee halls, gardens, fountains, seats and suchlike’ but intended to initiate an overall plan for ongoing projects in partnership with local authorities and voluntary bodies.

The first of Max’s thrusts was the Jubilee Walkway, which aimed to knit London more closely together, and in particular to lure the walker from Leicester Square across Lambeth Bridge and on to the South Bank.

Max’s second thrust was to knit north London together by the fuller use of Regent’s Canal and the Grand Union Canal. The other thrusts involved the cleaning up and development of the Covent Garden area, improvement schemes overseen by the Civic Trust to develop a London-wide heritage and amenity programme, an extensive tree-planting programme and the development of ‘meanwhile’ use of derelict land, which included the creation of an urban farm at Newham. Nicholson also masterminded the Clean Up London Campaign.

Max ‘was against the Establishment’, although a ‘dedicated monarchist’, and predicted that the monarchy would survive the 21st century, because ‘any sensible person would realise that the system was patently more honourable than a presidency of ambitious and self-serving politicians’.

The nature loving anarchist who was Max spent most of his time in Chelsea, in the home he had bought when he was still quite young.

In 1982 Max enjoyed a proud moment when he accepted the Gold Medal for the World Wildlife Fund from the Duke of Edinburgh, the man who’s work with the WWF was of course as result of the efforts of Max.

Before Anne Vernon was killed, she used to talk about the RSPB as not being an organisation for anyone who was genuinely interested in birding. She maintained that it was run by grandiose people with Royal connections. I think I might know who she was talking about.

 

Magnus Magnusson was President of the RSPB, 1985-90. Magnus went to Jesus College, Oxford, which educated quite a few paedophiles’ friends because it is a college with Welsh connections. Magnusson was a journalist and before he found his true home pompousing on ‘Mastermind’, he used to present a lot of those TV programmes in the 1970s which investigated ghosts, past lives and other such matters. I watched a programme in which Magnus swore blind that the people whom he was interviewing were presenting evidence that they’d lived before. As is customary, Magnus’s guests had all experienced quite eventful previous lives, one of them had even been someone who had been part of the massacre of the Jews in York in 1190. No-one had just worked on a small-holding and done the washing-up for their entire lives.

  • Strange but true

 

Magnus also wrote for the ‘New Statesman’, as did many paedophiles’ friends and it was through the small ads in the ‘New Statesman’ that Brown and I encountered some of the mad people who caused us grief whom I now know were presents from the security services.

Magnus was the founder Chairman of Scottish Natural Heritage upon its inception in 1992. He was Lord Rector of Edinburgh University, 1975-78 and later in 2002 Magnus became Chancellor of Glasgow Caledonian University.

Magnus’s daughter Sally and his son Jon work in the media.

None of the Magnussons ever blew the whistle on Jimmy Savile. Sally Magnusson has presented ‘Songs of Praise’. As did Aled Jones, the 1980s school boy singing sensation who lived at Llandegfan and was a neighbour of all those Top Doctors and staff at UCNW who were desperately in need of a distraction just when Aled became a superstar overnight because Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I would not shut up about the crimes of the Top Docs. Aled went to school with the children of D.G.E. Wood. Aled also went to school with at least five kids whom I know were being abused by those we know and love, but Aled’s school didn’t give a stuff about them and neither did anyone else.

More recently, Aled has presented ‘Cash In The Attic’.

  • Strange but true

 

Walking In The Air-The Snowman by BeautyAndStrength on ...

Jesus Christ, he’s grabbed a little boy in his pyjamas, the Abominable Snowman must be working for Gwynedd Social Services.

 

Lord Derek Barber, a civil servant and agriculturalist, was President of the RSPB, 1990-91. Barber was educated at the Royal Agricultural College, Cirencester and served in WWII. He farmed in Gloucestershire before serving in various posts at the MAFF, 1946-72. After that, Barber took various advisory roles on countryside and agricultural matters, including to the Gov’t and BBC. Derek Barber will have been networked into the landowning paedophiles’ friends, such as Lord Kenyon and the Duke of Westminster.

Barber was also President of the Gloucestershire Naturalists’ Society; President of the Royal Agricultural Society of England; President of the British Pig Association; and a Vice-President of the Nature in Art Trust.

Barber picked up his peerage in Aug 1992, four months after the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by the firebomb in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Barber sat as a crossbencher in the Lords.

 

The CEO of the RSPB, 1991-98, was Barbara Young aka Baroness Young of Old Scone. The Baroness of Old Scone is one of the breed of Labour peers who just go through life clocking up public appointments, anything will do, they’re not fussy, but the appointments do of course always include a few which involve keeping the lid on the barrel of crap which is the NHS.

Lady Old Scone is currently Chair of the Woodland Trust. She was the Chief Exec of Diabetes UK, 2010-15 and before that she was involved in the establishment of the CQC, Chairing that organisation between 2008-10. Lady Old Scone was Chief Exec of the Environment Agency, 2000-08 and other posts she has held include: Chair of English Nature; Vice Chairman of the BBC; Board member of AWG plc; and posts in a number of local health authorities, including Parkside Health Authority. In 2010 Barbara Young was appointed Chancellor of Cranfield University and was elected an Honorary Fellow of the Royal Society of Edinburgh in 2017.

 

One other person to whom biologists will have grovelled is Professor Peter Bridgewater, an Australian conservationist, who was Chief Scientist of the Nature Conservancy Council, 1989–90. Peter Bridgewater was also Chief Executive of the Australian Nature Conservation Agency and Director of the National Parks and Wildlife Service, 1990–97 and Secretary of UNESCO’s Man and the Biosphere Programme and Director of its Division of Ecological Sciences 1999–03. Subsequently Bridgewater was Secretary General of the Ramsar Convention on the Protection of Wetlands of International Importance and from 2007 he has been Chairman of the UK’s statutory Joint Nature Conservation Committee. Among many international appointments, Bridgewater was Chair of the International Whaling Commission, 1995-97.

 

Another name from the past who knew some of what was happening in Bangor was Dr Dorian Moss. Dorian was a statistician who worked at the Institute for Terrestrial Ecology in Bangor in the 1980s. He was a member of Bangor Bird Group and knew Anne well. Anne had spent a summer working at the ITE with Dorian. After the gang killed Anne, it was Dorian’s wife who came over to help sort Anne’s things out…

 

 

There are bombs going off everywhere at the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. More patients have died unnecessarily and yet more notices have been issued by coroners with a view to ‘preventing further deaths’. Yet another damning report has been compiled re the mental health services in north Wales and Donna Ockenden, an independent investigator, appeared on camera saying that this cannot go on, the Board cannot simply continue to produce action plan after action plan after action plan, with no improvement in ‘services’.

Nothing will change. No-one in north Wales knows how to provide a mental health service, they never did know how to do that. They weren’t providing a mental health service, what they were doing was running a paedophile ring. Everyone knew it and everyone allowed it to continue. Patients’ complaints were ignored as were deaths, inspections were conducted by the paedophiles’ friends and subsequently described the traffickers as kind, compassionate and excellent. Research was faked and trumpeted as world leading by both Westminster and the Welsh Gov’t. The people at the Betsi are the very same people who ran that paedophile ring 20 yrs ago.

There is no mental health service in north Wales and very little NHS per se. The reason why people are finally squealing is that the situation is now so bad that better off people are dying as well. When it was just the dispossessed nobody minded. Now no-one is safe. It’s what happens when a cartel of Top Doctors are allowed to kill people who dare complain.

Everyone needs to stop the endless reports and reviews, the meaningless historical enquiries led by the paedophiles’ friends which are going to bring ‘closure’, the vacuous #Me Tooing and the promises to give Wales a ‘feminist Gov’t’ and they need to arrest those doctors who colluded with each other to refuse all care and treatment to anyone who complained. They also need to arrest the Health Ministers who were told repeatedly what those doctors were doing yet refused to act – Jane Hutt, Brian Gibbons, Edwina Hart, Lesley Griffiths and Mark Drakeford. People died. It was quite deliberate.

One person who might like to give evidence is Dr Gruff Penrhyn Jones, formerly of Waunfawr Surgery. Gruff was much more pleasant than his dysfunctional colleagues, but he knew what they were doing. For a period of years, Gruff knew that I was unlawfully refused all treatment by every single doctor in north Wales. There is at least one other patient living in Gwynedd who was in exactly the same position. Gruff looked on but did not act. But then no-one did. Gruff’s dad was a Top Doctor in north Wales and Gruff knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles. Gruff spent part of his career in Sweden and his son is in the Swedish police force. The last that I heard was that Gruff had left the UK, I think to live in Sweden. Gruff is not the only witness who emigrated, Dr Richard Tranter of the Hergest Unit and a number of his colleagues did as well.

The Top Docs watched an international paedophile ring in operation for years, said nothing and when Operation Pallial was launched they emigrated. Of course there is no mental health service in north Wales, how could there possibly be?

 

Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

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All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

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Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
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