That’s Entertainment

Readers might remember the popular police drama series on ITV that ran between 1984-2010, The Bill. In the 80s The Bill did have some good story lines which centred around some entertaining if stereotyped characters. There was June Ackland, a WPC who was good with female victims of crime, Reg Hollis who was the Sun Hill Police Station nerd and Burnside and Roach who were corrupt. Roach was a ladies man but Burnside didn’t have much patience with Birds. The weird – or perhaps as Dr Dafydd Alun Jones would say, ‘chilling’ – thing about The Bill was that two of the leading actors came unstuck in a big way in real life and a third one nearly did.

In May 1998 it was reported that Kevin Lloyd, the actor who played DC ‘Tosh’ Lines, had died after a drinking binge at the age of 49. The initial media reports portrayed Kevin Lloyd in a very negative light. It was stressed that he was an ‘overweight alcoholic’ who had neglected himself, that he was separated from his wife with whom he had seven children, that he had been violent to his wife on occasions and that the previous week he had been sacked from his job on The Bill after he turned up pissed and hadn’t learned his lines.

It soon became clear that the circumstances of Kevin’s death were very worrying. It was stated that he had been receiving treatment for alcoholism in a specialist rehab clinic, but had been refused  further treatment after he left the clinic and went out boozing in a pub. There were reports that he had begged to be readmitted to the clinic but this was refused. I took an interest in this, because there had been a number of deaths of Hergest Unit patients under such circumstances.

A different story emerged at the inquest in Oct 1998. Kevin had been a patient in the Dove Clinic in Rolleston, Staffordshire and had discharged himself on the morning of his death. Dorothy Tonks, an Angel at the Dove Clinic, told the inquest that the clinic had received a call from the landlady of a local pub saying that Kevin was trying to buy alcohol there. He then returned to the clinic ‘very drunk’ and ‘lay on his bed’. So they must have readmitted him. Tonks told the inquest that Kevin was ‘not fit to be left’, that he was very drunk and shouting and swearing. She also stated that Kevin had returned to the clinic with a bottle of whisky and a can of lager. It was stated at his inquest that when he died Kevin had been three times over the drink drive limit. Kevin had been put to bed in the ‘recovery position’ and was watched by two members of staff until about 4-40 pm. At that time, staff ‘were called away’ and it was decided that Kevin would be observed every 5 or 10 minutes. At 5 pm Kevin was found with vomit in his mouth and he was blue. Efforts were made to resuscitate him but were unsuccessful.

The inquest heard that Kevin had been prescribed a ‘cocktail of drugs’ to fight alcoholism and Dr David Green a pathologist explained that the drugs would have impaired Kevin’s level of consciousness and his reflexes, including his ability to cough up material blocking his airway.

Dr Pradheep Singhal of the Dove Clinic told the inquest that Mr Lloyd felt that he was a ‘prisoner’ and had ‘abused’ the staff. Dr Singhal said that he had met Kevin and refused to treat him because he would not abide by the clinic’s rules. It was after this that Kevin left the clinic and tried to buy alcohol in the pub.

South Staffordshire Coroner Reginald Browning recorded a verdict of misadventure and observed that ‘It is always tragic if anybody dies in circumstances such as these. It is even more poignant when that person is so talented. He crumpled under the burden of stress. He took to alcohol and in the end it killed him’.

Kevin had also been suffering from cirrhosis of the liver.

Kevin’s ex-wife told the inquest that when Kevin died he was ‘at his lowest ebb ever’. She had spoken to him the day before he died and had arranged to visit him the next week. His girlfriend attended the inquest and spoke of how Kevin drank when under stress, had tried to give up alcohol several times and had been ‘devastated’ after losing his job. Both women spoke fondly of him, expressing their deep sorrow. His children later spoke of their distress. Did anyone talk about a drunken violent git? No. What was mentioned after the inquest was that Kevin’s family were now seeking legal advice with a view to taking action against the clinic.

There was no mention anywhere of what it was that had caused Mr Lloyd such stress – his ex wife mentioned that they separated in the mid-1990s because of his drinking. That was before he was sacked – but something was distressing him which went unmentioned.

Kevin was born in Derby, the son of a police sergeant, Ellis Lloyd. Ellis was killed in 1970 when his car skidded off the road during an emergency call. Kevin trained to be a solicitor but switched career to acting and trained at the East 15 Acting School in Essex, 1970-1973. Off screen, Lloyd often talked of his happy family life although he and his wife lost one of their daughters from meningitis at 17 months. In 1991, despite already having six children, they adopted a Romanian girl. It was a surprise when the couple split up in 1995 after 22 years of marriage. The family home was in Derbyshire.

Kevin’s police officer father was originally from Betws-y-coed in Gwynedd, but had moved to Derbyshire by the time that Kevin was born in 1949. So Ellis Lloyd wasn’t in north Wales in the 1960s when Dr Dafydd Alun Jones first made an appearance at the North Wales Hospital, Denbigh. Kevin’s grandfather and one of his uncles were also police officers. The 1996 Jillings Report, which investigated the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974, stated that there was evidence that the organised abuse of children in north Wales had stretched back decades – the horrors of the North Wales Hospital certainly did. The Jillings Investigation was Chaired by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services. Jillings wrote such a damning report that it was heavily redacted and then pulped (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’). Some of those who had been named as abusers of children in north Wales had previously worked in Derbyshire and there were allegations that Jillings had not dared admit just how serious the abuse of children in Clwyd was, or the extent of it. Jillings refused to comment on whether he found evidence of a paedophile ring in operation.

The Jillings Report was witheld from everyone except for the lawyers and insurers acting for Clwyd County Council and then pulped on the advice of Michael Beloff QC, Counsel acting for the Council’s insurers. Beloff is a friend of the Blairs and was one of their guests at Chequers. A very heavily redacted version of the Jillings Report did become public in 2013. It transpired that someone had managed to preserve one copy when the order to pulp everything had been sent out 17 years previously. No-one except for the lawyers and insurers of the former Clwyd County Council has ever seen the full version.

I have discussed in previous posts the allegations and evidence suggesting that Freemasonry played a part in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal and the constant cover-ups. I am currently reading an account of Masonic activity in the UK in the 1970s and 80s – I will be returning to this in detail in a future blog post – and it is alleged that north Wales was virtually controlled by Freemasons. Freemasonry may not have such influence now, but 30 years ago in regions like north Wales it was a major force in the police, local authorities and business. The other areas of the UK where Freemasonry exerted a particular stranglehold right into the 1980s included Derbyshire and Staffordshire. There was organised abuse of children in care in both Derbyshire and Staffordshire, which as in north Wales was facilitated and concealed by the Top Doctors and was known about by local and national politicians.

Kevin Lloyd’s father remained in touch with people in north Wales. He joined Derby Borough Police in the late 1940s, became a Sergeant in 1964 and was one of the police officers from Derby who attended the Investiture of Prince Charles at Caernarfon in 1969. The Investiture itself took place without incident – although on the eve of the Investiture two bombers were killed whilst placing a bomb outside a Gov’t office in Abergele – despite fears that Charles would be harmed by nationalist activists. Charles et al remaining unscathed was the factor that resulted in the promotion of Sir Philip Myers to the position of Chief Constable of North Wales in 1970. Sir Philip Myers presided over a high degree of police corruption in north Wales, corruption which continued during his time as one of HM Inspectors of Constabulary, 1982-93. Sir Philip was noticeably ineffective at curtailing the activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’). This is not a surprise when one considers that Philip Myers went to school in Wrexham, grew up in Denbighshire, served in the Shropshire and then the West Mercia Police and was Deputy Chief Constable of Gwynedd Constabulary before becoming Chief Constable of North Wales. He had probably met every one of the paedophiles and their associates and shaken them by the hand.

The road accident in which Ellis Lloyd was killed occurred when Ellis’s car hit a lamp post in the early hours of the morning in wet weather in a hail storm when the roads were slippery, whilst he was answering a call to attend a burglary – which turned out to be a false alarm. An inquest returned a verdict of accidental death. Ellis had served in the CID in Derbyshire. His funeral was attended by many high ranking police officers.

I also note from Kevin’s CV that he worked in theatres and on productions at times and places when some of his colleagues were alleged to have been abusing children.

Kevin developed a serious drink problem during the years when there were investigations into child abuse in north Wales. At the time of his death, the Waterhouse Inquiry was in progress and had heard evidence from the witnesses, including former residents of the children’s homes who had been abused. By the time that Kevin died, victims of and witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were dropping like lemmings.

Kevin’s widow sued the Dove Clinic for damages following his death.

In March 2003, six months before Kevin’s widow heard the decision regarding her action against the Dove Clinic, Kevin’s only sibling – his brother Terry – was killed.

Terry Lloyd was a war correspondent for ITN with nearly 20 years of experience in reporting from the Middle East. Lloyd’s colleagues were troubled by his death because they all maintained that he knew how not to put himself in danger, but nonetheless he was shot and killed in southern Iraq.

Terry began his career as a journalist with the Raymonds News Agency in Derby and went on to work for Central Television as a regional news reporter. He started at ITN in 1983 and in the mid-1980s was sent to Beirut. Terry reported from Halabja in 1988 and brought to world attention the effects of Saddam Hussein’s chemical warfare against the Kurds. In 1994, he reported on the discovery of mass graves in the former Yugoslavia which contained the remains of several hundred refugees who had disappeared from a local hospital. Terry reported on the plight of refugees in Bosnia  and was in Sarajevo at the time of the Nato air strikes.

In 50 years of ITN’s war reporting, Terry was the first staff reporter to have been killed.

The negligence case that Kevin’s widow had brought against the Dove Clinic was heard six months after Terry’s death at Nottingham Crown Court. On 19 Sept  2003, BBC News reported that Richard Burns, acting on behalf of Kevin’s widow, told the Court that nurses at the Dove Clinic stopped continuously checking Kevin 30 minutes before his death. Mr Burns said that ‘Had almost anything else been done other than putting him to bed in his room, he probably would have lived’, that the clinic had ‘a cavalier attitude’ to recording the checks on Kevin and had insufficient protocols regarding what to do in an emergency. He also stated that if clinics don’t have guidance on what to do in an emergency, they are likely to do what they did to Kevin – ‘leave them in their room to die’ rather than take them to hospital.

The Dove Clinic was owned by Speciality Care (Rehab) who denied negligence. Dominic Nolan, acting for the clinic, maintained that what was done by the nurses was of the ‘standard expected’ of them. Judge David Brunning reserved judgement for four weeks.

On 10 Dec 2003 – rather more than four weeks later – BBC News reported that David Brunning sitting at Nottingham County Court had rejected  the damages claim and had found ‘no fault’ with the treatment that Kevin had received. Brunning stated that Kevin’s death was ‘an accident’. Frank Cummins, Director of Speciality Care, said after the court case that their staff had cared for Kevin ‘professionally and with compassion’.

David Brunning came from Burton-Upon-Trent, a town near the Dove Clinic and was brought up in the Church of England. From the age of four he was very deeply involved in a church in Burton-Upon-Trent. In his late teens, before going to Oxford University, he  became involved with the Methodist Church and served as a lay preacher. Throughout his university years Brunning continued his involvement with the Methodist Church and preached in Staffordshire and in Oxfordshire. After he graduated David trained as a lawyer and in 1969 began working as a barrister in a Chambers in Leicester. He continued his involvement in the Methodist Church.

So David will have almost certainly have heard about the doings of Greville Janner and Frank Beck in Leicestershire and he will have known the child molester George Thomas who became Speaker of the House through the Methodist Church as well (see post ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’). In 1982 David became a Deputy Judge and in 1988 a full time Judge. In 1987 Dr James Earp, a senior forensic psychiatrist in Leicester, concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles of north Wales (see post ‘An Expert From England’). In the 1990s David Brunning returned to the Church of England and was once more a lay reader in the Church in Leicester. He retired as a judge in 2008.

Before he retired, one of the last cases that Brunning tried was that of a magistrate and his wife from Nottingham who appeared before him in Derby Crown Court charged with trying to avoid a speeding fine by swapping their car number plates and changing the appearance of their car. They couple admitted intending to pervert the course of justice, but Brunning was merciful and they avoided imprisonment. It was mentioned in the press reports that the magistrate – who was the registered keeper of the car – was a deputy churchwarden. So he almost certainly knew Judge Brunning.

David Brunning was a regular visitor to the island of Sark in the Channel Islands for 50 years and later on in his career he purchased a house on Sark, spending much time there. In 2014 he took up office in the Church of England in Sark, with the intention of dividing his time between parishes in Leicester and Sark.

 

Neither David Brunning or anyone else made any comments with regard to the misleading reports that found their way into the media immediately after Kevin Lloyd’s death or why a specialist rehab clinic had no knowledge of basic first aid or of the effect of the drugs which its medical staff had prescribed for Kevin on reflex actions.

At the time that Kevin died, Blair’s Gov’t knew – as did John Major’s Gov’t before them – that the NHS in Staffordshire was lethal and that hundreds of patients had died unnecessarily. When Kevin died Frank Dobson was Health Secretary – Dobson had remained quiet for years about the abuse and neglect of vulnerable kids in care and mental health patients (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’). By the time that Kevin’s widow’s case was heard, the deaths at Mid-Staffs had run into thousands – between them Blair’s Health Secretaries Alan Johnson and Andy Burnham refused over 80 requests to hold a Public Inquiry into the matter. So although Kevin died in a private clinic, he may well not have been cared for any better if he had been taken to hospital. The remit of Health Secretary covers private as well as NHS provision.

On 13 Oct 2006, after conducting the inquest into Kevin’s brother Terry’s death, Assistant Deputy Coroner Andrew Walker returned a verdict of unlawful killing.

Terry, his two cameramen and an interpreter, had been caught in crossfire in Basra between US and Iraqi forces. Terry and his interpreter were both shot by US forces. The Royal Military Police (RMP) carried out an investigation and testified at Terry’s inquest that a videotape of the incident had been edited before it had been passed onto the British investigation – about 15 mins had been removed from the start of the recording. The RMP testified at the inquest that they were sent the tape ‘some months’ after the incident and were told by US authorities that the footage handed over was ‘everything that they had’.

The ITN team were driving cars clearly marked as press vehicles. They encountered an Iraqi convoy and American forces shot at the convoy. The wife of the one of the cameramen (who was missing presumed killed) received a letter from US authorities who denied being at the scene when the ITN News team was attacked. Terry was hit by an Iraqi bullet, an injury from which he could have recovered. He was put into a civilian minibus that had stopped to pick up casualties. US forces shot at the minibus after it had turned around to leave the area, killing Terry.

Andrew Walker recorded a verdict of unlawful killing by the US military and announced that he would write to the DPP to ask him to investigate the possibility of bringing charges. Walker formally cleared ITN of all blame and said that the US tanks had been first to open fire on the ITN vehicles. However he also stated that he was ‘unable to determine’ whether the bullets that killed Terry were fired by US ground forces or helicopters. Terry was killed as he was being carried away from the fighting in the civilian minibus. Walker said: ‘If the vehicle was perceived as a threat, it would have been fired on before…I have no doubt it was the fact that the vehicle stopped to pick up survivors that prompted the  Americans to fire on that vehicle’. The NUJ said that Terry’s killing was a war crime.

On 25 October 2006 Sir Menzies Campbell, Leader of the Lib Dems, raised the matter at PMQs. He asked ‘When may we expect the Attorney-General to make an application for the extradition and trial in Britain of those American soldiers against whom there is a  prima facie case for the unlawful killing in Iraq of the ITN journalist Terry Lloyd?’

On 19 March 2007, BBC reported that ITN released the names of the 16 US Marines in the unit involved in Terry’s death. The CPS decided in July 2008 that there was ‘insufficient evidence’ to prosecute Terry’s killers.

The DPP at the time was Lord Kenneth Macdonald. Our Ken was the first pupil barrister of Helena Kennedy – who was friends with and worked with Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’) – who concealed the criminal activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’). In the late 1990s Ken co-founded Matrix Chambers with Cherie Booth and returned to work at Matrix when he retired as DPP in Oct 2008. In June 2010 Macdonald was made a Lib Dem peer, so that will have shut Ming Campbell up. In July 2010 Theresa May informed Parliament that she had asked Macdonald to oversee a Gov’t review of counter-terrorism and security powers. For more background on Macdonald, see post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’).

Between them, Kevin and Terry Lloyd had a great deal of knowledge about organised child abuse associated with serious crime which was concealed at the highest levels of Gov’t over many years, as well as of war crimes which constituted an embarrassment to a number of Gov’ts and Prime Ministers and the subsequent lies that were told.

There were lies told concerning the circumstances of the deaths of both Kevin and Terry and after these lies were exposed and legal redress was sought, senior legal professionals employed by the British state simply brought an end to proceedings. Kevin died when Blair was PM and the negligence claim against the Dove Clinic was thrown out whilst Blair was still PM and Charlie Falconer was Lord Chancellor. Terry died whilst Blair was PM during an illegal war which Blair had launched and about which lies were told constantly – including by Blair to Parliament. Although Gordon Brown was PM when the DPP refused to prosecute those responsible for Terry’s death, that DPP had been appointed by Blair and was a personal friend of the Blairs as well as Cherie’s business partner.

Kevin was dead by the time that the Waterhouse Report was published and Terry the award winning journalist was dead by the time that the Chilcot Report was published – and of course Terry was dead by the time that the Dove Clinic was cleared of all responsibility for his brother’s death.

Thank goodness that Blair is a pretty straight kind of guy, or someone might suspect foul play.

This may be a complete coincidence, but the actor who played Reg Hollis in The Bill attempted suicide in 2008 and Colin Tarrant, the actor who played Inspector Monroe, was found dead with knife wounds in the bathroom of his Bristol home in Jan 2012.

 

My post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’ discussed Sir Peter Morrison’s responsibility for oil whilst he was an Energy Minister, 1987-90 and what a risk Thatcher was taking giving this role to a man who was known by her and many others to be molesting children in care in north Wales, Cheshire and elsewhere. Whilst Peter Morrison was at Energy, the Gov’ts privatisation of BP went pear shaped as a result of Black Monday. Despite a paedophile being appointed as the Minister responsible and the stock market crash causing havoc for the BP shares sale, the career of Lord John Browne really took off during that period of time, as I explained.

The Permanent Secretary for the Department of Energy, 1985-89, was Sir Peter Gregson. Like everyone else who worked with Morrison, Gregson will have heard that Morrison was abusing children. When Gregson left Energy, he was Permanent Secretary for the DTI until he retired in 1996 – the year after Morrison was found dead and the year that William Hague announced the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Gregson was born in Yorkshire but moved to Nottingham when he was eleven and went to Nottingham High School and then to Balliol College, Oxford. After graduation he served in the British Army and then in 1961 he joined the civil service, the Board of Trade to be precise, where he helped negotiate Britain’s unsuccessful bid to join the Common Market under Harold Macmillan.

By 1968 Gregson was working at Downing Street. He was Harold Wilson’s Private Secretary for economic affairs and drafted replies for PMQs. Gregson also had responsibility for N Ireland. Then he was Private Secretary for all economic and home affairs under Edward Heath and gave advice as Heath’s Gov’t faced industrial action. So Gregson will have known about the corruption that Harold Wilson was reputed to have been involved with, as well as the high level cover-ups in the early 1970s of the abuse of boys at Kincora in Belfast and at Bryn Estyn.

When Labour returned to office in 1974 Gregson found himself working for Tony Benn at the Dept of Industry and responsible for organising the creation of the National Enterprise Board. After a number of other posts, in 1981 Gregson returned as Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet Office, in response to a specific request from Thatcher.

In May 1985 Gregson was appointed Permanent Secretary of the Department of Energy. His relationship with the Secretary of State, Peter Walker, was not close but they did conclude the successful privatisation of the British Gas Corporation. The 1986 sale of shares was very heavily promoted as yet another bonanza for people who wanted to get rick quickly and in line with Thatcher’s notion of converting the labouring classes to the joys of capitalism. The adverts referred to a fictional character named ‘Sid’ – obviously what Saatchi and Saatchi imagined working class people were most likely to be called. As opposed to ‘Lord St John of Fawsley’ or ‘Alexander Patrick Greysteil Ruthven, 2nd Earl of Gowrie aka Grey Gowrie’ for example. The decision to build Sizewell B nuclear power station was made whilst Gregson was at Energy.

After Peter Walker had served as Energy Secretary, he was then Secretary of State for Wales, June 1987-May 1990 – just as Sir Peter Morrison moved to the post of Minister of State for Energy. So whilst Morrison held that crucial role, it was Walker who presided over the Welsh Office, as Alison Taylor, Mary Wynch and I did all we could to raise concerns about the criminal activities of Dafydd et al but were harassed and threatened. Walker was in post whilst children’s homes in north Wales were not even inspected although there were complaints of serious abuse and whilst I was arrested on ludicrous charges with the collusion of the Home Office and the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Security, Security’). The victims of the paedophile gang were imprisoned in Dafydd’s dungeon and complaints about children’s homes and the mental health services were simply never investigated.

Whilst Walker was Secretary of State the medical records of mental health patients were fabricated. ‘Assessments’ of patients were written by Top Doctors and Angels who had never met the patient in question and discharge dates were entered upon patients records that were many weeks away from when the patient had been discharged – it wasn’t a matter of a day or two which could have just been a slip up. When one bears in mind how many children in care and psych patients in north Wales were being found dead or simply disappearing off the face of the earth, this fabrication of patients’ records is even more worrying. The worst scenario – patient is kept in the dungeon or dies but their records state that they were discharged and there’s the discharge note signed by the discharging Top Doctor. I have in my bundle of documents a full written assessment of me by a senior Angel whom I never met and who was never on duty in Bryn Golau Ward whilst I was in there. I also have a document stating that I was discharged from Denbigh on a date when I was actually in London and had been in London for the past three weeks. But there’s the discharge note, signed by a Top Doctor whom I had never met, saying that on the date that I left Denbigh – I was sitting in a lecture in Hammersmith Hospital on the date in question – I was suffering from schizophrenia no less. As opposed to having been abducted by a sex trafficking ring who subsequently fabricated a load of documentation about me.

In 1987 Cecil Parkinson succeeded Walker as Energy Secretary and Parkinson was keen to privatise the electricity industry. It was Gregson who advised that the CEGB should be broken up in order to permit a competitive market in electricity generation, despite the warnings of Lord Walter Marshall, the Chairman of the CGEB, regarding the risks of continuity of supply.

Gregson joined the Board of Scottish Power as a Senior Independent Director and served until 2004.

In June 1991, the Chairman of British Gas plc Robert Evans sparked controversy by accepting a pay rise of 66%, ten times above the rate of inflation at the time. This took his salary from £222,000 to £370,000, followed allegations of greed against the organisation a month earlier when it reported a 42% rise in pre-tax profits. So Robert Evans did rather better out of it all than Sid.

Gregson’s 2015 Guardian obituary explained that in his capacity as Deputy Secretary to the Cabinet Office he played a pivotal role advising Thatcher in handling the 1984 miners’ strike. Thatcher asked Gregson to prepare for the confrontation with the NUM and he Chaired a secret Cabinet committee of senior civil servants. Thatcher’s Gov’t always maintained that they did not wish to have a confrontation with the NUM, but Gregson’s role Chairing this committee demonstrated that they planned for a clash with the NUM at least one year  before the strike, which does add weight to the belief that Thatcher wanted to get Scargill and the NUM for political reasons and as payback for bringing the Tory Gov’t of 1970-74 down. Before the first miners went on strike in 1984, the committee had made sure there was a huge stockpile of coal for the power stations and looked into building new oil- or gas-fired power stations. The Whitehall catchphrase ‘endurance’, which was used to describe how Government could withstand the onslaught of the miners’ strike, also came from this committee. Gregson’s contemporaries say he plunged himself into the work and acquired a comprehensive knowledge of the workings of the power industry. From then on Thatcher relied on Gregson’s advice to conduct the strike both in terms of taking precautions and in not overreacting.

Papers released from the National Archives detailed in the Guardian in Jan 2014 give an idea of Gregson’s role and some of what was happening behind the scenes at the time. Thatcher had contingency plans to use the Army during the miners’ strike and sought the advice of the Attorney General Sir Michael Havers as to whether she could call a state of emergency for political purposes. Havers had a long and glorious tradition of failing to prosecute Westminster and Whitehall figures for sex offences. Norman Tebbit wanted to take out High Court injunctions against the NUR and Aslef because they were hampering the transport of coke and coal supplies to the power stations.

Tebbit was Secretary of State for Trade during the miners’ strike. Following that, he was Chairman of the Conservative Party, 1985-87. For nearly a year, Sir Peter Morrison was his Deputy Chairman. Tebbit has since admitted that perhaps the Tories should have taken the concerns that some politicians were sexually abusing children more seriously. I think that Tebbit took those concerns very seriously indeed at the time, because whilst he was Party Chairman, I was threatened, harassed, unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital – along with a number of victims of the paedophile gang of which Morrison was a member – and then subjected to an attempt to frame me for ‘attempting to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers Play Time’).

So what have you got to say about the witnesses who were found dead then Tebbit?

In July 1984 the dockers joined the strike which shook that Gov’t. Gregson advised that they needed to end the dock strike as soon as possible because he knew that once the dockers walked out, ‘serious disruption to industry will soon be felt’. Gregson maintained that if the dock dispute could be ended quickly, the ‘coal dispute can be played as long as possible’.

In Oct 1984 NACODS the Pit Deputies Union threatened a strike ballot – the Gov’t knew that if NACODS joined the strike, power cuts would follow along with a three days week and a total shutdown of industry could well result. Tebbit expressed fears that if that happened the Gov’t would be brought down. NACODS did ballot in favour of striking, but then called off the strike and the Gov’ts ‘daily coal report’ dated 24 Oct mentioned that this ‘represents a massive blow for Scargill’. I need to do a bit of research into why NACODS called that strike off…

The Tories were quite obsessed with Arthur Scargill. The first politician whom I approached about the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends was Keith Best, the MP for Ynys Mon, in the summer of 1985 – I didn’t know at the time that Best was one of the people in the Welsh Office who were concealing the criminal activities of Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). When I was waiting to see Best at his surgery, I sat opposite a poster saying ‘The Tory Cuts – Arthur Scargill, Down To Size’.

Arthur Scargill and his mate Michael Mansfield, as well as many others on the left, remained silent about the same gang of paedophiles that Best was concealing (see post ‘Workers Play Time’).

The Cabinet papers released from the National Archive also contained details referring to the violence at the Orgreave coking plant in South Yorkshire in June 1984, when pickets were violently attacked by the police who then fitted the pickets up for assault. It was recently admitted that the police officers who fabricated evidence in the wake of Orgreave were from the same force – South Yorkshire – as those who fabricated statements after the Hillsborough disaster in 1989. In June 1984 Peter Wright was the Chief Constable of South Yorkshire – if north Wales wasn’t Paedophilia Central, then South Yorkshire was. South Yorkshire covered Rotherham, where, as in north Wales, the problem of every state agency colluding with the organised abuse of children and teenagers has never been effectively dealt with despite all the empowerment and the zero tolerance. Peter Wright grew up in Cheshire, served in the Greater Manchester Police and was then Deputy Chief Constable of Merseyside. So he was mates with Dafydd and the paedophiles as well then. Wright served as President of the ACPO.

The papers released from the National Archives showed that senior Home Officials believed that the Metropolitan Police units sent to picket lines were ‘valued in violent confrontations’. These were the units whose members were notorious for removing their numbers from their uniforms and covering their faces with their visors before they gave the strikers and pickets a kicking and when they were being friendly waved wads of dosh at the strikers to remind them that the police were raking in the overtime whilst the miners were living on food parcels and offerings from soup kitchens. Whilst the Home Office was deploying thugs from the Met to beat up the miners, the Met was riddled with corruption and was turning a blind eye to the trafficking of children in care in the Boroughs of Islington, Lambeth and Richmond-Upon-Thames.

Meanwhile under Leon Brittan the Home Office was complicit with much serious wrongdoing including the concealing of child abuse and even managed to provide funding for the Albany Trust, an organisation campaigning for paedophiles’ rights.

In Aug 1984 the Association of Chief Police Officers told Thatch that the miners, ‘frustrated by the failure of mass picketing, were taking to ‘geurrilla warfare’, based on the intimidation of individuals and companies’. As opposed to Thatcher’s Gov’t, who were intimidating those witness to the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles.

The released papers from the National Archives also give an indication of the propaganda battle that was being fought on the part of Thatcher’s Gov’t. The papers admit that the much publicised ‘return to work’ of the miners during the first months of the strike was actually only a trickle. I had some idea of the Lord Haw Haw bit played by the pro-Thatcher media because at the time Brown was working on a project concerning the media portrayal of the strike and told me many interesting anecdotes after he’d conducted fieldwork in Yorkshire. In fact Dr D.G.E. Wood always felt very obviously threatened by Brown’s habit of publishing material about the skulduggery of the establishment. A red under the bed! As opposed to a paedophile in the bed. Or indeed in the children’s home eh Wood?

The NHS is currently employing the tactics exposed many years ago by those other reds under the bed, the Glasgow Media Group ie. Howard Davis, Greg Philo et al. Davis et al explained how when reporting on industrial disputes, the media news reports used to say things like ‘the management requests’ but ‘the unions demand’. Indeed during the NUM strike, BBC news used to juxtapose footage of Ian McGregor sitting in a chair saying quietly ‘we are ready to talk to the miners at any time’ with a shot of Arthur Scargill yelling through a megaphone ‘we will smash this Tory Government’. Tebbit famously managed to successfully get everybody referring to ‘old fashioned trade unions’ in the 1980s. As opposed to thoroughly modern paedophiles. Vaughan Gething, the Welsh Gov’t Health Minister, was complaining about ‘reactionary’ social media criticism of the NHS the other day. I wonder which blog he might have been thinking of???

 

Peter Gregson’s hagiographers claim that the miners’ strike brought out all the key qualities that Gregson possessed – including his role as a ‘tactician’ where he could ‘see what was needed’ and give Ministers ‘valuable options to confront a highly delicate and difficult situation’. His colleagues felt that without his advice Thatcher could not have so roundly defeated the miners.

Gregson had connections with the security services and was a ‘lifelong bachelor’. Before he retired in 1996 in the New Year Honours he was promoted to the rank of a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath. Just in time for the Waterhouse Inquiry!

 

This blog has concentrated on what was happening in Wales whilst Thatcher, Major, Blair and others concealed the criminality of Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang. Less often I’ve discussed what was happening in Westminster and the catastrophic consequences which would have followed if what was being done to conceal the activities of Sir Peter Morrison – and other high profile sex offenders – had ever been revealed. What I have discussed less often – except for in my post ‘A Trabant That Wants To Be A Ferrari…’ which detailed the activities of Sir Salvadore Moncada, now a leading pharmacologist who in a previous life was a geurrilla in El Salvador – are world events. Whilst victims of Dafydd and the sex traffickers in north Wales were being framed, illegally held in Dafydd’s dungeon or killed lest anyone find out that one of Thatcher’s friends and political aides was molesting kids in care in north Wales, Thatcher herself was of course at the centre of world events. There was her backing for Reagan’s war on drugs, a US policy which backfired disastrously (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’) – quite symbolic really because whilst that was going on, Dafydd was being allowed to build up a nice drug trade in north Wales under the nose of Bing Spear, the corrupt Chief Inspector of the Home Office’s Drugs Branch (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’).

The big issue through the Thatcher years was of course diplomatic relations with the Soviet Union, which then became the former Soviet Union.

In Jan 2014 the Guardian reported on released National Archives files which revealed that Thatcher’s Gov’t saw Gorbachov’s first official visit to Britain in Dec 1984 as an opportunity to ‘get inside the minds’ of the next generation of Soviet leaders. Thatcher had asked the Foreign Office to invite the politburo to London, although she did ask Charles Powell, her Private Secretary, not to invite Konstantin Chernenko (the General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party) because ‘it is much too soon’.

The British ambassador in Moscow, Sir Iain Sutherland, had warned in a telegram about his experience of meeting Chernenko: ‘It was not the performance of an automaton, but it was pretty inept and confirmed the impression that, at least on international issues, the central figure in the Soviet leadership lacks authority and sophistication of thought’. Gorbachev, by contrast, was recognised as being ‘intelligent and confident’. His visit to the UK, Charles Powell informed Thatcher, ‘will be a unique opportunity to try and get inside the minds of the next generation of Soviet leaders’. Britain’s objectives, another note suggested, ‘should be to teach him something about how a western democracy works, to establish personal and political links, [and] raise UK profile in Soviet eyes’. This was a Gov’t which was concealing the murders of people who had evidence regarding a vicious paedophile gang of which Thatcher’s aide and friend Morrison was a member.

Gorbachev and his party arrived in London on 16 December 1984. Their private lunchtime conversation was a frank exchange in which Thatcher accused Gorbachev of funding the miners’ strike in Britain. Gorbachev insisted that the Soviet Union had transferred no funds to the NUM.

The archives state that when the fate of dissidents inside the USSR was raised, the ‘unemotional mask’ of Gorbachov slipped. At the official opposition lunch Neil Kinnock, then Labour leader, provoked ‘an intemperate outburst of obscenities and threats by Gorbachev against ‘turds’ and spies like [the dissident Natan] Sharansky, who was in prison, ‘that is where he will stay’.

So Kinnock dared to raise the subject of the imprisonment of Soviet dissidents whilst he was colluding with the Top Doctors and remained silent about the dungeon and the imprisonment of former kids in care and psych patients who had been fitted up. But then Dafydd’s mates from the Royal College of Psychiatrists who were protecting him were busy lecturing the Soviet Union on the abuses of psychiatry. Presumably the Soviets had no idea at all that Dafydd et al were running a paedophile gang and were enjoying the protection of the Royal College and the highest echelons of the medical establishment and Gov’t…

Whilst Thatcher supped with and patronised the members of the politburo, Brown and me were being threatened by the Top Doctors and harassed by people whom it is now fairly clear were working for the British security services. Gorbachev became general secretary of the Communist party in March 1985. By Dec 1991 the Soviet Union had collapsed. Throughout those years of ‘diplomacy’ on the part of Britain between Thatcher’s first meeting with Gorbachov and the dissolution of the Soviet Union, Wales’s industry had been destroyed and the country wrecked by a gang of sex traffickers and drug dealers who enjoyed complete protection as a result of their connections to a member of the British Gov’t as well as to a variety of other motley people – including Jimmy Savile – with friends in high places. Nothing was considered too much to conceal all this and the cover-up continues.

To the surviving members of Thatcher’s Cabinet: I was a 21 year old student and because I refused the offers of a disgusting old psychiatrist I had my career wrecked, my health ruined and was subjected to numerous attempts to frame me for serious offences. My friends were all targeted and two of them were found dead. As for you Kinnock you big tosser, you weren’t ever going to become PM no matter how deluded you were – would you like to fess up whatever deal it was that you did with Tony Francis (Dr X) who enjoyed letting everyone know that he was at Cardiff University whilst you were President of the Students Union there? Perhaps Dr Death would like to come clean about his relationship with the Top Doctors who kept the lid on all this as well.

Message to MI5 – COULD DO BETTER!!! And next time that a Gov’t wants to facilitate a paedophile gang for the benefit of its Ministers, do yourselves a favour and choose someone other than Dafydd to help you.

 

One reason why I remember the more entertaining events of the 1980s clearly is because I was a regular reader of Private Eye. So I will recycle a few of their memorable bits and pieces featuring Sir Peter Morrison’s boss, Cecil Parkinson. There was the clerihew which appeared in Clerihew Corner:

Sara Keays/Was Hard To Please/When She’d Been Laid/By The Minister For Trade

After Sara Keays told Parkinson that she was pregnant, Parkinson tried to coerce her into having an abortion despite previously voting to restrict the availability of abortion, then he dropped her, never saw the baby, Flora – who was born disabled – and obtained a superinjunction which no-one even knew existed for many years preventing Sara and anyone else making any public comment about Flora at all. After Parkinson died, it was discovered that Flora had been cut out of his will.

An Eye reader pointed out that an anagram of ‘The Right Honourable Cecil Parkinson MP’ was ‘Ror, I can bonk my posh piece all night throu’ (or something very similar).

Anyone up for finding a suitable anagram relating to Thatcher’s Cabinet which includes the words ‘child molesting’, ‘perjury’, ‘murder’?

I can also remember the Eye drawing attention to an anagram of Bill Wyman – Ban M’Willy. Anyone remember 13 year old Mandy Smith?

For many years a former North Wales Hospital patient wandered around Bethesda virtually destitute, neglected by the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, often homeless and ignored by everyone even when she freaked out so much that she was trying to chuck herself under cars in Bethesda High Streeet – a concerned resident rang Bethesda surgery only to be told ‘we know about her’. Another resident rang Gwynedd Social Services and told them that she was not prepared to stand by whilst this lady died. She was told that the patient in question was ‘very difficult and couldn’t be helped’. This patient used to tell me that she had once been a groupie and had slept with Mick Jagger. I don’t have any evidence that she did, but I do know that she was sexually exploited by a few other people who denied all knowledge of her and that some of those trafficked by Dafydd et al did shag some very high profile people.

The Rolling Stones have just announced a new tour! They’re going to Cardiff! Are you going to drop into Bethesda to look up old friends Mick? Or have they been forgotten now that you’ve been Sirred, your kids have been to Eton and Jerry’s wed the Dirty Digger?

I have detailed in previous posts how the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles were managed once they had witnessed events which could land a few people in prison if anyone had acted upon their allegations. The first part of the process was sectioning the witnesses – they were then deemed mad of course so by definition couldn’t be believed – then they were framed for all offences great and small, so that it could be stressed that they were ‘criminals’. Now when the victims came out of Risley/Walton/Denbigh, they had to be managed until they died prematurely as a result of the neglect of the Top Doctors.

One recipient of Dafydd’s victims was Penrhyn Castle no less. Back in the mid-1980s Penrhyn Castle used to employ people during the summer months to look after the gardens, staff the railway museum, do the duties in the clock tower etc. They were employed on Thatcher’s scams – TOPS, YOPS, MSC etc – whereby they worked for very low wages for a few months and were then back on the dole again for the winter. I knew someone who used to cut the lawns there and the workplace anecdotes were amusing but informative. The person whom I knew had been wrecked by Dafydd a few months before he began work at Penrhyn Castle, but was high spirited with a sense of humour. For a while I wondered why Penrhyn Castle had him back every year for the summer because it didn’t sound as though much work got done. He crashed the ride-on mower into a tree so he was then assigned to the railway museum. When on duty one day he decided that he wanted to go outside for a fag at a time when the museum was full of a party of German tourists, so he grabbed a loudspeaker and yelled ‘ausfahrt, ausfahrt’ and was delighted when all the Germans filed out. The activities of this man were fairly benign but there were more bizarre things than people ordering German tourists around going on down there. It was explained to me that if the man who worked in the clock tower ever invited you up there it wasn’t a good idea to accept the invitation because he was ‘as gay as a trooper’ and would try and have sex with you in the clock tower (if you were male). It seemed that nearly everyone employed at Penrhyn Castle were the dispossessed of Bethesda whose lives had been wrecked by those we know and love.

I was told that the person who handed out these jobs at Penrhyn Castle was a really nice bloke, Wing Commander Panton, whom it was alleged had escaped from Colditz during WWII. I was even shown a letter of reference that Wing Commander Panton had written for the man who had crashed the mower into a tree – a very brief reference, but one which would be sufficient to land him another low paid temporary job on a work scheme. The rationale that I was given for the Wing Commander showing such charity to the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles was that his wife was seriously mentally ill so ‘he understood’. This could have been true – I didn’t know the Wing Commander. However, if I was employing those folk every summer, I would have noticed that they were recounting stories of having been very seriously mistreated by the authorities – they had been beaten up by the police, fitted up for crimes and were obviously not being cared for properly although people were being paid a lot of money to do this. I am beginning to wonder if the Wing Commander was a bit like Dafydd – whom, it was alleged, was so kind to those mad patients. Dafydd even gave some of them jobs. Er – yes, the young female ones, they lived in his house with him and worked as his ‘nanny’ or ‘housekeeper’.

My informant told me that the Wing Commander retired from managing the grounds at Penrhyn Castle and moved to England to write children’s books. I have found a reference on the internet to a Wing Commander I.H. Panton who was Commanding Officer of No 85 Squadron RAF, 1971-73 – I presume that this must be the same man. I have mentioned how many people who concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al had connections with the Forces and the security services. Was the Wing Commander yet another safe pair of hands who could effectively hide Dafydd’s victims from the wider public gaze by seemingly doing them a favour?

Lady Janet Douglas Pennant (1923-97) inherited Castell Penrhyn, the quarry and the estate in 1949 when her uncle Hugh Napier Douglas-Pennant died. Two years later she reached an agreement with the Treasury by which Castell Penrhyn and a large part of the estate were transferred to them in lieu of death duties. In turn, the Treasury transferred them to the National Trust. Separating the quarry and estate interests in the same year, a limited company was formed to run the quarry. In 1973 Lady Janet sold her remaining 51% shareholding in the company and the link between the Penrhyn family and the quarry were severed. Lady Janet still lived on the estate when the victims of Dafydd and the paedophile gang were being employed at the Castle every summer.

It was the Treasury Solicitor who shafted Mary Wynch in tandem with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Antoinette Sandbach – who left her job as a criminal barrister in London to provide reinforcements for the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales when they felt under pressure a few years ago and who is now the Tory MP for Eddisbury – is a descendant of the Pennants. Antoinette’s dad Ian Lawrie Mackeson-Sandbach was Provincial Grand-Master of North Wales 1990-04, throughout the years when all those police investigations and the Waterhouse Inquiry failed to find any evidence of anyone other than few cave dwellers in north Wales abusing children (see post ‘News Round Up, 19 January 2018). Antoinette is a former colleague of David Jones MP – who is a Freemason and sat in north Wales courts working as a a solicitor whilst victims of the paedophile gang were framed (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’). The Chair of the North West Wales NHS Trust, Hefin Davies, was a Freemason, as was Nigel Berry, the former North Wales Hospital nurse who managed the Gwynfa Unit for mentally ill adolescents, where children were violently assaulted and raped (see post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’).

Dafydd had a whole network of bent professionals whom he had helped out of tight spots and who in return helped him. There was the ‘doctor in England’ who treated Dafydd for his ‘nervous illness’ – no doubt every time there was another complaint about Dafydd to the GMC and a medical report was required. At one point Dafydd boasted that he was ‘treating’ a high flying female lawyer from England. She’s probably sitting in the Supreme Court now.

I will take the opportunity here to remind Dafydd what one of his victims said to him after Dafydd accused him of lying – it was the man who crashed the mower and tried out his German on the tourists at Penrhyn Castle:

‘I lied – you murdered’.

Sweet memories Dafydd!!

This particular man was beaten up by the police after he objected to an unidentified sergeant joining him in the shower at the station after he was fitted up for the possession of cocaine by the drug squad. After he got home to Bethesda late that night he began to experience psychotic symptoms. He went to his neighbour for help, only to be told ‘well you’re not fucking getting it from me’. Within 12 hours the man who had been assaulted by the police had a psychosis and set fire to his house – which was of course next door to the neighbour who had been so unhelpful. Arrest, Risley Remand Centre and a year in the clutches of Dafydd followed – all of which was completely unlawful…

The neighbour who had refused to help worked for S4C, so compared to the rest of Bethesda was highly paid. He was also a turd who had a long suffering partner who was on the receiving end of his violence and took to drink. She had a relationship with another victim of Dafydd who was surprised when, on a visit to Bethesda surgery, Dr Gareth Jones literally interrogated him regarding the details of his relationship with the git’s partner. But then Dr Gareth Jones was a man who was keeping a lot of secrets – including many of the secrets of the paedophile gang.

Another person who lived in Bethesda in those days was a hard core porn actress. She was actually very nice and was married to a highly unscrupulous man who was employed by the Not As Pathetic As The Other Sharks Professor Fergus Lowe in the School of Psychology at Bangor University to teach stats. There were many complaints about this very unsuitable man being let loose on the undergrads and even Fungus was forced to sack him after he turned up to a tutorial out of his head on LSD. I used to watch the ‘stats tutor’ clambering in and out of taxis in Bangor with schoolgirls. Was this maddest, most disreputable resident of Bethesda – he was even known by the Bethesda hippies as ‘Filthy Ed’ – ever arrested/fitted up/sectioned? Not at all…Sadly Filthy Ed’s wife died some years ago. Like all those witnesses to the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles, Jane died from an illness at a time when so many people who were not witnesses to serious wrongdoing were surviving that particular illness – in Jane’s case it was breast cancer.  Filthy Ed is dead as well now. So there are now yet more crimes to which there are no longer any witnesses left alive.

 

Despite all this action in north Wales, nothing about Dafydd and the paedophiles ever appeared on the BBC or S4C. I will discuss why that might be in a future post.

 

 

 

Top Of The Cops

Some four years ago when I was openly discussing when and where I’d publish my experiences with the mental health services, someone who knew much of what they had got up to and had read the ludicrous affidavits that they had sworn in their attempts to gain High Court injunctions against me and have me imprisoned gave me a book to read, simply commenting that he thought that I’d find it interesting. That book was ‘Stalker’, by John Stalker, the former Deputy Chief Constable of Greater Manchester Police. It was published in 1988 and Stalker wrote it in the aftermath of him being removed from his role in leading an investigation into the possibility that the RUC had pursued a ‘shoot to kill’ policy against suspected IRA terrorists and following an investigation into Stalker himself. Stalker was accused of associating with people who had connections to criminals. He was removed from the ‘shoot to kill’ investigation, suspended from his job, reinstated but then left the police force anyway, although he was only in his late 40s. It all elicited huge media interest and Stalker’s story was that he had been removed from the investigation because of what he was uncovering in N Ireland – he maintained that he was smeared and that a cover-up of dodgy practices in the RUC had taken place. Stalker was appointed Deputy Chief Constable of Greater Manchester in March 1984 and began his investigation into the RUC in June 1984. In May 1986 he was told that he was removed forever from the N Ireland investigation and was instructed to stay at home. In August 1986 the Police Committee voted to reinstate him as Deputy Chief Constable and he returned to work. In March 1987 Stalker left the police.

Since ‘Stalker’ was published, much of what has been revealed regarding the conduct of certain police forces at the time and the allegations of organised child abuse by public figures – some close to Thatcher – allows one to read Stalker’s story in a way in which he probably never imagined one would. The picture that emerges from Stalker’s book is that of an awful lot of police officers at the most senior levels in Britain behaving badly, a number of whom seem to have axes to grind and are therefore making allegations and counter-allegations against each other. Admissions and accusations of Freemasonry swirl around numerous people and a lot of officers, including Stalker, seem to have very cosy relationships with journalists, whilst at the same time complain that other officers are ‘leaking’ to the press. The impression that I am left with is that of the scenario created by those we know and love – everyone involved loathes each other but have all done a lot of things that they shouldn’t have, so are condemned to one another’s company. One wouldn’t really trust any of these people further than one would spit a rat. Stalker certainly had some very interesting friends and contacts and I will return to this topic in future posts.

It transpired that the person who recommended that I read Stalker’s book had noticed something that I also noticed as I read it. On occasions throughout the book, the very words used, the phrases used and even the context in which Stalker frames himself as an honest man unfairly hounded, concerned only for the welfare of his loving wife and children and his desire to press on with his valuable work, is very reminiscent indeed of the affidavits that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones swore on oath in the mid 1990s regarding the reign of terror that he maintained that I was subjecting him to. Now those affidavits elicited hilarity at the time, as I shared them with a number of other people who had knowledge of what Dafydd was actually doing. Dafydd’s turns of phrase were so odd, stylised, quaint and melodramatic that some of those phrases were repeated frequently by numerous people, using a Dafydd voice. I remember those ridiculous affidavits very well and as I read Stalker’s book, I was right back there with them. My main thought was ‘I am reading something written by the person who dictated those affidavits’. Of course, people who have been educated by the same people in the same institutions often write or speak in a similar way. Stalker is slightly younger than Dafydd and grew up in inner Manchester and finished his education as a teenager, whereupon he joined the police. Dafydd grew up in a village in Gwynedd where Welsh was the first language of nearly everyone. I understand that he initially began a chemistry degree but was kicked out in disgrace (although no-one knows exactly what the disgrace involved) and subsequently studied medicine at Liverpool. There are no similarities between Stalker’s education and Dafydd’s. Stalker’s book reveals something else. That after he left the police, he pursued work in journalism and the media. At one point he was production manager for the soap opera ‘Brookside’ of all things. So Stalker had a talent for drama and fiction… Stalker’s skills are evident in the biography that he provides at the front of the book. He describes himself as living on a small farm in Cheshire, where he ‘generally lives off the land’. Yet his book is choc full of references to foreign travel and holidays, to hotels, favourite restaurants, his American express account, his big mortgage, his new carpets, his new kitchen, parties and social occasions with High Society in Manchester. This is not a man who lives in a yurt and grows his own. His extensive foreign travel is also a little inconsistent with his account of hearth, home and family life – he’ll have hardly had time to see his family. But then Dafydd hardly spent any time with the ‘small children’ whose existence he flagged up on many of the occasions on which he made lurid statements about me.

I have detailed previously on the blog the numerous occasions on which the mental health services in north Wales took Court action against me. This was usually at Courts in Wales or Chester, although Sir Robert Francis QC (please see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’) had a go at me in the Royal Courts of Justice in The Strand, London. Yet when Gwynedd County Council sought an injunction against me on the basis of affidavits by two social workers who perjured themselves (one of whom had never met me and one of whom had only met me two or three times), they made representation to Sir John Kay, a judge on the Northern Circuit. When Dafydd sought an injunction against me, on the basis of his Stalkeresque affidavits, he went to Liverpool High Court – again, on the Northern Circuit. Manchester, Liverpool, Leeds are all on the Northern Circuit. They are also all a very long way from north west Wales which is where I, Gwynedd County Council and Dafydd were. Stalker’s book mentions legal contacts of his – in the region covered by the Northern Circuit.

Stalker’s base seemed to be Manchester – although he had previously worked in the midlands and mentioned contacts there as well – but Stalker had dealings with a man very well-known in north Wales. That is the former Chief Constable of North Wales, Sir Philip Myers. Stalker only met Myers a few times, under circumstances which will be explained in a minute, but Myers became Stalker’s nemesis. Stalker made it clear that he believed that it was Sir Philip Myers, along with Sir John Hermon, the Chief Constable of the RUC and Sir James Anderton, the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester, along with some unidentified civil servants, who were responsible for his removal from the N Ireland investigation and his subsequent problems. He named Myers as the ‘prime mover’ against him. Myers died in 2014 and his obituaries all made mention of his ‘battle’ with Stalker. So let us take a look at Sir Philip Myers.

Myers was born in 1931 in Liverpool but grew up in Denbighshire and went to school in Wrexham. Like so many who have featured on this blog – another local boy who did well for himself. After a stint in the RAF he joined Shropshire Constabulary. He wanted to join the Denbighshire force but his Welsh wasn’t good enough. He remained in the Shropshire force for 17 years, until he joined West Mercia in 1967. In 1968 he was appointed Deputy Chief Constable of Gwynedd Constabulary. As part of his duties in that role, he oversaw the security for the investiture of the Prince of Wales in Caernarfon in July 1969. There was famously much trouble as a result of that investiture and two ‘Welsh nationalists’ blew themselves up during an attempt to plant a bomb, but no-one actually blew Charles himself sky high and Myers’ policing of the event was deemed a roaring success.

I have heard many anecdotes from people who hated everything that the investiture stood for, including allegations that at least one man who was threatening violent action on the day was detained in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh in a political move. As he did with a number of patients, Dafydd then cultivated this man’s company and many years later ruthlessly used this man in joint media appearances when there was pressure on Dafydd to retire. The media appearances involved this man dressing up in a dog collar, calling himself ‘Rev’ and claiming to be a Minister, although he wasn’t. Everyone knew about this misrepresentation, but there he was in the Hergest Unit, with a TV crew, giving interviews about how ‘Welsh boys and girls are going to prison in England’ and that things would only get worse if Dafydd retired and ceased to ‘look after’ the addicts of the region – please see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’

As a result of his success regarding the investiture, in 1970 Myers became Chief Constable of Gwynedd at only 39 years old, the youngest Chief Constable in Britain. This appointment laid the foundation for the establishment of the North Wales Police force in April 1974, formed from the merger of the Gwynedd, Denbighshire and Flintshire Constabularies. With the North Wales Police, Myers ‘fought a long campaign’ against the rise in truancy and youth crime and Myers was described as ‘holding strident views’ with regard to the policing of the region. Of course whilst Myers was fighting his campaign against errant youths, children in the children’s homes in north Wales were being physically beaten and sexually abused. One of those abusing them was a member of Myers’ own force, Gordon Anglesea. Most of the people abusing those kids were never prosecuted, but the kids themselves were prosecuted repeatedly, often for very trivial offences. When the children ran away from the homes to escape the abuse, they were returned by the police and no questions were asked even if they were visibly injured. In 1972 Myers represented the police on the Advisory Council On The Misuse of Drugs. Of course, Myers will have known both Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist – as well as many other people named on the blog.

Myers was quoted as saying that ‘we don’t prosecute all young people found in possession of cannabis…[it’s] treated as a social matter…I have said quite publicly that pushers and traffickers will be prosecuted’. I find this puzzling, because when I first arrived in Bangor in 1981 Myers was still Chief Constable. What I remember hearing again and again was that there existed locally a thoroughly corrupt drug squad who harassed and pursued hippies blowing dope and who also planted cocaine and the like on them. Indeed so notorious were two of the officers involved that I was given their names, a description of both of them, a description of their car (a red Ford Escort) and it’s number plate – and I’m delighted to say that I did indeed spot these two twats driving around Bangor, as they fitted up two people whom I knew. I knew one hippy from Bethesda who had cocaine planted on him by these two – they planted cocaine on his wife as well, but she was from an affluent well-connected family in Surrey and was somehow never prosecuted – he was and he ended up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh for a year under the care of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones! (Christ I bet Dafydd regrets ever meeting me – you didn’t know that all this was going to be made public did you Dafydd when you illegally imprisoned me, threatened me and made deals with corrupt police officers…) But whilst all this was happening, a serious heroin problem began to develop in Gwynedd and on Anglesey yet no-one put a stop to it…

The drug squad were not the only members of the North Wales Police who were alleged to be corrupt. I was told that the local police were dreadful and that anyone who fell foul of them would find themselves harassed on all levels. In my first year at Bangor University, I heard a bizarre tale. One of the halls of residence next door to the hall where I lived was an all male hall and it had a rather difficult man as a warden. I always got on with him very well (he was one of my lecturers), but he could certainly be very vindictive if he took a dislike to someone. A strange atmosphere prevailed in the hall where he had control – some students had been invited into a select friendship group with him but other students were just being bullied and targeted over ridiculously trivial matters. This man was a leading light in the local mountain rescue team and through this knew many local police officers. I was told on one occasion that one of the students whom this man had taken a dislike to had been picked up by the local police, not charged with any offence, detained overnight at Bangor Police Station in the cells and then released again without charge – after being told not to annoy this warden again. The warden himself was openly boasting of having arranged this unlawful arrest for a laugh. I also heard a few references to Stalker’s colleagues from Manchester as well when I was an undergrad. One of the boys on my course came from Manchester and maintained that there was serious corruption in that force as well with villains from ‘north Manchester’ going unchallenged whereas small fry were hassled. Then villains from Manchester were alleged to be running a nightclub in Bangor. Bangor had been seriously short of such facilities, but in about 1983 or 84, there was much excitement because a real nightclub opened. Within weeks terrifying rumours were circulating, that is was being run by some heavies from Manchester, that serious violence and drug dealing were occurring and it soon became a no go area for most students. At about the same time the A55 linking Bangor with the north west of England was built and various dodgy people involved in serious crime began making their way across.

So what Myers claimed was happening regarding policing in North Wales was rather different to what the rest of us witnessed on the ground. Even more entertainingly, I have come across quotes from Myers that he made claiming that in the mid 70s his force was hampered by an increase in legislation that left the ‘victim of the villain naked and the police officer investigating crime impotent’. So is that why they were stitching people up and failing to investigate the serious abuse of children and the abuses of the mental health services? It was of course on Myers’ watch that the likes of Gordon Anglesea and Elfed Roberts rose through the ranks of the North Wales Police and it was officers who were promoted under him who were later alleged to be involved with the paedophile ring that operated in the area – officers who were also instrumental in the convictions that I’ve explored on this blog that may well be serious miscarriages of justice.

In the 1970s Myers was President of the Association of Chief Police Officers. He was very cross when the failed experiment with ‘short sharp shocks’ regarding youth offenders came to an end. He was also on record as maintaining that the increase in crime was ‘directly linked’ with film violence. He was particularly vexed over the film ‘Clockwork Orange’ and the gang bang scenes. Well such things were happening for real in the region’s children’s homes and in the North Wales Hospital. In the tributes paid to him after his death, Myers was described as being ‘intensely loyal to his officers’.  To illustrate this, it was explained that in 1981 when riots were predicted on Merseyside, Myers sent five coaches of his officers to Toxteth to ‘assist’ and before the coaches left, Myers boarded each one to explain to the officers what was expected of them and what they might encounter. I wonder what was actually said to those officers…

In 1982 Myers had the honour of being personally reprimanded by Lord Hailsham (who was no liberal), after Myers had forced a probationary policeman, Michael Evans, to resign. Myers had an issue with Evan’s ‘hippy lifestyle’ on a farm near Bangor – except that Myers aimed his fire at the wrong man, it was a case of mistaken identity. There was also a spat over Evan’s pet dogs and malicious rumours were seeded about Evans’s marriage. Knowing how those we know and love conduct business, there is only one question that needs to be answered here – what did Michael Evans know about whom? Hailsham described ‘the treatment meted out to this young man as little short of outrageous’. If only he’d been molesting children in care…

When Myers announced his retirement, the Home Office was said to have ‘persuaded’ him to become one of HM Inspectors of Constabularies and in Nov 1981 the Home Secretary Willie Whitelaw confirmed the appointment, that ran from 1982. Myers was one of the youngest Inspectors of Constabularies. This post is described as involving delicate mediation between Chief Constables and the Gov’t. Myers was responsible for the ‘North West Region’, which covered north Wales, north west England and N Ireland. It was in this role that Myers encountered Stalker. Although Myers had played a key role in removing Stalker from the ‘shoot to kill’ investigation, he had also played a pivotal role in appointing him. Myers remained in this post until 1993. In 1983 Myers became the Lord Lieutenant of Clwyd. He was knighted in 1985. In 1985 Myers mediated in the row between the Labour-controlled Police Committee and the Merseyside Chief Constable Kenneth Oxford, as Oxford resisted calls for his resignation on the grounds that he had the backing of his officers and the Home Office. Oxford pursued a notoriously aggressive style of policing, on one occasion achieving the distinction of being the first person on the British mainland to lead a force using CS gas – Oxford also stocked up on plastic bullets. During riots in Liverpool one person was hit and killed by a police vehicle and somebody else was run over and left disabled. It took Lord Scarman to calm everybody down in the midst of some of what Oxford had done.

Myers was embroiled in more trouble again in 1992 when he became involved in the case that Alison Halford, the Assistant Chief Constable of Merseyside, brought on the grounds of discrimination. He was named as a co-respondent – along with James Sharples (Halford’s Chief Constable), the Home Secretary and the Northamptonshire Police Authority. It was alleged that Sharples had commented to Myers that Halford had been involved with an ‘improper relationship’ with a woman (Halford is gay). Edwin Glasgow QC, on behalf of Myers, described him as an ‘old fashioned strait-laced man’ (er, with the exception of the activities in those children’s homes…) Halford won her case – she alleged that she had been passed over for promotion eight or nine times – and was reputed to have received more than a million in compensation.

Myers did something else that gained a certain amount of attention whilst he was Inspector of Constabulary that Stalker comments on in his book. Instead of making use of the offices provided for the Inspector of Constabulary in a more central location in north west England, Myers had his own office built – in Colwyn Bay, right next to his home. Stalker visited this ‘seaside office’ as he called it and observed that it was in a rather out of the way location. Of course it would not have been out of the way for Myers’s contacts and colleagues from north Wales, it would have been most convenient for them, because the North Wales Police HQ is at Colwyn Bay. Indeed Colwyn Bay seems to attract the movers and the shakers. Professor Robert Owen, the Medical Ombudsman from the Welsh Office who oversaw the investigation into my complaint about Dafydd in 1988 – an investigation which was a whitewash, which did not actually investigate most aspects of my complaint and which resulted in no action against Dafydd at al although he had broken the law and entered into a criminal conspiracy with Superintendent Roberts at Bangor Police Station – lived in Colwyn Bay. I have copies of letters which showed that correspondence about me, from people uninvolved in the complaint eg. Dr D.G.E. Wood, were being sent to Owen’s home address without my knowledge. So business was obviously being conducted informally at people’s homes. Someone else lived at Colwyn Bay as well – Gordon Anglesea, the Superintendent who was eventually convicted of sexually abusing children in care homes in north Wales. Anglesea had previously been based in the Wrexham area but in 1988 he was promoted to Superintendent in Colwyn Bay. Huw Vaughan Thomas also lives in Colwyn Bay – he is now the Auditor General for Wales but between 1991-1996 he was Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council, whilst the paedophile ring was in operation in children’s homes in Gwynedd and Clwyd. There will of course be many other key public servants who decided to live near Colwyn Bay…

Myers died in 2014. Hundreds of police officers turned out for his funeral – as indeed they did for Anglesea’s, although he died in prison serving a sentence for child abuse – and it was agreed by many that he had been very, very well-liked among his officers. Well they did pretty much anything that they wanted when old Philip was in charge – and he remained near their Colwyn Bay base when he moved into his later, even more powerful role… Even the North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner at the time, Winston Roddick, mentioned that he was a great bloke. A party celebrating the 40th Anniversary of the establishment of the North Wales Police force was held in 2014. Philip was too ill to attend, but his wife went along and Winston was overjoyed to see her.

 

So Myers attained dizzy heights indeed. His role may have involved mediating between Chief Constables and the Gov’t, but there was one person above Myers, between him and the Gov’t. That was HM Chief Inspector of Constabulary, which between Jan 1983-March 1987 was Sir Lawrence Byford CBE. He’s certainly worth taking a look at, particularly as he was Chief Inspector whilst the paedophile ring in north Wales was causing havoc and whilst the British police stood accused of acting as the personal army of the Thatcher’s Gov’t. Byford was also Chief Inspector throughout the Stalker affair.

Lawrence Byford was born in 1925. His biography states that he was educated at the University of Leeds, but it doesn’t state at which stage of his life that was. In 1947 he became a constable with the West Yorkshire Constabulary, eventually becoming Commander of the Huddersfield Division. In 1968 he took up a senior leadership role with the Lincolnshire Police and was Chief Constable between 1973-1977. He was a Regional Inspector of Constabulary from 1978 until he was appointed Chief Inspector in 1983. He was knighted in 1984. After he retired he was President of Yorkshire County Cricket Club between 1991-1999 – he also undertook some management consultancy. Lawrence Byford was appointed by Willie Whitelaw to conduct the first inquiry into the massive stuffing up that was the investigation into Peter Sutcliffe’s crimes. Byford was assisted in this by the ‘Super Squad’, the external advisory team originally set up to investigate the murders committed by Sutcliffe! He was critical of the investigation by the West Yorkshire Police  (his old force) but considering how bad that investigation was, he should have been a lot more critical.

Two of Lawrence’s children have made the news. In 1999, his daughter and her husband were arrested whilst on holiday in Florida for leaving their two very young children in their holiday apartment alone. They spent the night in jail but were allowed out on bail to return home to Yorkshire. When they left the children alone, they were actually on holiday with Lawrence, who it was said ‘did protest quite a bit’ at their arrest. There were even suggestions that if Lawrence’s daughter and her husband were kept in prison it could lead to a diplomatic incident between the U.S. and Britain.

Lawrence has a son who is well-known in his own right. That is Mark Byford, former Deputy Director General of the BBC and Head of BBC journalism, 2004-2011. Mark Byford spent his early years in the West Riding of Yorkshire when his father was a police officer there. In 1976 he went to Leeds University to study law. After graduating, he worked for the summer as a researcher in the ‘Look North’ regional newsroom in Leeds. At the end of the summer Mark joined the BBC on a full time basis. In 1990 he was appointed Head of Centre at Leeds and in 1991 he was the Controller for Regional Broadcasting. He joined the BBC Board of Management in 1996. Byford was a member of the BBC Executive Board for 13 years. He established and chaired the BBC Editorial Standards Board and established and chaired the Complaints Management Board. He chaired the BBC Journalism Board and had overall responsibility for all BBC journalism, across the UK and the world. I would imagine that if there was a story that Mark Byford didn’t want to become public, he would be able to keep it quiet very effectively, even if other people thought that it should be broadcast. Mark Byford’s later career at the BBC did some strange things. Three weeks after he was appointed Deputy DG in 2004, the DG, Greg Dyke, resigned following the furore of the Hutton Report. The BBC Board of Governors appointed Byford as acting DG and he remained in that role for five months. Then Mark Thompson was appointed DG and Byford was given the journalism remit. In October 2010 Byford accepted voluntary redundancy in the wake of the row about the very high salaries of the numerous senior managers at the BBC. He was alleged to have received a redundancy package of between £800,000-£900,000 and previously had received a salary of £500,000 pa. Byford left the BBC in Jun 2011. During the row about senior executives and high salaries, a few very rude things were said about Mark Byford, with people asking what exactly it was that he did and whether anyone should have paid him half a million pa. Within 18 months of Byford leaving, the BBC was engulfed by two scandals relating to ‘Newsnight’. One of those related to Jimmy Savile and the other to Lord McAlpine. Jimmy Savile was finally outed as a paedophile who’d offended on a grand scale. That is the Jimmy Savile who’d had a base in Leeds and who had been on excellent terms with some officers of the West Yorkshire Police who had known what he was up to but had failed to take action against him. The Leeds where Mark Byford had worked and the West Yorkshire Police whom Lawrence Byford had once been a part of. Lord McAlpine, readers may remember, was wrongly identified on ‘Newsnight’ as being a paedophile and later sued a number of people for libel and won. McAlpine had been named by Steve Messham, one of the former residents of a children’s home in north Wales where he had been molested, but not by Lord McAlpine. The Pollard Review blamed the Savile row in the BBC on the lack of Mark Byford. Presumably he’d been keeping Savile under wraps for years. Media commentator Professor Stewart Purvis commented that ‘Byford watched the DG’s back and the BBC’s back’. It rather looks as though he watched Savile’s back, the collective backs of the West Yorkshire Police and his own father’s back as well.

 

Previous posts have explained how the serious abuse of children in children’s homes in north Wales spanned decades. The home with the worst reputation – from which a number of staff were convicted of very serious offences against children – was Bryn Estyn near Wrexham. Prior to becoming a children’s home in 1974, Bryn Estyn was a Home Office Approved School and many of the abusers had been employed there whilst it was run by the Home Office. Some of Gordon Anglesea’s offences were committed at a Home Office Approved Attendance Centre in Wrexham which he had been allowed to set up in 1978. So the Home Office had something to do with what was happening in north Wales, beyond simply ignoring the complaints and convictions. So who were the Home Secretaries responsible? During the late 60s and early 70s – by which time Bryn Estyn had gained an appalling reputation – they were James Callaghan, Reginald Maudling and Robert Carr. Callaghan was part of Harold Wilson’s Gov’t, Maudling and Carr part of Ted Heath’s. The Home Secretary in place when Gordon Anglesea set up his Attendance Centre was Merlyn Rees – Callaghan was PM. Regarding the appointments of Philip Myers: Reginald Maudling and Robert Carr were Home Secretaries under Ted Heath when Myers was appointed Chief Constable and the new North Wales Police force was formed. Willie Whitelaw under Margaret Thatcher was the Home Secretary who appointed Myers as an HM Inspector of Constabulary. When Sir Lawrence Byford was appointed HM Chief Inspector of Constabulary the Home Secretary was Leon Brittan, as part of Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. The Leon Brittan who was, before he died, investigated in connection with sex offences – and the Leon Brittan who mislaid all those files relating to allegations of people in public life abusing children. We’ve arrived at the Westminster Paedophile Ring again.

There are many more interesting names in Stalker’s book and I will be blogging about them and their possible relevance to the topics covered on this blog very soon.