The Great And The Good

As promised I’ll provide brief reviews of those Top Doctors and their associates who have popped up in the media today. The first one that I heard was Cathy Warwick, Chief Exec of the Royal College of Midwives on the ‘Today’ programme this morning. As well as awakening to the Mental Health Crisis which has been with us for years, the UK has now awoken from it’s slumber regarding the Maternity Care Crisis. It has been revealed that during 2016 nearly half of the maternity units in England temporarily shut down at some point as a result of a ‘bed shortage’. Some of the media reports have attributed the problems to ‘women choosing to give birth at a later age’ thus increasing the number of complex deliveries, or ‘a higher number of obese mothers’. So it’s the patients’ fault then, I thought that perhaps it might be, they’re all old and fat. Now and then the real reason for the problem has been mentioned – the NHS is short of thousands of midwives. Discussions have been held about the possible reasons – such as pay or the loss of training bursaries. The one factor not mentioned is that good midwives won’t work in an NHS where women and babies are regularly put at risk or where the midwives are scapegoated for cock-ups that are beyond their control – I actually know midwives who have left midwifery who have not hesitated to state that these were the reasons why they left their jobs.

So Cathy was wheeled out to comment on Radio 4. She didn’t admit the real reasons why midwives are fast becoming an endangered species either. But then she is very much part of the problem. Cathy Warwick has led the RCM since 2008 and knows exactly how dreadful some maternity care is. Not only has she never spoken out about this, but when James Titcombe, a former advisor to the CQC, was a little too critical of the state of maternity services for her liking, she wrote to the Chief Exec of the CQC and asked them if they could persuade James to be ‘less antagonistic’ on social media. James ended up resigning from his post as a result of the relentless pressure that he was subjected to by the midwifery establishment.

James Titcombe had good reason to be blunt about the danger that women and babies are regularly placed in – his own baby died as a result of negligence at Furness Hospital. Not only that, but after James was faced with a less than honest response following his son’s death, he did a bit of digging and found that many other babies had died at that hospital and that there had been a major cover-up regarding the dreadful conduct of a small number of midwives. James faced extreme hostility and efforts to silence him after he had been appointed to his role with the CQC and at one point a midwife even sent out a tweet about it being difficult to disagree with a ‘grieving and angry man’ who was blaming a whole profession for his loss. James had every right to be angry and of course he was grieving, his baby had died. Furthermore he wasn’t blaming a whole profession for his loss, he had simply very skilfully demonstrated that the ‘whole profession’ closes ranks and risks patient safety and that it is a considerably dishonest profession. In 2015 James commented that the National Review of Maternity Care failed to examine the current quality and variation in safety on maternity wards. Anyone want to admit that he was correct?

Not only has Cathy Warwick failed to speak out regarding the many problems in NHS maternity services, but she’s kept very quiet about the systematic way in which independent midwives have been prevented from practicing. A number of them such as Beatrice Carla were subjected to high profile show trials at the hands of the NMC and were driven out of the profession in that way, but because a few dared to persist their insurance was then withdrawn and midwives are legally unable to practice without insurance, so it was curtains for them. It is unlawful for women to give birth unaided in the UK, so unless one is very wealthy indeed and books oneself into somewhere like the Portland Hospital – which provides lovely grub and rooms as good as the best hotels but has presided over some major clinical disasters itself – it’s off down to the local NHS Unit for everyone now, even if the one nearest to you is lethal. The only way around this is for a woman to lie about her delivery due date and give birth ‘accidentally’ at home. Which is actually what some women are resorting to if they’ve previously had a really bad experience in hospital.

This is no way to treat women is it. The biggest laugh of all is that whilst risking women’s and babies safety, Cathy Warwick maintained that as a feminist she would make an ‘executive decision’ on behalf of the RCM to support the abolition of any time limits on abortion – members were not balloted. Hundreds of furious RCM members who had conscientious objections to abortion protested but Cathy ignored them.

Cathy rakes in a good deal more than the average midwife – in excess of £100k pa. She was awarded an honorary doctorate by that hallowed institution St George’s Hospital Medical School in 2007.

 

Then Radio 4 inflicted a Top Doctor upon it’s listeners on ‘The World At One’ – John Ashton, who was fuming away about the health of ‘northerners’ and maintaining that what was needed was more funding for public health in the north. Ashton’s angry near-rant followed clips of interviews with a number of northern men who all showed a healthy disrespect towards the BBC journalist when he quizzed them about their smoking habits and diets. Ashton banged on about the sins of Public Health England in spending far more per head of population in the south than they do in the north and also got in a mention of the ‘male identity crisis’ as well. The male identity crisis is not something that is going to be solved by the Gov’t giving more money to bodies like Public Health England or indeed by Public Health England upping their budget for the north. There is massive inequality between the south and the north but Public Health England is not the sort of body which will address the sort of inequality that needs addressing. John Ashton sounded so furious that I thought that it would be worth googling him because I hadn’t come across his name before.

Professor John Ashton has passed through the hands of a few institutions that have been named on this blog as concealing the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors – the University of Southampton, the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine and the University of Liverpool Medical School. Ashton is the former Director of Public Health for Cumbria – well the NHS had a few problems in Cumbria didn’t it John, which were of course concealed. Such as all those babies who died in Furness Hospital, one of whom was James Titcombe’s son. It was also the NHS in Cumbria which appointed William Bingley to a senior role in the regional Trust – the William Bingley who colluded with the criminal activities of the Top Doctors in north Wales whilst he held senior positions with MIND and the Mental Health Act Commission. Bingley ended up resigning from the Trust after his business activities and associated conflicts of interest were made embarrassingly public. He ended up with a Chair in Mental Health Law and Ethics at the University of Cumbria, so he didn’t go far.

John Ashton might have known about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales himself. In 1986 John Ashton was employed as a Senior Lecturer in Liverpool Medical School. It was in 1987 that Dafydd told me that if I dropped my complaint against him he’d have a word with his friend who was a Professor in Liverpool Medical School and he’d get me a place there. In the summer of 1984 I had been told by a friend of Sonia Maxwell, the daughter of Terry Maxwell the Clinical Director of Ysbyty Gwynedd, that Sonia had been offered a place to study medicine at Liverpool regardless of her A level results before she had even applied ‘because they know her dad’. Ashton himself whilst he worked in Liverpool in 1986 established a pioneering needle exchange scheme for addicts. So I presume that Ashton knew the pioneering psychiatrist Dr John Marks from Liverpool who achieved impressive results regarding the reduction of harm among drug users, who in the early 1990s wanted to go to north Wales to work. Whose appointment was blocked by Gwynedd Health Authority because they wanted to give the contract for ‘substance misuse services’ to Dafydd. Which indeed they did (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’)

John Ashton originally trained as a psychiatrist. He has also worked in family planning and reproductive medicine. He’ll know all about the fertility treatment scams which have been discussed on this blog then.

In Feb 2007 the Manchester Evening News reported that Ashton was quitting his NHS post because he was fed-up with Gov’t reorganisations of the NHS and ‘red tape’. He stated that he was contemplating a career in politics.

He obviously changed his mind because between 2013-2016 John Ashton was President of the Faculty of Public Health. He was suspended from his post at one point after sending out a tweet referring to a group of people as ‘cunts’. I think that they had disagreed with him over something.

In July 2014 Ashton pledged his support for a change in the law to allow doctors to act in cases of ‘assisted dying’. The suicide statistics for north Wales suggest that Dafydd et al have been helping people on their way for years.

John Ashton has been very robust in his support of some other Top Doctors. In 2012 he took on the UK media after an article appeared in the ‘Independent’ stating that Clare Gerada, the Chair of the Royal College of General Practitioners, had a vested interest in opposing the Gov’ts NHS reforms. Ashton charged into battle on her behalf, robustly defending her and later accused the Dept of Health of trying to gag him, saying that he had felt ‘bullied’. He should have just sent them all a tweet calling them cunts.

Who was the oppressed woman whom Ashton valiantly defended? Clare Gerada was the Chair of the Royal College of General Practitioners between 2010-2013. She is a London based GP with interests in mental health and substance abuse. So she’ll know how crap the mental health services are then. Not that she’ll have ever publicly admitted it – because she’s one of the lot who trained in psychiatry at the Maudsley! In the 1980s – when the Maudsley’s finest alumnus Dafydd was concealing the paedophile ring and illegally imprisoning people in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. But Clare will already have been schooled in the art of keeping quiet in the face of people doing unscrupulous things – she studied medicine at UCL. In 1992 Clare began working as a GP in Lambeth – the Lambeth that, like north Wales, ran children’s services teaming with paedophiles. The Lambeth who – until the 1990s – was also sending children in it’s care to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused. Did you really not ever notice any of this Clare?

In April 2016 Clare was elected to the Council of the BMA. Clare is also a member and honorary fellow of the Royal College of Psychiatrists.

In Sept 2016 Clare was named as one of the Lib Dems new ‘Beveridge’ group of advisors – although she had been a lifelong supporter of the Labour Party until the EU Referendum. Perhaps she was one of these people who threw a hissy fit because they thought that Jeremy Corbyn wasn’t enthusiastic enough about the bankers club which is the EU.

Clare is a convenor of the cross party political group ‘More United’. I suspect that the only unity that Clare shows is with that of other Top Doctors.

There is a nice photo of Clare on her wiki entry. She is carefully posed – in a similar position to that famous pose adopted by Helen Mirren when she was photographed a few years ago to demonstrate that the over-65s can still look wonderful in a bikini. Clare isn’t wearing a bikini though, she’s wearing a boring but very expensive dress and for some reason is clutching an equally boring designer handbag in such a way as to ensure that it is featured in the frame. Clare must have spent ages getting that photo right, it even looks as though it was professionally done in a studio. The caption above the photo reads ‘Lady Clare Wessely’. Because that’s who she is – she’s married to a Sir!

The Sir to whom Clare is married is another Top Doctor, Professor Sir Simon Wessely, the Professor of Psychological Medicine at Kings College London and the Director of the Kings Centre for Military Health Research. If I presented ‘Woman’s Hour’ I’d call Clare and Simon a ‘power couple’.

Sir Simon is also an Honorary Consultant Psychiatrist at Kings College Hospital and at the Maudsley! Indeed he studied at the Maudsley in the mid-1980s. And at the London School of Hygiene and Tropical Medicine. He is a Civilian Consultant Advisor in psychiatry to the British Army.

He was knighted in 2013 for his services to military healthcare and to psychological medicine. In 2014 Simon was appointed President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists.

Yet the mental health services are such a mess…

In an interview with the ‘Lancet’ in 2007 regarding the controversy over Wessely’s position concerning Gulf War syndrome and chronic fatigue syndrome, Wessely excused himself by saying that he was ‘keen to get published’. So what else did he publish in a hurry without thinking about it? He maintained however that regarding chronic fatigue syndrome, he was subjected to ‘a relentless, vicious, vile campaign designed to hurt and intimidate’. Never mind Simon, at least you weren’t illegally imprisoned, fitted up for crimes that you never committed, hounded out of jobs, subjected to an organised slander and discovered two attempts to set fire to your house, which is what happened to me after I complained about Dafydd and the Top Doctors. Of course most of the people who gave evidence against the paedophile ring that Dafydd et al concealed were found dead. That is what constitutes a relentless, vicious, vile campaign designed to hurt and intimidate, not a bit of criticism of some rather sub-standard research and ill-advised public comments.

Simon Wessely is a member of the Gov’ts Mental Health Taskforce, that one Chaired by Paul Farmer – who’s known all about the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al for at least ten years. Ever since I wrote to him about it.

Wessely was instrumental in setting up the Committee on Acute Psychiatric Care investigating out of area psychiatric placements which was Chaired by Lord Crisp, the man whom Blair put in charge of the NHS at one point. Crisp resigned from his position running the NHS when he realised that he (Crisp) didn’t actually know what was going on. Acute psychiatric care is now so bad that some NHS organisations have placed patients in France because they were unable to find placements anywhere in the UK.

When Wessely ascended the throne at the Royal College he stated that his priorities would include improving the image of psychiatry and psychiatrists, improving recruitment to the speciality and ensuring excellence in education and training. He’s done brilliantly there hadn’t he, no doubt he’ll be elevated to the peerage soon and Lady Clare can purchase a new outfit for the occasion.

Health Services Journal named Simon as one of the ‘Top 100 Clinicians’ in 2014. But then HSJ named Katrina Percy as CEO of the year. Katrina Percy was CEO of Southern Health which oversaw the deaths of hundreds of patients with mental health problems and learning difficulties, one of those deaths being of Connor Sparrowhawk. The Top Doctor responsible for Connor’s ‘care’ at Southern Health is currently facing a GMC tribunal. Yesterday she admitted 28 ‘failings’ in relation to Connor’s care.

In Feb 2017 BBC News online reported that had been a 50% increase in unexpected mental health deaths – including those due to suicide, neglect and misadventure – in three years. The Dept of Health maintained that the increase was due to ‘changes in recording and investigating deaths’. Perhaps that meant that the DoH had stopped lying about the situation. Simon announced that the ‘services are about to get worse’. The services were so bad by then that they couldn’t get much worse – perhaps Simon meant that the horrible truth could not be concealed any longer. Marjorie Wallace (see post ‘One Dangerous Fucker’) was gobsmacked that the DoH had started admitting the dire state of affairs as well – she  claimed to be ‘shocked’ by the figures.

 

Another guest on the ‘Today’ programme this morning was the barrister who is acting for the 17 year old girl who was the subject of Sir James Munby’s comments that society will have blood on it’s hands if a place in a suitable mental health unit cannot be found for her. The barrister described the girl’s current living conditions – alone in a cell, with only a mattress. As I have explained previously these are exactly the conditions to which some patients in mental health units are subjected – there is no guarantee that the treatment of that young woman is going to change in any way with a move from custody to ‘psychiatric care’. Her barrister also explained that at present, the way in which that young woman is restrained is by people ‘sitting on her’. The journalist conducting the interview was horrified. I’m sorry to burst her bubble, but ‘sitting on people’ in order to ‘restrain’ them happens in mental health care settings as well – and it is the Angels who do it. There was for many years a notorious dreadful building in Bangor called Neuadd Deiniol that was laughingly described as a home for people with mental health problems. The care was dreadful, one man choked to death in there and his body wasn’t discovered for a few hours – although he was being ‘observed’ every twenty minutes of course – and the only people who worked there for any length of time were people who couldn’t get a job anywhere else. At one point virtually all the patients there were Dafydd’s but after a while Neuadd Deiniol extended it’s welcome to patients of other Top Doctors as well. I got it straight from the horses mouth – I encountered a rather weird woman who was employed there as a nurse in charge and she cheerily recounted how they had to ‘sit on’ patients. A care assistant – who was no paragon of good practice herself – witnessed the conversation and challenged the Angel, saying that there were never any circumstances in which one should sit on a patient. The Angel was baffled and reiterated ooh no, you’ve got to.

 

As mentioned in previous posts I have suspected that once more the BMA are on a course of action in which they are going to scream and scream until they’re sick. It’s been confirmed by an article in Mail online today. The BMA have organised a ballot of ‘senior GPs’ across England regarding the possible suspension of new patient registrations. In other words, if the GPs vote yes, surgeries will refuse to take on any new patients. Which means that no-one will be able to change doctors, or register with a new practice when they move house or find a new doctor if their doctor retires or dies. Richard Vautrey of the BMA suggested a ban on new registrations as a form of industrial action in protest at ‘the lack of funding for surgeries’. It is reported that the Top Doctors are ‘angry’ at, among other things, the prospect of weekend opening. There is of course still quite a lot of funding for surgeries and for the salaries of Top Doctors. In fact GPs are still benefiting from the notorious out of hours contract that the BMA negotiated in 2004 which means that they can opt out of evening and weekend responsibilities but still earn in excess of £100k pa.

But did Top Doctors who worked as GPs offer a better service before they became as ‘angry’ as they are at present? This blog has posted much about a number of GPs who have conducted themselves appallingly, such as Dr D.G.E. Wood and Dr K. Shah who assisted Dafydd et al in their criminal activities. But even GPs in positions further removed from Dafydd and his mates were capable of some pretty dreadful things. My post ‘A Trade In People – Between London And North Wales’ described how a group of Top Doctors, assisted by some crooked lawyers, swindled a vulnerable brother and sister from London out of their inheritance and relocated them to north Wales after their mother had died in suspicious circumstances in Warlingham Park Hospital, although they had never even visited Wales previously. The financial swindle was perpetuated by Top Doctors in London, as was the most serious abuse and neglect to which these this family had been subjected, but the full details of their history was known to the GPs at Bethesda surgery. Those GPs also witnessed the serious poverty that they were living in and the dreadful neglect towards them by the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. They were not the only patients who were neglected by that surgery, the village was alive with anecdotes of very poor practice and not only with respect to vulnerable mental health patients. I attributed nearly all of this to the general level of poor care offered by that surgery, although there was one GP there who was noticeably better than the others.

There was one GP in that practice though who was quite competent when he wanted to be – when treating his friends for example – but who seemed to be incredibly negligent or ‘make mistakes’ in certain other circumstances. I witnessed him completely blank someone when they reported a case of sexual abuse to him for example – neither did he ever follow that report up. He also seemed to want to exert an astonishing level of control over the brother of the vulnerable family from London. He refused to refer this man for specialist care when he requested it, he told the man ‘not to bother’ when the man expressed an interest in voluntary work and intriguingly when this man had a short-lived sexual relationship with another woman who lived in the village, he virtually demanded full details of their sexual activity. His interest in the details of this man’s life were inexplicable – the GP wasn’t ever interested in providing him with a better level of care, or better living conditions and the sexual relationship that he was so interested in was consensual, between adults and non-exploitative. Neither was an unplanned pregnancy an issue because of the age of the woman involved. A couple of years after this, the same GP was involved in the death of a patient, a young man, S.

S had an older brother, J. J was notorious locally. He was in care as a child, developed drug and mental health problems by his mid-teens and ended up in the notorious Risley Remand Centre for burglary. I was friends with one of his foster parents who not only told me about the violence and abuse to which J had been subjected when he was young but also told me of the beatings and abuse that he and other young men suffered whilst in Risley Remand Centre. My friend did try and challenge the authorities regarding what was happening but she realised that the prison service was a law unto itself and she got nowhere. When J was released from Risley Remand Centre, he resumed his lifestyle of hard drug use, petty crime and dossing down in other peoples houses when they allowed him to. My friend continued to keep in contact with him. However S, his younger brother, was much more stable. He never became involved in crime or drug use and at the time that he died he was actually performing very well at a local FE college. Despite the differences between them S and J were on good terms and communicated regularly.

Then something happened to J that really concerned my friend. He was referred to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. J began telling my friend some very bizarre things about his encounters with Dafydd. Dafydd told J that he loved him. (A number of other patients also reported that Dafydd had told them that he loved them.) J then appeared on a TV programme telling a few porkies in support of Dafydd when there was an attempt to force Dafydd into retirement in the mid 1990s. My friend asked J why he had gone on TV saying those things and he replied that he’d been paid to do so. Although J had a drug problem, Dafydd did what he was notorious for doing – he supplied J with any drugs that J requested. Whilst all this was happening J could be seen in Bangor openly selling hard drugs to school children. A number of people reported this to the police but no action was taken.

My friend then moved away from Bethesda and I didn’t hear any further details of J’s interactions with Dafydd although I was aware that J was still ‘Dafydd’s patient’. A few months after my friend left the village, there was a huge pubic scene in the GPs surgery. S and J’s mother was screaming abuse at one of the GPs and calling him a murderer. It transpired that S had died the night before – he was 18. He had been taken ill at home and the family were concerned that he had meningitis. They had rung Bethesda surgery and a GP had visited and stated that he ‘didn’t think’ that it was meningitis, it was just flu. S’s condition deteriorated and a few hours later they rang the surgery again. This time a different GP arrived – the GP who took such a close interest in the activities of the man from London. Again S’s parents expressed their concern that S might have meningitis. The GP told them quite categorically that S did not have meningitis, told them to give S paracetamol and not to call the GP again. Later that evening S started to lose his vision. His dad drove him to Ysbyty Gwynedd. By the time they had got out of the car S told his dad that he could no longer see. S died a few hours later. He had meningitis.

S’s death caused a huge amount of bad feeling in Bethesda, he was a popular young man. His mum made a complaint and attempted to have an investigation into her son’s case opened but got nowhere. The GP who had told her husband that S didn’t have meningitis, to give him paracetamol and not to call them out again told third parties that S’s mother’s distress was due to guilt ‘because the wrong son had died’. At the time I just put S’s death down to yet another monumental cock-up on the part of Bethesda surgery. But something was brought to my attention this morning. That is, that S was yet someone else who will have known what Dafydd was up to – because J will have told him – who would be a credible witness but who died as a result of a ‘mistake’ on the part of the NHS in north Wales. J is still alive. But J is like all those witnesses who gave evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry – he has a history of drug abuse and mental health problems as well as a criminal record and people who didn’t know him would never believe a word that he said. The GP whose actions led to the death of his brother retired last year, although he’s only in his late 50s. He told some people that I know that he was fed up of working and could afford to retire so he would.

So was Dr Gareth Jones a truly incompetent GP who didn’t notice the terrible abuse and fleecing of a vulnerable family at the hands of a circle of crooked professional people and who just had an inexplicable desire to exercise control over this family – and a few years later made a disastrous mistake when someone who had been a witness to Dafydd’s wrongdoing developed the symptoms of meningitis? Or was something even more unpleasant happening?

 

The ‘Today’ programme doesn’t just provide Top Doctors with air-time, it does of course have a daily slot set aside for people with theological interests. So imagine my surprise when the person introduced as the presenter for Thought For The Day this morning was Rabbi Laura Janner-Krausner, Greville Janner’s daughter! This morning Laura was talking about ‘healthy holiness’, but of course the last time that I heard Laura on the ‘Today’ programme she was spitting blood in the direction of those people who claimed that her father had molested them when they were children in care in Leicestershire – Laura’s insistence that it is the easiest thing in the world to falsely convict an innocent peer for child sexual abuse prompted my post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. Laura memorably said of Greville that ‘he was great and he was good’, which why she and the extended Janner clan were going to defend his name and silence those who had dared make allegations against him. (She didn’t manage to explain why the CPS admitted that there was enough evidence to prosecute Janner as long ago as the early 90s but for some reason they didn’t or that his own lawyer fully expected him to be charged with child abuse, which is why they had George Carman on speed dial.)

As well as being a lawyer and a politician, when he was younger Greville wrote a few books. I found one in a second hand bookshop some weeks ago. It looked a rather boring book called ‘Janner’s Complete Letterwriter’, but in the light of Laura’s insistence that the author was ‘Great and Good’ in the face of many other people maintaining that he was a lying child molester who used his mates in high places to keep himself out of trouble, I thought that I’d buy the book and read Greville’s advice re writing letters.

Greville’s book isn’t simply a guide to correct grammar and style. The stated aim of ‘Janner’s Complete Letterwriter’ is to show the reader how to achieve want they want. Greville seems to have made an in-depth study in Getting What You Want. He dispenses advice on how to write letters that will enable one to maximise profits, to fire staff without any comeback, to insult and upset people without using insulting or abusive words, to ingratiate oneself to people who are in a position to do one favours, to flatter, to praise and to appeal for money from very rich people.

‘Janner’s Complete Letterwriter’ commiserates with the reader that one of the drawbacks of hurting someone by letter is that one isn’t there to watch the ‘enemy’ read it, although he does explain that if one later hears that the recipient of one’s letter has been seen moaning and groaning in the bankruptcy courts, the letter has obviously hit home. He helpfully supplies some examples of ‘final, rude, rebuffs’. He explains that if one is ‘attacked by a commercial loud mouth look for his business groin: take aim and fire hard’, that through ‘calculated coolness you can make the other man feel like a worm’, that ‘some lies are forgivable’, that ‘the letterwriter needs to know how best to disguise the truth’, that ‘sometimes the truth is just too horrible to tell’, that ‘courts of law are not courts of morals and justice is sometimes cruel’, that ‘if lies must be told at least tell them well’, that ‘the lying letter is as much a fact of business life as the lying witness is a regular occupant of the witness-box’, that ‘when the lie is a large one, you have two alternatives: you may either build up to it by a series of minor fibs, or you can shout the big fib from the start’ and that ‘the fact of course is fiction’. Greville chooses some interesting sub-headings for his chapters – ‘irony and sarcasm’, ‘at the expense of others’, ‘the sting in the tail’ are just a few examples.

‘Janner’s Complete Letterwriter’ is a masterclass into how to deceive, intimidate and manipulate without anyone being able to describe exactly how one is doing so. When branching off briefly into advice regarding how to conduct oneself in person, Janner explains that it’s most important to always smile, even if you are knowingly inflicting damage upon someone. One of the children who alleged that Janner had abused him made a reference to ‘the smiling man’.

In the introduction to his book Greville thanks his son ‘Daniel Janner, BA (Cantab), barrister’ for his help in preparing the book. That’s Laura’s brother, who since his father’s death has threatened to sue the arse of those who made allegations against his dad if they dare repeat them.

 

 

MIND Are Out For Mental Health – Never For Themselves Of Course…

MRegular followers of this blog will know that I – and some of those commenting on my posts – have been bringing to public attention the appalling hypocrisy of MIND, an organisation claiming to be the ‘voice of the service user’ whilst concealing serious abuses in the mental health services and even entering into ‘partnerships’ with abusive services and individuals  (see posts such as ‘The Mysterious Silence Of MIND’, ‘Newly Discovered – Parabl’ and ‘The Commissioning Of Parabl – And Yet More History’).

I have explained that I first became aware of the corruption of MIND when I went down to see William Bingley, their Legal Director, in 1987 regarding the criminal activities of the north Wales mental health services. Bingley admitted that he knew all about the wrongdoing of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and indeed he knew a lot more than I did. I gave Bingley yet more evidence re Jones et al but not only did Bingley continue to keep quiet regarding Dafydd and co but when Bingley later became Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission, he and that organisation continued to collude with Dafydd and Dr Tony Francis (Dr X), although they knew about the continued illegal detention of people and abuse of the Mental Health Act in north Wales. I knew from my meeting with Bingley that he knew an awful lot about Dafydd – including the deaths in Dafydd’s ‘care homes’, the allegations that the wrongdoing in north Wales was linked to Freemasonry and the existence of Dafydd’s extensive ‘sex therapy’ practice and the possible purposes of that business. I have no idea whether Bingley knew that Dafydd et al were concealing the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales at the time though – the paedophile ring that was concealed again at a higher level by Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts. However before Bingley began working for MIND, he worked as a research assistant for Matthew Parris, A Tory MP who had previously worked as Thatcher’s correspondence secretary. A man whose autobiography told of his summer trips – in the company of friends – to a place in Italy that they named the ‘villa of shame’, where they would be visited by ‘boys’ whom Parris described as ‘always willing’. For more background on Parris and his connections, see post ‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’.

I had thought that I had previously dug up a substantial amount of shit and compromising info on MIND, but I’ve spent a bit of time doing more research on a few other key figures in that organisation and I’ve found much more worrying info – that organisation has been compromised for decades. Here are a few of the highlights that I have dug up.

The current Chief Exec is the disgusting Paul Farmer whom I have blogged about previously. Farmer’s reputation is plummeting fast as a result of his enthusiasm for MIND to land contracts from the Dept of Work and Pensions, contracts that are all about forcing ‘service users’ into employment that may well be unsuitable and for which they may well be too ill. Farmer’s enormous salary has also been made public by disability activists – he trousers in excess of £100k pa for his role as the Voice of the Service User – and I’m delighted to say that this unscrupulous git has been met with protests on his travels around the UK. I was expecting the BBC to wheel him out for him to give his comments regarding the latest round of bad news re the UK’s mental health services, but mercifully we were spared that for once. Had he done the rounds of the BBC studios perhaps somebody would have finally asked him why he and his lame organisation have kept so quiet about the crisis – which has been evident for many years. Of course Farmer also knew all about the criminal activities of the north Wales mental health services many years ago. When I wrote to Peter Hain in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales in approx. 2005 giving him full details of what had happened to me t the hands of the mental health services, I cc’d the letter to the Chief Exec of Rethink (I didn’t cc it to MIND because I knew that they were ignoring what was happening in north Wales) – who at the time was one Paul Farmer. I never received a response, although a few months later Farmer then became Chief Exec of MIND!

But what of previous CEOs of MIND? Before Farmer, the CEO was Richard Brook, who was appointed in 2001. Brook was CEO when I e mailed MIND HQ about the assaults being carried out by Hergest Unit staff on patients – only to receive an e mail back written as though it was to a small child telling me that what I had to do was go to the yellow pages and look up ‘solicitors’ and go and talk to one of them…. At this time the ‘service user reps’ for the Hergest were heavily involved with MIND – those reps who wet themselves at the thought of confronting Hergest staff and managers concerning the gross abuses that were endemic. One of those ‘service user reps’ admitted to me that she knew that residents in Prestwood Homes were being abused – furthermore, Prestwood Homes were taking full advantage of free MIND facilities such as walking groups, drop in centres etc without paying MIND a penny, although Prestwood were charging thousands of quid a week for a ‘placement’. Somebody else involved with MIND knew about the abuse of residents at Prestwood as well – Geoff Lees, who is now Director of Vale of Clwyd MIND. I told him about it, whilst he was still working as a social work tutor at Coleg Menai in Bangor. I know that a number of other people told him what was going on at Prestwood as well. For details of the horrors at Prestwood and the unfortunate death of a young woman support worker there who witnessed even more that I did, see posts ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’ and ‘The Commissioning Of Parabl – And Yet More History’.

Richard Brook was able to publicise unacceptable practice if he felt like it though. In 2004 the ‘Daily Mail’ ran an article entitled ‘Why I Resigned Over This Disgraceful Happy Pill Cover-Up’. The article explained that Brook had resigned from the MHRA (Medicines and Healthcare Products Regulation Authority) after he discovered that they had known about the side effects of the anti-depressant Seroxat but had not publicised them. Brook claimed that he had been threatened with legal action by Prof Kent Woods, the CEO of the MHRA, if he revealed that the MHRA had been ‘sitting on’ it’s knowledge of Seroxat’s side effects. Brook stated that MIND had been ‘tracking Seroxat’ for a decade’. So MIND knew about Seroxat and it’s problems as well then – but then they’d known about the problems in north Wales since 1979 at least, when Mary Wynch was illegally arrested and imprisoned (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’) and had done or said nothing. In this article, Brook mentions the ‘Panorama’ programme about Seroxat that had been screened the year before – that will be the programme that featured Dr David Healy, who worked at the Hergest Unit! So MIND had got into bed (so to speak) with two psychiatrists from north Wales – Dafydd, who years before had been involved with MIND and David, as he Bravely Spoke Out. Brook told the Mail that following the ‘Panorama’ programme, MIND held a demo outside the offices of the MHRA. As opposed to outside of the Hergest Unit, where patients were being assaulted, framed for serious crimes, refused treatment no matter how ill they were and were committing suicide.

Brook maintains that he went to see the Health Minister Lord Warner to tell him of his concerns regarding SSRIs and Warner told him that he would speak to the MHRA. Warner then simply issued a guide to doctors detailing the max recommended dose of Seroxat (that must have been why Dr Richard Tranter, Healy’s friend, protégé and PhD student prescribed a friend of mine three times the maximum recommended dose of Seroxat then). It was at this point that the man of principle Brook resigned from the MHRA. Brook told the Mail that there was an urgent need for an inquiry into the MHRA and stated that many people involved with the MHRA also have connections to the pharmaceutical industry. Which is true – but then MIND’s hands are as dirty as those of any advisor to the pharmaceutical industry.

In Jan 2006 Brook featured in a BBC News online report and commented on the mental health of people living in rural areas. He stated that ‘the extent of mental health problems in the countryside is likely to be hidden’ – it was in north Wales, it was hidden by MIND, they knew that huge numbers of people were being given a diagnosis of ‘borderline personality disorder’ and refused care after being told that they were ‘untreatable’. At the time the area served by the Hergest Unit had the second highest rate of suicide for women in England and Wales.

After defending people with mental health problems so successively, upon leaving MIND Brook was appointed CEO of the newly created Office of the Public Guardian! Just the sort of person that was needed in such a position obviously. After a year guarding the public, Brook then became CEO of the deaf-blind charity SENSE.

MIND’s CEO before Brook was Judi Clements, who was in post between 1992-2001. So she oversaw those crazy years in which I was repeatedly arrested by the mental health services for ludicrous reasons, in which Dafydd resisted efforts to shut down the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and for his pains walked away with the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for North Wales (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) – the years which also saw the massive cover-up of the paedophile ring in north Wales which was the Waterhouse Report, in the wake of which a lot of people who’d been victims of that gang as children were found dead after becoming ‘users’ of the mental health services. Judi’s tenure also spanned the years in which Prestwood Homes were established and became big business within just a few months, what with the constant supply of vulnerable people from secure hospitals available for Prestwood to traffic them…

Something must have happened on Judi’s watch, because there is virtually no info from MIND available about Judi, it’s as though she never passed through their doors. However, there is some info about her in an article in HSJ from 2010. HSJ told us that after being Chief Exec of MIND for nine years, she was leaving due to health related problems, namely diabetes and arthritis. A David Peryer, the Chair of Trustees of MIND, stated that Judi would be ‘sorely missed’ – so that’s why they subsequently air-brushed her out of history. Preyrer mentioned that MIND was currently undergoing restructuring to concentrate on ‘supporting local offices’. These were of course the ‘local offices’ which included those in north Wales who were so helpfully providing free services to Prestwood Homes and who then began entering ‘partnerships’ with CAIS to provide yet more ‘services’ after being handed contracts by the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board – many of whose former staff and their friends were now working with MIND.

Judi didn’t just leave MIND, she did a Richard Tranter and left the UK for New Zealand. Despite the diabetes and the arthritis, Judi seems to have bounced back and in 2005 when she relocated to New Zealand, she landed a job as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Foundation over there. She ‘moved on’ in 2015. In Feb 2015 Judi featured on the website of the New Zealand Law Society, promoting her forthcoming seminar on Mindfulness for the New Zealand Law Society Auckland Branch. On this website Judi was described as an ‘experienced Chief Exec in the NGO sector’ with a ‘background in law, social policy, housing, local government and management practice’. It was explained that ‘after a successful career in local government service management, policy and practice development, Judi moved to the NGO sector’. So which failing local authority did Judi work for prior to keeping the lid on the barrel of shit in MIND then? Judi has an LLB – so she will recognise serious crime when she sees it. Or indeed conceals it – or even facilitates it.

Judi has sat on ‘several Gov’t advisory groups covering mental health, social policy and NGO development’.

Between 1989 and 1992, Ros Hepplewhite was Chief Exec of MIND. Whose reign also spanned the Dafydd years, but then the Dafydd years have gone on for the last five decades so everyone’s implicated where Dafydd is concerned. So perhaps it’s more helpful to mention that Ros’s reign spanned the period of time during which St George’s Hospital Medical School and Springfield Hospital colluded with Dafydd – although they knew what he was up – to in his attempts to have me labelled dangerous and banged up. The early 1990s of course also saw allegations that a paedophile ring was active in north Wales involving political figures appear in the London based media. Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes were concealing and facilitating this paedophile ring – it was Dafydd and Lucille to whom St George’s Hospital and Springfield turned for ‘evidence’ of my dangerousness. It was in 1992 that five people with connections to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack on a flat in Brighton (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs). So Ros was pretty close to some serious action.

However I can’t find any references to Ros’s activities at MIND. Although Ros did hit the headlines after she left MIND. In 1993 Ros was appointed CEO of the Child Support Agency – which was a Gov’t disaster as big as the NHS IT system that had to be shelved after a few billion had been spent on it. Although unlike the CSA, the failed NHS IT system was not thought to have contributed to anyone’s suicide…Ros was famously removed from her post and the CSA metamorphosed into something else because Gov’t could not withstand the embarrassment any longer.

I have found a reference to Ros on the blog of the Labour MEP for London, Mary Honeyball. Mary’s post dated Jan 11 2010 discusses examples of what she believed was outrageous sexism. Honeyball believes that Ros was removed from her post as a result of such sexism – nothing to do with the suicides of distraught parents then, or the numerous parents who were never able to collect their maintenance payments, or the absent parents who used every trick in the book not to pay up leaving their former partners destitute whilst the CSA refused to listen to their pleas for help… Tragedies as a result of the chaos that was the CSA involved both men and women – and of course the children. Honeyball entertainingly stated that Dame Barbara Mills the DPP was also the victim of sexism. Babs has featured on this blog previously – she was the DPP whilst the CPS found excuse after excuse not to mount prosecutions against numerous paedophiles despite stacks of evidence being presented (see post ‘A Future Leader Of The Labour Party’). Mary Honeyball also extended her ‘sympathies’ to the former Home Secretary Jaqui Smith, who was ‘hounded’ for being a ‘high profile woman’. No, Jaqui Smith became a source of national entertainment when it was revealed that her husband had rented porn films, the cost of which Jaqui had then reclaimed on her Parliamentary expenses. In a desperate attempt to salvage herself in the eyes of a nation rolling around laughing, Jaqui then tried to construct herself as a latter day Mary Whitehouse and began speaking out about Porn and Sex, which culminated in her presenting a documentary about prostitution. Unfortunately she did this whilst wearing one of those brightly coloured plastic macs when she was filmed under street lamps, which caused one of the better Radio 4 comedians – it might have been Sue Perkins – to comment that Jaqui looked like something out of ‘Band of Gold’.

Mary Honeyball ends her post by explaining that she speaks as someone ‘who ran’ the Association of Chief Officers of Probation in the mid-90s – she mentions that she didn’t have a background in probation, but that she was appointed on the basis of her other talents. So that’s why at that time some of those accused of molesting children in north Wales or failing to act when their colleagues were molesting children found it possible to move into careers with the Probation Service.

Ros Hepplewhite was CEO of MIND whilst the most dreadful scandals involving the abuse and even murder of patients occurred at Ashworth and Broadmoor. Don’t remember the Voice of the Service Users saying much about all that at the time.

At the time of my initial encounters with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in the mid-80s, the CEO of MIND was Christopher Heginbotham – he’d been appointed CEO in 1982. He was in post at the time that I had my meeting with William Bingley. I suspect that Chris and Bingley might have been chums – Heginbotham was appointed CEO in 1982. Bingley was working as lobbyist for MIND at that time and landed his plum full time post there in 1983. Bingley’s mother Lady Juliet Bingley was also a bigwig in MIND and was Chair 1978-84. Furthermore Heginbotham departed from MIND in 1989 – Bingley ‘moved on’ into the post as Chief Exec of the Mental Health Act Commission in 1990. Bingley eventually wound up in the Chair of Mental Health Law and Ethics at the University of Central Lancashire and then in a role at the University of Cumbria after resigning from his post as Chair of an NHS Trust when a few awkward questions were asked about his business interests. Heginbotham also eventually secured a position at the University of Cumbria. References to William Bingley seemed to have disappeared from the MIND website recently, but I know that MIND named a building after him in Lancashire, ‘William Bingley House’. I wonder if it’ll be a bit like the fall out after Jimmy Savile’s death and MIND will end up renaming the building in a desperate attempt to pretend that they’d never met Bingley? But guess what? Heginbotham ended up in Lancashire too – where I presume that he still is.

Bingley and Heginbotham were at MIND when Savile was appointed General Manager of Broadmoor. I do not remember them questioning the appointment. What’s the betting that there’s some photos somewhere of dear old Jim with folk from MIND that are now well hidden? Should anyone know of any, please do let me know…

Heginbotham is a Director of something called ‘Values Based Commissioning Ltd’ in Lancashire, which began life in 2011. The other Director is a Christine Heginbotham. It is described as ‘health and social care consultancy’. Christopher Heginbotham has also published a book on Values Based Commissioning of Health and Social Care. So what is this all about?

According to an article in HSJ from June 2013, ‘Values Based Commissioning’ (VbC) ‘aims to put users’ views at the heart of reshaping services’. The discussion concerns the commissioning of mental health services by CCGs (Clinical Commissioning Groups) and it is explained that ‘expertise’ in this area is ‘varied’. However, as readers may have guessed, a few aficionados are on hand to help! HSJ quotes words of wisdom from Rethink’s Associate Director of Policy, Research and Campaigning, Victoria Bleazard, as well as Sophie Corlett, Director of External Relations at MIND. A Joint Commissioning Panel on Mental Health (JCPMH) was established in 2011, which is co-chaired by the Royal Colleges of Psychiatrists and General Practitioners – this Panel produced ‘guidance’. VbC is ‘a new type of commissioning’ (which must be why it involves the same old people and institutions as the previous commissioning did), ‘prioritising service users’ values and experiences’ (the Royal Colleges mentioned, Rethink and MIND have such good track records in that area don’t they).

HSJ identifies a Dr Neil Deuchar as the architect and champion of VbC – he’s a psychiatrist from Birmingham, a specialist advisor on commissioning and JCPMH Co-Chair. The other Co-Chair is Liz England, a GP who is Mental Health Lead for a Locality Care Group within a CCG and National Institute for Health Research Clinical Lecturer at the University of Birmingham. Deuchar is quoted as saying that ‘patient power is the key’ and that ‘co-production between patient and carer groups, clinicians and commissioners is vital’. There then follows a bit of asinine text headed by the words ‘what do service users think?’

So Christopher Heginbotham saw an opportunity then – an insane system was devised by a Gov’t that had relied on the likes of Heginbotham and his mates at MIND for advice, this insane system was then explained to the world by HSJ and promoted by MIND and their friends, by which time Heginbotham had written his book and set up his company – presumably with Mrs Heginbotham – to serve the insane system. The insane system was entirely dependent at every stage on the involvement of the very same people and institutions that were colluding with the likes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends.

Is it surprising that five years down the line we have Sir James Munby, the President of the Family Courts, hitting the roof because there is virtually no provision in the whole of the UK for a suicidal 17 year old girl who is due to be released from ‘secure custody’? Although no-one has explained why a girl in her state is IN secure custody, allegedly alone in a seclusion room from which everything has been removed except a mattress on the floor. That’s going to do her a power of good isn’t it. Furthermore I guarantee that I know how that barbaric regime will be described on that girl’s records – there will be a reference to her being ‘nursed’. I have heard mental health nurses taking about ‘nursing’ people in ‘seclusion’ or ‘nursing’ them ‘on a mattress on the floor’. The whole system is completely nuts and the people working within it have been sent nuts by it if they weren’t already nuts when they took up their employment.

If readers have been impressed by the calibre of MIND CEOs described so far, hold on to your hats whilst I tell you about Heginbotham’s predecessor, Tony Smythe, CEO from 1974-82.  Smythe’s incumbency pre-dated the internet, but Smythe was quite something and info about him is still available online. Smythe’s full name was Clifford Anthony Smythe. He categorised himself as a radical anarcho-pacifist until the day that he died in 2004 and was involved with a number of political causes. He was appointed General Secretary of the NCCL in 1966, a post that he held until 1971. It was in the 70s that it became clear that the NCCL had been infiltrated by paedophiles who had conflated their cause with gay liberation – paedophiles also infiltrated the Campaign for Homosexual Equality (CHE) at this time and a number of those guilty of abusing children in north Wales were active in CHE. Smythe was at one point Vice-President of CHE. In 1971 Smythe became involved with MIND. His obituary describes him as establishing an ‘executive committee’ which led to ‘service users becoming involved in management and policy decisions’ and that this ‘chimed with Tony’s anarchist belief’.

Now this talk of the active involvement of ‘service users’ also surrounds Bingley and his mother. Which ‘service users’ do people think that the Bingleys and Smythe liberated? Psychiatry was dreadful in the 70s and early 80s – it was particularly gross in north Wales but it was pretty grim everywhere else as well. There is no way that ‘service users’ had any voice anywhere in the 70s – who are MIND actually talking about? Radical ideas were bandied around by people like Laing et al but these ideas didn’t touch mainstream psychiatric practice – it is dishonest to pretend that they did.  I am wondering if all this guff about the active involvement of ‘service users’ in MIND is simply a glorified reference to one or two influential people in the organisation who may have had mental health problems themselves at some point. Of course Dr Dafydd Alun Jones told everyone that he suffered from a ‘nervous illness’ himself – it was a good excuse when he was challenged about his appalling conduct.

CHE was usually led by people who were gay themselves, so I was interested to read that Smythe had a ‘lifelong partner’ Jeanne and five daughters. Jeanne died in 2001.

Smythe and Jeanne were involved with Haringey MIND long after Smythe had stepped down from his post as CEO. Tony Smythe was listed as a Director of Haringey MIND between 1998-2000 and Jeanne between 1990-92 and between 1996-97.

I have mentioned previously that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones had a contact in Haringey Social Services – when I finally got out of the North Wales Hospital in Jan 1987, he told me that he had rung Haringey Social Services to ‘let them know’ that I would be living on their patch. This was not any sort of referral for aftercare – this was just the way that Dafydd conducted himself. I have also mentioned that I now have copies of letters between Alun Davies, the manager of the mental health services in Gwynedd and Laurie Wood, the manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, in which they discuss their ‘friend’ at St George’s trying to find out which dept I was working in when I started working there in 1989 – there is also a reference to their friend accessing mail that was sent to me at St George’s in an attempt to discover my home address. There is no clue as to the identity of this friend in my documents, but whilst I was working at St George’s I was visited by a junior doctor called Jimmy Schroff who had come to find me because he’d heard that there was a girl from Bangor working there – Jimmy Schroff seemed to know everyone whom I had made a complaint about in north Wales and furthermore he had done his GP training in the practice of Dr D.G.E. Wood (see post ‘St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989/1990’). Jimmy Schroff died some years ago – his widow works at the Betsi.

Tony Smythe was also a Director of an organisation on the Embankment called Reach Volunteering in 1990/91. In 1992 and again between 1995-2001 Jeanne was a Director of ‘an inclusive community hub’ called the Markfield Project.

Tony Smythe kept interesting company. He was acquainted with an actress called Adrienne Corri who died in 2016. Corri had a cult following and was noted for being rather excessive, sometimes swearing aggressively at her own audiences. She was friends with Ronnie and Reggie Kray. In the days before they were both banged up when it dawned upon everyone that despite hanging out with Barbara Windsor and Adrianne Corri they were a pair of vicious thugs. Who had also murdered people. Ronnie of course ended up in Broadmoor and there was a lot of huffing and puffing from some Tory MPs when it was revealed in the press that he had superstar status in Broadmoor, was politely called Mr Kray by the prison officers (who according to the likes of Professor Robert Bluglass were ‘nurses’) who generally pandered to him. What the Tories expected from an institution which Edwina Currie had appointed Jimmy Savile to run I do not know. Perhaps they should have taken a bit of notice of the other patients who complained that they were being beaten up and sexually abused by the ‘nurses’. As well as by Savile.

In 1968 whilst Tony Smythe was still leading the NCCL, they sponsored a production of Samuel Beckett’s play ‘Come and Go’ which starred Adrienne Corri. It was advertised as ‘gala entertainment concerning depravity and corruption’. The evening included other entertainment as well and was compered by George Melly. The George Melly who was famously promiscuous but whose wife was very tolerant of his desire for an open marriage. Much has been written about Melly’s bisexuality and his penchant for numerous extra-marital relationships, but his wife was I suspect much more tolerant than most people realised. Many years ago, George Melly came to do a gig at Theatre Gwynedd in Bangor. I know a man who was at the time of Melly’s performance in Bangor 16 yrs old. Melly paid to have sex with him. This was whilst the age of consent for gays was still 21. I have never seen Melly’s name included among the Rolfs or the Saviles or the Gary Glitters, which is extraordinary, particularly as some years before he died Melly gave an interview to a newspaper mentioning how much he enjoyed caressing the thighs of pre-pubescent boys. Yet no-one commented on this at all. Melly retired to Wales of course – to the Brecon Beacons.

Tony Smythe’s years as CEO of MIND covered the period of time which saw Mary Wynch unlawfully arrested and illegally detained in Denbigh for a year by Dafydd. Whilst she was in Denbigh Mary told me that she witnessed the patients in Dafydd’s ‘young people’s ward’ having sex with each other – after being encouraged to do so by Dafydd – whilst the nurses watched the show. Mary approached MIND for advice regarding her unlawful imprisonment. William Bingley admitted to me that MIND received grant funding from Gwynedd Health Authority and that Dafydd wrote to MIND telling them that he would block their dosh from Gwynedd if they advised Mary. Bingley told me that they didn’t succumb to Dafydd’s threats. However I now know that Bingley wasn’t in the least bit truthful regarding his stories of fighting for patients rights. What’s the betting that they slung Mary overboard lest they lost their dosh from Gwynedd Health Authority? Bingley also admitted to me that Dafydd had been a ‘leading light’ in MIND himself in the 1960s.

The General Secretary of MIND immediately prior to Smythe was Mary Appleby. She was CEO from 1951-74. Whilst Dafydd was a leading light in MIND! At the same time that Gwynne was lobotomising people and the paedophile ring was growing and growing, assisted by John Allen’s collection of children’s homes, the Bryn Alyn Community, which was doing a roaring trade in accepting children from across the UK but particularly from the London boroughs and the West Midlands…

Appleby died in 2013 and her obituary in the ‘Guardian’ mentioned that she became involved in MIND because there were mental health issues in her family. The ‘Guardian’ tells us that it was as a result of Mary’s efforts that MIND (then still called the National Association for Mental Health) became hugely influential, employing 200 people and was consulted by the Gov’t, the judiciary, the NHS and social workers’ organisations. In the early 70s a group of Scientologists tried to join MIND. Scientologists, although they are a rather eccentric group of people themselves, famously loathe psychiatry. They attempted to join MIND after alleging that psychiatrists were illegally imprisoning people, torturing people and were ‘carrying out perversions’. Mary fought the Scientologists in the High Court to keep them out of MIND. However, she allowed Dafydd to remain in.

Mary Appleby worked in both the War Office and the Foreign Office. She Chaired the Bench of Magistrates in an inner London juvenile Court for many years. She contributed to Gov’t Inquiries on mental health and social services. She sat on the appeals panel for the BBC and ITV and was a Member of the Immigration Appeals Tribunals. She also sat on the Selection Committee for the Civil Service. A pretty well-connected and influential lady then – even at Whitehall level.

Tony Smythe took over from Mary Appleby in 1974, but Appleby remained a Vice-President of MIND until her death in 2013. She will have not only had substantial influence regarding the appointment of Smythe, but she wielded considerable influence over that organisation for decades. She will have known exactly what sort of people were being appointed, what they were getting up to and indeed what they were concealing, ignoring or colluding with.

 

So what about those who have Chaired MIND? Let’s take a look at some of them….

Between 1969-78 Christopher Mayhew MP was Chair. Mayhew spent many years as a Labour MP but in 1974 he defected to the Liberals. In 1974 the Liberal MP Cyril Smith was busy abusing boys (and had been for some years) but it is now admitted that there was assistance from the security services in ensuring that he was never prosecuted (see post ‘Dr Death’). Mayhew is perhaps most famous however for taking part in a mescaline experiment in 1955 with Dr Humphrey Osmond. The plan was to film Mayhew on a mescaline trip for ‘Panorama’ but the programme was never broadcast. Humphrey Osmond was a psychiatrist who was well-known for his research into hallucinogens and schizophrenia – he was the man who administered mescaline to Aldous Huxley in the 50s which resulted in Aldous Huxley writing ‘The Doors of Perception’. Osmond also experimented with peyote when he went to stay with Native Americans.

So Mayhew was a man up for experimentation. He was given a peerage in 1981.

Between 1978 and 1984, William Bingley’s mother Lady Juliet Bingley was Chair. Juliet Bingley grew up in Harley Street – her father was a surgeon at Barts. She studied social administration at the LSE, during which time she undertook a placement in Liverpool at the Personal Services Society. In 1945 she qualified as a medical almoner (what we would now call a social worker). Her first job was at Barts. Juliet Bingley was married to Admiral Sir Alec Bingley who in 1959 was appointed NATO commander-in-chief of the Royal Navy’s Mediterranean fleet in Malta. The family only spent three years in Malta but Juliet got to work out there. She became involved in the development of health services for elderly people – but she was also good mates with the former Prime Minister of Malta, Dom Mintoff. Mintoff had just resigned as PM, which meant that Malta was under direct rule from London – Juliet became the ‘messenger’ between Mintoff and the London Gov’t and continued to play this role throughout the 70s and 80s during the various crises in Anglo-Maltese relations. Alec Bingley died in 1972 which was when Juliet became involved with MIND. She was initially Chair of the Local Associations Committee before becoming Chair of the whole organisation. In 1973 she also took up a post as medical social worker at St Marks, a hospital for gastro-intestinal disorders in London and was Chair of the Heads of Departments Committee there.

Juliet Bingley was busy with other charity work as well as MIND. In 1979 she founded the National Association for Colitis and Chrohns and she was also a founding Trustee of the Carr-Gomm Society, a charity now working for the homeless.

Well with a mum and dad with backgrounds and connections like that William Bingley was certainly not going to do anything to put Dafydd out of action whilst he and Lucille facilitated a paedophile ring supplying boys to Westminster figures and others in London who were enjoying the protection of the security services at the time. Come to think of it I don’t think that Juliet would have been particularly inclined to put a stop to Dafydd’s activities either – and she was incredibly well-connected among the very Top of the Top Doctors as well as the highest echelons of Gov’t should she need to protect him…

How did the Bingley clan ever manage to convince anyone that they were the Voice of the Service Users?

The person who succeeded Juliet as Chair of MIND was Lord David Ennals – he was Chair between 1984-89. Ennals was a Labour politician. In 1967 he was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State in the Home Office under Jim Callaghan. The Home Office that was at that time directly managing Bryn Estyn, where a brutal regime overseeing the violent sexual abuse of teenaged boys was becoming established. Ennals became Minister of State for Social Services in 1969. He lost his seat in 1970 and it was then that he became the ‘Mind campaign’ Director for the National Association of Mental Health. This campaign was established to fundraise but also to clarify the policies and aims of the organisation – as a result of the campaign in 1972 the charity changed it’s name to MIND. It was whilst Ennals was Chair that Tony Smythe was appointed Chief Exec – supposedly on the basis of his ‘human rights’ experience. Ennals remained campaign director until 1973 and was re-elected to Parliament in 1974. He lost his seat again in 1983 and was elevated to the Lords – then he popped back to MIND again to become Chair.

Ennals has a few close relatives who are worth mentioning. His younger brother Martin was a human rights activist and Secretary-General of Amnesty International. His son Paul has fingers in numerous pies.

Sir Paul Ennals was Chief Exec of the National Children’s Bureau (NCB) between 1998-2011. That’s the NCB to whom Peter Righton, a social care expert and academic who was a founder member of PIE and a convicted paedophile, acted as a ‘consultant’ (see post ‘The Waterhouse Tribunal – Who Was Involved And What Happened To Them Subsequently?’). Despite such worrying connections, the NCB, being an umbrella organisation, has links with many other organisations, including Barnardos – some of those involved with child abuse in north Wales had worked for Barnardos. The NCB also collaborates with the NSPCC – which works with Esther Rantzen’s Childline (see post ‘Ian Brockington’s Mischief’ for the questionable background of Valerie Howarth, the first Chief Exec of Childline) – and works in partnership with the Department of Health.

Paul Ennals is Chair of Haringey Local Safeguarding Children Board; South Tyneside Local Safeguarding Children Board; Gateshead Local Safeguarding Children Board; Sunderland Local Safeguarding Children Board. I do not know why Ennals has interests in both Haringey and the north east of England but I presume that he does a lot of commuting. If anyone living in the north east hopes to escape Paul Ennals’s safeguarding when they hit 18, they’ll be disappointed – he also Chairs the Safeguarding Adults Board of Gateshead and South Tyneside.

Before Ennals was involved with the NCB he was Director of Employment at the RNIB. He has Chaired or played a leading role on numerous Gov’t taskforces, working groups etc concerned with SEN, disabled or very young children.

Between 1994-2001 David Peryer was Chair of MIND. Peryer had previously been Director of Humberside Social Services. On 23 April 1998 Peryer gave evidence to the Select Committee on Health, along with Liz Sayce (Policy Director of MIND), Peter Wilson and Dinah Morley. Wilson had been Director of Young Minds for six years, was a child psychotherapist and had ‘many’ many years ago’ been a social worker. He had also worked in child and adolescent mental health at another institution familiar to readers of this blog, the Maudsley. In addition Wilson stated that he had worked in ‘child guidance’ in London. Dinah Morley was the ‘professional services manager’ for Young Minds. She had previously been the Assistant Director of an unidentified London borough, responsible for mental health and children’s services. Before that she ran a multi-disciplinary mental health team. She is also a member of a Health Authority.

So these witnesses all had vast experience of working in organisations and fields that had screwed up badly. Indeed Peryer told the Committee that he began working the field of child protection in 1977 in East Sussex, ‘shortly after the Maria Colwell case’. Maria Colwell was the first high profile death of a child in recent decades that was attributed to the fuckwittery of the welfare services.

The Committee were happy to rely on the advice of this bunch nonetheless. Liz Sayce in particular had a lot to say to the Committee. She was keen to tell the Committee of the sort of problems that ‘service users bring to us’ – did they include abusive psychiatrists, mental health staff perjuring themselves in order to secure convictions against them or their illegal detention in secure units? No, the service users complained of being bored in day hospitals. So Liz recommended that day hospitals should be shut and service users encouraged to attend college. I remember the results of Sayce’s recommendations well. The day hospitals were indeed closed down – nothing replaced them, so service users had nowhere to go at all and lost touch with their friends whom they used to meet in the day hospitals. So service users ended up being bored at home, alone. In the two years following the closure of the day hospital at the Hergest Unit, service users could be seen hanging about in the local towns destitute. A number of them died. As for ‘going to college’ – well a very small number of ‘service users’ benefited greatly from this and it turned their lives around. However Sayce’s ‘encouragement’ of such activity was interpreted by mental health teams as ‘coercion’ and certainly in north Wales numerous ‘service users’ were frog marched into college courses – they were told that they would lose social services support if they didn’t ‘take responsibility for getting better’ and enrol. Many of them did not have the academic ability needed for the courses that they had been coerced into joining and even more of them were far too fragile emotionally to cope with a college course. I knew of one course in which at the beginning of term about 15 service users enrolled at the behest of their mental health teams – every one of them withdrew before the course was half-way through and two of them were so distressed that instead of handing in essays to their tutor they handed in suicide notes and accounts of how they had been sexually abused by members of their chapel when they were children. The college ‘counselling service’ was in no way equipped to deal with the difficulties that these students were encountering. Not that the mental health team cared – once the ‘service user’ had enrolled, the mental health team ticked a box marked ‘recovered’ and forgot about them. A lot of ‘service users’ paid a very high price as a result of Liz Sayce’s advice.

No-one noticed – Sayce fucked up peoples lives all over again a few years later once she had been appointed Chief Exec of the Disability Rights Commission and a leading light on the UK Commission for Employment and Skills. It was Sayce that advised the Gov’t – what with her unique insight and being the Voice of the Service User – to close the Remploy factories on the grounds that they were ghettoes. Hundreds of Remploy staff volubly protested that they loved working at Remploy, that their disabilities were such that they couldn’t hold down other jobs – Remploy staff came forward with the most harrowing accounts of their mistreatment in previous workplaces and begged for Remploy to be reprieved. But Nurse Liz knew best and in 2012 told anyone who would listen in no uncertain terms that Service Users must be Included, that Remploy was Old Fashioned and that the Gov’t proposed Access To Work Fund was far more Empowering (it was also much cheaper and merely involved chucking a few hundred quid at a few service users to pay for simple adaptions on things like cars). The Gov’t followed Sayce’s advice and shut the Remploy factories down. Many of the former Remploy staff never worked again and are now on benefits. Furthermore I think that Theresa May et al are now proposing to whittle away at the Access To Work Fund anyway.

The Gov’t is still grappling with the advice that Liz gave them in 1998 – she recommended that health care and social care should NOT be merged. That’s why there is still such extreme inequity in the treatment of those people classed as needing ‘social care’ as compared to those whose needs are categorised as ‘medical’. But somebody was stupid enough to allow Liz to ‘lead’ on creating the Disability Agenda forming the basis of policy for the next two decades….

In Jan 2017 Liz announced her retirement from the Disability Rights Commission – she’d been shortlisted for a post as a Disability Commissioner on the European Human Rights Commission! For fuckwittery, arrogance and sheer irresponsibility, Liz is only matched by Rachel Perkins.

In 2001 David Henry took over as Chair. I can find no info about David Henry at all other than that whilst he was Chair of MIND he was given two free tickets worth £1,500 for the opening ceremony to some grand event in his capacity as ‘leader’ of a UK charity.

The present Chair, Ryan Campbell, has been in post since 2012. He was formerly the CEO of a ‘drug, alcohol and mental health charity in the south east of England’ and is currently the CEO of Demelza Hospice Care in Hindhead, Surrey. Ryan was previously involved with Age Concern and has been an expert advisor to Gov’t on the development of health services; is the author of DoH guidance to commissioning in the Third Sector; has been an advisor and taskforce member to DoH guidance on High Impact Changes in Health and Social Care (2008); and was the UK rep to the International Network for the Prevention of Elder Abuse.

Ryan is also a member of something called the ‘Association of Chairs’, which seems to be no more than a collection of freeloading dipsticks who become Chairs of outfits like MIND. Ryan explains on their website that he joined the Association ‘because I need a network’. Of course you do Ryan. To propel you onwards and upwards in the face of your dismal performance in order that one day you too can bag a seat in the Lords or a place on the EHRC alongside Rachel bloody Perkins.

 

It is because of people like this lot that so many other people are dying and suffering in the UK’s health and welfare system.

 

NB. BBC News Wales and the ‘Daily Post’ online are reporting that there is pressure on Wales to provide ‘fix rooms’ in which drug users can inject heroin. North Wales Police and Crime Commissioner Arfon Jones – he who as a young PC chauffeured Gordon Anglesea to the venues at which Anglesea molested boys and who many years later as Police and Crime Commissioner ‘made a mistake’ which resulted in Anglesea’s widow receiving 50% of his police pension although Anglesea died in prison as a convicted child abuser – is fully in support of the idea. Well it’s another great business opportunity for Dafydd and Lucille at CAIS – they can provide shooting galleries in which the CAIS clients can inject the goodies which they have been sold by their ‘peer guides’ and draw down a grant from the Welsh Gov’t to fund it all! I used to know someone who always quipped that CAIS stood for ‘Come And Inject Some’.

Anyone for co-production?

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Are You Local?

My post ‘Local Accessories’ named a few former social workers from Gwynedd who undoubtedly had knowledge of the wrongdoing by the paedophile gang and their associates that operated in north Wales. Following all the bad publicity, the police investigation and Waterhouse Inquiry in the 90s, it was admitted even by those who were doing their utmost to conceal the extent of the abuse of children in care in north Wales that there was a paedophile gang that operated in the Wrexham and Cheshire area and that they abused children in care in the region. It is admitted that the most dreadful sexual abuse occurred at Bryn Estyn and at the Bryn Alyn Community in Clwyd and a number of ‘care staff’ were imprisoned. Even dear old Ronnie Waterhouse acknowledged that. Ronnie also identified Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation but she did nothing to stop it. Yet Ronnie really poo-poohed the notion that widespread sexual abuse had happened in the children’s homes in Gwynedd, even at Ty’r Felin, the children’s home in Bangor run by the dreadful Nefyn Dodd and his wife June, as detailed in ‘Local Accessories’.

Conditions at Ty’r Felin were known to be dreadful and Dodd was ferociously violent towards the children. ‘Local Accessories’ described how the complicit fool Waterhouse dismissed the fact that a teenaged girl was allegedly made pregnant by David Hughes, a staff member at Ty’r Felin. As with so many folk in north Wales who are ‘highly disturbed’ – that is who allege terrible abuse and wrongdoing – this girl was transported elsewhere, in her case to south Wales. Documents now in my possession demonstrate that this is what Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and his colleagues were trying to ensure happened to me. They had their mate Dr Chris Hunter from the Caswell Clinic in south Wales on tap and were busy behind the scenes with a highly organised attempt to have me declared dangerous and transferred to Hunter’s institution. Indeed Hunter HAD proffered his opinion that I was ‘very dangerous’ – although he had never met me. His opinion had been formed on the ‘evidence’ presented to him by Tony Francis, as well as Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns, two social workers from Gwynedd whose colleagues were of course abusing kids and colluding with organised paedophilic activity. For full details of the ‘case conference’ that was held about me – whilst I was employed in a London medical school with no knowledge of what was going on regarding my planned future ‘care’ at the hands of these monsters – please see post ‘The Night Of The (Dr Chris) Hunter’.

Readers who follow the ‘comments’ section of my blog will have noticed that a friend of Tony Francis’s, Kate, is becoming increasingly angry with me as I reveal more about his network and activities on this blog. I have left Kate’s recent comments up because they are an example of what I have had to put up with for thirty years after unwittingly stumbling across the associates of the paedophiles – manipulative sleights, suggesting that I am some sort of wicked master-criminal who uses many aliases and harbours a crazed obsession resulting in me maligning innocent Top Doctors. Kate and co continually maintain that I have no evidence for my claims, despite me offering to show them the documentation that my lawyer forwarded to me a few months ago. They’re going to get even more angry with me now, because the activities of the social services in Gwynedd and the Top Doctors who concealed them were, it would seem, far worse than even I knew.

I have received communication from a journalist who maintains that Nefyn and June Dodd and their colleagues were not just excessively violent to children – I had heard that time and again and people I knew who worked at Ty’r Felin confirmed that – but that there was en masse sexual abuse happening at Ty’r Felin, just as there was at Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn in Clwyd. This journalist tells me that numerous former residents of Ty’r Felin didn’t just detail the physical abuse that they suffered at the Dodd’s hands, but they described how they were forced into participating into sex with the Dodds, repeatedly. It is also alleged that the girls at Ty’r Felin were taken to ‘nightclubs in Bangor’ by care staff where huge quantities of booze was consumed and the girls were forced into returning to the homes of people who had financial arrangements with the staff of the home. The boys were not taken to nightclubs but were farmed out to private homes and hotel rooms to provide sexual services there. After children left Ty’r Felin, they were transferred to London and trafficked into prostitution.

Now I had never heard about boys from that home working as prostitutes, but the allegations regarding the girls certainly ring true. The journalist who sent me all this is London-based, so probably doesn’t know that in Bangor in the 1980s one couldn’t talk of ‘nightclubs’. There was ONE nightclub, the Octagon, and it was notorious. Everybody had really looked forward to the Octagon opening when word got round that a nightclub had come to town because there wasn’t anything of the sort in Bangor and never had been. There was a shed on Anglesey called Plas Coch which deluded itself that it was a nightclub – this caused much entertainment among postgrads who came to Bangor after having done their first degrees in cities with real nightclubs – but Plas Coch was essentially just a barn that sold drink, held discos and paid local Welsh rock groups to do a turn there. It had a very good atmosphere though and came highly recommended and I don’t remember there ever being any grief at Plas Coch. But for a real nightclub one had to go to Cardiff, Birmingham, Liverpool or Manchester. Bangor University Students Union also arranged trips to these cities to see rock groups because they did not come to Bangor, not even to the Students Union.

The Octagon opened I think in the summer of 1984 among much excitement. Samantha Fox came to the opening night and the lecherous old farts from the Daily Post and Bangor and Anglesey Mail could barely cope. People were really wowed by the Octagon because it had ‘moving coloured lights’. But within weeks students were telling each other not to go there. There were violent attacks on male students, sexual assaults on female students and the one thing that everybody was commenting on were the underage girls ‘from Maesgeirchan’ who were very obviously being sexually used by older men. Maesgeirchan is a big council estate on the outskirts of Bangor and in the 80s it was one of the most socially disadvantaged areas in Wales with a very high crime rate. One part of Maesgeirchan had such a fearsome reputation that people on the housing waiting list used to turn down the offer of a house if it was there. Ty’r Felin was located on Maesgeirchan.

At the time of the opening of the Octagon I knew a student who had been employed to help with the preparations. He told me that the club was being run by a bunch of gangsters from Manchester who were terrifying local businesses. Then the Octagon started hitting the local press on a regular basis. There were complaints that it was being used for large scale drug dealing. Then there were cases of passers-by being violently attacked and there was at least one rape of a young woman who had been in the vicinity. Yet the Octagon was not closed down. Considering how the good burghers of Bangor actually carried on in those days, that was incredible. Bangor famously didn’t have an M&S store because for some reason best known to themselves the Council had conspired to keep M&S at bay and when I first went to Bangor you still couldn’t buy alcohol in a pub on a Sunday. So everyone was mystified at Sodom and Gomorrah erupting in the form of the Octagon.

But it didn’t get closed down, instead it simply became a complete no go area for students and it was rumoured to be essentially a place where schoolgirls sold sex to very unsavoury men. Presumably all that was being facilitated by Ty’r Felin. Which would also explain why the Octagon never got closed down. It was the fucking managers of Gwynedd County Council who colluded with the paedophile ring, they weren’t going to shut down the brothel.

I note that the London journalist claims that boys from Ty’r Felin were sent to hotels with clients. Bangor was pretty devoid of hotels in the 80s as well. There was the Railway Hotel which may well have shut down by then anyway and the Temperance Hotel which also had probably shut by then. The two functioning hotels were the Castle Hotel and the British Hotel. The daughter of the family who owned the Castle Hotel studied at Bangor at the same time as me and achieved infamy for cheating in her finals – she was caught by an invigilator with sheets of crib notes from which she was openly copying – and then being allowed to graduate nonetheless. There was much bad feeling about that among the staff and there was speculation as to how she had managed to get away with it. The Castle Hotel had a cellar bar and my friends and I soon found out that going in there was not a good idea. The first occasion resulted in one of the boys from our house being approached by one of a gang of elderly rough-necks, who pointed to one of the other elderly rough-necks and said ‘did you know that he’s a former boxer?’ Whereupon my mate was rash enough to reply ‘with a face like that I didn’t think he’d be a brain surgeon’ and we had to flee. It transpired that the retired boxer was a bloke called Dai Davies from Maesgeirchan and his mates considered the cellar bar of the Castle their turf and the likes of us were not welcome. Street knowledge circulating around Bangor dictated that Dai Davies himself was not the problem, it was the meat-heads that accompanied him who were alleged to be into serious crime. There was an incident a while later in which some of them murdered a tourist on Anglesey. Dai Davies’s brother Steve Davies was a well-known maniac with a serious drug problem who ended up going to prison for a long time after terrifying someone so much that they jumped out of a window to escape what they were sure would be certain death at Davies’s hands and broke both of their legs. A few weeks after the brain surgeon comment, my mates and I were driving home from a friend’s house late one night when we encountered the Davies gang again in their beaten up elderly Mercedes and we had to escape their clutches once more. We were not the only people to have had an unpleasant encounter in the cellar bar, I heard of a number of other people who also had similar experiences there with the Davies’s and they pretty much colonised the place in the mid 80s. So it is possible that the Castle Hotel was being used as a location for the abuse of Ty’r Felin kids.

However I know for a fact that unscrupulous social workers had a nice little number going on with the British Hotel in the mid 1990s. I used to know a young learning disabled woman from Bethesda who one day couldn’t stop crying when she was on the bus. I asked her what the matter was and she explained that she didn’t like her job. This was weird because she was on benefits and was fairly obviously someone who wouldn’t have been able to hold down a conventional ‘job’, so I enquired further. It transpired that she was washing up in the British Hotel for 50p/hour between mid-morning and mid-afternoon every day and was being mistreated by her ‘boss’. I asked her why she didn’t simply leave the job and she told me that her social worker had told her that she had to do it. A pretty similar arrangement to the one that my friend’s wife uncovered when she worked at the teenaged boy’s hostel Ty Newydd (see post ‘Local Accessories’).

I suspect that the landscape for people with learning disabilities in north Wales was as grim as it was for kids in care or for people with mental health problems. There was a saga on Anglesey when it was discovered that a group of people with learning disabilities who had previously been staffing a café for 50p/hour had all been laid off and were told that if they wanted to continue working in the café, THEY would have to pay the café, because the jobs had been reclassified as ‘training’. I also discovered a bit of a dung heap in the late 80s when I naively applied for a job as an advocate at the hospital for people with learning disabilities at Bryn Yn Neuadd, Llanfairfechan. I was invited for interview, along with another candidate. When I arrived early (I get everywhere early, it can be interesting), I found the other candidate having a cup of tea in the office with the interviewing panel – they knew her because she was an employee of Bryn Yn Neuadd. The job was for an ‘independent advocate’ to ensure that nothing untoward was happening to the residents. I was also surprised when during the interview, one of the panel, a senior manager of Bryn Yn Neuadd, explained to me that most of the patients were ‘cabbages’. I did not get the job, so presumably they employed their own member of staff to safeguard the rights of the cabbages.

This lot are so fucking bad that they don’t even understand how bad they are.

Regarding hotels in Bangor, I note that there is a comment in the Waterhouse Report regarding one the of the former residents of Ty’r Felin who gave evidence that he was abused by Nefyn Dodd. This man explained that because he was on a ‘catering course’ at a hotel in Bangor, Nefyn Dodd made him do all the cooking and washing up at Ty’r Felin. Would that ‘catering course’ possibly have been one at the British Hotel which involved washing up for several hours a day at 50p/hour? And why was a schoolboy on a ‘catering course’ anyway? Ty’r Felin was a home for kids below the school leaving age. Ronnie doesn’t ask any difficult questions, as ever.

Previous posts (‘So Who Was It Exactly Who Appointed The Corrupt Old Bastard?’ and ‘Local Accessories’) have detailed how Waterhouse blithely dismissed accounts of the most serious physical and sexual abuse of children or used the most flimsy and ludicrous explanations to point to why scores of witnesses could not be believed. I mentioned previously how at one point in the Waterhouse Report, Ronnie mentions that he was presented with a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ written in Risley Remand Centre, sent to Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, supposedly signed by a young man who’d alleged that they’d abused him. Ronnie accepts that the letter had been forged so ignores it. At no point does he wonder why someone would have gone to such lengths and the wrongdoing involved in the forging of the letter anyway. When people resort to forging documents, there is much at stake – as there is when they resort to inviting a load of people to a party and then petrol bombing the building (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). So the Dodd’s protectors included folk working in Risley Remand Centre as well as Lucille Hughes who were happy to forge documentation. Just as Dr Tony Roberts’s protectors at the GMC were prepared to forge a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

If the Dodd’s were involved in the trafficking of children for prostitution such extreme efforts to get them off the hook would be understandable. The one person in north Wales who had corrupt colleagues working at Risley Remand Centre was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Lucille’s bedfellow. The Dafydd who discredited and banged up people who complained about the activities of the paedophile gang.

Dafydd was the Top Doctor who handled many of the young men from north east Wales who had passed through the children’s homes in Clwyd, although Dafydd himself lived on Anglesey. Dafydd’s domain was primarily the North Wales Hospital Denbigh but previous posts have explained how he held clinics in Ysbyty Gwynedd – although he rarely bothered to turn up, he was usually at a private clinic somewhere else. But children in care – and indeed learning disabled people – being exploited and abused in Gwynedd would undoubtedly come to the attention of Top Doctors and not only with regard to mental health issues. Sexual abuse/exploitation usually involves unwanted pregnancies, demands for contraception by unlikely people eg. very young girls and STDs. The information that the London based journalist sent me alleges cases of STDs at Ty’r Felin. The Top Doctors of Bangor would have known about that. Including Dr D.G.E. Wood, whose patients included people from Maesgeirchan (who didn’t like him – I witnessed some less than satisfied customers in his surgery). My post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’ described how practices at St David’s Hospital in Bangor were nearly on a par with the Magdalen laundries in Ireland. So how were the unwanted pregnancies at Ty’r Felin – of which the London-based journalist alleged there were many and even Waterhouse admits that he heard about one – dealt with? It was famously nearly impossible for women to access abortions in north Wales in the 80s because of an arrangement made by the local Top Doctors who were anti-abortion, that’s why students went private to Chester if they wanted terminations. Abused schoolgirls in care wouldn’t have been able to go private to Chester.

Trafficking and prostitution at Ty’r Felin would also explain why children from Gwynedd with alleged psychiatric problems were being sent by Gwynedd Health Authority to the notorious Gwynfa Unit in Clwyd, where they were of course abused, as detailed in post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’. Waterhouse’s Report mentions that both children in care and living with their own families were ending up at Gwynfa. If children from Gwynedd in care were being sent to Gwynfa, they will either have been residents of Ty’r Felin, Cartref Bontnewydd, Queens Park Close or Y Gwyngyll. (Queen’s Park Close and Y Gwyngyll were children’s homes on Anglesey.) They were the only children’s homes in Gwynedd (Anglesey came under Gwynedd for NHS purposes). Nefyn Dodd lived on the premises at Ty’r Felin, but he was also the line manager for Queen’s Park Close and Y Gwyngyll. Not only did Gwynfa take virtually all it’s patients from Gwynedd, but Dr Barry Kiehn, the child psychiatrist responsible for Gwynfa, was employed by Gwynedd Health Authority.

So if Nefyn Dodd was trafficking those kids, not only did the social services know about it but the Top Doctors did as well. Including the Top Doctors at the Hergest Unit. Sorry Kate, this one leads to Dr Tony Francis and his colleagues again.

I have gained a further insight into the everyday story of Ty’r Felin folk over the past two days. Someone who was a resident there has been e mailing me. As a fifteen year old in Ty’r Felin he was visited by a man involved with voluntary work at Ysbyty Gwynedd who was 61. He began a sexual relationship with him and when he left Ty’r Felin he went to live with this man – who it turned out wasn’t just using a false name, but was also a businessman in Bangor who was a complete crook. This man was violent and also used to take pornographic photos of the former Ty’r Felin resident. During an incident of domestic violence the former Ty’r Felin resident pushed the older man, who fell over, hit his head and died. The former Ty’r Felin resident was charged with murder. However those charges were mysteriously dropped and he was subsequently charged with manslaughter. He then found out that the older man who had been allowed into Ty’r Felin to abuse him had previously served a prison sentence for buggering children. When his case came to trial he was only given probation. Furthermore, the details of his trial did not appear anywhere in the media in Wales. I suspect because no-one wanted anyone to ever find out how a teenaged boy who’d left care had ended up cohabiting with an older sex offender who was beating him up and using him for porn. Particularly when the said sex offender was a well-known volunteer at Ysbyty Gwynedd. The former Ty’r Felin resident is now in the care of the mental health services. Who will of course know all about his past. So the Top Doctors DO know what was going on in Ty’r Felin, as do the probation service. This man has also told me that as a teenager in Bangor he was paid for sex by a number of doctors at Ysbyty Gwynedd. My post ‘Another Case Of Not Knowing’ describes how a young psychiatric patient at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the early 1990s was being sexually exploited by a group of junior gynaecologists who worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, who made her pregnant twice and who coerced her into abortions that she did not want and that they arranged. Her psychiatrist whilst she was admitted to a mental health ward the night before one of those terminations was a man called Tony Francis.

It comes as no surprise to me that a crooked businessman who was also a convicted sex offender was volunteering at Ysbyty Gwynedd. Dodgy business deals were a hallmark of that place and indeed the wider North West Wales NHS Trust. There was the chaos of ‘Butty Wars’ (see post ‘There’s Going To Be A Hog Roast’) which erupted in the wake of the WRVS HQ cancelling the contract that the WRVS Ysbyty Gwynedd canteen had with the Menai Deli to supply sandwiches – the Menai Deli whose proprietors seemed to have many close links with Elfed Roberts, the former Chairman of the NW Wales NHS Trust. Then there was squealing when Mary Burrows, the first CEO of the Betsi who did her best to clean up, dared to cancel the contract that Ysbyty Gwynedd had with Blasus Ar Fwyd – a catering company that just happens to be owned by Deiniol ap Dafydd, the son of one Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. The backhanders and dodgy dealing of course extends into the Third Sector as well. Posts ‘The CEOs of St David’s Hospice’ and ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’ describe how St David’s Hospice at Llandudno is managed and supported by the former clapped out staff and managers of the local NHS who were responsible for much wrongdoing. It hasn’t stopped. Trystan Pritchard, Elfed’s old mate who formerly worked as a manager at Ysbyty Gwynedd and who is now CEO of St David’s Hospice, appeared on the Daily Post’s website today explaining how he was hoping to come to an agreement with the Betsi regarding the hospice using the ‘unused wards’ of the Betsi. Peter Higson, the Chair of the Betsi, is quoted as saying that he’s sure that they’ll be able to help. Of course they will, no-one will ask how a Health Board with waiting lists a mile long has spare capacity to donate to Trystan or will question the numerous conflicts of interest which will no doubt be involved.

My correspondent who spent time in Ty’r Felin mentioned something else as well. That he approached the S4C programme ‘Y Byd Y Bedwar’with his story and there was initial interest but then all went dead. In about 2006 I was in contact with a journalist from ‘Y Byd Y Bedwar’ and after they read the incriminating documents that I had regarding Alun Davies the former manager of the Hergest Unit, Martin Jones the former CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services, they were very keen to do a documentary about what had happened to me. I had many meetings with the journalist and she even got as far as preparing to go into Ysbyty Gwynedd with a hidden camera to film undercover. But the day before she had planned to do that, her boss pulled the plug on the whole documentary without explanation.

So who’s the Big Cheese at S4C ensuring that no documentaries featuring anyone who can name the culprits or produce documentary evidence of wrongdoing on the part of those we know and love ever goes ahead?

It would seem that Nefyn Dodd was afforded even more protection than those at Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn – at least some of their staff were imprisoned and named. For Nefyn Dodd to have escaped when the Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn contingent didn’t, Nefyn Dodd would have had to be useful to someone. The London journalist has given me the name of a lobbyist for the Conservative Party who was also one of Thatcher’s speech writers, whom he claims was receiving those kids trafficked from Gwynedd. This man has been named as one of those involved with the Westminster Paedophile Ring, but he has not been the subject of the sort of extreme Satanic sexual abuse allegations that Ted Heath for example has been. I have been sent a list of names that are business contacts of this man – one of whom is allegedly Neil Hamilton – and a list of MPs whom have stated themselves are friends of his, which include Edwina Currie and William Hague. The Edwina who appointed Jimmy Savile as manager of Broadmoor, an institution containing kids abused in care, at least one of whom was from north Wales at the time of Waterhouse. The Hague who organised Ronnie’s whitewash. I have also been given the name of a Tory peer whose son is alleged to have abused children from Ty’r Felin – not Tyrell-Kenyon whom I named in a previous post who was known to have abused boys in care at Bryn Estyn, but someone else. I note that the son of this peer studied at Aberystwyth University in the 1980s and now lives in Australia.

The London journalist also told me something else that I did already know. That the Welsh Office held one inspection of Ty’r Felin and hardly ever returned. Dyfed County Council’s officers were requested to investigate Ty’r Felin by Ioan Bowen Rees, the then Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council after complaints of serious abuse. Bowen Rees was formerly the County Secretary of Dyfed, so he’ll have known the investigators from Dyfed well. The investigators did as required, there was much criticism so everyone could claim to have dealt with the concerns. But no-one admitted the trafficking and coercing of children into prostitution or even that children were being forced to have sex with June and Nefyn Dodd. The collusion of Dyfed has present day ramifications. Mark Drakeford, the former Health Minister who proved so fucking useless in the face of the scandalous state of the NHS in north Wales, is a former social worker from Dyfed.

For the names, backgrounds and details of the extreme fuckwittery of the senior managers of Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd County Council whilst all this happened, please see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’

So Nefyn Dodd was left entirely to his own devices. There was of course a police investigation into Nefyn Dodd after Alison Taylor blew the whistle. No action was taken against him. Like Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dodd was obviously mad, obviously abusive and was hated by everyone. But no-one scrutinised his activities and even in the face of the most serious complaints backed up by evidence, no action was taken against him. Because Dodd was supplying boys to the Tory lobbyist – who was also involved in huge business deals which were benefiting the Tory Party.

I really do think that just about every social worker and Top Doctor working in Gwynedd in the 1980s will have known something about all of this. They could hardly have missed it.

My post ‘Local Accessories’ named a few social workers who definitely DID have information and I requested that they now pay a visit to the police to make statements. There are a number of other people who definitely have some knowledge of these sordid events who need to be questioned by the police as well. One of those is Gwenan Carrington, the former Director of Gwynedd Social Services and latterly of Anglesey County Council. Another is Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer, who is Gwenan’s brother and doubles up as senior lecturer in law and social policy at Bangor University. The other is Joanna Griffiths, the Buffet Slayer’s wife, who is the former Director of Conwy Social Services. Which I think took over the management of Gwynfa when Clwyd Social Services was dissolved and was also responsible for the staff of the inspection unit who threatened me when I contacted them about the abuse and possible trafficking of residents of the dreadful Prestwood Homes, as described in the post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’. Gwenan, the Slayer and Joanna have had their fingers in many pies for years and most of those pies involve concealing the wrongdoing in the social services. They know all the people named in my post ‘Local Accessories’ and are collectively known as The Mafia in north Wales. The Slayer himself attempted to block my path one day just before I left Bangor University and started bellowing at me – my complaints about the mental health services were making him even angrier than my blog is making the friends of Tony Francis. Well the party’s over now isn’t it you fat crook.

 

The day before yesterday a stranger who seemed to know about the contents of this blog suggested that I do a bit of research into a well-known politician who is also a Top Doctor – the stranger thought that this man knew either Tony Francis or D.G.E. Wood. I will be blogging more about this soon.

‘A Pretty Classy Piece Of Operation’

Yesterday somebody drew my attention to a few You Tube clips from that period of time that so many people found so difficult – the months in 2012 following the Jimmy Savile revelations. I watched a clip of Esther Rantzen with great interest as she wriggled around maintaining that she had heard ‘rumours’ but one can’t act on rumours (people used to say that to me when I challenged them over Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct). At one point Esther got really ratty and angrily told the interviewer that Childline had acted on every single complaint that children had made – well that’s interesting Esther because I was told that some of the kids who were abused in north Wales rang Childline and no, they were not helped. But then when Esther was campaigning for improved mental health care I wrote to her about Dafydd Alun Jones and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh – I did not receive a reply (see post ‘News Round Up, April 30 2017’). I noticed that the Daily Post’s website ran an article last week featuring Esther on a visit to north Wales publicising Childline… Now I don’t really expect anything other than vacuous insincere hypocrisy from an idiot like Esther, whom I was told by a friend who used to work at the BBC was loathed and known as a ferocious sharp-elbowed bully anyway – but there was a far more interesting You Tube clip than Esther pretending that she never had an inkling regarding Savile’s activities. That was a clip of Edwina Currie being interviewed on RTE 1 on 3 November 2012, in which she too denied all knowledge of Jimmy Savile’s penchant for molesting vulnerable people. Edwina of course was the junior Health Minister who, in 1988 when Ken Clarke was Secretary of State for Health, had appointed Savile to lead the ‘task force’ that was charged with managing Broadmoor and sorting out it’s very serious problems (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’). After Savile’s exposure as a sexual predator who shagged anything that moved, Edwina reassured the world that the reason why she made that very inappropriate appointment was that the POA (Prison Officers Association) to which all the ‘nurses’ at Broadmoor belonged were swindling enormous sums of money out of the NHS and dear old Jimmy had told her that he would reign the POA in by blackmailing them. Savile’s plan was to frighten the POA into submission by threatening to use his media contacts to run a story about them in the ‘Sun’. Edwina is on record as saying that she considered this to be ‘a pretty classy piece of operation’. But Savile was by no means the only one indulging in a bit of classy blackmail.

As Edwina was repeatedly confronted by the RTE interviewer with the reality of Savile’s abuse of Broadmoor patients, she continued to maintain that she had no idea that he was capable of such debauchery and that the only reason that she could think of for the staff at Broadmoor not grassing him up was that Jimmy, being as we all know an evil manipulative genius who fooled the world, had ‘information which gave him a hold over staff’. I’m sure that he did – not only were the staff at Broadmoor stealing from the NHS but they were behaving every bit as badly as Savile. There was rampant sexual abuse of patients, a porn racket and serious violence and brutality. Now the Tories knew that patients were being horribly abused in Broadmoor and they knew that many of the patients were not ‘criminals’ but were actually patients whom Top Doctors in other hospitals had transferred to Broadmoor after refusing to care for them themselves – just like Professor Robert Bluglass predicted that I would be if I didn’t stop complaining about Dafydd et al! – but they weren’t raising concerns about that. They were concerned about the POA embezzling the dosh and controlling the institution. So why couldn’t the Gov’t reign in the POA at Broadmoor, or indeed at Ashworth, which had very similar problems at the same time? Could it have been that the POA were playing the same game as Savile and were holding people over a barrel with ‘information’? What information might those staff have had?

Well, they would have known that a lot of the patients in Broadmoor were alleging that they had been sexually abused, beaten up and generally violated in other psychiatric hospitals. The Broadmoor staff would also have known that many of the patients were making exactly the same allegations about their experiences when they had been children who had been in care. Some of them in north Wales. Now some of the former residents of children’s homes in north Wales have maintained that some of the people who abused them were ‘VIPs’, at least two of which were alleged to have been Tory politicians. One of those politicians was Sir Peter Morrison, MP for Chester. He was known to have visited children’s homes in north Wales for inexplicable reasons and two former Conservative MPs are on the record as saying that they knew that Morrison was having sex with under-age boys. Those MPs are Rod Richards and Edwina Currie. Currie described Peter Morrison as a ‘noted pederast’ in her 2002 book of parliamentary life.

Currie appointed Savile as leader of the Broadmoor task force in the summer of 1988. During her RTE interview she stated somewhat vaguely that ‘for approximately four months in 1988’ she was responsible for mental health. That was pre-devolution, so her remit would have extended to the mental health services in north Wales. By the summer of 1988 Mary Wynch and I had both approached politicians and Ministers about our own abuse at the hands of the mental health services in north Wales. In the autumn of 1988 I was receiving correspondence from the Welsh Office concerning the Review into my complaint (this was the Review that eventually took place in 1989, the utter whitewash by Robert Bluglass). By the time that Edwina was in charge of the nation’s mental health services Mary Wynch had won her case against Risley Remand Centre, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Clwyd Health Authority (please see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Edwina was only responsible for mental health for four months in 1988, but she was Parliamentary Under Secretary of State for Health between Sept 1986-Dec 1988. By 1987 the chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority was such that the Welsh Office had sent a team of management consultants in (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

So Edwina knew that all was not as it should have been in the mental health services in north Wales. But would she have known about the paedophile ring operating in the region, the victims of which were ending up in the mental health system if they complained? Well someone whom Edwina idolised and claimed to use as a role model knew – Margaret Thatcher. In Jan 1987 Alison Taylor wrote to her and told her that children in care in north Wales were being abused. Alison – like Mary and I – also wrote to a lot of other people as well. One of those was a man called John Major, who at the time was a Minister in the Home Office. Edwina knew him well, indeed she shagged him for a number of years. (Interestingly enough it is rumoured that John Major was by no means the only politician that Edwina had an affair with, although none of the others have been identified. But she says a few interesting things about her boss John Moore in that RTE interview.) Early in 1988 Alison also wrote to Tony Newton, another Minister that Edwina will have had dealings with; Newton was Secretary of State for Social Security – at that time Health and Social Security were dealt with by the DHSS.

If Edwina’s rationale for appointing Savile to the Broadmoor task force – that he was a sharp operator where blackmailing other criminals was concerned – was eccentric, so was the way in which the appointment of the Chief Executive of Broadmoor at the same time was actually discussed. It was discussed – and presumably offered – to Savile’s friend Alan Franey at what Franey later called an ‘unusual meeting’ that was held at the Athanaeum club in Pall Mall. The meeting was attended by Franey and Savile as well as two senior civil servants, Clifford Graham (who was Currie’s departmental Under-Secretary of State) and James Collier. When this all became public in the aftermath of the Savile expose there was much gnashing of teeth, but I suspect that an awful lot of this sort of thing went on. For a start the Athanaeum is a club with a lot of Top Doctors and academics as members and there is a lot of evidence that even very senior jobs in medicine are dished out on the basis of networking rather than ability or a sound track record. After he died no-one wanted to admit to knowing Jimmy Savile – although he was a mate of Prince Charles’s and was invited to numerous Christmas’s at Chequers by Thatcher – and trying to establish who had lived it up at the Athanaeum with Savile et al was like trying to get blood out of a stone. Yet in her RTE interview Edwina fesses up that she had popped over to the Athanaeum with Savile too. Of course she stresses in the interview that this wasn’t the way to impress a woman like her – then why did she accept the invitation ? I bet if Savile had invited her for a coffee and a pasty in Greggs she’d have found it within her heart to say no. There were also some rather odd people working in the highest echelons of the civil service at the time. The mandarin who had been instrumental in forming the Broadmoor task force in 1987 was Brian McGinnis, the Under-Secretary for mental health with responsibility for high security hospitals. McGinnis was never convicted of child abuse but there was sufficient concern regarding his conduct with children for him to end up being banned from working with them after he retired.

In this fetid environment is it surprising that the POA themselves were getting away with abusing patients whilst simultaneously holding the Party of Law N Order hostage? Of course Broadmoor’s troubles didn’t end with the appointment of Savile and the task force. After Savile’s death, Dr Bill Kirkup led an investigation into his involvement at Broadmoor. Kirkup’s report is entertaining in that he admits just how dreadful the problems were/are at Broadmoor, but he works very hard to exonerate any Top Doctor of contributing to the fuckwittery that led to it all. Kirkup’s report mentions a few names known to me. There’s a reference to Robert Bluglass in there! Bluglass was involved in the investigation into the abuses at Ashworth in the early 1990s – which included the murder of a patient. Having concealed the criminal activity of Dafydd et al at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh some three years previously Bluglass was obviously the ideal candidate to carry out a whitewash at Ashworth. There’s a reference to someone else as well- Dr Julie Hollyman, the former Chief Exec of the West London Mental Health Trust,  who was responsible for managing Broadmoor whilst Savile abused patients there. I remember Julie Hollyman well, although she won’t know who I am. Hollyman was reputed to be the most aggressive and unhinged psychiatrist at St Georges/Springfield Hospital when I lived and worked in south London in the early 1990s. The nurses loathed her and even my flatmate who was a psychiatric nurse in another London hospital had heard about Hollyman. I managed to have an encounter with her myself. Part of my job used to be carrying out pregnancy tests and one day a sample came in from a Springfield patient marked urgent with a request to phone back with the result as soon as poss. So I did. Only to be literally subjected to a mouth full of abuse from Hollyman’s secretary – which really astounded me, so I hung up. I then received a phone call from Hollyman shouting at me accusing me of being intolerably rude to ‘her’ secretary. I explained that for some reason best known to herself her secretary had actually sworn at me down the phone – Hollyman shrieked that she didn’t believe that. So I hung up on her and informed the Head of Dept what was going on. The response from someone in the know was ‘oh God it’s Hollyman, she’s nuts’. I was then told that the foul mouthed secretary was actually a ‘service user’ on Springfield’s ‘flagship’ patients work programme (which hit the headlines a few years later when it was revealed that one ‘service user’ had been given a job as a stripper in a night club), that she wasn’t suitable, shouldn’t have been given the job and Hollyman knew it. But Hollyman wasn’t too happy that she’d been rumbled and Hollyman grasped any excuse for a scrap.

Of course I now have documentary evidence that Hollyman’s colleagues at Springfield knew about the criminal activities and abuse in the north Wales mental health services and things at Springfield itself in 1991 were pretty dire (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’). But things were to get a lot worse at Springfield with patients murdering each other and members of staff. In 1993 Julie Hollyman herself appeared in the ‘Independent’, after a major scandal involving allegations that five patients had been raped – the appalling Hollyman had by then been promoted to the post of Unit General manager at Springfield. (I was delighted to see that MIND Spoke Out about the need to ensure that patients were safe – the MIND that knew what was happening in north Wales but kept schtum and indeed continues to keep schtum about the sordid activities of the mental health services. Please see post ‘The Mysterious Silence of MIND’.)

Five rapes on your watch? No problem – Julie Hollyman could only go higher and that is how she ended up being appointed in 1998 as Chief Exec of West London Mental Health Trust overseeing Broadmoor. In 2003 Julie hit the national media once more. A whistleblower at Broadmoor had gone public after conducting a small survey of 28 female Broadmoor patients over three years and finding that between them there had been 56 cases of sexual abuse, five rapes and that six of them had needed to request a pregnancy test. Dear old Julie had been in post when much of it had happened. Three months after the whistleblower blew Hollyman resigned and stated that ‘at 52 years of age’ it was time to leave the NHS. (I don’t think you should ever have been there in the first place Julie and you certainly should never have been promoted after the disaster at Springfield.) Sadly Julie believed that the world still needed her talents. She took up non-executive posts with the British Refugee Council, the Youth Justice Board and New College Worcester (a special school for the visually impaired). Julie also Chaired a housing association, the Hyde Group. More recently though Julie has realised that the NHS does indeed need the services of a vile bitch who has spent her career bullying staff and putting patients in danger and she is now a non-executive director of the South London and Maudsley NHS Foundation Trust. I’m tempted to quip that we’ll now await a spate of rapes and sexual abuse at the Maudsley but I fear that things at the Maudsley may have been bad for a long while. The Maudsley is where Dafydd Alun Jones did a stint of ‘training’, it employed Dr Paul Bowden who ignored Dafydd’s abuses and criminal activities in north Wales and it also employed the plagiarist Raj Persaud who happily plagiarised away for years until Richard Bentall finally confronted him. And now the Maudsley has Julie on it’s Board.

But let us return to Edwina Currie. Currie’s role as a junior Minister will undoubtedly have resulted in her knowing exactly how dire the mental health services were, but she has also been in other positions whereby the abuse of children in care may have become apparent to her. Edwina was first elected to the Commons in June 1983, for the constituency of South Derbyshire. Edwina represented South Derbyshire until 1997. Indeed she still lives in Derbyshire, in Whaley Bridge, although she did spend a while living in Surrey. It was of course John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, who carried out the first external investigation into the abuse of children in Clwyd. The Jillings Report was so damning that it was famously suppressed and only published many years later and then in a heavily redacted form, but I suspect that even Jillings may not have been as frank as he could have been regarding just how serious the abuse of children in Clwyd was. My post ‘A UK Network’ describes how even back in the 80s paedophiles working in the children’s services and those concealing their activities had linked up on a UK-wide basis. There were connections between north Wales and Derbyshire Social Services before Jillings ever retired and investigated Clwyd. John Leslie Jeffreys worked at the Bryn Alyn Community for nine or ten years, between about 1974-83. Prior to that he had been a community youth worker and then a residential care worker at a children’s home in Derbyshire, having received ‘training’ from Derbyshire Social Services. The Bryn Alyn Community was owned and run by John Allen, currently serving a life sentence for the sexual abuse of children in his care. Boys abused by Allen maintained that he ran a gay sex, drugs and porn empire and that boys from children’s homes in north Wales worked in brothels owned by Allen in London and Brighton. John Jeffreys was named repeatedly in the Waterhouse Inquiry as inflicting serious violence upon boys at Bryn Alyn and also upon a boy who was staying at John Allen’s villa in Bordeaux. Jeffreys’ wife – who moved to Bryn Alyn along with him from Derbyshire – also worked at Bryn Alyn and eventually became one of the Directors. Jeffreys was Officer in Charge of one of the Bryn Alyn homes. Jeffreys and his wife were major players in Bryn Alyn.

I note that two of the ‘advisors’ to the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry also had connections with Derbyshire. Sir Brian Briscoe, the Head of the Local Government Association, had previously worked for Derbyshire County Council. Sir Ron Hadfield, Ronnie Waterhouse’s advisor on ‘police matters’, had previously worked for Derbyshire Constabulary. It is quite obvious that absolutely everybody involved with the Waterhouse Inquiry only ever got near it because they were considered a safe pair of hands and would not be in any danger of making public just how horrific the situation prevailing was. So someone in the Welsh Office felt able to rely on people with previous involvement with Derbyshire. But of course someone somewhere also felt able to rely on John Jillings – they will have needed a clean skin for that investigation, someone who could be seen to be carrying out a thorough job (because by then the north Wales child abuse scandal had hit the London-based media), but they won’t have appointed anyone whom they thought might blow the whole thing wide open. Which was probably why the Jillings Report made a point of refusing to speculate on whether a paedophile ring was operating in north Wales.

But Edwina will have been in a position before she ever became an MP to know that some unacceptable things might be happening in children’s homes. Like many MPs, Currie has also been a councillor. Between 1975-86 she was a councillor for Birmingham City Council. Councils from the West Midlands were among those who were placing children in the Bryn Alyn Community. My post ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners’ Strike And A Memory Jogged’ details the case of a family from Birmingham who adopted a little girl who had been abused who then relocated to Anglesey in the 80s but were subjected to vindictive attacks by those we know and love. That post mentions a few other links between Birmingham and north Wales as well. Furthermore there were some people in public life in Birmingham who knew what was happening to children in care in north Wales. One of the people involved in the 1991 Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry which investigated after a care worker was imprisoned for sexually assaulting children was Susan Mead, Chief Inspector of the Social Services Division of Birmingham City Council. Adrianne Jones, the Director of Social Services of the City of Birmingham Council, carried out a review of children’s services in north Wales and then acted as an advisor at the Waterhouse Inquiry. Adrianne Jones then retired to Wales – to Abergavenny, which was another site of a facility where children had been sexually abused. Sir Ron Hadfield also had a connection to Birmingham – he was the recently retired Chief Constable of the West Midlands and was still based in Birmingham.

In the 1980s there was another Derbyshire MP who will have been in a position to know about paedophilic activity in children’s homes and who I think may well have known about the abuse that was happening in north Wales. That is Matthew Parris, who between 1979-86 was MP for West Derbyshire. As I have mentioned previously on this blog, I read Parris’s autobiography about four years ago, an autobiography that he wrote some years ago covering his time in politics. He writes of how he and a number of friends of his used to go to Italy to a place that they called ‘the villa of shame’ and have a lot of gay sex. Parris uses the phrase ‘the boys were always willing’. Boys – not men. Did Parris not wonder where these boys had come from and why they were so willing to have sex with him and his much older friends from Westminster? Who procured these boys for Parris and his mates? No-one seems to have thought to ask Parris about this. Parris was of course famously one of the first MPs to publicly declare that he was gay. He is also well-known for outing Peter Mandelson in 1998 and has stated that there are between 30 and 60 British parliamentarians who are gay but are keeping it quiet. Did any of them holiday at the villa of shame as well? By the time that he outed Mandelson and made his claims regarding scores of other gay politicians who were in the closet Parris had spent a few years in positions where he would have been well-placed to acquire such information. In the mid-70s he spent two years working at the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. The same Foreign and Commonwealth Office that employed the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman, who was known to be a paedophile. After that Parris joined the Conservative Research Department and following a stint there he became correspondence secretary to Margaret Thatcher. The Thatcher who was a personal friend of Jimmy Savile and lobbied for him to be given a knighthood in the face of civil servants telling her that there were concerns about Savile’s ‘private life’ which could prove politically embarrassing if it ever became public. The Thatcher who was sent documents in 1980-81 informing her that Peter Hayman had sexual fantasies relating to children and that his ‘sexual perversion’ rendered him vulnerable to blackmail. The Thatcher who was told that Sir Peter Morrison was holding sex parties with under-age boys, but still appointed him Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party in 1986 and then her PPS in 1990… A correspondence secretary for a woman who was repeatedly being warned that some of her closest aides and friends were abusing children would have read a lot of very interesting things.

Both Edwina Currie and Matthew Parris have now left politics but are in excellent positions to control what is known by the wider public about them and indeed their associates. Edwina has cultivated good media connections and makes frequent appearances on TV and radio. At one point she had her own radio show and it was through this that she met the man to whom she is now married, John Jones. John Jones is a former senior detective with the Metropolitan Police! Since retiring from the Met he has worked as an advisor to media companies and in the media himself. Matthew Parris has an even more influential position. When he suddenly resigned as an MP in 1986 he took up the position as host of the ITV programme ‘Weekend World’. Between 1988-2001 he worked for Murdoch as a columnist for the ‘Times’ and he also wrote for the ‘Spectator’. He is now a parliamentary sketch writer and presents a weekly programme for Radio 4. Parris has homes in Catalonia, Derbyshire and the Docklands in East London. He doesn’t have all three homes to himself though. Parris has a partner, Julian Glover – they’ve been together since 1995. Glover is a political journalist and used to work for the Guardian. He is also a speechwriter for David Cameron.

A pretty classy piece of operation on behalf of just about everyone I think.

 

 

 

 

 

Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice

Most of Ronnie Waterhouse’s whitewash was dedicated to excusing people employed in social care or social work who had abused children in care. However for those of us au fait with the mental health services in north Wales, there is a chapter that makes even more dreadful reading than the rest of the Waterhouse Report – the chapter concerning Gwynfa, a residential NHS unit for children with mental health problems, or in Ronnie’s parlance, ’emotionally disturbed and maladjusted children’. I need to remind readers yet again here that Ronnie’s definition of ‘disturbed’ and ‘maladjusted’, or indeed the mental health service’s definition, may well not be what the rest of the world – even in those days – would define as disturbed or maladjusted. In north Wales NHS speak it simply means that you’ve complained about a Top Doctor breaking the law or abusing their position. Ronnie’s chapter on Gwynfa demonstrates that this was as true in the children’s mental health services as it was in the adults’ services.

Gwynfa was a residential unit in Colwyn Bay that was a combined clinic and school. It was established in 1961 as an NHS psychiatric hospital for children with an on-site school. With the establishment of Clwyd County Council in 1974 the residential/clinic part became the responsibility of Clwyd Health Authority and the school became the responsibility of Clwyd County Council. Until 1982/83 the North Wales Child Guidance Clinic Service offered and monitored admissions, but after that it was administered by the Mental Health Unit of Clwyd Health Authority – yes, that bunch of goons who allowed Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally bang up anyone who crossed his path, who oversaw a shagfest in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and who failed to investigate any complaints, even those of serious abuse of patients. Gwynfa by this time was an 18 bed unit for children below school leaving age, staffed by eight qualified nurses, six ‘other’ nurses (who won’t have actually been nurses if they weren’t qualified) and four psychologists. A child psychiatrist, Dr Barry Kiehn, was appointed in 1981 his remit being specifically Gwynfa and according to Waterhouse it was at this time that ‘the concept of a therapeutic community was introduced’. In April 1993 the administration of Gwynfa was taken over by the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust after an NHS reorganisation. Of course the people managing and staffing the Clwydian Community Care NHS Trust were exactly the same corrupt old gits who had managed and staffed the previous organisations. Letters in my possession regarding my own case written after the ‘reorganisation’ are signed by exactly the same people and use exactly the same phrases as before. Believe me, nothing changed. The average stay for the patients at Gwynfa was five months, although some were there a lot longer.

The overall responsibility for managing Gwynfa was taken by the Principal Nursing Officer, who was responsible for recruitment and selection of staff. They reported to the Unit Nursing Officer (later known as the Director of Nursing Services) at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, who visited Gwynfa about once a month. So Gwynfa was ultimately run by the person who ran Denbigh. When I read that I knew that the tales from the children at Gwynfa would be bad. Gwynfa was shut down in 1997 – I wonder whether that decision had been made in anticipation of what former patients might say to the Waterhouse Inquiry.

Between 1972-1990 the Principal Nursing Officer for Gwynfa was Nigel Mannering Berry. By 1972 he had already been employed there for nine years. Waterhouse tells us that Berry qualified as a registered mental nurse in 1959 and had been previously employed at Denbigh. So the ‘therapeutic community’ for children was run by something out of the ark who had worked at Denbigh when Gwynne the lobotomist was in full swing. Waterhouse notes that Berry had no specific training in dealing with ‘disturbed’ children. Waterhouse states that since 1974 there had been five internal investigations/reviews of the conduct of specific members of nursing staff at Gwynfa.

In 1986 a male member of staff had head butted a boy patient. The nurse received a final warning (which suggests that he’d done similar things previously) and was transferred to ‘another hospital’ for adults. Probably the North Wales Hospital, presumably so he could head butt patients there.

In 1991 an investigation was held into the relationship between a 16 year old girl with a depressive disorder and a 45 year old auxillary nurse, Robert Martin Williams. We are told that the investigation began after a ‘letter’ was found, but staff were unable to encourage the girl to supply details of Williams’s activities. I wonder how hard they tried. Waterhouse notes that Williams had been previously ‘counselled’ (!) regarding his behaviour towards patients after other staff members raised concerns about him. He denied an unspecified ‘offence’ and resigned. Waterhouse goes on to explain that in 1996 the girl told the police that Williams had actually raped her twice. Waterhouse refers to a ‘highly incriminating letter’ which he had seen himself. Williams was charged with two counts of rape and in March 1997 was convicted at Mold Crown Court of both offences and sentenced to six years in prison. I note that like many other children at Gwynfa this girl had not been in care, so could not even be dehumanised and dishonoured like so many of the ‘troublesome’ young people in the children’s homes who were abused. Neither was she ‘disturbed’ or ‘maladjusted’ – even Gwynfa described her as ‘depressed’. So a 16 year old girl with depression was raped twice by a member of staff. And nothing happened until some years later when there was a major police investigation into the care of children in north Wales. Had there not been that investigation, Clwyd Health Authority and the North Wales Hospital would have sat on those rapes forever. Waterhouse notes that the girl who had been raped ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system. No-one asked her why. Of course, readers who have read my earlier posts will know that by the time that this teenager ‘did not feel able’ to use the complaints system, I had used that system and I had used it to raise concerns about, among other things, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s conduct towards female patients and staff at the North Wales Hospital physically assaulting patients. I got nowhere and interestingly enough at the time that this girl was being raped in Gwynfa, I was being dragged through the High Court by Sir Robert Francis QC – at the behest of psychiatrists in north Wales – who was demanding my imprisonment for ‘harassment’ because I was writing numerous letters alleging that patients were being criminally abused in the north Wales mental health services (see post ‘The Sordid Role Of Sir Robert Francis QC’).

But it transpired that there had been many other allegations of abuse by children who had been patients at Gwynfa and that by July 1993 it was clear that there was a problem with allegations of a ‘serious nature’. It was about this time that I was receiving letters from Laurie Wood, the former manager of the mental health services in Clwyd who then became Chief Exec of the Clwydian Community NHS Trust, refusing to reopen my own complaint and reassuring me that he was certain that no-one else was having the sort of experiences that I had – although of course at the same time maintaining that nobody had behaved improperly in my case at all. In July 1993 Detective Superintendent Ackerley from the North Wales Police was invited to conduct a fuller investigation into Gwynfa. That’s the North Wales Police whose officers conspired with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to unlawfully arrest people and detain them in the North Wales Hospital – the same North Wales Police who returned children to children’s homes after they’d run away to escape the beatings and the buggery, the same North Wales Police who returned patients to Denbigh if they ran off even though they were being held there illegally. The same North Wales Police who employed Gordon Anglesea, who was abusing boys in care himself.

Waterhouse intriguingly tells us that ‘at some stage’ the NHS Trust ‘became aware’ that seven former patients had made serious allegations to the police against a member of staff who was still employed at Gwynfa, referred to only as Z. The Trust asked the police to ask the former patients who had made statements for their permission for the Trust to access the statements for internal disciplinary purposes. Only four patients gave permission. Waterhouse simply observes that because of this the NHS Trust had to investigate the matter ‘on an incomplete basis’. Ronnie doesn’t ask why the other patients had given statements to the police but wouldn’t co-operate with the Trust. Had they perhaps found themselves repeatedly up in Court after NHS staff made daft allegations about them? Ronnie tells us that the legal advice that the Trust Board received was that the available evidence was insufficient to justify Z’s dismissal. That advice would have come from the same source as the advice to repeatedly arrest me after I made serious complaint – that source being Andrew Park, the bent solicitor from the Welsh Office. Two members of staff were transferred to a day hospital. There’s a familiar pattern here – serious allegations made against a staff member, complaints mysteriously dropped or not followed up, the member of staff at the centre of the allegations transferred to work somewhere else with equally vulnerable people. Exactly what happened when I complained about the SEN Stephen Rose, employed at the North Wales Hospital, assaulting me. No investigation, but Rose relocated to Park Lane Hospital – an institution notorious for staff abusing patients. Regarding Z, it gets worse. Yet further allegations against Z were made at a later date and Z was finally suspended in July 1997. In March 1999 the CPS stated that a prosecution was not justified.

Altogether 27 people told the Waterhouse Tribunal that they had been abused at Gwynfa. 23 people complained about incidents between 1974-1987, 10 of them named Z. At the time that Ronnie submitted his Report, the police investigation into Z was continuing. Ronnie states that it would be ‘inappropriate to make any further comment’ because he had not heard any evidence from Z and Z’s ‘legal position was not clear to the Tribunal’. So even with all those lawyers, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office and his numerous advisors, poor old Ronnie – a former High Court judge – couldn’t clarify Z’s legal position. So no more was said. Not that Ronnie had reached his zenith with this comment – he admitted that although there were allegations of sexual abuse against four members of staff, ‘they do not suggest a pattern of such abuse among staff’. His rationale for this thinking was bizarre – it was because each allegation of sexual abuse was made about a different member of staff, on a different occasion, by a different patient. Which suggests to me that there was one hell of a problem – particularly as one member of staff was already in prison for the double rape of a patient and dear old Z was at the centre of a police investigation. It’s also highly likely that there were many more allegations that no-one ever got to hear about. We learn from Ronnie’s Report that a 13 year old girl was indecently assaulted but did not report it at the time and that a 17 year old male patient was buggered in 1979/80, but that this allegation didn’t come to light until the police interviewed the complainant in 1992 – in 1993 there was a decision not to prosecute.

Ronnie didn’t just hear about sexual abuse at Gwynfa. Again and again bizarre stories – bizarre but all too believable to those of us who know how the mental health services routinely conducted themselves – were related by former patients. A boy who was described as ‘behaving disruptively’ at a private school in Llandudno was sent to Gwynfa – but he thought that he was going into hospital to have his heart investigated! Who told him this cock and bull story? And what was the nature of his ‘disruptive behaviour’ at the private school in Llandudno? Which school was it? We know that people were diverted into the mental health services if they crossed the paths of certain people or questioned abuses – is it possible that something was going on in the school in Llandudno that shouldn’t have been? This boy told Waterhouse that his year at Gwynfa had been a ‘waste of time’, that he hadn’t been helped, that the education at Gwynfa was inadequate, but he also told of two very serious assaults from male members of staff. On one occasion, a harness was made of rubber rings and he was yanked up on a door using this contraption – it was incredibly painful but he was told by the ‘nurses’ who did this to ‘take it in good spirit’. On another occasion he was dropped onto the ground outside from a first floor window. Each of these incidents was constructed as being the patient’s own fault. As every assault on a mental health patient in north Wales always is.

A girl felt so uneasy about Z that she told her (female) social worker that she didn’t like him. The social worker told her not to be silly, he was nice. The girl persisted with her concerns about Z – the social worker stated that she was ‘seeking attention’. Again this is depressingly familiar – over the last thirty years, I and others consistently raised concerns about staff who were doing things that they shouldn’t have been doing. We too were fobbed off constantly with idiocies – I lost count of the number of times that I was told that Dafydd Alun Jones had ‘helped people’, that ‘other patients like him’ or even, yes, that he was ‘nice’. He wasn’t, he was/is a fucking criminal who was abusing patients and everyone knew it. What chance did CHILDREN stuck in a residential unit for months have against staff who were groping them, raping them and throwing them out of windows? Ronnie admits that one witness at the Tribunal remembered being physically assaulted by Z – Ronnie simply states ‘we say no more about it’. Other former patients remembered being gagged with elastoplasts that were then ripped off, hit on the head with a pool cue, hung out of a window, regularly assaulted and beaten up. One witness described how a dog collar was put on him and he was led around on a lead – he was seven years old. One former patient compared Gwynfa to a prison. Which it was, but probably one with fewer safeguards.

Waterhouse details two ‘therapies’ that were used at Gwynfa. ‘Pyjama therapy’ – where the children had their clothes removed and could only wear pyjamas. (I witnessed an adult male patient subjected to this at Ysbyty Gwynedd in the early 1990s.) But Gwynfa also had ‘bed therapy’ – children’s clothes AND pyjamas were removed from them so they were forced to remain in bed. Presumably naked under the covers with a bunch of rapists ‘caring’ for them. Sexual assault therapy could well have followed.

Despite the graphic accounts of the daily abuse that so many children endured, Ronnie decided that ‘the picture we have received of conditions at Gwynfa has been incomplete’ and ‘we have not attempted to reach detailed conclusions about the regime at Gwynfa’. Ronnie does have a bit of advice concerning Gwynfa though. He notes that it was staffed by male adult psychiatric nurses with no experience of child care, so he recommended that there should be more social services involvement, with trained residential care staff being introduced and that senior staff should have qualifications in residential child care. So instead of being assaulted by a bunch of former Denbigh nurses, the children could be assaulted by the sort of children’s social care staff that the rest of Ronnie’s Report was concerned with.

It seems that the abuses at Gwynfa only came to light when in Sept 1991 a former Gwynfa patient appeared on TV and a police investigation followed. Clwyd Health Authority reacted by ordering an investigation and a report from Irene Train, who was at the time of the Waterhouse Inquiry, Divisional General Manager (North) of Clwyd’s Community and Mental Health Unit. Irene featured in a previous blog post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’. In 1990 after Stephen Norris the Officer in Charge of a children’s home called Cartrefle had been convicted of sexual assault, the ACPC (Area Children’s Protection Committee) was asked to conduct a review. Irene Train was Vice-Chair – and then Chair – of the ACPC. She was at that time Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority. So Irene was someone else who was in a very senior position, was very well-networked and even Chaired the ACPC – who was just so taken aback by all the allegations of violence and rape that emerged after people started appearing on TV and in the press. Irene presented ‘written evidence’ to the Tribunal informing Ronnie that: there was now ‘confidential free telephone facilities for patients to obtain individual counselling’; the development of child advocacy services; and that patients were informed of their right to have their complaints dealt with by the Chief Exec and a right of appeal to a non-executive director of the NHS Trust. Right – there is no confidentiality in the north Wales mental health services, the entire system works on gossip and rumour; hardly any of the ‘counsellors’ employed know anything about counselling, nearly all of them have been ‘trained’ by the same lame abusive idiots that have spawned the disaster in the first place; the ‘advocacy’ services positively ensure that no competent ‘advocate’ is ever employed and most of the ‘advocates’ are ‘service users’ themselves who are dependent upon the system and far too frightened to challenge it; the Chief Exec was Laurie Wood, who was ultimately responsible for the abusive services and who was very much part of the problem; a non-executive director of the NHS Trust will not step on anyone’s toes. So I really don’t think that Irene Train’s bright ideas were ever going to stop any future patients being abused.

So the children at Gwynfa were raped and assaulted and as with the children in care I expect that many – if not most of them – will be dead by now. What of those responsible for the ‘service’? Such as Dr Barry Kiehn, the child psychiatrist specifically responsible for the ‘therapeutic community’ that was Gwynfa? Barry Kiehn is now retired and living the life of Riley. His twitter feed informs us that he lives in Colwyn Bay (as so many featured in the wrongdoing detailed on this blog do) and he enjoys opera, classical music, ballet, art, ceramics, travel, languages, science and singing. How did such a cultured man stand by whilst his young patients were sexually assaulted and battered by a bunch of ageing thugs who had been transferred from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh? What about Irene, the most senior nurse responsible for those thugs? Irene is now retired but she keeps busy. In 2003-2004 she was Secretary for St David’s Promotions Ltd – that’s the fundraising bit of St David’s Hospice. The St David’s Hospice in Llandudno that gave the former manager of the Hergest Unit Alun Davies a job as Chief Exec after his corruption and mismanagement left the Hergest Unit a heap of smouldering rubble; the St David’s Hospice who, once Davies finally went, gave the dreadful Trystan Pritchard a job as Chief Exec – the Trystan who was responsible for lies, deceit and mismanagement when he worked at Ysbyty Gwynedd, the Trystan with Masonic connections who was on excellent terms with the regime of managers previously employed by the North West Wales NHS Trust. Please see post ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’ for more information. In 2006 however, Irene Train turned up as a company director, along with a Howard Geoffrey Train and a number of other people with the surname ‘Train’, of an outfit called H Domestic Agency Ltd. H Domestic Agency’s address is 99 Blimco Grove, Cambridge, should anyone wish to contact Irene and ask her a few questions about her glorious career in Clwyd. As for Nigel Mannering Berry, the pig who was ‘Principal Nursing Officer’ at Gwynfa, who oversaw the brutality and the abuse after gaining so much ‘experience’ at Denbigh – well he lives in Colwyn Bay as well. Specifically at 40 Yerburgh Avenue, Colwyn Bay, LL29 7NB. But guess what? Between 1993-94 Nigel was a Director of Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall! Ah, the Masons that never provided any sort of protective network at all for anyone involved in the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal – we know that because Ronnie confirmed in his Report that there was no evidence of Masonic links and so did Stephen Crabb, who was Secretary of State for Wales when the cover-up that covered up Ronnie’s cover-up, ie. the Macur Review, was published. I invite Ronnie and Stephen Crabb to do what I’ve just done, google Nigel Mannering Berry and read that very long list of names that are associated with the Colwyn Bay Masonic Hall – and that’s just the Colwyn Bay contingent. And if they’ve got time Ronnie and Stephen can google dear old Mrs Train and her former associates at St David’s Hospice – they’re all there, the elderly negligent fuckwits from yesteryear who brought the north Wales NHS to it’s knees.

There is of course one elderly negligent fuckwit who was in a senior management role with the Clwyd mental health services whilst horrors were being perpetuated at Gwynfa who has not yet been put out to grass. That is Dr Peter Higson, the current Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board. Let me remind you Higson: a 16 year old girl with depression raped twice; a 17 year old boy buggered; a seven year old boy fitted with a dog collar and led around on a lead; children dropped out of windows; hit with pool cues; regularly assaulted and beaten.

Waterhouse makes an passing observation regarding Gwynfa that I find telling. That most of the patients there were actually from Gwynedd – and that Barry Kiehn was categorised as a child psychiatrist employed by Gwynedd Health Authority. So it was those fine upstanding Top Doctors from Gwynedd who were referring children to a ‘hospital’ where they were beaten and raped.

Do all these people not owe the world an explanation? Or am I just being silly because they’re nice?

 

 

 

Ysbyty Gwynedd Hits The Daily Mail

Late last night a reader of the blog sent me a link to a Mail online story that I missed, regarding the wrongdoing of a Top Doctor. It’s another corker – the headline referred to a ‘senior NHS heart doctor’ who ‘forged prescriptions to feed an addiction’ and whose ‘disciplinary hearing was shrouded in secrecy’. I had to read more…

Martin Royle, 45, a consultant cardiologist ‘from Liverpool’, had previously been given a suspended prison sentence for forging prescriptions – repeatedly – and it seems for leaning on a junior doctor to assist him. Royle had been employed at St Helen’s and Knowsley Teaching Hospitals and they sacked him – not just for the forged prescriptions business either, but also for carrying out procedures on patients that he was not trained to do and for moonlighting at a private clinic whilst he was on call at another hospital. Entertainingly, whilst employed in Liverpool, he had featured in a leaflet issued by the Trust entitled ‘Trust In Us’, describing Royle as a member of their ‘highly skilled team’.

Royle’s misconduct hearing at the Medical Practitioners Tribunal Service in Manchester was held entirely in secret, due to privacy rules regarding ‘the physical or mental health of a doctor’. The statement from the panel, Chaired by Edward Doyle, another Top Doctor, is so heavily redacted that no-one is any the wiser as to the background to Royle’s criminal offences. Doyle did however comment that the Tribunal had concluded that ‘public confidence in the profession’ would be ‘severely affected’ by knowledge of Royle’s convictions and the ‘matters which led to them’. So the gory details must be grim. It’s OK though – this lying cheating doctor who nips off to do a bit of private work whilst on-call for the NHS is not a risk to patients! He is continuing to practice ‘under supervision’. Indeed he is currently busy working at a hospital in Wales – Ysbyty Gwynedd. Who else would have employed him with a record like that? As with the sexually harassing gynaecologist at St Georges Hospital Medical School who was so much of a liability on the London circuit that he was sent to Cardiff, Royle was sacked by a Liverpool hospital – and sent to Bangor. Remember, Royle is now working ‘under supervision’ – the supervision of that bunch of lying hopeless dipsticks employed by the Betsi, which is in special measures….

Compare the treatment of Royle, a man with addiction problems, with the treatment of Craig Nikovic, the addict discussed in my last post. Craig is back in prison because he breached conditions relating to early release conditions – for being found asleep in Wrexham town centre and nothing else. He was asleep in Wrexham town centre because he was homeless. Royle however is a highly paid Top Doctor who will undoubtedly have somewhere very comfortable to live, whose crimes relating to his drug use actually seem to be rather more serious than Nikovic’s, but Royle has been afforded privacy and protection by the medical establishment and has now been let loose on the unsuspecting citizens of north west Wales. And Dr Edward Doyle believes that ‘public confidence’ in his ‘profession’ will be damaged should the background of Royle’s offending be made public…

Of course, ‘the profession’ has been pissing all over the people of north Wales for years – this blog began life as an expose of this. The GMC were so keen to protect the lethal Dr Tony Roberts that someone somewhere forged a letter from me (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Another Forged Document’). Then there’s our old friend Dr Dafydd Alun Jones – Dafydd’s wrongdoing is so great and will be familiar to regular readers anyway so I won’t repeat it all here – who was never subject to disciplinary action despite the scores of very serious complaints about him to the GMC.

There is however a bit of info regarding Dafydd that I have not yet detailed on the blog – I was reminded of it when I read about Royle working at a private hospital whilst he was on-call for the NHS. This type of moonlighting was a regular practice of Dafydd’s. One afternoon a week he used to hold an general psychiatric outpatients clinic at Ysbyty Gwynedd (this was before the Hergest Unit was built). He never ever turned up. Sometimes he would dispatch a clueless junior doctor from the North Wales Hospital in his place who didn’t know any of the patients, but usually he wouldn’t even do that. There would be managers and other staff wandering the corridors wondering if Jones was going to actually send someone over to hold the clinic or whether a lie would have to be told to the waiting patients to cover Gwynedd Health Authority’s arse. I witnessed all this because when Jones and his managers refused to reply to my letters of complaint I turned up at his ‘clinics’ on a few occasions to ask for a response. So I found out what was going on. I also found out how little effort that Gwynedd Health Authority were actually making to deal with Jones’s dreadful behaviour – because I found out where he was when he wasn’t at his NHS clinics. He was holding private clinics elsewhere. I found this out because Jones employed a ‘secretary’ to deal with his private practice. The details of this secretary were publicly available, as was her contact number – it was given to me by someone who worked at the North Wales Hospital when I rang them and told them that I was a patient who wanted to contact Jones (which I was, although I was of course a patient with a very serious complaint). So I had a laugh with Ysbyty Gwynedd and when they used to tell me that they ‘didn’t know’ where Jones was, I used to tell them myself, having found out from his private secretary earlier. On most occasions he would be at the Grosvenor Nuffield Hospital in Chester or at the North Wales Medical Centre in Llandudno. They still did NOTHING – there was no attempt at all by them to ensure that Jones carried out his NHS responsibilities. On one occasion when they were all farting about telling me that they didn’t know how to contact him, I rang him myself (his private secretary had given me his mobile number). For once he wasn’t in a private clinic, he was somewhere socialising with a lot of other people and obviously had his phone on speaker phone, because when he answered I simply said ‘Jones, you are supposed to be at a clinic in Bangor, why aren’t you there?’ and I heard uproarious laughter in the background from a number of unknown men. That evening the mental health services tried to have me arrested. The only time that Jones bothered to turn up to his clinics was when the Hergest Unit opened and he was given ‘responsibility’ for the drug users – because he was using those ‘clinics’ to build up a substantial business (please see post ‘The Evolution of A Drugs Baron’). And when I heard him carrying out the transactions with the drug users, I was banned from the Hergest Unit…

I discovered something else odd about Jones as well during that period of time – specifically, that he was also holding ‘clinics’ at the Queen’s Hotel in Leeds. I had never been to the Queen’s Hotel in Leeds and although I thought that an hotel was a very odd place to hold a clinic, by then I’d realised that Dafydd was so mad that he was capable of anything. But of course in recent years, the Queen’s Hotel has become famous for something else – Jimmy Savile used to hang out there. The Jimmy Savile who molested hundreds of people, including teenagers in various homes and patients on NHS premises, some of them psychiatric patients. The Jimmy Savile who used to turn up at Ashworth Hospital, an institution with which Dafydd had connections. The Jimmy Savile who some people have alleged was known to be visiting children’s homes in north Wales. That’s the children’s homes that it is now admitted were being used by a paedophile ring – the ring that was protected by Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes. Of course it has never been confirmed that Savile was visiting children’s homes in north east Wales – because the Waterhouse Report only limited it’s remit to investigating whether children had been abused by people employed within the care system or not. So how politicians and Ministers then managed to make public statements maintaining that there were no ‘public figures’ involved in the abuse I do not know – because Waterhouse had deliberately avoided investigating whether there were.

 

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.

 

 

 

 

The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?

Recent posts have mentioned the turf wars taking place in north Wales between rival drug dealers – one such war recently culminating in a murder – and the drugs problem in Wrexham that is causing so much public concern that it hit the wider UK media a few weeks ago. Regular readers will know that the Welsh Gov’t is handing over millions to CAIS, the Third sector organisation, to tackle ‘substance abuse and associated problems’. Readers will also know that the DWP is another body parting with good money to CAIS and that CAIS has now landed the contract for ‘service user involvement’ across the whole of north Wales, after a ‘commissioning process’ that was very obviously designed to ensure that CAIS was the only organisation in a position to secure the contract (please see post ‘The Story Behind £1.5 Million’). CAIS have formed a vehicle called CANIAD to carry out the ‘service user involvement’ and I have already been contacted by someone who has confirmed that CANIAD is not what it pretends to be. In recent years CAIS have expanded and expanded and now have fingers in many pies eg. substance abuse, alcohol abuse, ‘care’ for forces veterans experiencing PTSD, housing, various ‘therapies’, education, training and ‘service user involvement’. It has been common knowledge across north Wales for years that some of the CAIS ‘volunteers’ and ‘peer guides’ are dealing in drugs to the ‘clients’ and at least two people known to me have quipped that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the Chair and founder of CAIS) must be the biggest drug dealer in north Wales. So imagine how gobsmacked some of us were when, some years ago, the former Deputy Chief Constable of North Wales, Clive Wolfendale, was appointed Chief Exec of CAIS. Clive has certainly been an asset to CAIS – they have now expanded into south Wales. The other day my co-researcher sent me a most interesting link, namely to the minutes of the oral evidence given to the Welsh Affairs Committee, 7 Feb 2012. The witnesses giving evidence are Mark Lovatt, manager, Blind Veterans UK, Llandudno; Alistair Maxwell, regional manager (Wales), Royal British Legion and Clive Wolfendale, Chief Exec, CAIS. They are giving evidence regarding the provision of services for veterans in Wales. Clive’s comments certainly shine a light on how business is conducted.

Clive introduces himself and then explains that CAIS provides ‘services for people with substance misuse problems across north Wales and Powys’, that CAIS has been around for ‘about thirty years’, that it receives ‘no funding whatsoever’ for the PTSD services that it provides for military veterans and that these are ‘provided as a ‘pro bono’ offering on the back of it’s general charitable remit to support people in need through substance misuse and allied issues’. Wolfendale goes on to mention that there are ‘gaps in provision’ in the statutory services for veterans. (He does not mention that there are gaps in provision for everyone and one reason why the provision in the statutory sector is so bad is that for years Dr Dafydd Alun Jones ran the show in north Wales where the mental health services were concerned and that they were so dysfunctional and so abusive that no good psychiatrist would work there.) Clive states that the landscape has been ‘complicated by issues associated with Forces For Good’. What Clive is referring to here is Forces For Good Ltd, a ‘social enterprise’ for veterans in north Wales whose leading light was one Christopher James O’Neill – he was arrested for fraud and theft, after trying to swindle the Welsh Gov’t out of hundreds of thousands of pounds and then embezzling some of the funds from Forces For Good. Clive claims that there are ‘too many organisations…often with good intent, involving themselves…certainly without proper governance arrangements, so that nobody knows where the money is going…without proper clinical governance in terms of therapies. The multiplicity of therapies is astonishing and there is a lot of dogma attached to that and resistance to change and acceptance which complicates the situation as well…among that a huge number of charities, some are not fit for purpose…’ Let’s look at this in detail.

Clive refers to ‘too many organisations’. Well an awful lot of those organisations past and present have been established by Dafydd himself, although they don’t always have his name above the door. (A lot of people wondered if Dafydd was behind Forces For Good – it had all the hallmarks of Dafydd, a ‘social enterprise’ mopping up huge quantities of money from the Welsh Gov’t, providing ‘help’ for veterans and futhermore all the action seemed to be happening in Llandudno, Dafydd’s HQ.) Indeed, CAIS itself is an umbrella organisation which serves as a front for a plethora of other vehicles – such as CANIAD. This is self-evident from the CAIS website – CAIS now quaintly refer to this multiplicity of organisations as the CAIS ‘family’. Clive refers to organisations in which ‘no-one knows where the money is going’. The question that everyone asks of CAIS is where is the money going? They are receiving millions, but only employ a skeleton staff – nearly all the work is done by volunteers – and the Board of Trustees maintain that they’re not pocketing a penny. So where is the dosh going Dafydd? Now for a real bit of entertainment – Clive stresses the need for ‘proper governance arrangements’. A previous post provided a link to the Board of Trustees of CAIS, but I’ll refresh readers memories here. The Chair is Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Who illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital, who sexually exploited patients, who was incapable of telling the truth, who was involved in arrangements with corrupt police officers to have people arrested for crimes that it was known that they had not committed, who was said by addicts to ‘give you anything that you wanted’, who placed his patients in accommodation where they were assaulted and neglected, who had a mistress who was facilitating a paedophile ring and who tried to threaten and then bribe me into dropping my complaints about him (other crimes of Dafydd’s are detailed elsewhere on the blog, that’s just a taster). The Vice-Chair and Trustee of CAIS is Cledwyn Williams. Cledwyn describes himself as being, between 1983 and 1996, ‘Assistant Director, Social Services’, but doesn’t state WHICH social services. His biography then gives the info that he was after that ‘Director of Social Services, Conwy’. I suspect that Cledwyn is the senior manager who was mentioned in the Jillings Report into child abuse in Clwyd Social Services (Clwyd Social Services were dissolved at the same time as the Jillings Report was given to the authorities). That’s the Jillings Report that documented such serious abuse and malpractice that it was withheld for decades and then only published after being heavily redacted. Another Trustee is Lucille Hughes, former Director of Gwynedd Social Services and mistress of Dafydd’s. Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was operating in the Social Services but failing to act. Another Trustee is Dr Avril Wayte. She is the clinical director for the Clinical Biochemistry services at the Betsi – services that are alleged to be in chaos with constant serious mistakes being made. Avril is married to Dr Donald Wayte, the retired Home Office pathologist who not only discovered some extraordinary things in his post-mortems, but allowed a schoolboy to accompany him on his duties because he was friends with the boy’s mother and also caused a stir by once announcing to the press that most children who die as a result of cot death have been murdered by their parents – on the basis of no evidence at all. Another Trustee is Dafydd’s son, Dyfrig ap Dafydd. Another one is Brian Smith, who upon retirement ‘worked for the WDA’. That’s the WDA (Welsh Development Agency) that was so mired in scandal and allegations of corruption that it was dismantled. Yet another Trustee is Geoff Simpson, a ‘management accountant in the motor trade’. So far then, we have a corrupt psychiatrist who shagged his patients, his son, his mistress who assisted in the running of a paedophile ring, someone else named in a report into one the worst cases of child abuse in the UK, the wife of a dodgy pathologist, a refugee from a notorious now-defunct Government body that brought Wales into disrepute and a car dealer. PROPER GOVERNANCE ARRANGEMENTS???

Clive condemns the lack of ‘clinical governance’ of therapies, as well as ‘multiplicity of therapies’ and ‘dogma’. Well Clive, when Dafydd was running loose in the NHS, his prescribing was appalling – huge doses of chlorpromazine for everyone no matter what their diagnosis and if they were addicts they got anything that they wanted on request, he was sued by one woman whom he sectioned for a year and diagnosed as having ‘paranoid schizophrenia’ when there was nothing wrong with her and a brief investigation into CAIS’s own offerings reveals what can only be described as a ‘multiplicity of therapies’. As for dogma -Dafydd achieved notoriety in the 90s for taking all the junkies off methadone and replacing that with huge doses of benzodiazepines which resulted in most of them becoming hopelessly addicted. He was told repeatedly that this was both dangerous and bloody stupid but he didn’t waver once. Regarding people who are ‘resistant to change’ – Dafydd, Lucille and Cledwyn are all well into their 80s, presided over the most shameful period of recent history in north Wales ie the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, and still won’t retire.

When Clive is asked by a Committee member what proportion of CAIS’s clients are veterans, Clive makes a guess – and admits that ‘the information systems are not sufficiently robust to be definite’. So CAIS, receiving millions in funding, having been in business for 30 years, has not even conducted a simple count of the number of people to whom they are offering ‘services’ who are veterans – although Clive claims that this is their ‘principle mission’. Clive then speculates at length regarding drug and alcohol use and PTSD, but no figures at all are provided – he then speculates a bit more regarding people ‘self-medicating with alcohol’ ‘in the absence of other therapies’. Well it’s Dafydd’s mates in the mental health services that are not providing the other therapies… Despite Clive’s previous mention of their ‘principle mission’, he goes on to tell the Committee that ‘it isn’t CAIS’s particular focus and never has been, to work with the military…we’d be very pleased to do so’. Of course they would, Dafydd’s spotted a gap in the market and he’s after a few more million.

The Committee moves on to ask the witnesses questions regarding the possibility of a rehabilitation centre for veterans. Clive remarks that such units ‘come and go’ and referred to one called Ty Gwyn in Llandudno that ‘disappeared’ about 8 years ago. Ty Gwyn was owned by Dafydd – it ‘disappeared’ because it was a con. Dafydd charged thousands of pounds a week for what was described to me by a former patient as a shared room in a ‘mediocre boarding house’ – he was sent into Llandudno to buy takeaways because Dafydd couldn’t provide vegetarian food. This ‘patient’ with PTSD never received any ‘therapy’ at all and only actually saw Dafydd when he discharged himself, whereupon Dafydd turned up and recommended that he stay another few weeks. This man was paying for all this himself, but most ‘patients’ there were funded by the NHS. One former nurse from Ty Gwyn who walked out in disgust told me that most of the patients didn’t have PTSD at all, they had drug and alcohol problems, had got into trouble with the law and had checked into Ty Gwyn in order to receive a favourable Court report from Dafydd. Ty Gwyn ‘disappeared’ when the Welsh Gov’t refused to fund anymore ‘placements’ at this money-spinner. Clive goes on to mention a few more ‘places’ that have ‘come and gone’ – again, most of them were established by Dafydd. Clive mentions that people are ‘let down’ when these facilities close – Dafydd is a past master at letting people down, his business model is a medical version of slash and burn agriculture ie. he sets something up, milks it for as much as he can or until the goodwill has expired, then he shuts shop and opens up something else down the road.

At this point Clive arrives at the heart of the matter: ‘a facility with the ability to treat individuals with substance misuse problems, particularly alcoholism, is for my money, almost a necessity…the reason we are finding high numbers of people on our books is the support has not been there at the right time or the right place…Wales is a good place to be doing this sort of work [a residential rehab centre]…we have space, a strong tradition of supporting the military – there are lots of people around who can help – and the environment in terms of the therapies, the space, the mountains and the sea. Veterans find it an attractive place in which to recover, they feel at home’. So Clive, Chief Exec of CAIS, who is very obviously looking out for another opportunity, maintains that a residential centre is a necessity. How would he know? He’s already failed to produce any figures at all regarding how many veterans CAIS are catering for – so he wouldn’t even be aware if they did have ‘high numbers’ on their books. Of course the support hasn’t been there at the right time or the right place – Dafydd has been providing that support and it’s so dodgy that it keeps closing down. ‘A strong tradition of supporting the military’ – that’ll be a reference to the mediocre boarding house, there’s no other tradition in evidence. And there weren’t any ‘therapies’ on offer, just a Court report to get someone out of trouble. As for ‘the mountains and the sea’ – yes, north Wales has lovely mountains and sea, but you don’t find CAIS clients there. The CAIS clients are to be found in poor quality social housing in less desirable areas – if indeed they have homes to go to – and for recreational purposes they hang around the run down bits of local towns boozing or taking recreational chemicals. The only reason that they ‘feel at home’ in north Wales is that that’s where they end up, because that’s where Dafydd’s establishments are. As for ‘lots of people to help’ – is that a reference to the former facilitators of the paedophile gang or a reference to the scores of unpaid ‘peer guides’, some of whom are selling drugs to the clients?

One of the members of the Committee was Nia Griffiths (the MP who’s causing problems for Jeremy Corbyn at present). Nia comments that the ‘quality’ of St Dunstan’s (the centre run by Blind Veterans UK) is ‘superb’. There is no reference to the Committee having any in-depth knowledge of the work of St Dunstan’s, but it is mentioned that they’d received ‘hospitality’ the night before. So the politicians were given a good dinner, that always helps when the Third sector are after some funding.

Clive explains that the health service ‘cannot afford’ to do much ‘of this work’ and that ‘charities and the Third sector are sometimes in a much better position to deliver such services…we’re embedded locally with the tradition and history…we can certainly work more cheaply because we do not pay as much and we do not have the overheads and the infrastructure to support in the way the health service does’. OK, so Dafydd and co have log jammed all the positions in the region for decades and their ‘service’ is as cheap as chips because they don’t pay anyone properly and the ‘facilities’ on offer is a mediocre boarding house rather than a hospital so there’s no overheads or infrastructure. Clive then expands once more on the need for good governance, proper oversight, extremely tight financial governance and clinical governance. None of which CAIS provides. Clive states that the ‘therapies and the treatments’ on offer must equate with the best that the NHS can provide. Dafydd and co destroyed the mental health services in the region before they retired, so it won’t be difficult for the shite offerings from CAIS to match the NHS. Clive then really puts his cards on the table – he observes that it’s better if the NHS doesn’t provide these ‘services’, but where the NHS can ‘add value’ is through ‘exercising oversight, co-ordination and leadership of the whole agenda’. In other words ensuring that the shysters in CAIS land the contract. But Clive’s not one for competition in this brave new world of ‘co-production’ – he expresses concern about the number of charities in the arena, stating that the situation is ‘chaotic’ and ‘you just don’t know who to talk to next or who will approach you next’. I suspect that this translates as ‘we don’t want to have to compete with anyone else and at present we’re not sure who we approach to pull strings to land the contract’. Clive stresses that there must be ‘self-governance…we must hold our heads up high and be absolutely…clean in everything we do’. That won’t be a problem for the patient-shagging doctor and the paedophiles friends then. Clive is then blunt enough to refer to the ‘blank cheque’ that CAIS would like in order to establish a complete system of veteran rehabilitation based in Wales and to ‘somehow stop the explosion of charities that is taking place’ – he maintains that the other 800 charities in operation should be told to prove that they need to exist. Which of course they don’t, not with dear old CAIS there to provide the ‘services’ in return for more millions from the Welsh Gov’t, the DWP etc. It’s co-production and the Big Society! The learning has obviously been embedded and someone’s been empowered but it won’t be a service user. This must be the biggest gravy train that Dafydd, Lucille and Cledwyn have ever imagined. Clive gave this ‘evidence’ to the Welsh Affairs Committee five years ago – I will see if my co-researcher can find out whether Clive’s efforts were successful in loosening the purse strings of the Welsh Gov’t.

People who have not followed this blog from the beginning and thus have not read the older posts will probably be wondering how ever someone with Dafydd’s track record gained ‘credibility’ where substance abuse services are concerned. As with so much in the north Wales mental health services, I saw it happen…

The North Wales Hospital, where Dafydd was Top Doctor, had by the mid 80s become such an excruciating embarrassment that there was a lot of pressure for it to be closed and for Dafydd to be put out to grass. Previous posts have detailed the way in which Dafydd was unlawfully banging up people in there who had crossed the path of him or his mates or who had complained about being sexually abused in the children’s homes in north Wales. The Mary Wynch case (please see previous posts) had made legal history and hit the London media and subsequently there were calls in Parliament for an investigation. Dafydd weathered it all though – people in north Wales were tearing their hair out complaining that he seemed to be ‘untouchable’. In my posts about the north Wales paedophile ring I have described how it seems that Dafydd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were being afforded protection because of their role in concealing the paedophile ring and I have detailed the role of senior figures in the Welsh Office who were involved. However, people on the ground in north Wales were desperate to see the back of Dafydd and I was told at the time that there was a plan to use the newly opened psychiatric wards at Ysbyty Gwynedd to put Dafydd out of action. Before the exodus of the better staff from Ysbyty Gwynedd, one nurse described to me how the nurses loathed Dafydd so much that they planned to boycott his ward rounds to make it impossible for him to work. I was told that when he walked in, the nurses would get up and walk out en masse. After several weeks of this Dafydd stood up in public and said that his heart was broken and he could no longer carry on. I was told that he was ‘in tears’, although another nurse, who seemed to have some knowledge of just how serious Dafydd’s wrongdoing was, remarked to me that they were ‘crocodile tears’. It seems that he was right. Dafydd then started appearing in the Welsh media, making all sorts of allegations about the newly opened Hergest Unit and how appalling everything was there. Now things did go downhill very rapidly at the Hergest, but it definitely was not as bad as the North Wales Hospital Denbigh had been – Dafydd was so loathed that when he used to arrive at the Hergest for ‘clinics’ patients would hurl abuse at him and ask why he was allowed in. The people that Dafydd claimed to be defending on TV and in the press were patients with drug problems. When I had previously asked people why Dafydd was treating the most difficult but in many ways the most vulnerable patients I was always told that it was because the other psychiatrists refused to treat ‘the junkies’. Dafydd consistently appeared in the media waxing lyrical about how he cared for the drug addicts and how disgusting Gwynedd Health Authority was. It was never explained that there were so many complaints about Dafydd and so much unhappiness among his colleagues that everyone wanted him to retire. A series of managers from Gwynedd Health Authority were wheeled out to speak to the media and rather than saying ‘he has a record of sexually exploiting and illegally detaining patients’, they sought refuge in idiocies such as ‘Dr Jones has ways of working that his colleagues find difficult’. One of these managers, a clinical psychologist whom I remember as being much saner than his colleagues, seems to have had his career destroyed after daring to take on Dafydd – he left Wales and mental health work completely and went to pursue an alternative lifestyle in England. Dafydd then persuaded various people with drug problems to appear on TV stating that they feared for their lives if Dafydd retired. One of these people freely admitted that he’d been paid to appear.

Some other odd things happened at the time. The young man who had been paid to appear on TV was known to be selling class A drugs to schoolchildren in Bangor, quite openly. I knew someone who reported him to the police on a number of occasions. Yet he continued to ply his wares to the local kids on Bangor High Street. In daylight, as the kids were coming out of school. The other thing that this man did was burgle the house of the dreadful Judge Huw Daniel (please see previous posts for details of the wrongdoing of Huw Daniel). He was caught and admitted burgling the old bastard. But as I remember nothing happened to him. Now considering that Huw Daniel really loved sending the dispossessed to prison and clearly wanted to bang me up as well although it was very clear that I had not done what I was accused of (please see post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’), I find it quite surprising that an addict who was pretty well-renowned as a general ne’er do well faced no consequences at all for turning Daniel’s house over. He even produced the camera that he’d stolen from Daniel at the police station. At about this time, there was a senior nurse at Ysbyty Gwynedd whom I got on very well with. On at least two occasions I was told that he was forced by senior figures at Ysbyty Gwynedd to make statements to the police about me. I was also told that although he did their bidding, he was viewed with great suspicion by the authorities at Ysbyty Gwynedd because they feared that he was supplying me with the dirt on Dafydd (he wasn’t, he was always very professional in his dealings with me – there were plenty of other victims of Dafydd who willingly gave me the lowdown). This nurse was then appointed to a senior managerial position at Ysbyty Gwynedd and there was much rejoicing among the nurses because he was very popular among them and they all felt that they were kicked around badly by the psychiatrists and that perhaps things would now change with him in a senior position. He resigned from that position after a matter of months but I never discovered why. He then joined the exodus of staff from the Hergest Unit and took up a community position – with the drugs team on Anglesey. After a matter of weeks he went into hiding – a drugs patient had threatened to kill him and it seemed that this was a threat to be taken seriously (unlike many of the mental health staff, this man was not someone who threw around ludicrous allegations of harmless people being ‘dangerous’). Then something really nasty happened. He was due to visit me because this was one of the many times that the Hergest Unit prosecuted me (I was subsequently found not guilty as usual) and banned me from going to Ysbyty Gwynedd. Because this man had known me well from a few years previously he offered to fulfil the role of a CPN for me. He never arrived at my house though because his wife had died. She had collapsed at home – she was a nurse as well – and although he did all the appropriate things, she died later that night at Ysbyty Gwynedd. He was left a single parent although he did eventually remarry and then left Wales.

Whilst all this was happening, Dafydd used to hold ‘clinics’ for ‘his’ addicts on a Tuesday in the Hergest Unit. Those clinics were chaos. There would be so many addicts turning up that there was literally nowhere for them to wait. The waiting rooms were full, the corridors would be full, they were everywhere. So many people were turning up that they would be in and out of Dafydd’s room in 5 mins. There was no way that those were appropriate consultations for people with serious drug problems. The only way that some sort of order could be maintained was by having a receptionist from the Hergest standing outside Dafydd’s room shouting ‘next’ as soon as the last person had left. No-one even knew their names. None of the Hergest patients ever recognised any of them – because none of them were local. We discovered that they were coming from all over the place to see Dafydd, there was absolutely no catchment area allocation. They were making it very clear why they were coming as well – Dafydd was giving them drugs on request. I knew this because I was one of the patients protesting about Dafydd’s continued presence in the Hergest after serious complaints about him had not been investigated and one day I was standing outside of his door and I heard the transaction within taking place. Dafydd hit the roof when he found that I was outside and I was then banned from attending the Hergest Unit on Tuesdays, because I had discovered what was going on. But so had another patient – he was a former drug user who had spoken to some of Dafydd’s ‘patients’ who had been quite frank with him as to why they were turning up at this ‘clinic’. The Hergest staff were well aware of what the attraction was. Every time an angry patient asked why Dafydd was still allowed into the hospital, the staff would always respond with ‘the patients want to see him, they like him’. And one day the patient who was a former drug user said ‘they like him because he gives them drugs and I should know because I used to be like that myself’. There was silence. It was very clear that Dafydd used those ‘clinics’ to establish an enormous base of customers from right across Wales – and this was the customer list that he subsequently took with him when he left…

After a very long battle, it was agreed that Dafydd would retire when Denbigh shut down, in 1995. But a deal had been done. Dafydd was told that if he agreed to retire, the many outstanding complaints against him would not be followed up. Even better – as part of the deal, Dafydd was told that he would be allowed to continue with the remit for drugs and alcohol services and that these ‘services’ would be provided through CAIS, the charity that he had established and Chaired. Now lest anyone think ‘oh well if the other consultants were refusing to treat the addicts, the authorities didn’t have much choice’, let me enlighten you. There was a Dr John Marks from Liverpool who had an excellent reputation for successfully stabilising addicts and who WANTED to move to Gwynedd. Gwynedd Health Authority blocked his appointment on the grounds that he was ‘controversial’ because he prescribed maintenance doses of heroin to addicts (see post ‘Radio 4 Mentions A Name From The Past’). However he didn’t shag his patients or illegally detain people who’d been molested by a paedophile gang. But it was Dr Marks who was deemed controversial, not Dafydd. So, rather than a highly regarded man who really was a specialist in the care of drug users being employed once Dafydd had retired, Dafydd was allowed to use the Hergest to build up a huge business and then take it to CAIS with him when he ‘retired’. All funded by the NHS.

This could not have happened accidentally. At the same time that Dafydd was given this deal, Mary Wynch – who had by now been screwed over and financially ruined by Dafydd and his chums at Risley Remand Centre – was finally given an utter pittance as a final settlement and told to sod off forever and the calls for a Parliamentary investigation into her case suddenly stopped (please see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’             for the names of the politicians involved and their rewards for silence). All this was going on when John Jillings and his team were trying to carry out their investigation into the abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but found themselves obstructed at every turn. The newly-appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with the team and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The Social Services also failed to disclose all their evidence. (There will be more about the Jillings inquiry in a future post.) Jillings did of course conclude that the most appalling abuse of children had taken place in north Wales, that it had been going on for years and that it had been concealed by just about every agency and organisation. There were constant allegations of a paedophile ring at work involving ‘VIPs’ and the collusion of the security services. The Waterhouse Report subsequently admitted that there was a paedophile ring in existence but denied the involvement of ‘VIPs’. It has since been acknowledged by some of his former colleagues that Sir Peter Morrison, MP for Chester and Thatcher’s PPS, was having sex with under-age boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales. Gordon Anglesea, a former senior officer with the North Wales Police, was imprisoned last year for sexually abusing boys in care in north Wales. No-one expects the questions related to all this to go away…

Previous posts have explained that the cases of Alison Taylor (the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the paedophile ring), Mary Wynch and me were all known about at the highest levels of the Welsh Office. We had all written to Welsh Office ministers and previous posts have detailed the documentation now in my possession demonstrating that both the Welsh Office’s lawyer, Andrew Park, and the Medical Ombudsman, Professor Robert Owen, knew that Dafydd et al had broken the law and perverted the course of justice but concealed it. The security services would have undoubtedly known about some of what was going on as well because they are responsible for the vetting of MPs – they must have known about Peter Morrison, it seemed that his colleagues all did, so MI5 will have. But there’s another reason why MI5 could have known about Dafydd. His work with addicts. If Dafydd was, as the addicts always claimed, prescribing them ‘anything’ they wanted, someone will have given him a Home Office licence. And the Home Office definitely knew about Dafydd – because when he unlawfully imprisoned Mary Wynch, the process also involved two corrupt doctors from Risley Remand Centre, one of whom was employed by the Home Office. The Home Office was one of the parties successfully sued by Mary and that case was heard by Lord Donaldson, Master of the Rolls. Of course the Home Office knew about it. And the Home Office are of course responsible for MI5. There was a barrel of shit in north Wales, Dafydd was responsible whichever way one looked at it and the Welsh Office, the Home Office and almost certainly MI5, knew what was happening. Previous posts have named the Secretaries of State and Home Secretaries involved in Mary’s case, but what of those with responsibility when Dafydd was allowed to retire without investigation once Mary was stuffed over and Denbigh closed down, in the middle of the Jillings investigation – allowed to retire that is whilst taking a substantial business of ‘providing services to drug abusers’ with him?

When the madness reached fever pitch, before the closure of Denbigh and Dafydd’s retirement, when nurses under suspicion of collaborating with me were being threatened with murder by drug users and their wives were dying in the ‘care’ of Ysbyty Gwynedd, when the Hergest Unit tried to frame me (again) and when Mary was stuffed over for good, the Secretary of State for Wales was John Redwood. He was in place between 27 May 1993 and 26 June 1995. David Hunt was appointed Secretary of State for Wales on 26 June 1995, but only until 5 July 1995. A two week appointment. Que?? Now David Hunt certainly knew all about Gwynedd Health Authority and it’s malpractice, because he had been Secretary of State for Wales previously between 4 May 1990 and 27 May 1993. There are letters in Gwynedd Archives from David Hunt to the Chair of Gwynedd Health Authority, Noreen Edwards. (Many of the insane letters about me written by various people at Gwynedd Health Authority were cc’d to Noreen Edwards.) Hunt knew that organisation was a car crash – there are mentions in Hansard and consultants from the Welsh Office had been sent in. William Hague was then appointed Secretary of State for Wales between 5 July 1995 and 2 May 1997. Hague had been Minister of State for the Disabled between 20 July 1994 and 5 July 1995. The North Wales Hospital was shut in the summer of 1995. As for the Home Secretary during this madness – that was Michael Howard, who was Home Secretary between 27 May 1993 and 2 May 1997. There’s no getting away from that is there – Michael ‘prison works’ Howard knew that a rogue psychiatrist in north Wales was illegally imprisoning people, was working in a region where there was the most serious abuse of children who were then ending up in the psychiatric system and often subsequently found dead – so someone allowed him free reign over a mass of people with serious drug problems… But there’s someone else who will also have been involved in this gory business as well. This all happened pre-devolution, so Dafydd, the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and the NHS finding of CAIS will have been the responsibility of the Secretary of State for Health, which between 9 April 1992 and 5 July 1995 was one Virginia Bottomley. Virginia is a former psychiatric social worker and at least one of her children is a doctor. Come on Ginny, banging people up illegally, diagnosing ‘paranoid schizophrenia’ in perfectly healthy people, distributing drugs, having sex with patients and concealing a paedophile gang – you know that they shouldn’t have been doing it. Stephen Dorrell then took over as Secretary of State for Health between 5 July 1995 and 2 May 1997.

Unlike some of the people named in previous posts associated with Very Great Wrongdoing, Lord Howard, Lord Hunt, Lord Hague and Baroness Bottomley of Nettlestone are all still alive and kicking. Would they like to explain why they thought that concealing the most serious abuses and then giving a kickstart to a drugs distribution network was a good idea? Furthermore Theresa, before you sling mud at Wales again, just consider the contribution made to the present problems in it’s NHS by those four fuckwits.

And that is the story of how the party of Law n Order precipitated the gang warfare over drugs that blights north Wales today.