Events, Dear Boy, Events

I am not going to concern myself so much with media reports regarding the excesses of the ‘services’ on this blog any longer because the excesses are such that, as the NHS and other ‘services’ disintegrate to such an extent that it can no longer be concealed, paedophiles’ friends are popping up in the media from all directions screaming loudly that all that is needed is for them to be given many more millions of pounds and then everything will be OK.

The sociologist Loic Wacquant argued some years ago that because neoliberal capitalism had left politicians powerless, all that they could offer was ‘solutions’ in terms of crime and punishment and that was why so many were banging on about the necessity to build more prisons and get tough on crime and the causes of crime. Loic Wacquant lives in the US so he might not waste his time following what UK politicians are doing, but their latest offering is legislation to imprison anyone – for up to two years – who takes ‘up-skirt photos’. I’m unimpressed with this gesture because there is already legislation in place to cover this behaviour. If I can be prosecuted for staring at a social worker in Safeways, one who’s colleagues are running a paedophile gang at that and then also prosecuted for telling the secretary of another facilitator of the same paedophile gang that he is a fat idiot, I can only presume that the up-skirt peeping toms have not been prosecuted for reasons other than a lack of legislation. Furthermore, Dafydd illegally imprisoned people in a dungeon and like the up-skirt photographers he was never prosecuted. But as with demanding that Somalis are prosecuted for FGM – even in the absence of evidence – demanding tough sentences for up-skirt photographers is rather easier than tackling organised crime in the welfare services.

One thought occurs to me MPs – to take an up-skirt shot, the photographer would have to be in the vicinity of the woman’s feet/ankles. A solution would be for the targeted woman to kick them in the chops, very very hard. Easier, quicker, cheaper and one would not have to take one’s chances with an endemically corrupt criminal justice system. Something tells me that Dafydd could have spent 24 hours a day taking up-skirt shots and there would have been no action taken against him. After all, Dafydd’s mate at Bart’s, Prof Linford Rees, photographed female patients in the bath and showed the photos to students in his lectures (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’).

 

Instead I am using this post to name a few more of those who’s Big Ideas contributed towards a gang of paedophiles remaining untouchable for many years.

My post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ detailed those managing Gwynedd Social Services whilst the paedophile gang operated in the Council’s children’s homes. For much of that time the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council was Ioan Bowen Rees, who has featured in a number of previous blog posts. I have mentioned that despite the havoc in Gwynedd County Council during his years of leadership, Bowen Rees was an intelligent erudite man, an Oxford graduate who was considered one of Europe’s leading experts on local democracy.

This might explain why, when Bowen Rees was Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was described in the media as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’ and the social workers who ran the paedophile gang were constantly telling people that the ‘services’ were the best in Europe. Us service users used to shriek with laughter when we read such descriptions of the people who were trying to shag us, who were threatening us, assaulting us, lying about us in court and leaving some of our friends so desperate that they killed themselves. The extraordinary thing is that Bowen Rees really was considered an expert in local gov’t at a European level. So we can only wonder why a paedophile gang expanded its operations in Gwynedd County Council when Bowen Rees was Chief Exec and why a paedophile gang expanded its operations in Dyfed when Ioan Bowen Rees was County Secretary of Dyfed County Council prior to relocating to Gwynedd.

Dafydd and the paedophiles were linked with a pan-European paedophile gang. Gwynedd social workers tripped over themselves to become involved with projects that sociologists in Bangor University were running with sociologists and social workers in Europe. The Gwynedd social workers knew bugger all about the academic work involved, but they were there at every workshop, at every buffet and stressed to the visiting European academics that the services in Gwynedd were, of course, leading the way.

Two Bangor lecturers who were particularly keen to climb aboard the European projects bandwagon were John Borland and Aled Griffiths. Borland had retired by the time that I began work as a sociologist at Bangor, but I was interested to discover that Borland had set up a company to supply ‘service users’ who would provide the legally required ‘feedback’ on the ‘services’ in north Wales. I had never met one ‘service user’ who had heard of John Borland, yet alone worked for his business. Borland’s wife was Sandra Betts, an expert on Wimmin in Wales who was rarely seen in the University and who’s own work was substantially done by unpaid female PhD students. Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer is married to Joanna Griffiths, who until her retirement was Director of Conwy Social Services. Joanna was Director when Conwy failed to respond to complaints that residents in Prestwood Homes were being appallingly abused (see post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’). Aled’s sister is Gwenan Carrington, who was Director of Gwynedd Social Services after Dafydd’s mistress Lucille Hughes ‘retired’ from that role when the Waterhouse Report was published. Aled Griffiths’s brother Huw was a highly incompetent solicitor who was one of those who sat in Bangor Magistrates Court watching Dafydd and the paedophiles fit up their victims. In fact Huw watched Dafydd and the paedophiles fit me up, that’s how I knew him, years before I encountered the joys of the Buffet Slayer.

A very cosy arrangement for everyone involved. This bunch were colleagues of Professor Mark Williams and some of them appear on his ‘Mindfulness’ publications (see post ‘The Biggest Expert Of The Lot’). Mark Williams has now taken his pyramid selling Mindfulness scam to China and Hong Kong.

Ioan Bowen Rees, being very keen on Europe and their systems of local democracy, some of which Ioan maintained were far superior to that found in the UK, spent a lot of time in Europe. I have mentioned previously that Max Beloff, the father of Cherie Booth’s friend and colleague Michael Beloff, rated one of Bowen Rees’s books so highly that he maintained that it was ‘essential reading for public servants’. Bowen Rees doubled up as an adviser to Plaid MPs Gwynfor Evans and Dafydd Wigley, both of whom knew that organised child sexual abuse bloomed wherever Ioan was to be found but who said nothing (see posts ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’ and ‘The Banality Of Evil’).

There is however someone else who was a mate of and intellectual traveller with Ioan Bowen Rees whom I have not yet mentioned – Professor Leopold Kohr. Kohr grew up in Oberndorf near Salzburg and it remained his ideal of community. He held a doctorate in law from the University of Innsbruck, Austria and one in political science from the University of Vienna. Kohr also studied at the LSE.

Kohr became a freelance correspondent during the Spanish Civil War where he was impressed by the self-contained governments of Catalonia and Aragon, as well as by the small Spanish anarchist city-states of Alcoy and Caspe. He became a close friend of George Orwell and shared offices with Ernest Hemingway and Andre Malraux. 

Kohr fled Austria in 1938 after it was annexed by Nazi Germany and emigrated to the US, later becoming an American citizen.

Kohr taught economics and political philosophy at Ruthers University in New Jersey, 1943-55. From 1955-73, he was Professor of Economics and Public Administration in the University of Puerto Rico in San Juan, except for a period in 1965-66 when he was Professor of Economics at the University of the Americas in Mexico City; during these years Kohr developed his concepts of village renewal and ‘lent his advice to local city planning initiatives.’ He also advised the independence movement of the of Anguilla. 

After many rejections by American and British publishers, Kohr’s first book, ‘The Breakdown of Nations’, was published in 1957 in Britain after a chance meeting with anarchist Sir Herbert Read. 

Kohr moved from Puerto Rico to Wales, where he taught political philosophy at the University College of Wales, Aberystwyth from 1968-77. So Kohr was there when Carlo spent a brief period at Aber learning Welsh. Kohr worked in the Department of Extra-mural Studies at Aber and was senior tutor, 1973-77.

The project of Welsh independence, founded on the ideal of ‘cymdeithas’ (community) was dear to Kohr and he became a mentor to Plaid and a close friend of its then leader, Gwynfor Evans.

Yma O Hyd! Sing-a-long-a Dafydd Iwan and a gang of molesters with intellectual aspirations. Which provided a very useful carapace.

 

After retiring from teaching, Kohr divided his time between Gloucester and  Hellbrunn, near Salzburg. He was planning to return to his hometown of Oberndorf to live when he died in 1994.

Kohr described himself as a ‘philosophical anarchist’. He protested the ‘cult of bigness’ and economic growth and promoted the concept of human scale and small community life.  Kohr’s vision called for a dissolution of centralized political and economic structures in favour of local control, which was pretty much Ioan Bowen Rees’s ‘vision’ for Wales. Ioan’s cup brimmed over when the National Assembly for Wales was established – he was an adviser to the Welsh Office civil servants and to Ron ‘it was a moment of madness/I was looking for badgers’ Davies (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) regarding devolution.

It is not a coincidence that the Welsh Assembly is stuffed full of weak, third-rate AMs who in their previous lives concealed a paedophile gang.

This was the Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who did his best to ensure that Ron Davies would be Wales’s First Minister, until that male prostitute Boogie got in the way:

Tony Blair crop.jpg

 

According to Clarissa Dickson Wright, when Blair was at Oxford he was widely suspected of being gay and was known as Miranda.

Miranda:
Tony Blair

 

I’ve only ever met one person called Miranda and that was a young patient at Springfield Hospital in 1991. She was relentlessly pursued by a predatory male patient and was actually quite frightened of him. The staff watched this man shout ‘Miranda, I’m coming after you’ and she fled on a regular basis, yet they did nothing.

 

Kohr was an important inspiration to the Green, bioregional, Forth World, decentralist and anarchist movements. He contributed often to John Papworth’s `Journal for the Fourth World’, ‘Resurgence’. One of Kohr’s students was economist E.F. Schumacher, whose book ‘Small Is Beautiful’ took its title from one of Kohr’s core principles.

In 1983, a student with a sense of humour at Aston University was faced with a finals paper in which one of the questions was ‘Small is beautiful. Discuss.’ This student did indeed discuss Small Is Beautiful. He wrote a whole essay arguing why he preferred to have sex with women with small boobs. When faced with his essay, the exam board weren’t sure what to do, so a meeting was held and it was agreed that for that essay they would simply give him a pass mark. The rest of his work was of a high standard and he emerged with a 2:1.

The VC of Aston University at the time was Sir Freddie Crawford, aka ‘Mrs Thatcher’s favourite Vice-Chancellor’. At least the student who liked small boobs sat his own exams. There was a problem at Aston at the time – it was discovered that several members of Middle Eastern Royal families had registered for engineering degrees and had sent their servants along to attend the lectures and sit the exams for them. The degrees were issued in the names of their employers, who found themselves in possession of engineering degrees whilst knowing nuzzing. I was told that Ruhi Behi, a former psych nurse from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, used the services of someone else to acquire his degree in psychology from UCNW in the 1980s. Behi subsequently became Head of the School of Healthcare Sciences at Bangor University. Behi bagged his degree when paedophiles’ friend Eric Sunderland was Principal/VC and was appointed Head of Healthcare Sciences when paedophiles’ friend Roy Evans was VC.

 

Leopold Kohr’s ideas inspired Kirkpatrick’s books ‘Human Scale’ (1980) and ‘Dwellers in the Land: The Bioregional Vision’ (1985). Sale arranged the first American publication of ‘The Breakdown of Nations’ in 1978 and wrote the foreword.

 

Ioan Bowen Rees also co-authored with Hugh MacDiarmid and Owen Dudley Edwards.

Hugh MacDiarmid was the pen name of Christopher Murray Grieve, a Scottish poet, journalist, essayist and political figure. He is best known for his works written in ‘synthetic Scots’, a ‘literary version of the Scots language that MacDiarmid himself developed’. So he invented his own language. He probably awarded himself a prize for it as well a la the Learned Society of Wales. However, Grieve’s earliest work was written in English and from the early 1930s onwards much of the poetry published under MacDiarmid’s name was also written in an English.

MacDiarmid was born in the Scottish border town of Langholme, Dumfriesshire. He was educated at Langholm Academy before becoming a teacher for a brief time at Broughton Higher Grade School in Edinburgh. MacDiarmid lived in London, Liverpool and Thakeham in West Sussex. He lived on Whalesay in Shetland, 1933-42 and in Glasgow, 1942-49. MacDiarmid worked as a journalist for a number of local Scottish papers. He spent time living in Ebbw Vale and contributed to the socialist newspaper ‘The Merthyr Pioneer’, run by Labour Party founder Keir Hardie, before joining the RAMC on the outbreak of WWI. MacDiarmid served in Salonica, Greece and France before developing cerebral malaria and subsequently returning to Scotland in 1918.

Somebody seems to have been having fun with MacDiarmid’s wiki entry regarding the first few decades of his life, because the dates provided in that entry do not always correlate with MacDiarmid’s activities at the time.

After the war MacDiarmid continued to work as a journalist, living in Montrose, Scotland – which boasts a place called Charleton Road no less – where he became Editor and reporter of the ‘Montrose Review’, as well as a justice of the peace and a member of the county council. In 1923 his first book, ‘Annals of the Five Senses’, was published at his own expense, followed by ‘Sangschaw’ in 1925 and ‘Penny Wheep’ and ‘A Drunk Man Looks at the Thistle’ in 1926. 

On the Shetland island of Whalsay in 1933 with his son Michael and second wife, Valda Trevlyn, MacDiarmid wrote essays and poetry despite being cut off from mainland cultural developments for much of the 1930s. He died at his cottage near Biggar in 1978 at the age of 86.

Norman Lamont – who was a member of the Cambridge Mafia which produced so many of the big beasts of Thatcher’s Gov’t – held Ministerial positions under Thatch and was Chancellor of the Exchequer under John Major, was born in Shetland; his father was the Island’s Top Doctor. Lamont was Chancellor on Black Wednesday.

This man was Norman’s special adviser at the time:

David Cameron official.jpg

 

MacDiarmid was a supporter of both communism and Scottish nationalism. He was a founding member of the National Party of Scotland, (forerunner of the SNP) and stood as a candidate for the SNP in 1945 and 1950 and for the Communist Party of Great Britain in 1964. So MacDiarmid will have known those other members of the Communist Party of Great Britain who used to spend the summer at Croesor in Merionydd in the 1960s – who knew about Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘The Village’).

MacDiarmid was a ‘controversial figure’ during his lifetime. He was expelled from both the SNP and the Communist Party but then the CP let him back in again many years later. MacDiarmid was a member of a secret Scottish Nationalist society Clann Albain.

Between 1931-43, MacDiarmid was kept under surveillance by the security services and when Orwell compiled a list of suspected communist sympathisers, he included MacDiarmid’s name on it. Not that it will have done MacDiarmid any harm. After all, MI5 provided Dafydd et al with full protection, it was only the service users who bothered to find out what Dafydd was up to by ringing him up, using the public phone box in the village where Ioan Bowen Rees lived. Ioan didn’t suffer as a result, he was never in the queue for that phone box, Ioan the Common Man will have had several land lines and at least one mobile down in his Plas some distance away from the village centre.

 

In 2010 letters written in the early 1940s by MacDiarmid were discovered, showing that he believed that a Nazi invasion of Britain would benefit Scotland.  Marc Horne in the ‘Daily Telegraph’ commented: ‘MacDiarmid flirted with fascism in his early thirties, when he believed it was a doctrine of the left. In two articles written in 1923, ‘Plea for a Scottish Fascism’ and ‘Programme for a Scottish Fascism’, he appeared to support Mussolini’s regime. By the 1930s however, following Mussolini’s lurch to the right, his position had changed and he castigated Neville Chamberlain over his appeasement of Hitler’s expansionism.’ Deirdre Grieve, MacDiarmid’s daughter-in-law and literary executor, noted: ‘I think he entertained almost every ideal it was possible to entertain at one point or another.’

MacDiarmid’s son Michael Trevlyn became Vice-Chairman of the SNP.

MacDiarmid was considered controversial in his lifetime but is now considered one of the principal forces behind the Scottish Renaissance and has had a lasting impact on Scottish culture and politics. He was accused of plagiarism by supporters of the Welsh poet Glyn Jones but responded with ‘the greater the plagiarism, the greater the work of art’. Perhaps Charles Saatchi would like to pay someone a great deal of money for MacDiarmid’s plagiarised poetry or indeed the poetry that he wrote in the language which he made up himself and display it in the Saatchi gallery in Chelsea.

In ‘Who’s Who’ MacDiarmid listed Anglophobia as one of his interests. It’s a good job that the Englisher Thatcher’s mate the Englisher Sir Peter Morrison had a sexual interest in young boys though, because MacDiarmid’s mate Ioan Bowen Rees and Dafydd would have been out of business without that and perhaps in prison as well.

 

Ioan’s co-author Owen Dudley Edwards is an Irish historian and former Reader in Commonwealth and American History at the University of Edinburgh. He is the son of Professor Robert Dudley Edwards and brother to the Irish writer, Ruth Dudley Edwards. He is the General Editor of the Oxford Sherlock Holmes series and is a recognised expert on Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. There was plenty about his co-author Ioan that he could investigate. Dudley Edwards was also an authority on P.G. Wodehouse.

 

Wodehouse’s first published novel:

 

book cover illustration showing two male athletes running competitively

 

It was about the drug squad in North Wales planting illegal substances on the paedophiles’ victims. Although Dafydd pronounces it ‘mari-jew-ana’.

 

The following year – 1903 – Wodehouse published this:

 

book cover illustration showing luggage, an adult, and a boy, the latter in old-fashioned school uniform

 

Which is worrying when one remembers what was happening to kids in the ‘residential schools’ and children’s homes scattered across Gwynedd when Ioan Bowen Rees was presiding over his own little bit of local democracy.

 

Owen Dudley Edwards attended Belvedere College, Dublin, University College, Dublin and John Hopkins University in Baltimore.

In 1966 Dudley Edwards married Barbara Balbirnie Lee. They have three children. Dudley Edwards is a practising Catholic and actively involved in the church.

 

 

 

I am reading Jeremy Paxman’s book ‘Friends In High Places: Who Runs Britain?’ at the moment. It was published in 1990 and I wished that I’d read it when it was first published, because it names everyone who was propping up the corrupt regime of which the London medical establishment was an integral part. I’ve named many of them on this blog, but it would have been helpful to know that they were the powers behind the criminality of which I was on the receiving end at the time. Paxo’s done a very good job – I still have more chapters to read, but so far I’ve come across a few people who had escaped me.

 

I have mentioned Alan Walters previously, Thatch’s economic adviser who’s presence concerned a great many people. It is believed that it was Nigel Lawson who managed to elbow Walters out of the way. Lawson certainly did everyone a favour there. I read up about Walters before I discovered the key role that Leicester University had played in concealing organised sexual abuse in Leicestershire, so it took Paxo’s book to clobber me with the info that Walters was a Leicester University graduate. Leicester University has played a role in the education or careers of a number of people like Walters who were hailed as gurus by PMs concealing abuse and trafficking. Many of these people very obviously did not have much to offer and their influence on PMs was inexplicable. For example, the man who invented the Third Way for Blair and who explained it all in a short pamphlet which one could read over breakfast:

 

Anthony Giddens
Anthony Giddens at the Progressive Governance Converence, Budapest, Hungary, 2004 October.jpg

 

Paxo writes about the Institute of Economic Affairs (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’). He mentions David Green, who was Head of the IEA’s Health Policy Group. In 1988, Green argued that inequality of health services is desirable. Green would have been delighted with Bethesda in the 1980s and 90s, it was littered with destitute ‘service users’ who were being targeted by Dafydd to sell sex to dreadful old politicians and others and the empty shells of those who had already been used in this way and had returned to north Wales, completely drained, traumatised, fragile and refused all ‘services’. Furthermore their tales of sex with the rich and famous were so extraordinary that no-one believed them.

BBC News Wales is reporting that the Rolling Stones are coming to Wales. Will they be looking up a few old acquaintances in Bethesda?

Mick Jagger Deauville 2014.jpg

 

If they do, I don’t suppose that we’ll hear anything about it.

Rupert Murdoch - Flickr - Eva Rinaldi Celebrity and Live Music Photographer.jpg

 

David Green writes for ‘The Sunday Times’, ‘The Times’, the ‘Daily Mail’, the ‘Sunday Telegraph’ and the ‘Daily Telegraph’. Green has taken part in broadcast programmes such as ‘Newsnight’, the ‘Moral Maze’ and the ‘Today’ programme. He has made occasional contributions to the Guardian’s ‘Comment is Free’ site and he has contributed pieces to ‘Daily Telegraph’ news blogs.

NB: Perhaps Claire Fox, a regular on the ‘Moral Maze’, could explain why despite her self-styled neocon say-the-unthinkable re the welfare state stance, she has never breathed a word about Dafydd and the paedophile gang. Because Claire certainly knows about them. Claire grew up in Flint, north Wales when Dafydd and the paedophiles were busy. She attended St Richard Gwyn Catholic High School in Flint, went to Warwick University and worked as a mental health social worker, 1981-87. Claire completed a PGCE at Thames Poly in 1992.

Why so silent Claire? I read ‘Living Marxism’ for years when you and your mates from the Revolutionary Communist Party were publishing it – I even had copies of it in my house when the paedophile gang used to send the police around to arrest me after they had perjured themselves. Then Brown and I followed ‘Spiked Online’ when you reinvented yourselves as neocons in 2000. One of your lot asked Brown if we’d like to write for you after you read one of our books. Brown said no thanks because we noticed that there were certain things that none of you dared write about. Such as what had happened to us during the 1980s, 90s and was still happening at the very time that we were asked if we wanted to write for ‘Spiked’…

What we had Claire were a bunch of twats from the security services bothering us, whilst you built your reputation as Ms Fearless.

Claire’s fellow panellist on the ‘Moral Maze’ Matthew Taylor – Blair’s former policy adviser – knows about Dafydd and the paedophiles as well. Matthew’s dad Laurie is mates with Prof Dick Hobbs who was a friend of the criminologist Jane Morgan, widow of Lord K.O. Morgan. Jane and Lord Ken were at the scene of the crimes as it were (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

David Green was an undergraduate at the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1970-73 and remained there for his PhD. He was a Labour Councillor in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne, 1976-81. So Green knew about the paedophile gang in the north east with links to Dafydd and he knew that the Councils in the north east were sending great numbers of children in care to children’s homes in north Wales and continued to do so even after complaints of serious abuse were made.

Green worked as a Research Fellow at the Australian National University in Canberra, 1981-83. He worked at the IEA from 1984 and was Director of its Health and Welfare Unit, 1986-2000.

Green funded the think tank Civitas in 2000 and is also its Chief Executive.

Any more bright ideas to keep a bunch of sex traffickers in business then David?

Green’s book, ‘Community Without Politics’ (London, IEA, 1997) was awarded the Sir Anthony Fisher Memorial Prize in 1997. In 2004 Green was voted one of Britain’s top 100 British intellectuals by readers of ‘Prospect’ magazine and in 2009 he was included on the Evening Standard’s list of the 1,000 most influential Londoners. Green’s 1993 book ‘Reinventing Civil Society’ has been translated into Chinese and Russian and probably that language that Ioan Bowen Rees’s mate MacDiarmid made up as he went along whilst he was plagiarising poetry.

If anyone knows whether Green is one of the literary figures who takes part in the events organised by the paedophiles’ friends who run the charidee Wellbeing of Women, do let me know (see post ‘Wimmin’s Wellbeing – The Fortnum And Mason Connection’). He’s probably been on the guest list for an event at Compton Verney as well.

 

Health inequalities in action for you David:

 

A leading forensic psychiatrist at an old boys’ public school reunion:

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

A service user with a ‘severe and dangerous personality disorder’ who complained about the serious crimes of a colleague of the man above:

GB. Risley Remand Centre - G.B. England. Cheshire, Warrington. HM Prison Risley. Risley Remand Centre. With writer Russell Miller, I - Peter Marlow

 

 

Paxo’s book informed me that Keith Joseph’s outfit which Joseph founded in 1974, the Centre for Policy Studies, was funded with money from Nigel Vinson. My post ‘Include Me Out’ detailed a debate in the House which involved a number of politicians defending the appalling suicide rate among the victims of Dafydd et al in Risley Remand Centre. It was mentioned in the record in Hansard that one of those contributing to the debate would be giving a talk to the Centre for Policy Studies.

So who is the man who bank-rolled the ‘intellectuals’ behind a paedophile gang? Nigel – now Lord – Vinson is the son of Ronald Vinson, a farmer. Vinson was educated at Pangbourne. After school he served in the Queen’s Royal Regiment.

In 1952 Vinson began a small plastics company in Guildford (Plastic Coatings Ltd), which in 1969 was floated on the Stock Exchange, with over 1,000 employees. The business won the Queen’s Award for Industry in 1971. Vinson was Deputy Chairman of the CBI’s Smaller Firms Council, 1979-84 and President of the Industrial Participation Association, 1979-89. Vinson was Director of the Sugar Board, 1968-75, Director of the British Airports Authority, 1973-80 and a Director of Barclays Bank, 1982-87. He worked for the Centre for Policy Studies, 1974-80. Vinson was Deputy Chairman of Electra Investment Trust 1990-98. From 1976-78 Vinson was an honorary Director of the Queen’s Silver Jubilee Appeal. In the light of how close the Royal Family are to Dafydd’s mates, I really am very glad that I’ve never been the sort to buy Royal mugs or plates with pictures on of yet another couple who have just had a fairy tale wedding.

I have recently discovered that before she came to that sticky end in a tunnel, the heart surgeon with whom Diana was having a fling, Hasnet Khan, later worked at Harefield Hospital with Sir Magdi Yacoub, where I am fairly sure that major research fraud was carried out (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Before Hasnet Khan worked at Harefield, Diana had been allowed into his previous place of work to watch heart surgery. People started complaining that it was a security risk. It was also completely unethical but no-one mentioned that.

 

Vinson was a Member of the Northumbrian National Parks and Countryside Committee, 1977-87 and a member of the Foundation for Science and Technology, 1991-96. Since 2003, he has been a Trustee of Civitas. Vinson is life Vice President of the IEA, where he was Chairman of Trustees 1989-95.

Vinson was also a member of the Design Council, 1973-80 and the unsalaried Chairman of the Rural Development Commission 1980-90. He was founder donor of the Martin Mere Wildfowl Reserve in 1972 and gave a village green to Holbourn, Northumberland, in 2006. Presumably in exchange for domain over the villagers in order to force them into human slavery.

In Feb 1985, Vinson was given a peerage.

We’ll drink to that!

 

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

 

Vinson was a council member of St George’s House, Windsor Castle, 1990-96. He has been married to Yvonne Collin since 1972; they have three daughters.

Lord Vinson of Health Inequalities is a regular attender at Lords debates, and spoke in the 2007 and 2014 sessions in support of nuclear power. Here’s an explosion for him.

 

  • Cyberweapons are not like nuclear weapons.

 

In 2012, Lord Vinson threatened to defect to UKIP unless the Conservatives took a more ‘Better Out’ approach to Europe. He obviously didn’t understand the potential markets in Europe, unlike Dafydd and the Gwynedd social workers.

In June 2013 Vinson spoke and voted in the Lords against the Marriage (Same Sex Couples) Bill. Keep it all as illegal as possible Nigel, it enables Dafydd to keep the prices high and blackmail the victims.

 

Paxo’s book also names Professor Brian Griffiths, who ran the Downing Street Policy Unit for Thatch. Griffiths was educated at Dynevor School, Swansea and at the LSE. So Griffiths will have been part of the Heseltine-Lord Brian Flowers-Swansea contingent. The Labour Party Swansea Mafia – Rhodri Morgan, Edwina Hart et al – will have known him as well, but his mates were bigger than theirs and the one thing that none of them were going to do was blow the whistle on the fact that his big mates were running a paedophile ring in west and north Wales, because a Windbag in Islwyn was hoping to become PM on the basis of the votes of the staff of the public services who were colluding with it all.

 

Danger: leftwing leader walks on Brighton beach, and other ...

 

Brian Griffiths was Dean of the City University Business School, but in 1986 he resigned his Chair to become Thatch’s Chief Policy Adviser.

Griffiths was given a peerage in 1991. The year that Peter Morrison was knighted and a number of other paedophiles’ friends picked up honours for no good reason. The year that the careers of me as well as of my friend who wanted to make a documentary about the mental health services in north Wales were destroyed.

Brian Griffiths was Chairman of the Centre for Policy Studies, 1991-01. He served on the Board of Directors of the Conservative Christian Fellowship, 2000-02. Griffiths was a member of the European Union Sub-Committee F (Social Affairs, Education and Home Affairs), 1999-03 and the Religious Offences Committee from 2002-03. I expect that Griffiths also Chaired which ever Committee decreed that swearing was an offence so serious that Dafydd was compelled to report me to the police when I said ‘bugger’; Bluglass agreed that me calling Dafydd a wanker was one of the many signs that I was Dangerous, had a Homicidal Capacity and that I would ‘end in a ward for the criminally insane’. Bluglass has a very sweary daughter called Amanda, who as far as I am aware, has never been consigned to a ward for the criminally insane. But then her father is not in prison, despite colluding with a serious offender. I wonder why not?

Hannibal Lecter in Silence of the Lambs.jpg

 

Griffiths is a Vice-President of the Nature in Art Trust. He serves as Vice-Chairman of Goldman Sachs International. He said that he was ‘not ashamed’ of the bank’s compensation plans and that the issue of banking compensation should not be thought about solely from a short-term perspective. Griffiths defended the bank’s bonuses and said that the general public should ‘tolerate the inequality as a way to achieve greater prosperity for all’.

I wish I’d known that when Dafydd and the paedophiles had hounded me out of my job and then tried to set fire to my house while I was living in poverty in Ioan Bowen Rees’s local democracy, it would have explained everything. I could have also reminded the staff of St George’s of it when they all turned green upon finding out that the foul research assistant Mandy Leigh’s brother Charles – who worked as a banker – received more than their annual salaries for his Christmas bonus. It’s why they all thought that they were so badly paid. Mandy thought that she was badly paid as well, even though St George’s had done a fiddle with her PhD funders to ensure that she was paid more than her colleagues. As Mandy breezily explained to me one day, she was ‘a rich bitch funded by Wellcome’. I’d like to have known how that happened – Mandy was thrown off of one degree course for reasons which were never explained, so there wasn’t exactly an outstanding academic record there. Perhaps she simply explained on her application that she would be having sex in the lab during working hours with Top Doctors and would be hurling racist abuse at overseas staff?

Brian Griffiths also stated that ‘we should not … be ashamed of offering compensation in an internationally competitive market which ensures the bank businesses here and employs British people’. Such as Charles Leigh, obviously.

 

Paxo’s book mentioned a very influential figure in academia with connections to Dafydd et al – Dame Kathleen Mary Kenyon. Kenyon was a leading British archeologist of Neolithic culture in the Fertile Crescent. She is best known for her excavations of Jericho in 1952-58 and is considered to have been one of the most influential archaeologists of the 20th century. Kenyon was Principal of St Hugh’s College, Oxford, 1962-73.

Kathleen Kenyon was born in London, England, the eldest daughter of Sir Frederic Kenyon, Biblical scholar and later Director of the British Museum. Her grandfather was the lawyer and Fellow of All Souls College, John Robert Kenyon and her great-great-grandfather was the politician and lawyer Lloyd Kenyon, 1st Baron Kenyon.

It was the 4th and 5th Baron Kenyons who were Presidents of UCNW (Bangor University). Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, the 5th Baron, was President whilst UCNW was run by Dafydd and the paedophiles and it was the 5th Baron Kenyon’s son Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon who was sexually abusing at least one boy in care in Wrexham. Thomas was caught red-handed in 1978 and made a complaint of theft against the boy. The boy was sent to a detention centre and Thomas faced no charges. Thomas died of an HIV related condition in 1993. See previous posts for the details of the many public roles of the 5th Baron Kenyon – he was involved with national museums and art galleries as well as with public life in north Wales – and for details of the occasion on which Thomas was caught in action.

Kathleen grew up in Bloomsbury, London in a house attached to the British Museum, with her mother, Amy Kenyon and sister Nora Kenyon. Known for ‘being hard-headed and stubborn’, Kathleen ‘grew up as a tomboy, fishing, climbing trees and playing a variety of sports’. As did I, but I didn’t collude with a sodding paedophile gang, which it seems that Kathleen did.

Kathleen’s father ‘encouraged wide reading and independent study’. In later years Kenyon would remark that her father’s position at the British Museum was particularly helpful with regard to her education. You don’t say! Kathleen ‘was an excellent student, winning awards at school and particularly excelling in history. She studied first at St Paul’s Girls’ School where she was Head Girl, before winning an Exhibition to read History at Somerville College, Oxford.While at Oxford, Kathleen became the first female President of the Oxford University Archaeological Society’. Oh put her on the ‘Woman’s Hour’ Power List, she’s broken a glass ceiling.

Somerville College, Oxford, was Thatch’s college. Although Kathleen was a bit older than Thatch, I’m sure that maximum use was, in subsequent years, made of the alumni network to the benefit of everyone but the victims of Dafydd and the gang.

A career in archaeology was first suggested to Kathleen by Margery Fry, librarian at Somerville. I wonder if Margery had noticed who Kathleen’s dad was. After graduation, Kenyon’s first field experience was as a photographer for the pioneering excavations at Great Zimbabwe in 1929. Returning to England, Kenyon joined the archaeologists Sir Mortimer Wheeler and his wife Tessa on their excavation of the Romano-British settlement of Verulamium (St Albans). Kenyon worked there each summer between 1930 and 1935 Mortimer Wheeler entrusted her with the direction of the excavation of the Roman Theatre.

Mortimer Wheeler was the Keeper of Archaeology and then Director of the National Museum of Wales and the London Museum, Director-General of the Archeological Survey of India and the founder and Honorary Director of the Institute of Archaeology in London.

When Mortimer Wheeler was appointed as the Keeper of Archaeology at the National Museum of Wales, the job also entailed becoming a lecturer in archaeology at the University College of South Wales and Monmouthshire (later Cardiff University). He moved to Cardiff with his family in 1920. The museum was in disarray; prior to the war, construction had begun on a new purpose-built building to house the collections. This had ceased during the conflict and the edifice was left abandoned during Cardiff’s post-war economic slump. Wheeler recognised that Wales was very divided regionally, with many Welsh people having little loyalty to Cardiff; thus, he made a point of touring the country, lecturing to local societies about archaeology. According to the later archaeologist Lydia C. Carr, the Wheelers’ work for the cause of the National Museum was part of a wider ‘cultural-nationalist movement’ linked to growing Welsh nationalism during this period. Plaid Cymru, was founded in 1925 by Saunders Lewis and others. Lewis was a lecturer at Swansea University – he taught Rhodri Morgan’s parents. When Dafydd was a young Plaid activist he hung out with Saunders Lewis.

In 1924-25 Wheeler excavated the Roman fort – Y Caer – near Brecon and also Isca Augusta at Caerleon. Intent on attracting press attention to both raise public awareness of archaeology and attract new sources of funding, Wheeler contacted the press and organised a sponsorship of the excavation by the ‘Daily Mail’. In doing so, he emphasised the folkloric and legendary associations that the Caerleon site had with King Arthur. In 1925, Oxford University Press published Wheeler’s first book for a general audience, ‘Prehistoric and Roman Wales’; he later expressed the opinion that it was not a good book.

Whilst Director of the National Museum of Wales – a position he obtained in 1924 substantially via influential friends – Wheeler succeeded in obtaining funding from the Treasury to build up the National Museum and link it with regional museums throughout Wales. A new building was completed and King George V opened it in 1927.

The 5th Baron Kenyon was President of the National Museum of Wales, 1952-57.

 

Upon the retirement of the Keeper of the London Museum, Wheeler was invited to fill the vacancy, which he did. He had been considering a return to London for some time and eagerly agreed, taking on the post, which was based at Lancaster House in the St James’s area in July 1926. In Wales, many felt that Wheeler had simply taken the directorship of the National Museum to advance his own career prospects and that he had abandoned Wales when a better offer came along. 

In 1934 Kathleen Kenyon assisted Mortimer and his wife Tess in the foundation of the Institute of Archaeology of University College London. UCL often seems to be at the scene of the crime. The first premises that Mortimer Wheeler secured for the Institute of Archaeology was St John’s Lodge in Regent’s Park, the Portakabin below:

 

 

St John’s Lodge had been left empty since its use as a hospital during WWI. The building was owned by the Crown and was controlled by the First Commissioner of Works, William Ormsby-Gore, who was very sympathetic to archaeology and leased the building to the Institute at a low rent. William Ormsby-Gore was the 4th Baron Harlech and the father of David, the 5th Baron Harlech. Lord David Harlech was the British Ambassador to the US when J.F. Kennedy was President. David Ormsby-Gore and his descendants have a penchant for dying in unpleasant ways, often when young. The family show every sign of having been under attack by the paedophile gang and their associates (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

 

Mortimer Wheeler continued with an incredibly high profile career, leading famous excavations, such as that of Maiden Castle in Dorset. He served in WWII, led extensive digs in Asia, held key roles in UNESCO and in the British Academy and in the 1950s broadcast for BBC TV.

Wheeler married three times. Tessa died in 1936 – their only child, Michael Mortimer Wheeler, became a barrister. Following Tessa’s death, in 1939 Wheeler married Mavis de Vere Cole, widow of the prankster Horace de Vere Cole. Cole’s diaries revealed that Wheeler physically hit her when she annoyed him. In 1945 Mortimer Wheeler married Margaret ‘Kim’ Collingridge. They became estranged in 1956, but Collingridge’s Catholicism prevented divorce. Wheeler was well known for his promiscuity and for favouring young women for one night stands, many of whom were his students. He was known for having casual sex in public places. Archaeologist Gabriel Moshenska informed a ‘Daily Mail’ reporter that Wheeler had developed a reputation as ‘a bit of a groper and a sex pest and an incredible bully as well’.

The Dafydd of archaeology.

 

From 1936-39 Kathleen Kenyon carried out important excavations at the Jewry Wall in the city of Leicester. These were published in the ‘Illustrated London News’ in 1937 with pioneering reconstruction drawings by the artist Alan Sorrell whom Kathleen had just happened ‘to notice sketching her dig’.

Alan Sorrell was Senior Assistant Instructor of Drawing at the Royal College of Art, 1931–39 and 1946–48. According to Kathleen’s wiki entry, Sorrell was passing the time of day hanging around her dig in Leicester. According to Sorrell’s wiki entry ‘He began his archaeological reconstruction drawings after a chance meeting in 1936 with Kathleen Kenyon on a dig of a Roman site in Leicester, who asked him to produce illustrations for her article for ‘The Illustrated London News’. More commissions then followed at Maiden Castle, in collaboration with Mortimer Wheeler and at Roman Caerwent and Carleon, in collaboration with Cyril Fox and V. E. Nash-Williams of the National Museum of Wales.’

Alan Sorrell was best known for his archaeological sketches, so clearly the arrangement between him and Kenyon in Leicester was fruitful for everyone.

I haven’t looked up who owned or edited the ‘Illustrated London News’, but it would  not be that much of a surprise to find out that they were a mate of Kathleen’s dad or someone senior in UCL or Leicester University. 

In WWII Alan Sorrell worked for the intelligence services. Here is his 1945 work ‘FIDO In Operation’.

 

 

And here is Fido himself:

Alan Sorrell
Alan Sorrell self-portrait.jpg

 

Here’s Fido’s trainer supervising a dig in 1977 – so it was probably one on the turf of the paedophiles’ friends at Chester:
WithKathleen Kenyon.jpg

 

 

During the Second World War, Kathleen Kenyon served as Divisional Commander of the Red Cross in Hammersmith, London and later as Acting Director and Secretary of the Institute of Archaeology of the University of London.

Kathleen Kenyon retired in 1973 to Erbistock near Wrexham. She never married, perhaps having seen quite enough action whilst she worked with Mortimer Wheeler. From 1974, Kenyon was the Honorary Vice President of the Chester Archaeological Society. She died at Wrexham in 1978.

So Kathleen was in the Wrexham/Chester area whilst Dafydd and the paedophile gang were operating there and whilst the 5th Baron Kenyon allowed them free reign in UCNW – whilst his son Thomas was partaking of the services that the paedophile gang provided.

 

The British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem amalgamated within the Council for British Research in the Levant in 1998, was officially renamed the Kenyon Institute in July 2003 in honour of Kathleen Kenyon. The Kathleen Kenyon Archaeology Collection, a collection of Kenyon’s books and papers purchased from her estate in 1984, is housed at Baylor University in Waco, Texas. The finds from her excavations are held in a number of collections, including the British Museum and the UCL Institute of Archaeology, while the bulk of archive is located at the Manchester Museum. 

So there’s the myth of a few more outstanding careers built upon pure talent busted.

 

 

Paxo’s book details big wigs who exerted control over ‘the establishment’ at the time that I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School, 1989-91. The institution was, as described in previous posts, colluding with organised child sexual abuse and trafficking, class A drugs offences, research fraud and much other wrongdoing which was resulting in patient harm.

My post ‘BMA Calling, BMA Calling’ mentions some very odd happenings when I shared a house with Dr Andrew Aldridge, a junior surgeon at St George’s and his wife Di, who worked for a City firm. I don’t know how much Andrew knew about the appalling corruption at St George’s, but I do remember that his family lived at Alderley Edge in Cheshire and were Tories. Andrew’s father’s business was I think a carpentry/furniture business. His family were definitely not Top Doctors, they were business people.

Alderley Edge is a very wealthy area and it was where many of the professional people who concealed the activities of Dafydd et al lived. The crooked barrister George Carman QC lived near there and the area was crawling with senior police officers, Top Docs, financiers, lawyers etc. Sir Peter Morrison was just down the road at Chester molesting children.

I cannot imagine that Andrew and his family would ever find the conduct of Dafydd et al acceptable, but I do wonder if they were duped or whether their political allegiances blinded them. Andrew and Di considered me a real old leftie and I remember that once I tried to tell Andrew what I had been told about Jimmy Savile. Andrew just wouldn’t have it and told me that Savile was ‘a Samaritan’.

An ‘NHS volunteer’
Jimmy Savile 2006.jpg
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No Andrew, he was a very serious sex offender, which is what I had been told by the time that I shared a house with you. Peter Morrison was a very serious sex offender as well – Thatcher knew about it and Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain, with whom your mum and dad drank champagne at graduation, was concealing the crimes of Savile, Morrison and many more.

At the time that I was living with Andrew and Di and was under attack from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, the constituency MP for Alderley Edge was the illustrious Neil Hamilton. Hamilton has of course featured previously on this blog and used to socialise with Peter Morrison. However, Hamilton’s constituency – Tatton – was created in 1983. Peter Morrison was elected as the MP for Chester in 1974 – and was one of those who supported Thatcher to succeed Ted Heath as leader of the Tory Party – but there had been organised abuse of young people in the region long before 1974. Dafydd and Gwynne had been in business for decades and things really got going in 1968 when John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community and was rapidly followed by many other abusive people with money to spare who suddenly decided to open a children’s home or school in north Wales.

 

Before the constituency of Tatton existed, Alderley Edge and neighbouring Wilmslow were in the constituency of Knutsford. Knutsford had been held by the Tories since the pre-Cambrian. Between 1945-70,  the MP was Walter Bromley-Davonport – so he was there when Dafydd and John Allen put their Big Business Plan into action. The Bromley-Davonports were friends of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse.

In 1970, John Davies was elected MP for Knutsford – he resigned in Nov 1978, after developing a brain tumour. Davies was the MP when Sir Peter Morrison decided that Chester was the constituency for him – although his family seat was in Wiltshire and his house was in London – and as business boomed for Dafydd et al.

John Davies was the first Director of the CBI, 1965-69. He was Minister of Technology in 1970 in Ted Heath’s Gov’t; then Secretary of State for Trade and Industry and President of the Board of Trade, 1970-72; Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster with special responsibilities for the co-ordination of British policy towards the European communities, 1972-74; and then Shadow Foreign Secretary under Margaret Thatcher, 1976-78.

Davies was born in Blackheath, London in 1916, the second son of Arnold Davies, a Chartered Accountant and his wife Edith Harding. Davies went to Windlesham House School in Sussex and St Edward’s School, Oxford. He followed his father into accountancy and served in the Royal Army Service Corps in WWII. Davies spent most of the war in the Combined Operations headquarters. From 1945 he worked for Combined Operations Experimental Establishment (COXE). In 1943, he married Vera Bates, only child of George William Bates, Managing Director of Barratts Shoes and his wife Elvina Taylor. They had two children; a daughter, Rosamond Ann and a son, Francis William Harding Davies.

Davies joined the Anglo-Iranian Oil Company as an accountant in the marketing division and worked for the company in London, Stockholm and Paris; the company was renamed as British Petroleum in 1954. In 1956, Davies was promoted to be General Manager (Markets) for BP and in 1960 he was Director of BP Trading.

In 1961, Davies was appointed as Vice-Chairman and Managing Director of Shell-Mex and BP Ltd. He also became a Director of Hill Samuel Group. Due to his position he was made a member of the Grand Council of the Federation of British Industry and Chaired a committee on technical legislation.

Davies supported initiatives such as the National Economic Development Council, where Gov’t, employers and trades unions met to discuss the economy and set up a joint CBI-TUC joint committee. He was supportive of British entry into the European Community when the Gov’t applied in 1967.

Davies surprised some, such as Enoch Powell in May 1967, when he made a speech in California in which he observed that the Labour government’s measures to keep pay and prices down were working; Powell considered this not only untrue but an example of collaboration in which ‘the very spokesmen of capitalism’ were doing the work of the socialists. As CBI chief, Davies had some quango appointments as a member of the British Productivity Council, the British National Export Council and the Council of Industrial Design. He was briefly a member of the Public Schools Commission.

After the devaluation of the pound in Nov 1967, Davies became much more critical of the Gov’t. Increasingly he would lambast Labour ministers on television, although he continued to work together with Ministers in private.

In 1969, Davies was recruited by Heath to join his Gov’t once he won the next election. Heath was looking to lead a ‘businesslike’ Gov’t and believed that senior business figures serving in senior posts would provide more expert management. Davies began to be more quotably critical, describing the ‘solemn and binding’ accord between the Gov’t and the TUC (after the failure of ‘In Place Of Strife’) as useful only in the lavatory.

Davies failed to win the selection for the Conservative nomination at the Louth by election of 1969 and for Cities of London and Westminster for the General Election. However, with Conservative Central Office support, Davies was found the seat at Knutsford, which was solid Tory country. He won the seat in the General Election in June 1970.

The Chairman of the Tory Party who would have worked so hard to get John Davies into the constituency of Knutsford was barrister Lord Anthony Barber, who was Chancellor of the Exchequer under Heath. Barber had been the MP for Doncaster, 1951-64 and then was MP for the Cheshire constituency of Altrincham and Sale, 1965-74. He had been PPS to Harold Macmillan, 1957-59 and was Minister of Health in 1963 – not long after Enoch Powell had stated that he would not allow things to continue at the North Wales Hospital, but then inexplicably backed off from his vow to close the place down but never explained why. Barber served in the RAF during WWII and was almost certainly a member of the security services.

 

In his capacity as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry, John Davies reiterated Heath’s pre-election policy of refusing to intervene in industry. In the House of Commons on 4 November, Davies said:

“We believe that the essential need of the country is to gear its policies to the great majority of people, who are not ‘lame ducks’, who do not need a hand, who are quite capable of looking after their own interests and only demand to be allowed to do so.” (Hansard 5th Series, volume 805, column 1211)

The term ‘lame ducks’ became associated with Davies. However, when Rolls Royce (a vital defence contractor) ran into financial difficulties early in 1971, it was decided that the Gov’t should help by bailing it out. When nugatory efforts did not help, the company was nationalised to prevent it from going bankrupt.

In June 1971, the Upper Clyde Shipbuilders went into receivership after the Gov’t refused it a £6 million loan. The workers at the yard, led by Communist shop stewards, decided to hold a ‘work-in’ when they occupied the yard and continued production. This industrial action tended to refute claims that trade unions were work-shy and was therefore embarrassing to the Gov’t. Davies’ London home was firebombed by the Angry Brigade on 31 July 1971. In February 1972, the Gov’t changed its policy and decided to retain three of the four shipyards at a cost of £35 million, although Davies knew they would never operate on a commercial basis.

Davies moved sideways to become Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster in November 1972. Davies’ role was predominantly behind the scenes in making sure British law was in compliance with European law. In Cabinet discussions, Davies advocated a confrontational approach to the trade unions, although he feared for the future.

In 1979 Davies was to be made a life peer as Baron Harding-Davies, but died before the creation of the peerage passed the Great Seal. Peerage history was made when, by Royal Warrant bearing the date 27 February 1980, Queen Elizabeth II granted his widow Vera Georgina the title of Lady Harding-Davies; his children The Hon. Frank Davies and The Hon. Rosamond Ann Metherell were given the rank of children of a life peer.

So someone somewhere was very grateful to John Davies for something. It was only equalled when in 1983 Thatch made the child molesting Speaker of the House George Thomas Viscount Tonypandy, although as a gay paedophile George Thomas had produced no heirs who could inherit the title.

It did mean that he could dress up though:

George Thomas, Commons Speaker.png

 

 

John Davies’s son Frank Davies is an Anglo-Canadian record producer. Davies has been a major contributor to the growth of Canada’s music industry and its creative community for more than four decades. He is credited with discovering, producing, publishing, and developing the careers of many celebrated artists and songwriters, as well as being an advocate for their status. Davies received the Juno Awards 2014 Walt Grealis Special Achievement Award, recognizing individuals who have made a significant impact on the Canadian music industry.

Davies was educated at Windlesham House School near Brighton, Pangbourne College and Strasbourg University in north-east France. In 1972 he married the Canadian pop singer Lynda Squires. The marriage produced three children, Meghan Mae Harding Davies, now Ehrensperger, Emily Gwyneth Emerson Davies-Cohen, and Kate Theresa Georgina Davies.

Davies started his music career in 1964 as a French correspondent to Billboard magazine. He later worked for both EMI Records and Liberty Records in London until the late 1960s, before migrating to Canada in 1970. There, he co-founded the independent record label Daffodil (named after the national emblem of Wales and as a symbol of hope and new beginnings), which became the first Canadian label to be distributed by a ‘major’ in that country, in the shape of Capitol/EMI.

In 1978, alongside Daffodil, Frank Davies formed Partisan Music, a production and publishing company that entered into an exclusive deal with a U.S record company (Capitol) to develop talent for that label worldwide – a Canadian first.

In early 1982 Davies put his label and production company on hold to become President of ATV Music Canada. At ATV, he developed the songwriting careers, of Eddie Schwartz, David Tyson, Aldo Nova, the Pukka Orchestra, Headpins, Chilliwack and Toronto, and became a full-time music publisher.

In 1986, as a result of ATV’s purchase by Michael Jackson, Davies formed The Music Publisher (TMP) and built it into Canada’s largest and most successful independent music publisher over the next 14 years. Frank Davies sold TMP to Alliance Communications Corporation and A&F Music in 1994, staying on as its President/CEO until the end of 1999, at which time he founded the music consultancy firm he currently operates – Let Me Be Frank Inc.

TMP secured over 1,500 cover recordings, of the 5,000 Canadian songs Davies published, by artists as diverse as Joe Cocker, Bonnie Raitt, Alice Cooper, The Doobie Brothers, Tom Cochrane, Cher, Don Henley & Sheryl Crow, kd Lang, Tanya Tucker, Alannah Myles, Loverboy, Terri Clark, Emmylou Harris, Wynonna, George Jones, Bette Midler, The Carpenters, Blue Oyster Cult, Amanda Marshall and The Guess Who. Indeed, I can guess who:

 

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

‘Do ewe mean mari-jew-ana?’

During the TMP years Frank Davies signed and published the songs of many more songwriters and artists. TMP opened a Nashville office in the mid-90s.

Since founding Let Me Be Frank Inc, Davies has been the executive producer for albums by Serena Ryder – whom he brought to EMI Music – The Rankin Family and The Treasures whose debut was released by Universal in the spring. He is currently working on the solo debut for Heather Rankin. LMBF also publishes the works of longtime client and record producer David Tyson, is a consultant to corporate client Ole Media Management, and has consulted to Microsoft/XBox, as well as the Dept of Canadian Heritage, the Neighbouring Rights Collective of Canada and to a variety of songwriters, artists and music publishers with respect to the sale and acquisition of their copyright catalogues.

Davies has served as a director on industry boards including CARAS (Vice President/Trustee), CMRRA (Chair), FACTOR, PROCAN, Canadian Music Publishers Association (CMPA), OMDC, SOCAN and the Socan Foundation (Chair).

In 1998 Frank Davies founded the non-profit Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame/Le panthéon des auteurs et compositeurs Canadiens (CSHF/PACC) serving as its Chairman until 2004. The Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame has inducted Canadian songwriters such as Gordon Lightfoot, Leonard Cohen, RUSH, Robbie Robertson, Joni Mitchell and Oscar Peterson.

Frank Davies has sat on the following Canadian Boards:

  • CHAIRMAN – Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame, 2000-04
  • Ontario Media Development Corporation, 2001-02
  • FOUNDING MEMBER – Canadian Independent Record Production Association, 1970
  • VICE-PRESIDENT & TRUSTEE – Canadian Academy of Recording Arts & Sciences, 1983-90
  • CHAIRMAN – The SOCAN Foundation, 1990-97
  • Foundation to Assist Canadian Talent on Record (FACTOR) 1985-88
  • Society of Composers, Authors & Music Publishers (SOCAN) 1990-99
  • Performing Rights Organization of Canada (PROCAN) 1983-89
  • Music Promotion Foundation (MPF) 1985-90
  • EXECUTIVE COMMITTEE – Canadian Music Publishers Association, 1982-2000
  • CHAIRMAN – Canadian Musical Reproduction Rights Agency, 1982-2000

Frank Davies has bagged the following awards:

  • Canadian Songwriters Hall of Fame, Special Achievement Award (2005)
  • Society of Composers, Authors & Music Publishers of Canada Special Achievement Award (2004)
  • Canadian Academy of Recording Arts and Sciences Dedicated Service Award (1993)
  • Juno Award Dedicated Service Award (1990)
  • MARQUEE MAGAZINE FRANK DAVIES named one of the ‘Top 30: Canadian Music’s Power Brokers’
  • PROCAN AWARD Dedicated Service Award (1990)
  • THE RECORD ‘Music Publisher of the Year’ (1990)
  • THE RECORD ‘Music Publisher of the Year’ (1989)
  • RECORD WORLD MAGAZINE (US) Gold Label Award (1977)

 

 

At the time that my life was made deliberately unbearable by people at St George’s and when Tony and Sadie Francis were busy perjuring themselves in order to try and have me imprisoned – with the full knowledge of the BMA, the MDU and the MDU solicitors Hempsons – the Tories were determined to force Thatch out.

This man – a lawyer from south Wales and a lifelong friend of Ronnie Waterhouse – who undoubtedly knew about the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles, stuck the first knife in:

 

Lord Geoffrey Howe (cropped).jpg

 

Most of the bestest friends of Dafydd and the paedophiles backed this man – originally from Swansea – when he challenged Thatch for the leadership, Thatch’s campaign being run by Peter Morrison:

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

This man also stood against Thatch – he had been Home Secretary throughout many of the years when the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles were simply ignored and their victims died in prison:

Lord Hurd (cropped).jpg

 

This was the eventual lucky winner:

Major PM full.jpg

 

The following people all held leading roles in Gov’t Depts which were directly responsible for concealing the paedophile rings active in north Wales and in London while I worked at St George’s:

 

Official portrait of Mr Kenneth Clarke crop 2.jpg

 

William Waldegrave visiting University of Salford 1981 cropped.jpg

 

Peter Walker 1961.jpg

 

Lord David Hunt of Wirral.jpg

 

Lord Hurd (cropped).jpg

 

Lord Waddinton 2013.png

 

Official portrait of Lord Baker of Dorking crop 2.jpg

 

Politics being what it is, some of those in this Hall of Lame will have been working for the security services and will protest that they were gathering info and working behind the scenes without breaking cover. Whatever it was that they thought they were doing, it absolutely was not enough. They were frightened to touch the Top Doctors and they shouldn’t have been. They should have admitted to the public what was going on, admitted that the NHS was not safe and gone in there and arrested Dafydd et al. They didn’t and people died.

 

Up in Bangor University, this man was in camouflage as he kept the paedophile gang in business:

  • Eric Sunderland (1930–2010), President of the University ...

 

After Eric Sunderland died, his widow fulfilled her lifelong ambition and purchased herself a Porsche. A few years previously the body of one of the Hergest Unit patients who had died as a result of serious clinical negligence was kept in cold storage for months because he hadn’t left enough money to pay for his burial and none of his three surviving relatives – two of whom were also near-destitute mental health patients – could afford to pay for his funeral either. The dead man had grown up ‘in care’. Eventually after much wrangling, the local authority agreed to pay for a pauper’s funeral. No members of mental health staff went, but a few Hergest patients did.

The nearest Porsche dealers to Mrs Sunderland’s house at Beaumaris are in Ellesmere Port and Cheshire – Knutsford and Warrington, just down the road from Risley Remand Centre.

Happy motoring Mrs S, one hopes that it is not a case of CRASH, as it was for my house mate and a few other witnesses to the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends. And if you develop a brain tumour, for God’s sake don’t go to the Walton Centre.

 

The man ensuring that things continued to run smoothly at the hands of Eric was of course the Chancellor of UCNW:

Carlo
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

 

Carlo’s Private Secretary who told people that Carlo couldn’t get involved when people wrote to Carlo informing him that children were being abused in north Wales was Edward Adeane:

 

 

Read about the slippery character Adeane in my post ’95 Glorious Years’.

 

 

Sir Peter Morrison – the child molester
Peter Morrison, British MP and Conservative Party politician.jpg

 

His supplier:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

 

 

The woman who died in the Ritz, alone, except for a paid Angel who was in attendance. As opposed to being murdered by the screws in Risley Remand Centre or somehow ending up buried in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh:

 

Photograph

 

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The Banality Of Evil

I have previously detailed how bare-faced lies were documented about me and other patients by the mental health services in north Wales and a perusal of our records demonstrated quite clearly that on numerous occasions the staff were well aware that they were documenting fallacies, just as they cheerfully perjured themselves in attempts to secure convictions against patients who had made serious complaints. My recent posts ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’ and ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ provided accounts of how serious complaints that I made were simply never investigated yet various managers then wrote to me telling me that their investigations had not upheld my complaints; how managers either ignored correspondence from the Mental Health Act Commission or lied to Commissioners; how patients were repeatedly lied to when they attempted to follow up complaints and were told that accounts provided by third parties who had witnessed wrongdoing had not been received whilst those accounts were lying in files with instructions not to reply to the witnesses; how the solution for dealing with patients who produced evidence of serious wrongdoing was to serve them with High Court injunctions preventing them from writing repeatedly to follow up complaints and then to prosecute them and declare that representation from those patients could be ignored because they were, after all, lying criminals.

In ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ I provided details of documentation in my medical records that was fairly obviously forged, amended at a later date or at the very least not compiled on the dates given.

The staff of the mental health services in north Wales were characterised not only by their callous, brutal treatment of patients but by their callous, brutal treatment of each other – I have given previous examples of staff being unfairly dismissed, having nervous breakdowns, committing suicide and the claims of one female member of staff who worked with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team leaving the area after she was sexually assaulted by one of her male colleagues following her complaint of workplace bullying. The culture within the health and welfare sector in north Wales was – and remains -toxic.

So here are a few more gems from the records that my lawyers managed to obtain after the mental health services unlawfully witheld them for the best part of 25 years and a few more names of people who knew just how serious the criminality was and who should now be speaking to the police.

 

On 7 Jan 1991 a Debra Lewis made a note regarding me phoning Gwynedd Health Authority and telling her that I had been told by my colleagues in London that a sleazy looking person had turned up saying that he had come to serve court papers on me. I remember this well – I was working in London but had gone away for a few days and my colleagues and my house mates in London contacted me to say that a rather dodgy man in possession of a stack of papers was looking for me. I presumed that it would be something to do with Gwynedd Health Authority – the bailiffs used by the courts often looked as though they were on their uppers – so I rang in order to find out what was happening. Gwynedd Health Authority told me that they had no idea what I was talking about so I rang Hempsons, the MDU solicitors. Hempsons refused to discuss anything at all with me. Debra Lewis’s note explained that the seedy looking man was indeed in pursuit of me after Gwynedd Health Authority had ordered him to serve papers on me, but she explained in her note how everybody was to lie to me and profess complete ignorance of what was happening. So what was the outcome of this stupidity? Well the sleazy man tracked me down to where I was staying – with relatives in the west country, so I presume that once more someone had unlawfully accessed a confidential database in order to find those details, because I hadn’t given them to anyone – and the sleazebag served the papers on a relative of mine. Unlawfully. When the seedy old bailiff realised that the person to whom he’d just handed the bundle wasn’t me, he panicked…

Why everybody felt obliged to lie to me about this I do not know. I wasn’t trying to escape the country, I was trying to find out what on earth was going on. But it was business as usual – a stream of lies, the telling of which was faithfully recorded in the records that these people unlawfully refused to hand over every time that I or my lawyers requested them.

In the early months of 1991 I finally got so fed up of the threats, the harassment and being bullied out of jobs when it was discovered that I had dared take on Dafydd and the paedophiles that I sought a barrister’s opinion. I was told that I had a case against the NHS for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. What happened over the next few months was exactly what happened on the two occasions since when I have tried to begin legal action against the mental health services – crucial papers disappeared and then even the lawyers did as well. One barrister in north Wales who provided his opinion but after which everything inexplicably fizzled out – Wyn Williams – was married to a psychiatric nurse in the Ablett Unit. The senior psychiatrist in the Ablett Unit at the time was Dr Neil Davies. Who was Dafydd’s colleague at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and was involved in falsely imprisoning me….

On 22 March 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones, a lawyer employed by AJ Beale – the legal firm in the Welsh Office who also employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park who documented that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and Tony Francis (Dr X) were lying about my alleged assaults on people but was happy to begin proceedings against me nonetheless – re my proposed action against Gwynedd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. Davies explained to Tracey Jones that Gwynedd could not be held responsible because it was Clwyd Health Authority who managed the North Wales Hospital and held Dafydd’s contract. Davies had failed to explain that although Dafydd was employed by Clwyd, he held clinics in Gwynedd and had beds at Ysbyty Gwynedd – and that I had been unlawfully detained in Ysbyty Gwynedd and told by Tony Francis that Dafydd was now my doctor. It was indeed in Ysbyty Gwynedd where I first encountered Dafydd. Furthermore, I had been unlawfully arrested in Ysbyty Gwynedd no less – on the orders of Dafydd – and then been taken to the North Wales Hospital, where I had been held illegally. The North Wales Hospital was used for patients from Gwynedd and Clwyd. So Gwynedd were pretty bloody culpable but began wriggling desperately when I mentioned legal action.

On 23 April 1991 Alun Davies wrote to Tracey Jones to confirm that Dr Neil Davies was the RMO for Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, where I had been illegally imprisoned. Davies also admitted that Dafydd  ‘still provides a service to Gwynedd’.

On 20 May 1991 Alun Davies writes to Mrs T.L. Jones – who as far as I can work out is the Tracey Jones to whom Davies had written just days previously in AJ Beale’s firm, but who was now working for DG Lambert, Solicitor, Crown Buildings, Cathays Park. DG Lambert was obviously another legal firm working for the Welsh Office, but I don’t know why they were involved at that point, particularly as Andrew Park of AJ Beale’s company had not gone anywhere. Park continued to send me threatening letters and ‘advise’ the paedophiles’ friends as to how to secure convictions against me. Davies explained to Tracey Jones the latest problem that he had with me – that I had now written to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority. Tracey came up with the usual solution and wrote back to Davies telling him that she would write to me and threaten me with court action if I did not stop writing to Gwynedd Health Authority.

In spring 1991, under John Major’s NHS modelled on business principles, the idiot Davies was no longer styled as ‘Priority Services Administrator’, but was now ‘Business, Planning and Contracts Manager’. Such was the fuckwittery of every NHS reorganisation – the same old crooks and fools were left in place and given new job titles. Older readers will remember the Tories ‘internal market’ which they imposed upon the NHS. Ooh yes, GPs and managers would be able to buy services from the best provider, thereby increasing patient choice and enabling patients to ‘shop around’ for the best care. What happened in north Wales? Hilarious, Gwynedd Health Authority took out full page adverts in the local papers explaining that they would be buying mental health services from – Dafydd and the North Wales Hospital! How Brown and me laughed. Here’s your choice under the Tories’ internal market – Dafydd and the paedophiles. Again.

When I mentioned this to the fat fool Davies, he snapped at me that in north Wales there wasn’t any choice. Yes, I had noticed – I escaped to London and was still told that Dafydd was my doctor. Professor Nigel Eastman of St George’s Hospital Medical School told me to go back to north Wales for ‘care’, even though Eastman had been told by his colleague Dr Robin Jacobson that Dafydd had described me as ‘attractive and seductive’, that Dafydd ‘had a soft spot for me’ and that Jacobson had noticed that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Escaping from Dafydd trying to get his leg over? We’ll say nothing about the perjury taking place in an attempt to imprison you and when the case collapses we’ll send you back to Dafydd whilst telling everyone that you’re the dangerous one…

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy in north Wales with people outside of the region in order to conceal sexual abuse.’

The criminal conspiracy of course had begun back in 1987, when Dr James Earp of the Towers Hospital Leicester had colluded with Dafydd, Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services after the first time that I had been unlawfully detained and exposed to Dafydd’s highly inappropriate conduct (see post ‘An Expert From England’).

What else happened in the early months of 1991? My friend who worked at the Royal Television Society who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a documentary about it was unlawfully dismissed and blacklisted – her husband who worked at the BBC was told by his boss that they would make sure that he ‘never worked in this town again’. He was transferred to Manchester and made redundant some months later. Another friend of mine from our Bangor days who was working for a pharmaceutical company in Kent found that he was driven  out of his job as well. Brown discovered that his colleagues had been told by someone that ‘he could not be trusted around children’. Then the workplace harassment of Brown at Aston University began in earnest.

The other thing that happened in early 1991 was that my solicitor – who was amazingly supportive – had done his best to secure what he thought would be an independent second opinion in the face of the constant charges brought against me by the north Wales mental health services. My solicitor found someone called David Mawson who was certainly pleasant and friendly and didn’t conduct himself in the manner of Dafydd et al (see post ‘Doctors Who Disappeared From The Medical Register’), but I have now found out that Dr Mawson knew all about Dafydd and the paedophiles and like absolutely everybody else he was not going to say a word about their criminal activities. Everyone took the same view – the solution here is to stress that it is the patients who are the problem not a bunch of professionally qualified gangsters who are into serious organised crime. Documents in my possession show that Alun Davies and Tony Francis (Dr X) made it their business to contact David Mawson without my or my solicitor’s knowledge or consent and ask him what he was going to say in his report….

 

Documents in my possession show that after they feared that I was going to sue, Gwynedd and Clwyd simply sent letters back and forth to the lawyers in the Welsh Office in which everybody claimed that it wasn’t them who had been responsible for my unlawful arrest and detention. The Welsh Office’s solution? Threaten me with legal action to stop me writing to anyone. Meanwhile, crucial evidence – such as the identity of Ann Williams, the one honest social worker who was a key witness (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’) and documentation – was witheld.

I suspect that it might have been at about this time that Alun Davies et al forged the documentation that I detailed in my post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’. Gwynedd Health Authority knew that if I began legal action against them at some point, documentation could be extracted by a High Court order – as indeed it was many years later – and all would be revealed. So a load of paperwork was compiled to make it look as though legal procedures had been followed in 1988-89 when Professor Robert Owen (see post ‘In Memoriam – Professor Robert Owen’) at the Welsh Office conspired with Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to conceal the wrongdoing of Dr Tony Francis, Gwynedd Social Services and Dafydd (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’).

 

By the spring of 1991 the authorities were having great trouble convincing everyone that something terrible was not happening in north Wales. Former residents of children’s homes were being found dead at an alarming frequency and some members of staff of the children’s homes had been convicted of violent and/or sexual assaults on children. There had been many more allegations of abuse which had been dismissed as untrue. From spring 1991 matters snowballed.

In May-June 1991, the by now sacked Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor took her allegations that children in care were being abused to Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry. On 10th June 1991 Wrexham Labour Councillors Dennis Parry and Malcolm King held a crisis meeting with John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd County Council. On 17th July 1991 a letter was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales stating that there were allegations circulating that a paedophile ring was in operation in the children’s homes of north Wales. On 30th July 1991 yet another member of staff of the children’s homes in north Wales was convicted of rape and indecent assault.

On 2nd August 1991 the North Wales Police launched an investigation into Clwyd children’s homes. In Sept Wrexham Councillor Dennis Parry contacted ‘The Independent’ newspaper, alleging a North Wales Police ‘cover up’. On 19 Sept 1991 Dennis Parry met journalist Dean Nelson at a London hotel and on 26 Sept 1991 HTV screened a film outlining complaints about Nefyn Dodd, the manager of the Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor. On 12 Oct Dean Nelson met Alison Taylor at her home in Bangor and on 7 Nov 1991 ‘The Independent’ newspaper formally commissioned Dean to report on the North Wales allegations.

On 14 Nov 1991 police warned Alison Taylor about ‘contacting witnesses’. On 30 Nov Frank Beck, the Leicester social worker and associate of Greville Janner, received three life sentences for the abuse of children in his care. There were links between the Leicester gang and the gang in north Wales… On 1 Dec 1991 the ‘The Independent on Sunday’ published an article about child abuse in North Wales. North Wales Police merged the Clwyd and Gwynedd child abuse inquiries on 2 Dec 1991 and on 6 Dec two former kids in care in north Wales launched a joint compensation claim against Clwyd County Council.

 

So who in high office presided over this carnage? The Secretary of State for Wales during this time was none other than this blog’s friend David Hunt who had already loyally served the paedophiles’ friends for years (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’).

The Secretary of State for Health was William Waldegrave and the Secretary of State for Social Security was Tony Newton. Alison Taylor had previously written to Newton on 28 Feb 1988 and described a brutal assault that she had witnessed on a child in care.

 

The havoc and concerns in north Wales continued throughout 1992. Two former residents of north Wales children’s homes Heath Kelvin Jones and Barry Williams were found dead in their bedsits/flats. In Jan and Feb Dean Nelson continued seeking evidence regarding the paedophile gang in north Wales.

On 15 March 1992 police arrested sixteen men and one woman in dawn raids in and around Wrexham. All but one of these had once worked at Bryn Estyn. ‘No child pornography’ was found and there was ‘no evidence’ of any paedophile ring. By the end of that day the police had no alternative but to release twelve of the sixteen without bringing any charges. Of the four that remained – Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth, Paul Wilson and David Birch – only Norris made any admissions.

On 9 April 1992 John Major won the General Election. Just days later, Adrian Johns died along with Mabel Roberts, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, Tim Sharpe and Andrew Manners when a firebomb was thrown into a building where a party was taking place in Brighton. Two people – AIDS counsellor Mabel Roberts and Andrew Manners – died from multiple injuries trying to jump to safety. Seven people managed to escape by clambering down a drainpipe at the back of the building. One, Tim Sharpe, fell to his death after losing his grip. Several people were impaled on the spiked railings as they jumped to safety from the upstairs windows. Adrian Johns, 32, and another man, Paul ‘Tony’ Jones, 33, remained trapped in the flat and died of smoke inhalation. Their bodies were so badly charred that they had to be identified by dental records. A number of those caught in the fire had been in care in north Wales. Days later the man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead. One survivor claimed that witnesses to the abuse of children in north Wales were being murdered. This man was later found dead after giving evidence at one of the trials of John Allen. For full details of the fire and its aftermath, see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’.

On 13 Sept 1992 a story about the abuse of kids in care in north Wales was published by ‘The Observer’. On 17 Sept Mark Humphreys and Steven Messham appeared on TV and accused Gordon Anglesea of abusing them whilst they had been in care in north Wales. Carl Holden watched them at home on television and then telephoned the BBC. During Oct-Nov 1992 Carl Holden was visited by BBC journos and on 30 Nov the BBC filmed Carl Holden accusing Gordon Anglesea of abuse.

Anglesea subsequently sued HTV, ‘Private Eye’, ‘The Observer’ and the Indie on Sunday for libel and in 1994 was awarded nearly £400k damages (see posts ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’ and ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd – A Few Additional Comments’). Shortly after giving evidence at the trial, Mark Humphreys was found dead, hanging from the stairwell in the block of flats in which he lived in Wrexham. In 2016 Gordon Anglesea was jailed for the historical abuse of children in care in north Wales.

 

So I was interested to discover from my medical files that on 12 Nov 1992 Alun Davies wrote to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services, demanding that an approved social worker should be allocated for the specific purpose of being on hand to ‘assess’ me, because they never knew when I might require sectioning under the Mental Health Act. Who did Davies ask to perform this service? A Terence James, as recommended by Tony Francis.

Terence James was one of Dafydd’s mates. Whilst I was in the North Wales Hospital being unlawfully imprisoned and threatened, Dafydd called upon the services of Terence James to section me – after I had been unlawfully arrested and held for three weeks. So why did Dafydd need to do this? Because the next day I was due to appear at Bangor Magistrates Court on a charge of assaulting a junior doctor. I was pleading not guilty because I hadn’t assaulted him – unbeknown to me, the doctor himself had admitted this and the charges were going to be formally withdrawn but no-one told me that. Dafydd and the paedophiles’ knew though and thus sectioned me the day before I was due to appear in court. So I was taken in the clutches of Angels across to Bangor Magistrates Court, told when I arrived that the charges had been dropped – and was taken straight back to the North Wales Hospital because Terence James had sectioned me the night before. James had sectioned me on the grounds that I was suicidal – he agreed with the charge nurse Mike Williams that the atmosphere on Bryn Golau Ward was ‘difficult and oppressive’ and that was why I had become suicidal. So there was only one answer – I had to stay in the ‘oppressive’ atmosphere which had made me suicidal….Just to emphasise how important it was for me to stay banged up, Dafydd contributed his ha’porth – I was ‘excitable and potentially dangerous’. Which is hardly consistent with being depressed and suicidal, but when did coherent thought ever have a role to play with this lot? For details of the conflicting evidence, the lies and the fuckwittery, see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE ‘.

When I was in Bryn Golau Ward in the North Wales Hospital, because the paedophiles’ friends were indulging in their usual practice of refusing to identify themselves, every time that I found out who one of them actually was, I made a note of it. I had a list of the guilty parties on a sheet of paper on my pillow. One day it disappeared. Just like that. However, I’ve found it! It turned up in my medical files! So a helpful Angel must have swiped that when they realised that I was identifying the culprits. One of the names on my list was ‘Terence James, social worker’.

I had no idea in Nov 1992 that Davies and Francis were trying to persuade one of the paedophiles’ friends to be on stand by until they gave him the signal to bang me up again. However I note from my records that Terence James was ‘unwilling to make himself available’. I wonder if Terence was a bit shaken by the police investigations and newspaper exposes regarding matters in north Wales?

Terence would have good reason to be. I have discovered that Terence was a member of the Aberconwy social work team. The Aberconwy team were rather heavily implicated in the abuse of children. From 1987, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – whilst the paedophile gang carried out business unhindered – responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner were busy and were being concealed by a number of people in Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester and Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) in Gwynedd.

No wonder Terence didn’t introduce himself when he imprisoned me in Bryn Golau Ward – and no wonder my piece of paper with Terence’s name on disappeared.

‘We didn’t know.’

‘There was no evidence of any criminal conspiracy.’

Some witnesses at the Waterhouse Inquiry were not considered credible because they consistently misidentified staff whom they claimed had assaulted them.

It was all a pack of lies to claim compensation!!!!

 

In April 1992 Virginia Bottomley took over as Secretary of State for Health and Peter Lilley took over as Secretary of State for Social Security. Anyone remember Peter Lilley’s ‘little list’ of all the social security scroungers whom he wanted to eliminate? You bloody idiot Lilley, just look at what was happening to the ‘scroungers’ at the hands of a bunch of white collar serious criminals.

 

Now here’s the name of someone else who has info for the police – Bethan Jones, who was working as Dafydd’s secretary in March 1993. Dafydd’s secretaries didn’t hang around for long because he used to do things like ask them to dress up and come to work wearing ‘a brief mini skirt and smokey grey stockings because that’s my favourite’.

#ME TOO!!

Except in wasn’t a case of #Me Too, these snivelling invertebrates freely admitted to each other that they were leaving because they couldn’t bear Dafydd propositioning them – and worse – but on every occasion that a patient described similarly offensive conduct from Dafydd, the same invertebrates were happy to do as they were told and complain about these dangerous patients making ‘wild allegations’ about Dr DA Jones and oooh they were ever so frightened and they thought that the deranged patient in question was probably going to ‘attack’ them. If any patient ever attacked a member of staff it will have been in self-defence.

Another man who might have been up to no good with the patients at the North Wales Hospital was Frank Riley. He was some sort of occupational therapist. I didn’t have the pleasure of the Frank Riley Experience myself, but I did hear about him. From female patients. I was told by a male Angel that Frank Riley was ‘a sex symbol for the over 60s’ in Denbigh. Frank could have been innocent – Dr David Healy used to have a following when he was younger and I don’t think that he was indulging in Dafydd-like pursuits – but in my experience, much of the ‘harassment’ that staff in north Wales were alleged to be receiving from patients was actually sparked off by the conduct of the staff themselves.  If Frank Riley wasn’t sexually exploiting patients himself he knew people who were.

 

Previous posts have mentioned Bob Ingham, a thug of a CPN employed in the Arfon Community Mental Health Team. In 1988 Slob Ingham dragged me along a corridor and injured me. Whilst telling me that he was Keith Fearns. I only found out that Slob had misidentified himself after I tried to make a complaint about him assaulting me. I told Jeff Crowther, a nursing officer at Ysbyty Gwynedd, that Keith Fearns had just assaulted me and Jeff told me that I was lying because ‘Keith Fearns isn’t in work today’. I later found out that my assailant had been Slob.

My medical records reveal exactly why Keith Fearns wasn’t in work that day – he was on strike. Along with the rest of the social workers in Gwynedd. Whilst it is tempting to observe that for once the patients would have been safe if the paedophiles and their friends were on strike, they weren’t because Slob assaulted them instead.

The notes that Slob made on that day refer to a Mrs Nancy Jones and a Mrs Crowley being the only other people in the building. Perhaps Mrs Nancy Jones and Mrs Crowley would like to make a statement re Slob assaulting me, they could hardly have missed it. I don’t know Mrs Crowley, but I do remember Nancy. Nancy was an utter incompetent who for a long while worked as Tony Francis’s receptionist in Ysbyty Gwynedd. Nancy was rude to patients and she kept screwing up the appointments – so people wouldn’t receive their appointment through the post until after the salient date had come and gone. Francis knew that Nancy was doing this because so many people complained about her. So he did what he seemed to have done a great deal of – he was charm itself to the patients and their relatives, told them that it would never happen again and then fumed and planned revenge. The first bit of ‘evidence’ that Francis sent to the MDU solicitors Hempsons regarding my irrationality and dangerousness was a complaint that I had made about Nancy – after the fouth time that I received a little yellow card through the post telling me that my appointment had been the day before the card arrived.

Being dragged along a corridor was not my only encounter with Slob Ingham. Following that incident, I was partaking of my usual habit ie. reading the newspapers in the supermarket – namely Safeways in Bangor – when I felt a drunken thuggish presence next to me. Then the presence elbowed me and I realised that it was Slob. I asked him what he thought that he was doing and Slob insulted me and walked off. So unsurprisingly I followed him. Slob then told me that he would be calling the police to report me for ‘harassment’. It got better. Slob then supplied a statement to the police explaining that he knew that I was in Safeways (how?? ESP???) and he also knew that his colleague Jackie Brandt was shopping in Safeways at the same time. So in order to stop me ‘attacking Mrs Brandt’, he ‘distracted me’. How I was supposed to have even known that Brandt was shopping in Safeways let alone be getting ready to attack her whilst I was reading ‘The Guardian’ I cannot fathom. Furthermore, if danger was really imminent the most sensible course would have been for Brandt to do her shopping somewhere else. This incident was faithfully logged as yet another occasion on which a paedophiles’ friend narrowly escaped with their lives after a chance encounter with me.

Brandt appeared in court on several occasions and perjured herself in an attempt to secure convictions against me, on one occasion with Slob, Keith Fearns and their partner in crime Maggie Fookes, on another with Keith Fearns and in 1993 by herself (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). On one occasion Brandt started crying after my solicitor demonstrated that I had not – as she alleged – screamed and yelled at her, indeed I hadn’t even spoken to her. I was fined £60 quid for looking at her. Yes, honestly – Gwynfor Evans, the Chairman of Bangor Magistrates Bench, claimed that by looking at Brandt I had caused her to feel fear and distress as defined under the Public Order Act. Gwynfor was a retired bank manager from Holyhead. God knows what sort of decisions Gwynfor was making when he managed the bank. He also deported an overseas student at Bangor University who nicked a credit card from another student. Gwynfor was quoted in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ as saying ‘this is what we call organised crime and we will not tolerate that in Bangor’. I showed the article to Brown’s brother and he pissed himself laughing and said ‘organised crime, that’s the Mafia isn’t it?’

Well Gwynfor, I’ve got news for you – there was organised crime in Bangor, Dafydd and his mistress Lucille Hughes were running a paedophile ring with interests in drug dealing and child porn. But Gwynfor almost certainly knew that at the time, which was why he was fining the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles £60 for looking at them in Safeways. I don’t know whether Gwynfor simply just worked in Holyhead or whether he lived there as well, but the children in the children’s home in Holyhead were being abused.

In May 1993 John Redwood took over as Secretary of State for Wales.

In the summer of 1993 an exceptional cousin of mine who had a place to do a PhD with Stephen Hawking found that his career was unexpectedly derailed (see comments following my post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’).

In Oct 1993 Ron Davies – of moments of madness and looking for badgers fame (see post ‘Cottaging At Castle Gate’) – was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for Wales.

 

Just weeks after I was find £60 for looking at Jackie Brandt, I had yet another encounter with Slob Ingham. I was standing in a corridor at Ysbyty Gwynedd chatting to an Angel, when Slob advanced towards us and stood right next to me glowering at me. He didn’t move until I finished the conversation and I had walked away. I – and other patients – had by then had such a bellyful of the constant aggro from Slob and the gang that we agreed that if we could be fined for looking at them whilst they continued to conduct themselves like this, it left us in a very vulnerable position. So I made representation about Slob and two other patients backed me up, having witnessed his intimidation.

My medical records contain a fascinating account of what happened behind the scenes after we complained about Slob. On 30 Nov 1993 Alun Davies wrote a letter about it all. Davies’s letter explained that ‘a member of staff, Mrs Penny Phillips’ witnessed everything and that Penny barely noticed Slob’s presence let alone any silent intimidation.

Penny Phillips was married to another Hergest Unit nurse, Gareth. Gareth Phillips developed back problems a few years later and was unable to continue working as an Angel. I was told by a former member of staff that the North West Wales NHS Trust had ‘looked after Gareth’. This looking after of Gareth consisted of the Trust giving Gareth a job as the RCN rep and in this capacity Gareth obediently gave interviews to the local papers explaining how many psychiatric patients were carrying out violent attacks on Angels after every allegation that there was abuse of patients happening in the Hergest Unit. I never saw Gareth or Penny abuse patients themselves but they certainly knew that some of their colleagues were doing so.

But then Gareth and Penny had an idyllic existence on their smallholding on Ynys Mon with their horses and horses don’t come cheap. What would have happened if the Phillips’s had to live in poverty like the patients?

Alun Davies had certainly prepared for all eventualities after he received representation about Slob. Before he even asked the tame Angel Penny for her opinion, Davies had written to Tony Francis – for his opinion on my ‘mental state’ no less, immediately after Davies received my complaint about Slob. I could see the logic in such a course of action if, for example, an acutely ill patient had complained that there was a spaceship parked in the hospital grounds and he wanted someone to remove it. Even so, the opinion about someone’s ‘mental state’ should be sought with the complainant’s knowledge and consent and in tandem with – or following – an appropriate investigation.

Well if Davies was hoping that Francis was simply going to declare me insane and he could therefore ignore my complaint as the rantings of a lunatic, he was to be disappointed. Francis – for a man, who without my knowledge spent much time and energy sending letters to the BMA, Hempsons and the MDU demanding that I be prosecuted and locked up on the grounds of the enormous imminent danger that I presented to the world – had an interesting response.

On 25 Nov 1993 Francis replied to Davies, but Francis refused to comment on my ‘mental state’. Because it would have been thoroughly unethical? Er, no. Because Francis noted that a member of staff had witnessed the incident – so Francis knew that Penny was on hand to lie – and that it was important ‘therapeutically’ for people to view this situation sensitively and ‘through [my] eyes’.

I suspect that the reason why Francis had not done the usual – put on his jackboots and told Davies that I should be ignored because I was nuts – was because they had already been stung after using this approach. After I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist’s lechery at the Student Health Centre at UCNW (Bangor University), the corrupt GP Dr DGE Wood had tried the ‘you’re mad and we’re right’ approach and it backfired. Brown was livid and wrote to them as well, we gained evidence of complaints by other students against Gwynne the lobotomist, we contacted the Students Union so they all began crapping themselves up there (see post ‘Just A Language Divide?’) and eventually we wrote to the Vice-Chancellor.

So obviously a different approach had to be adopted – particularly, as with the students at Bangor University a few years before, there was no shortage of people ready to testify as to Slob’s previous.

 

The police investigation into a possible paedophile ring in north Wales ended in 1993. The North Wales Police claimed to have found ‘no evidence’ of a paedophile ring, just a ‘few evil men’. Which is odd because I found absolutely scores of evil men and as many evil women as well, so obviously the North Wales Police weren’t looking in the right places. They obviously were just searching behind the cushions instead of in the NHS, the BMA, the GMC, the MDU, Hempsons, the social services, MIND, the Samaritans, the County Councils, the Houses of Parliament, the Magistrates Courts, the Crown Courts, the High Courts and their own police stations. Easy to miss I suppose.

 

My records show that on 20 Jan 1994, Alun Davies sent a memo to Rob Evans, Slob, Ella Fisk (the nurse who ran the very popular day centre), Jeff Crowther (a nurse manager), Keith Fearns (the thug who was leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team), Jackie Brandt and Bruce Napier (a clinical psychologist who had a much nicer manner with the patients than did most of his colleagues and who for a while had a management role at the Hergest Unit). The memo purports to have been sent by Alun Davies but it is signed D. Parsons. The memo states that there is a ‘need to discuss the issues’ raised in Jackie Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier of 23 Dec 1993 and Brandt’s solicitor’s letter to me.

There is no copy of any letter from Brandt to Bruce Napier in my files, but Brandt did send me a solicitor’s letter at about this time. I had been in Bangor on a Saturday morning and had walked past her and her husband in Bangor High Street, near the clock which is in the main thoroughfare through Bangor town centre. About 30 mins later I passed them again in the shopping centre. Brandt’s solicitor accused me of following her – although it was Brandt’s husband who breached the peace by shaking his fist at me and shouting. Bangor is a small town and if one is in town at the same time as someone else, it is highly likely that you’ll see that person – particularly near the clock where you have to pass to get from one end of the town to the other or in the shopping centre. There is only one shopping centre and it doesn’t have that many shops in it.  It would be possible to miss someone if one of you was visiting the cathedral because that’s at the other end of town, but go to Bangor on a Saturday morning in a car or on the bus to do some shopping and you’ll all end up in pretty much the same place. As my solicitor explained to Brandt when she threw a hissy fit and her husband shook his fist at me.

As for Brandt’s letter to Bruce Napier, I never saw it, but I was told that Brandt hit the roof because I walked past her in a corridor in the Hergest Unit. Brandt explained to Bruce that she had been with ‘a reluctant paranoid client’ – yes, that was Jackie Brandt being nice about a client – and just the sight of me could have had a deleterious effect on this ‘reluctant paranoid client’. As opposed to her mate Slob dragging them down a corridor or Brandt illegally detaining them in Ysbyty Gwynedd where Dafydd then shuts himself in a room with them and talks about sex with no prompting. After seeing me in the corridor, Jackie Brandt declared that she would no longer be prepared to attend Ysbyty Gwynedd lest she see me there again.

Brandt clearly pushed the boat out on this occasion. Not only had she sent me a solicitor’s letter and banged on to Bruce Napier about a reluctant paranoid client, but Brandt had also made contact with Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept – the legal dept that employed the crooked lawyer Ron Evans, who’s assistance not only kept a lot of people out of prison after the Jillings Report caused everything to hit the fan and was then followed by the Waterhouse Inquiry, but who was also involved in the rigged court case in Chester in July 1990 when Lucille, Fearns, Brandt, Slob and Maggie Fookes tried to have me imprisoned by perjury par excellence (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’).

 

Brandt ‘advised’ Ron Evans and Gwynedd’s legal dept that Slob was ‘subject to a spurious complaint’ from me and referred to my ‘abusive behaviour’  which, according to Brandt, was interfering with Slob’s ‘clinical work’ no less.

The correspondence regarding the terrible threat that I presented to Jackie and Slob and the need to have a meeting to discuss it – on Jan 24 1994 – was CC’d to Mrs J. Hughes, legal dept and to Rob Evans, the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services.

I presume that Mrs J Hughes was Janet Hughes, of Gwynedd County Council’s legal dept. Although Gwynedd County Council was a separate body from the various incarnations that the NHS in north Wales passed through, they were always happy to put their heads together in their efforts to shaft patients. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer employed by the Welsh Office – who’s lawyers the NHS used – wrote to Gwynedd County Council and asked them to ‘share information’ with him because he thought that the injunction which Gwynedd County Council obtained against me was ‘more favourable in its terms’ than the injunction that Gwynedd Health Authority obtained.

It certainly was – the reason why I was a punchbag for Fearns and Brandt was that after my second letter of complaint to Gwynedd Social Services about Brandt unlawfully detaining me, Lucille Hughes asked Ron Evans to obtain an injunction against me preventing me from writing to anyone in Gwynedd Social Services or visiting any of their properties. Park wanted to know how they obtained such a wonderful and far reaching injunction. Easy. Brandt and Fearns lied their arses off on oath and Ron Evans took the request before a judge in Leeds, a paedophiles’ friend called Sir John Kay (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). So Brandt and Fearns did whatever they wanted and I could not even make written representation, unless I splashed out for a lawyer and paid them to write to Gwynedd Social Services on my behalf.

Ron Evans seems to have been on tap quite regularly. Ron had a trademark signature, a distinctive R which was underlined – it appears on a number of NHS documents concerning me to which Ron should had not have had access. Ron was also on hand to advise when Alun Davies and Tony Francis tried to entrap me over the phone – Ron was advising them on which recording equipment to invest in.

It was Ron’s wife who told me that Ron kept the paedophile gang out of prison – I worked with her at Bangor University. She had no idea that he had tried to have me imprisoned and it was a while before I realised that her husband was the Ron who had caused me such problems.  She told me that Ron was the best and they all used to go to him for advice. Well he was not as daft as the rest of them, I’ll give him that. I’ve got documents that were forged by Ron and they are far superior to Alun Davies’s efforts at forgery (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). Ron remembered to sign them, he was careful to get the date right when he pre or post dated them AND he forged the Gwynedd Health Authority stamp with the appropriate date on. So how do I know that Ron forged them? Because unlike Ron, the silly fuckers who were finally forced to hand my records over to my lawyer in 2005 or see Keith Thomson – the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust – go to prison for contempt of court, handed the whole lot over without sifting through them when my lawyer sent the bailiffs in to search all the Trust buildings and seize everything relating to me. So all the documents that Ron would have had the brains to remove were handed over as well – the original copies, the plans and the instructions to people to lie in court.

I’ve got the lot Ron!

 

Following Penny Phillips’ bearing false witness and Alun Davies writing to me telling me that Slob Ingham had not tried to hassle me in any way whatever, I and another patient decided to take this further in the light of the number of patients who had told us about the naked abuse and aggression that they had experienced from Slob. One family told us how on a ‘home visit’ Slob threatened to hit a member of the family, his ‘client’. The family were so frightened of Slob that they were locking themselves in their house. We had all had years of getting absolutely nowhere with the mental health services no matter what had happened to us, so I suggested that we should go outside of the mental health services, above their heads. I discovered that there was a Director of Nursing for the Gwynedd Community Health Trust, a Nerys Owen, who was probably not a psychiatric nurse and I wrote to her.

Nerys wrote back and met both I and another patient. She actually seemed to take the matter very seriously and we noticed that none of the Hergest Unit staff tried their usual fuckwittery in front of Nerys. They were incredibly polite to her, even Slob Ingham kept a civil tongue in his head which I had never seen before or saw since. We had a private meeting with Nerys and told her just how serious some of the allegations against Slob were. She gave us a supply of her business cards and virtually begged the other people who had been threatened and hassled by Slob to get in touch with her. (They wouldn’t – they simply pointed out to us that he knew where they lived, he knew confidential information about them and that he or Fearns and/or another member of the gang could turn up at any point and section them and that would be it. Which is a fair point – someone said to me two years ago ‘you complained about them and look what happened to you’.)

Although our meeting with Nerys left both I and the other patient with the firm impression that Nerys really was doing her best, the truce was short-lived, as I shall explain.

When I obtained my records, I found a copy of the letter that Nerys wrote to Slob after I and the other patient contacted her. On 16 Feb 1994 Nerys wrote to Slob ordering him to a meeting with her on 21 Feb 1994, ‘to discuss in detail comments and complaints that [my name] has made in relation to your behaviour…the areas to discuss with you will be limited to your attitude and behaviour in a professional capacity…my intention is to address issues raised by [my name] and then to move forward endeavouring to create an atmosphere of understanding rather than confrontation which the current situation appears to be’. The letter was CC’d to Alun Davies.

My perception is that Nerys’s letter was excellent. Slob was rude, aggressive and threatening and this was well-known. His attitude towards patients was dreadful and he was also very unpleasant and confrontational with a lot of other staff. Slob, Fearns and the alcoholic alcohol counsellor Tom Harney –  who was another totally abusive member of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – could be seen every day in Safeways in Bangor between 9-30 am and 11-30 am enjoying a cooked breakfast in the cafe. They were supposed to be in their office on duty and incredulous patients who had been told that the Arfon Team were ‘too busy’ to fulfil various simple basic functions would watch this every morning. Then other people would see Slob enjoying a round of golf on the golf course in Bangor on many a weekday afternoon.

The Hergest patients gained the impression that Slob backed off after Nerys intervened. Then came the backlash. Slob did back off, but the other paedophiles’ friends advanced fully armed.

Meanwhile, on 12 May 1994 Labour leader John Smith died unexpectedly after the Top Doctors at Barts just could not revive him after a heart attack. When Smith had his first heart attack, he was absolutely reassured by Top Doctors that the problem was not his heart. See post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ for details of how the Top Doctors just didn’t seem to get it right with John Smith.

Tony Francis was most interested when he heard me telling everyone at Hergest that I’d just heard on the radio that John Smith had died.

 

Dafydd led the post-Slob charge. He was making constant representations about my very presence in the day centre – where I used to go to meet my friends and for appointments with my key worker, who was by then the Hergest whistleblower and was always very, very helpful. Dafydd made constant demands that I should be legally prevented from going to the Hergest Unit. He put in a complaint literally every time he saw me. Even on the occasion when Dafydd walked through the front door and was traumatised because he saw me sitting on a chair talking to an Angel. Not even Penny Phillips’ witness testimony managed to cause any problems on that occasion.

At about this time the Mental Health Act Commission paid a visit to the Hergest Unit. I and another patient made an appointment to see them. We told them of the suicides, the constant aggression from certain members of staff, the fact that complaints were never investigated – and we also told them about Dafydd’s conduct towards female patients. One of the Commissioners laughed. We asked him what he was laughing at and he told us that he was laughing in despair because he’d heard this so many times.  Jeff Crowther, the nursing manager, sat in on the meeting. He told us later that the second Commissioner, an older lady, had spoken to him after our meeting and had commented that she had been involved in inspections of North Wales Hospital in the 1960s ‘and it was exactly the same story then’.

To remind readers of just a bit of Dafydd’s previous in relation to patients: in 1987 a worker for MIND had collected statements from five female patients all independently stating that they had had a sexual relationship with Dafydd. He cohabited with a number of female patients, at one time with two at once. Dafydd’s conduct towards women, including patients, was the subject of jokes among the staff and many years later I was told by a former social worker who had given up with Gwynedd and walked away that it was an ‘open secret’ that Dafydd was sexually exploiting patients. In 1991 Dr Robin Jacobson of St George’s Hospital Medical School/Springfield Hospital documented that Dafydd and Tony Francis had ‘lost their boundaries’ after Dafydd told Jacobson that I was ‘attractive and seductive’ (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’). Jacobson did not tell me that Dafydd had made these comments. In the mid 1990s Alun Davies received a series of anonymous letters about Dafydd and after what was said to me (Davies thought that I was behind the letters) I suspect that Dafydd’s sexual relationships with patients were the topic.

Any comment or a complaint from patients about such matters resulted in it being diligently recorded but not as a complaint. My post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’ mentions how even documenting the numerous complaints about Dafydd’s sexual misconduct was said to be ‘publishing libellous material’. Instead comments from patients were recorded and used to demonstrate how mad the patients were.

One the first occasion on which I mentioned Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients Tony Francis was so livid that he documented that I was a ‘very disturbed individual’ and whoever had given me information about Dafydd’s ‘private life’ should be hunted down and sacked. After I raised the subject of Dafydd’s sexual exploitation of patients with two different members of admin staff at the North Wales Hospital, they passed on my comments ‘behind the scenes’ and Andrew Park made a written note that I was making a nuisance of myself again and that I had to be stopped. My files reveal that on 23 July 1990 Lilian Roberts, a temporary secretary to Dafydd, wrote to Alun Davies after I mentioned Dafydd’s conduct with female patients; that on 23 July 1990 an A. Howells, another secretary or administrator, took a phone call from me about the matter and that on 29 July 1990 a Dr Fear, ‘registrar, psychiatry’, made a note that I had mentioned it to him as well.

What did not happen at any time was any sort of investigation. Finally in about 1995 after I dared raise the subject of Dafydd again, Alun Davies bellowed at me that I should ‘put up and shut up’.

 

The situation was so widely known that it was the subject of piss-taking among patients. One person quipped that when the first female patient tried to report Dafydd they probably refused to document the complaint because she didn’t know the Welsh for ‘rape’. It wouldn’t actually surprise me if someone really had used that excuse.

English immigrants to north Wales who have learnt Welsh will be very familiar with the conversational Welsh course which is taught absolutely everywhere, WLPAN. WLPAN comes highly recommended and is good fun, but you don’t always get the vocabulary that you need to deal with Dafydd. So here’s a quick guide to learning Welsh the Dafydd way. Vocabulary which could be needed includes –

paedophile – pedoffilydd

rape – trais rhywiol

hooker – putain (plural = puteindra)

brothel – putaindy

testicles – carreg gwr (this is a nice one, it translates as ‘men’s stones’)

People who live in Caernarfon will be familiar with ‘Wenglish’, the slang Welsh which contains many English words which many younger people speak. Hence the reference to the need to ‘kick him in the carregs’ as explained to me by one of the bar staff in Wetherspoons one day.

Should pigs ever fly and Dafydd ends up under investigation but tries the Max Clifford excuse as to why he cannot possibly be a sexual predator, the Welsh for ‘small penis’ is ‘pidyn bach’. Just so that everyone understands Dafydd’s excuse of last resort.

Sadly there is a catch for anyone who even learns the appropriate vocab in an attempt to make a complaint about Dafydd. Welsh grammar is complex and difficult (but not as complex and difficult as English grammar) and no doubt if someone arrives at the office of Andrew Park/Alun Davies/Ian Rickard or indeed anyone else and makes their complaint in Welsh, they’ll be told that they haven’t mutated properly and dear oh dear we cannot possibly take down this complaint.

 

I did not hear any more from the Mental Health Act Commissioners, so I presumed that once more complaints about the most serious misconduct had been ignored.

 

On 9 June 1994 the head of Bryn Estyn, Matt Arnold, died of an ‘unspecified blood disease’. On 13 June the trial of Peter Howarth – Arnold’s colleague and long time friend – and Paul Wilson on sexual abuse charges began. Howarth was found guilty at Chester Crown Court on 8 July 1994 and was sentenced to 10 years imprisonment. Paul Wilson was acquitted of all charges, although on 28 Nov 1994 Wilson pleaded guilty to three counts of physical assault.

My files show that on 13 June 1994, Ian Rickard replied to a letter from Dafydd re Dafydd’s ‘extreme concern’ regarding the safety of him (Dafydd), his colleagues and patients ‘in relation to the above woman’ (ie. me). This letter was rather different in tone to the letter from Francis a few months earlier, regarding the need to see things through my eyes and show sensitivity to patients’ anxieties. Rickard finished the letter by offering to discuss me with Dafydd any time at Dafydd’s convenience…

On 4 July 1994 Ian Rickard wrote to Francis regarding me bothering Dafydd and the possibility of banning me from the hospital, although here were no examples given of whatever I was supposed to be doing that was causing such distress. Rickard also asks Francis if I should be assessed by a forensic psychiatrist. At this time Rickard’s job description was that of a ‘mental health advisor’ for Gwynedd Community Health Trust.

 

My files contain a copy of a letter from Mrs Joyce Kaye of the Mental Health Act Commission (Maid Marian House, Nottingham) written to Alun Davies on 7 July 1994, reminding Davies that on a visit to Ysbyty Gwynedd the Commissioners had spoken to him about me and asking Davies for an update re his investigation of my concerns.

On 4 Aug 1994, Joyce Kaye from the MHAC wrote to Alun Davies again. This letter was from Joyce on behalf of the Chief Exec of the MHAC and mentioned that it was further to her letters of 7 July 1994 and 12 July 1994 wanting an update on Davies’s investigation of my concerns.

 

In the wider world, on 21 July 1994 Tony Blair became leader of the Opposition. The Pretty Straight Kind Of Guy who is married to a lawyer who was mates with and indeed mentor to so many of those ‘radical lawyers’ who ignored the plight of kids in care and psych patients who were being so seriously abused. Tony and Cherie know many lawyers who are personal injury specialists – who undoubtedly know folk who have worked for the MDU and/or Hempsons.

 

On 26 Aug 1994 Alun Davies wrote a memo which was circulated to Rob Evans, Tony Francis, Keith Fearns, Ella Fisk and Jackie Brandt confirming a meeting on the same day to discuss my ‘present needs’ and to formulate a response to the Mental Health Act Commission.

The one really helpful person – my keyworker, the Hergest whistleblower – was not invited to the meeting to discuss my ‘needs’. Yet Fearns and Brandt – who had made it crystal clear that they hated me and had even lied on oath a few times in their attempts to have me imprisoned – had been invited to discuss my ‘needs’.  Fearns and Brandt had no part in my ‘care’ – although they were invited to nearly every meeting and CC’d into confidential letters about me.

On 1 Sept 1994 Alun Davies wrote to Joyce Kaye, giving details of my ‘care’ – presumably on a separate sheet, because I do not have those details. Alun Davies also told Mrs Kaye that Rob Evans – the Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services – would meet with me.

Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. Whilst Evans was in Leicester, the paedophile gang involving Frank Beck and Greville Janner was concealed by a number of people at Leicester University (see post ‘Radical Leicester And Some Other Free Radicals’). In 1992 Rob Evans was appointed Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services (Mental Health).

I was told that my meeting with Rob Evans was to discuss the constant aggro between Brandt, Fearns and me. However Rob didn’t discuss that. Instead Rob gave me a tutorial on ‘changing social work practice’. He explained that what was once acceptable is not any more. As an example, Rob Evans explained that when he used to take children into care, he would take their shoes away because if he didn’t they would run off. (People who had been in care in north Wales explained when they were adults that they had tried to run away from the beatings and the buggery but social workers took their shoes away so they couldn’t escape.) Rob told me that he knew some people in north Wales hated him but he didn’t care because he knew that he had done the right thing by taking their kids into care because they didn’t know how to look after them. I spent a long while wondering whether Rob Evans was just stupid, but I have come to the conclusion that he is pure bloody evil.

I last saw Rob Evans just before I left Bangor, in Tesco no less. When he saw me he told me that if ‘arrassed him he’d call the police.

Rob Evans made a record of his meeting with me and what happened afterwards. After meeting me, Evans held a meeting with Keith Fearns and asked Fearns what he wanted him (Evans) to do with me. Fearns replied ‘lock her up’. Evans documented that he told Fearns that wasn’t possible. Fearns repeated ‘lock her up’. Evans recorded that there was no solution to this situation and because he was being transferred to a new role the following day the matter would no longer be his responsibility.

When Rob Evans gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry he explained that after running the children’s services in Gwynedd, he transferred to mental health. Rob told Waterhouse that the mental health services in north west Wales had been recognised as being among the best in Europe. But then Dafydd kept appearing in the ‘Bangor and Anglesey Mail’ describing himself as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’.

For the details on Rob and his child molesting colleagues, see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’.

 

In the autumn of 1994 Dafydd was writing to the MDU making ludicrous allegations, such as that I had thrown a rock through the glass door of his house at 3 am one morning, for which he did not have a shred of evidence (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’). When Dafydd described events that had actually taken place as opposed to those events he described which had simply never happened at all, it was the actions of people other than me that Dafydd detailed. But nonetheless, Dafydd knew that I was the wicked genius behind it all. It was certainly true that Dafydd was the subject of much piss-taking and the butt of many jokes, but I didn’t need to encourage anyone to do that, Dafydd himself was quite sufficient. One example of ‘criminal damage’ to Dafydd’s Range Rover with which the MDU was supplied occurred when a Hergest patient drew a cartoon and carefully tucked it under one of the windscreen wipers. The incident had arisen because a group of patients had watched Dafydd arrive at the hospital, park illegally, ignore the pleas of the parking attendant – who was actually one of the patients, a man called Emlyn (one of those who died shortly after the day centre was shut and scores of patients became destitute) – and had started exchanging Dafydd anecdotes. One woman said ‘well he says the most dreadful things to you, but I think he’s trying to shock you into getting better’. Whereupon someone else said ‘what do you think he is, a Zen master??’ and drew a cartoon of a Buddha with Dafydd’s face under the slogan ‘prepare for Nirvana’ and placed it under Dafydd’s wiper. Not only did Dafydd attribute the incident to me – no I wasn’t responsible, but I did think that it was quite entertaining – but Dafydd maintained that his windscreen wiper had been wrenched back, buckled and needed repairing at the garage.

The MDU did not ask Dafydd to produce any evidence for any of his allegations. They presented them all in court as uncontested matters of fact.

On 11 Oct 1994 Dafydd wrote to John Mullen, the CEO of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, telling Mullen that he’d ordered the MDU to raise an injunction against me. Dafydd CC’d this letter to Keith Thomson. I don’t know what Thomson’s job title was at the time, but Keith Thomson eventually became the CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. Thomson refused to investigate serious complaints and also refused to co-operate with external NHS investigations. He declared me and a number of other people to be ‘vexatious complainants’ and on those grounds refused to answer our correspondence. On Keith Thomson’s watch, north west Wales had the second highest suicide rate among women of any area in England and Wales. It was Thomson who was summoned before the High Court in Cardiff in 2005 and ordered to hand over all documentation relating to me or face imprisonment for contempt of court. Hours later Thomson resigned. An article subsequently appeared in the ‘Daily Post’ entitled ‘Ten Years At The Top For Keith’ waxing lyrical about Thomson’s glorious career and how he was now retiring. Thomson was then awarded an OBE. He didn’t retire. Thomson went down to Pembrokeshire and became CEO of the NHS Trust there. Where there was havoc in the NHS and a paedophile ring in operation.

Rhodri Morgan was FM when Thomson was let loose on the NHS in west Wales. There was a paedophile gang in operation in west Wales which had links to the one in north Wales – Ioan Bowen Rees, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council who was in post whilst the paedophile gang in were busy on his turf, had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed County Council, whilst a paedophile gang were busy there (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Rhodri’s wife Julie is a former social worker who was Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. Some Barnardo’s staff were involved with the abuse of children in north Wales.

 

More recently I heard that Barry Shingles had always expected to become CEO of the NW Wales NHS Trust, but Thomson knifed him and usurped. Shingles committed suicide.

 

On 3 Nov 1994 Dafydd obtained a High Court injunction against me on the basis of a truly extraordinary affidavit in which he discussed his anus of all things (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’). The official who served the injunction on me had read it and was laughing, I was later told that the Bangor police heard about the contents and were having a good laugh and I took it into the Hergest Unit to show everyone. Tony Francis was attempting to section one patient on that day for unclear reasons and interestingly enough when this man recited the contents of the injunction and told the assessing ‘second opinions’ that it had been passed around the day centre to great amusement, all talk of sectioning him was quietly dropped. This man was yet another person who disappeared without trace after the day centre closed. He was a lecturer from Bangor University who had experienced a breakdown. Bright, well-read and someone who would have been in a position to witness just how outrageous and crazy Dafydd’s conduct was if there was ever any sort of inquiry into the abuse of vulnerable people in north Wales.

So is Dave Nunn now dead along with all the rest of the witnesses then Dafydd?

 

Someone who will be in a position to give the police information concerning the mistreatment of patients during this time is Sharon Thomas  who worked as Tony Francis’s secretary in 1994.

 

An injunction wasn’t enough for Dafydd. He also demanded that an alarm system be installed in the Hergest Unit – because of the danger that I represented to him. On 1 Nov 1994 Alun Davies wrote a letter to John Mullen regarding the alarm system as required by Dafydd. Alun Davies estimated the cost at 25k and told Mullen in his letter that he wanted to discuss the funding with Mullen.

Meanwhile, I had made representation about Dafydd’s injunction. Not about the fact that Dafydd had discussed his anus in the affidavit or the crazed allegations that another patient losing his temper with Dafydd and telling Dafydd that he was going to stick a hand-grenade up Dafydd’s bum was evidence that I was about to murder Dafydd using a rectal method. I had made representation because among the gossip, speculation and mad fantasy in Dafydd’s injunction, he had breached confidence. He had provided clinical details of a matter involving me many years previously which had no relevance to the injunction or to any of Dafydd’s claims re the danger that I presented to him. I remembered how many times people had told me that they wouldn’t complain about Dafydd ‘because he knows things about me and he’ll tell people’. I knew enough to know that Dafydd was not on sound ground including some of the comments that he had in his affidavit. So I wrote to the NHS authorities in north Wales making it clear that Dafydd had now done what he was constantly alleged to do in the face of challenge – he had breached confidence and this time in the High Court in Liverpool.

On 11 Nov 1994 John Mullen wrote to the Medical Director of Gwynedd Community Health Trust, Jeremy Corson, asking him to investigate my complaint re Dafydd and the breach of confidence.

On 16 Jan 1995 Ian Rickard, now styled as the ‘Head of Mental Health Services and Project Manager’, wrote to me concerning my complaint re Dafydd’s injunction. Rickard stated that ‘any personal information about you was likely only to have been read out in open court in Liverpool, I feel that this is sufficiently far enough away to offer you anonymity…I conclude therefore that in this case confidence has not been breached’.

However Ian Rickard didn’t actually send the letter to me.

On the same day –  16 Jan 1995 – Rickard also wrote to Tony Francis saying ‘perhaps you will be kind enough to show my letter to Dr DA Jones when you next see him. I am not sure of the appropriateness of sending him a copy.’ Rickard also stated that I ‘may become quite upset by the outcome of my deliberations’ and thus he had sent the letter to me to Ella – the nurse who ran the day centre – ‘to discuss with me’.

So Ian Rickard didn’t actually carry out an investigation – his response was a result of his ‘deliberations’. He had sought no advice at all, let alone legal advice and had just written back telling me that because Dafydd only breached confidence in OPEN COURT in Liverpool and I lived near Bethesda, that wasn’t really breaching confidence. Furthermore Ian Rickard knew that he shouldn’t have sent a copy of his letter to me to Jones – so he sent a copy of it to Tony Francis, so that Francis could give a copy to Jones. Rickard also knew that I was likely to be highly unsatisfied with his response – so he was sending the letter to Ella. Perhaps to stop me from picking up a phone and calling a lawyer?

Ian Rickard, soon after doing all this, was appointed Head of Mental Health for Gwynedd Community Health Trust. Is it surprising that the Hergest Unit was in crisis and the suicide rate in north west Wales was one of the highest in the UK?

 

Dafydd, Rickard and Francis had their arses fully covered. On 24 Jan 1995  Tony Francis wrote to Dr Chris Jones, consultant forensic psychiatrist for the North Wales Forensic Service, Unit 2, Clwydian House, Wrexham Technology Park, asking for a forensic opinion regarding the danger that I posed to Dafydd. Francis told Chris Jones that there are ‘extensive notes available about her…which I refer you to’. These were of course the notes that Francis, Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends had written about me. Detailing assaults on Top Doctors and Angels that I had not carried out, rocks that I had not thrown through Dafydd’s door, Top Doctors that I had not tried to stab or throttle and people whom I had not tried to kill. Except that Dafydd, Francis et al forgot to mention that although they had lovingly documented all of these crimes there was absolutely no evidence at all that the crimes had even been committed let alone that it was me who had committed them.  Francis CC’d his letter to Jeremy Corson and to Dr Madelin Osborn.

 

Madelin Osborn – her name is spelt thus on my documents, although it is probable that the correct spelling is different, this lot did not know how to spell the names of their own colleagues or their patients – is someone else who needs to make a police statement. Madelin Osborn was a Top Doctor at the Hergest Unit who joined the exodus as the publication of the Waterhouse Report drew near. Madelin Osborn was the doctor of the female patient who was unlawfully sectioned by Jackie Brandt and kept at Ysbyty Gwynedd for three days with no clothes or access to her relatives. When the young woman’s parents complained, they claimed to have been told ‘lie after lie after lie’. Then the young woman was evicted from her rented house after she locked the door to try to stop Brandt coming in – Brandt called the police who broke the door down and Brandt then sectioned the young woman. This young woman used to appear to make a good recovery on a number of occasions and would begin new jobs and undertake postgrad courses – whereupon Tony Francis would state that she was becoming ill, alter her medication and within a month she’d be sectioned again. Before this patient ended up in the Hergest Unit she’d been leading a rather yuppyish life in London working for Marco Pierre White when a number of things happened to her that she found very upsetting. She was ‘sent home’ (she came from Gwynedd) by a Top Doctor in London and ended up in Ysbyty Gwynedd after her encounter with Brandt. Her only wish was to recover and resume her life in London but she kept being told by mental health staff in north Wales that ‘people in London don’t want to see you again’. I wonder why that was? Then there was the occasion on which she was sectioned in Ysbyty Gwynedd and she swore blind that Tony Francis had tried to get into her room and had exposed himself to her. Well she was completely bonkers, how could anyone ever believe such a thing. Her complaint was not upheld.

Step forward Madelin Osborn, you are needed in north Wales – to tell the truth for once in your life.

 

I’m not sure what a forensic psychiatry service was doing on a technology park in Wrexham, such services are usually in hospitals. However the two children homes where very serious abuse of children was happening in north Wales – Bryn Alyn and Bryn Estyn – were located close to Wrexham and forensic psychiatrists were constantly being called upon to assess the kids. Whilst Chris Jones was in business on the Wrexham Technology Park, a full police investigation into the possibility of a paedophile ring in north Wales had been undertaken, the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council was well underway and Nicola Davies QC was conducting a review of the documentation concerning child abuse in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was justified. Dead former kids in care and psych patients were turning up everywhere.

Not that the police had found any evidence at all of a paedophile ring, despite a number of ‘care’ staff and teachers going to prison for abusing the children in their care. The month before Francis wrote to Chris Jones asking for a ‘forensic opinion’ on me, Gordon Anglesea won his libel case…

 

On 9 Feb 1995 John Allen, the owner and manager of the Bryn Alyn Community, was convicted of indecent assault against six former residents and received six years imprisonment.

 

On 13 Feb 1995 Gwynedd Community Health Trust’s solicitor Tony Lane wrote to John Mullen re Dafydd’s breach of confidence in Court in Liverpool. Lane mentioned that Hempsons – the MDU solicitors – had acted for Dafydd.

On 27 Feb 1995 Hefin Davies, the Chairman of Gwynedd Community Health Trust wrote to Tony Lane requesting his advice. Was Hefin’s letter seeking legal guidance re Dafydd and the breach of confidence? No. Hefin was asking Tony Lane if there was any more that they could do to have me prosecuted.

On 9 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to me maintaining that Dafydd’s affidavit was not read out in open court, it was presented to a judge ‘in High Court chambers in a private hearing’. Mullen knew that Rickard had previously written to me stating that there was no breach of confidence because the case had only been heard in open court in Liverpool because Mullin mentioned Rickard’s letter.

So either Ian Rickard was lying or John Mullen was.

On 16 March 1995 John Mullen wrote to Dafydd. Mullen refers to Dafydd sharing my complaint regarding the breach of confidence with Jeremy Corson and makes a reference to the MDU’s ‘latest letter’. Mullen asks Dafydd to ask the solicitors who dealt with the injunction – Hempsons – whether they considered a breach of confidence likely to occur.

I suppose that is an advance on Ian Rickard spouting lies as he thought of them, telling Ella to break the bad news to me and then giving Francis a copy of a letter to give to Dafydd when he knew damn well that Dafydd should not have been given access to the letter, but nonetheless I doubt that John Mullen made much headway asking Hempsons – who had breached confidence – whether they thought that they had breached confidence.

The issue of the breach of confidence on the part of Dafydd was never resolved. Neither did anyone ever explain why so many lies were told about the ‘investigation’ of the complaint.

The merry go round continued after this date – there were further attempts to have me declared dangerous and to prosecute me…

As for Chris Jones, the forensic psychiatrist most conveniently placed near to Wrexham. Well he came up trumps amazingly enough – Chris Jones effectively told Francis that he thought that he was making a fuss about nothing and that the chance of me launching a murderous attack on Dafydd was really rather low. So Francis just made another referral for me to see Chris Jones after a decent interval had passed, stressing to Chris Jones that I really was potentially very dangerous.

The one thing that I remember discussing with Dr Chris Jones was the abuse of vulnerable people in institutional care. Chris Jones agreed that it was a substantial problem – he commented that the abuse of elderly people in care homes was a major problem and he thought that it would soon break as a major scandal.

I heard years later that Chris Jones was one of the mental health professionals from north Wales who had a nervous breakdown and left the area. Chris Jones didn’t seem to be quite so mad and sadistic as many of his colleagues, which was probably why he didn’t survive working with that bunch of lunatics. Take it as a compliment Dr Jones, you weren’t barking mad and you wouldn’t lie about me. At least you’re not looking at a prison sentence for being an accessory.

Not being mad and abusive certainly took a high toll on mental health staff in north Wales. My post ‘The Blog Post Which Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’ detailed Dafydd’s missile that he fired at Don Campbell the Assistant Director of Nursing Services (Psych), in July 1988 after Campbell refused to break the law and lock me in a room. Dafydd went absolutely wild and wrote to Huw Thomas, the General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority, accusing Campbell of ‘gross impertinence’ and demanding his head on a plate.

Bruce Napier, the very pleasant clinical psychologist who didn’t hate the patients, left Hergest and took up a mental health research job at Bangor University. I was told that before long Bruce Napier announced his desire to ‘get out of the NHS’ and he went to England to live on a canal boat. I don’t know for sure but I suspect that Bruce Napier was hounded out. He crossed the path of Dafydd. When Gwynedd Health Authority were not doing a very good job of trying to persuade Dafydd to retire, it was left to Bruce Napier to tell Dafydd that Dafydd didn’t have an office in the Hergest Unit. Dafydd did of course have a room in which to work for the one day a week that he spent at the Hergest, but it didn’t have a brass name plate on the door and Dafydd was fuming. The others were too frightened to tell Dafydd, so they got Bruce Napier to do it. Then Bruce Napier had to go on Welsh news and defend the Gwynedd Community Health Trust when Dafydd was making guest appearances on Kilroy, the Kane Debates, Welsh news, S4C and telling everyone that in making him retire the Trust was ensuring a certain death for the many patients whom depended upon Dafydd. The matter would have been settled had anyone just gone on tele and said ‘look he’s sexually exploiting the patients, running a paedophile gang, flogging drugs and dishonest expert witness reports and what’s more he’s got a load of people shut in a dungeon at the North Wales Hospital’. But no-one did, not even Bruce Napier, even later on from the safety of his barge. He probably feared being torpedoed.

I also wondered if Nerys Owen might have been ‘dealt with’ after challenging Slob Ingham. On our last meeting with Nerys, Nerys told me and the other patient who complained about Slob with me that if ever we needed her again we should not hesitate to get in touch because she would not tolerate the mistreatment of patients. My post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’ described how in 1997 I and another person – the same person who made representation with me about Slob Ingham – were arrested and prosecuted after Bridget Lloyd, one of Slob’s colleagues, told a pack of lies about us threatening her. The case collapsed – but not until after we had both been banned from the hospital and yes, referred to Dr Chris Jones and the forensic team again as dangerous nutters – and there was a flat refusal to apologise to us. We contacted Nerys but only received a weak frosty letter saying that the law had taken its course. There is a document in my collection signed by Nerys during that period of time which demonstrates that she obediently went along with the general insanity of the paedophiles’ friends, signing off records of meetings as ‘fair and accurate’ when the meetings were held by people who never made fair and accurate records of anything.

I presume that Nerys Owen was probably a wolf in sheep’s clothing all along. She reached a senior position in a totally corrupt organisation and was in that position between 1994-1999 and possibly for much longer. It’s unlikely that she’ll have been able to do that without being complicit with some dreadful things. I don’t think that she was a psych nurse, so she’ll have been a general nurse or a midwife and someone knew about those psych patients at the North Wales Hospital being sterilised in order to stop them becoming pregnant because the staff were having sex with them, the theft of the babies of the female patients who had not been sterilised, the disappearance of the girls in the children’s homes who had become pregnant after being raped by the ‘care staff’ and the horrors of the St David’s Laundry in Bangor (see post ‘The BMA And It’s Ethics’).

Nerys Owen must also have been complicit with the running down and then the closing of the day centre at the Hergest Unit during the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry, which ensured that a considerable number of psych patients became destitute and died.

Let’s have a chorus of that old favourite by The Jam, ‘A Town Called Malice’…

 

In May 1995 it was announced that the Welsh Office had appointed Nicola Davies QC to conduct a review of the documentary evidence related to the abuse of children in north Wales in order to ascertain whether a public inquiry was warranted. Nicola subsequently discovered that all the paperwork from 1989 onwards was missing!

On 26 June David Hunt returned as Secretary of State for Wales until 5 July 1995. Just for a few days – whilst the deal to pretend that Dafydd was being retired off was completed (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’) and the public were told that the North Wales Hospital had been shut (see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends Of Cardiff North’). It hadn’t. Gwynfryn Ward remained open and there are allegations that it remained open until 2000. But no-one can be sure, because no-one will come clean about when the hospital did eventually close, why so many lies were told about it and what happened to the patients whom were imprisoned out there illegally when it closed. Or failed to close.

So what was Gwynfryn Ward? It was a mother and baby unit. A mother and baby unit is usually a cause for ‘ah’, but it bloody well wasn’t at Denbigh. If anyone knows why an institution which was notorious for brutally warehousing women – often under-aged girls – whose pregnancies were inconvenient to other people, continued to provide that service after the rest of the building was literally falling down, please do let me know.

On 5 July 1995 Stephen Dorrell was appointed as Secretary of State for Health, succeeding Virginia Bottomley. William Hague became Secretary of State for Wales on the same day.

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison was found dead at his house. Brown was sacked from his job at Aston University in the same month.

Hansard records that in April 1995, Julia Lomas of the Lord Chancellor’s Department replied by letter to a question from Alex Carlile confirming that at some point in 1994 Mary Wynch had been paid a paltry sum of money in full and final settlement regarding her litigation against the Public Trustee (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Mary had been unlawfully arrested by Dafydd, had been illegally imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then illegally imprisoned in the North Wales Hospital for a year. She had won her case against Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority et al but they then simply refused to pay Mary her compensation unless Mary returned to court to enforce payment. Mary continued with the case, as well as with the case against the crooked cartel of lawyers and the Public Trustee who had, in collaboration with Dafydd, fleeced her of her money and property in the first place. The Home Office under Michael Howard dealt the final blow in 1994 – without any public announcement – and ruined Mary. Mary was by then an old lady who had been screwed by a bunch of rural gangsters who had enjoyed the full backing of every Gov’t since she had been unlawfully arrested in 1979 by Dafydd. But the real problem went back to the early 1970s – when Mary’s mother died in the ‘care’ of one of Dafydd’s nursing homes. Mary told me that she was convinced that her mother had been killed. But Mary was nuts wasn’t she. Ooh – except that no, she wasn’t, as was admitted when she won her case against Dafydd.

The patients in the Hergest Unit used to openly talk about how Dafydd had killed Mary Wynch’s mother. It was just a standard topic of conversation, in much the same way that everybody else’s other extraordinary Dafydd-related anecdotes were. Mary always maintained that her mother had been killed by an overdose of barbiturates. One Hergest patient had the measure of Dafydd’s bare-faced lies and used to do a Dafydd voice and rant on about how he only told the nurses to give Mary Wynch’s mother half a Kalm before bedtime and of course that was nothing like an overdose of barbiturates. In fact the patients got so used to the staff just closing their ears to terrible Dafydd-horrors that dares would be undertaken to see if staff could be moved. One such dare involved one patient carrying a rubber plant and walking up to a senior nurse in Ysbyty Gwynedd and saying ‘I did not murder Mary Wynch’s mother and this plant was not the murder weapon. It was Dr DA Jones wot dun it and he used an overdose of barbiturates’. And the nurse said ‘yes dear’ and walked off, leaving a gang of Hergest patients rolling around laughing.

‘We didn’t know’.

The same patient was accused by Dafydd of lying on one occasion, so he responded by saying ‘I lied, you murdered’.

DAVID HUNT WAS SECRETARY OF STATE FOR WALES WHILST MUCH OF THIS WAS HAPPENING. THE MAN IS A FUCKING LAWYER.

In Dec 1995 Secretary of State for Wales William Hague announced that Nicola Davies QC’s review had concluded that a public inquiry into the abuse of children in north Wales was not justified. William changed his mind a few months later and orchestrated the Waterhouse cover-up.

Nicola is now Dame Nicola and has been the Presiding judge of the Wales Circuit.

In Feb 1996 the Jillings Report regarding the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd County Council since 1974 was completed. I can’t say that it was published because it wasn’t. It was heavily redacted and the only people who saw the Report were the insurers and legal advisors of Clwyd County Council – even the Council officers and Councillors were forbidden from reading it. The legal advisor to the Council’s insurers Michael Beloff QC advised that if any Councillor did get their paws on a copy the Council’s insurance should be withdrawn and the Councillors should be held personally responsible for the damages claims that would inevitable follow from former children in care suing. Beloff admitted that this would be a consequence because the abuse of children had been so serious and so well organised over decades that the Council had no defence. Beloff also advised that if Malcolm King, the one Councillor who would not stop asking questions about the abuse of children in the care of the Council, ever found out what was in the Report and publicised it he should be sacked (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Michael Beloff is a colleague and a friend of Cherie Booth. Michael’s dad Max had some years previously helpfully plugged a book on local gov’t and democracy written by Ioan Bowen Rees. Bowen Rees was the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council whilst Dafydd’s mistress Lucille was Director of Gwynedd Social Services and the paedophile gang flourished on their watch (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Alison Taylor was sacked by Lucille after raising concerns about the abuse of children in care.

Just to be on the safe side, on 1 April 1996 Clwyd County Council was dissolved as a result of a local authority reorganisation days after the Jillings Report was completed. So even if someone did get hold of a copy of the Report there was no-one to sue. I haven’t been able to find out who makes decisions regarding local authority reorganisations but the disappearance of Clwyd days after that Report was finished really was far too convenient to have been an accident.

The Report was pulped, although in 2013 somebody actually found a copy that had escaped the pulping machine and at last the world was allowed to see what was within. It was so heavily redacted that it was virtually meaningless. All that was known was that something dreadful had gone on in Clwyd for decades and that a great many people had colluded with it.

After Clwyd County Council was dissolved, John Jevons, the Director of Social Services for Clwyd who had worked so successfully with the paedophiles and their friends for so many years (see posts ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’), found himself in need of a job. Director of the Social Services which played host to the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK? No problem. Cardiff City Council snapped him up and Jevons took up the post as Director of Social Services for them almost immediately.

Two of those with a sense of humour who were sitting on Cardiff City Council at the time that Jevons was given a warm welcome were Julie Morgan and Sue Essex. Julie, the social worker and Assistant Director of Barnardo’s – the Barnardo’s who’s staff abused kids in north Wales. Sue Essex – who later became Minister for Finance, Local Gov’t and Public Services in Julie’s husband Rhodri’s Gov’t – was Deputy Leader and then Leader of the Labour Group of Cardiff City Council, 1995-99. Sue had previously graced Leicester University with her presence. I presume that it was Julie and Sue who head-hunted Jevons then. For more Julie n Sue fun, see post ‘The Paedophiles’ Friends of Cardiff North’.

In Sept 1996 – virtually as soon as Jevons touched down in Cardiff City Council – the South Wales Police announced a major investigation into the physical and sexual abuse of children at the Taff Vale children’s home in Whitchurch, Cardiff, which had been run by Cardiff City Council. It was feared that hundreds of children had possibly been abused before the home had closed. The police were particularly interested in investigating what had gone in between 1985-91 – there was a belief that a paedophile ring had infiltrated Taff Vale.

Before Alun Michael became an MP he was the Labour Group Whip on Cardiff City Council. Alun Michael was imposed as FM of Wales by Blair and resigned as soon as the Waterhouse Report was submitted, whilst his mates caused a distraction (see post ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’).

Of course Rhodri himself and the paedophiles’ friends went back a long way. In 1966 Rhodri began work in the endemically corrupt Welsh Office with George Thomas et al and in 1974 Rhodri found himself working in City Hall Cardiff.

On 17 June 1996 Welsh Secretary William Hague announced the North Wales Child Abuse Inquiry  aka the Waterhouse Inquiry. On 25th Oct eighteen families were left homeless after a fire at a warehouse engulfed their houses. Eight people were taken to hospital and more than 100 residents of Lightfoot Road, Chester, were evacuated as the blaze destroyed a Pickfords storage depot on the neighbouring Hoole Bridge industrial estate. ‘The houses spontaneously combusted because of the intense heat’, said a Cheshire Fire Service spokeswoman. The warehouse held the care records of children from the Bryn Estyn and Bryn Alyn homes.

On 21 Jan 1997 the Waterhouse Inquiry began at Ewloe, Flintshire.

On 2 May 1997 Tony Blair became Prime Minister.

Peter Howarth died of a heart attack at HMP Wakefield on 24 April 1997, so if anyone was worried about him naming a few people involved in abusing kids in care who were rather grander than bottom feeding social care workers they didn’t have to worry any longer. Particularly as Ioan Bowen Rees had died suddenly in 1999, just before the publication of the Waterhouse Report, so as the man who ran Gwynedd County Council for years whilst the paedophile ring’s business boomed under his steady hands, Ioan wouldn’t be dropping any clangers either. Ioan was considered an expert on local gov’t and had advised Dafydd Wigley as well as the working party who set up the infrastructure of the National Assembly for Wales under Ron Davies whilst Ron was Secretary of State for Wales.

The Waterhouse Inquiry held its last hearing on 7 May 1998 and on 30 Sept 2000 the Waterhouse Report was handed to the Secretary of State for Wales, Paul Murphy. Murphy stated that he was delighted that a full and transparent investigation had taken place, that there had been no cover-up and that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring outside of north Wales, let alone the involvement of Westminster or Whitehall figures.

For details of the well-planned co-ordinated attempt during 1997-98 on the part of the north Wales mental health services to have me banged up, please see post ‘A Solicitor’s Letter From North East Wales MIND’.

 

 

A website that is well worth a visit is the site of the North Wales Hospital Historical Society. It is not an historical society, it is a forum for the former staff of the North Wales Hospital and what a source of entertainment it is. Staff leave messages reminiscing about the old days and breaching patients’ confidence, just as they did when they were employed as Angels there. There are messages which are alleged to be from former patients who remember the kindness and the wonderful treatment and who have now become Angels themselves, which I do find a little unbelievable. I suspect that like the positive feedback left on the patient feedback websites about the awful Dr Giles Harborne, a former Denbigh psychiatrist, the messages from grateful former patients have actually been written by former staff.

The North Wales Historical Society website has an observation that no patients from Avallon, the adolescent unit, have left any messages. Avallon was the unit in which Mary Wynch told me that Dafydd encouraged the teenagers to have sex with each other and then the staff would gather around and watch the action. The same correspondent to the website asks if Dafydd is still alive. Yes he’s Chairing his drugs charity CAIS. It is not a surprise that no former patients of Avallon have left messages, they were introduced to a life of street prostitution and hard drugs whilst they were teenagers and most of them died before they were 30.

 

On 31 July 2013 John Allen was charged with 22 indecent assaults and one offence of gross indecency, alleged to have taken place between 1968 and 1989 at Bryn Alyn. The second trial of John Allen on charges of historic sexual and physical abuse took place at Mold Crown Court and on 1 Dec 2014 Allen was sentenced to life imprisonment, with the recommendation that he serves at least 11 years.

 

There has been a great deal written about the collusion of the North Wales Police with Dafydd and the paedophiles. I and other people certainly noticed that when allegations of sexual misconduct/exploitation – or indeed more serious offences – were made against certain people, there was a flat refusal to investigate on the part of absolutely everybody. It didn’t matter how many first hand accounts there were, how many corroborating witnesses, how much supporting documentation, the allegations were simply ignored and if the complainants did not go away they found themselves being charged by the police.

However I do know that this immunity was only enjoyed by certain people. The North Wales Police were certainly not afraid to investigate complaints about other people even if the evidence was extremely shaky. I knew of a case in 1983 involving a teenaged girl from Anglesey who made a complaint of rape against a young man whom she met in a pub in Bangor. The girl was fairly notorious – she felt the need to tell tall stories, really ridiculous ones which even the most trusting person would in the end conclude could not be true. She was also capable of lying through her teeth under all circumstances if she thought that she would benefit from that. She went out boozing in Bangor one night, met a young man and they went up onto Bangor mountain with the intention of consummating the relationship which they had established about 60 mins previously. The young man was too drunk to do very much and he wandered off. Another young man found the girl crying and asked what was wrong. She replied ‘I’ve been raped’. This sort of comment from her wasn’t that unusual – she had told me some really worrying things and it was only when I and my friends had pitched in to help that we discovered that the various dramas hadn’t happened. The young man immediately rang the police and the police did conduct a full scale investigation.

I was involved in the investigation and I remember the detectives visiting me and a female police officer saying ‘I cannot help but be on the side of the girl in rape cases, but she’s told us so many lies that I can’t take that view here’. I hadn’t encountered Dafydd and the paedophiles at the time and I actually gained a very positive view of the detectives working on the case. They were stereotypical coppers – calling women ‘birds’ and wearing macs with the collars turned up – but unlike the drug squad whom I had heard about by then, they didn’t seem to be endemically corrupt. The investigation into the alleged rape took months. It transpired that no rape had occurred or indeed even an attempt at a rape. I wondered if the girl involved would be charged with wasting police time but she wasn’t. I presume that the police did get it right – the girl was alleged to have admitted to a number of people that she hadn’t been raped, she’d told a dramatic story and it had got out of control.

Like many other mental health patients in north Wales, with the exception of a few police officers whom I knew were corrupt, I generally found the police very much more helpful than the mental health services and they undoubtedly protected me and other people from the excesses of the mental health services on a number of occasions.

The problem will have been Westminster, the Attorney Generals – such as Sir Patrick Mayhew – and Whitehall, who were protecting Dafydd and the paedophile gang. A great many police officers would have dearly loved to have dealt with Dafydd et al but they couldn’t. They were being told what to do by organised criminals in high office.

 

What is very clear to me with regard to the documents that I have drawn on to write this post and some others such as ‘Dirty Rotten Scoundrels’, is the key role that the MDU played in protecting a number of Top Doctors whom they knew were abusing patients and perjuring themselves to silence and indeed destroy patients who complained. The MDU and Hempsons were probably more responsible than anyone else for the serious criminality which pervaded north Wales for decades.

There will be a post coming soon naming the movers and shakers in the MDU during those years whilst the MDU ensured that Dafydd and the paedophiles remained in business.

 

Then I’ll be naming a few more of Rhodri Morgan’s circle who knew about it all…

 

One other person who disappeared along with others whom I have previously named on this blog. Nellie. An old lady who was in Bryn Golau Ward the night that I arrived. She was there the next morning and then like the girl who had been abducted, kept in an attic and sexually assaulted (see post ‘The Distressed Young Woman Who Vanished’) and the young man from Wrexham who vanished when another patient who had been in care recognised him, Nellie disappeared. No-one let her out of the front door which was a double door and locked – I last saw her in the kitchen with Angel Iola Edwards. Just near to the back door which was always heavily guarded and was only ever used ‘to bring the catering supplies in and out’. And patients who needed to be disposed of discreetly.

 

There is someone else who is worthy of a mention here. A man who was lurking in the Welsh Office throughout everything detailed in this post – Sir Jon Shortridge. Shortridge joined the Welsh Office in 1984 and  was Private Secretary to both Nicholas Edwards (see post ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’) and Peter Walker (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). In 1995 Shortridge conducted the Senior Management Review of the Welsh Office and in 1997 he was Director of Economic Affairs, responsible for establishing the National Assembly for Wales. Shortridge became Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office in March 1999, then for the newly established National Assembly in May 1999 and then for the Welsh Gov’t, 2007-08. In 2009 Shortridge was appointed interim Permanent Secretary at the Dept of Innovation, Universities and Skills – the Dept led by Mandelson. One of Mandelson’s most senior aides was the daughter of Ron Evans, the crooked lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, who did Dafydd and the paedophiles’ as many favours as the MDU. Sir John topped off his long record of public service with a stint as Chancellor of Glyndwr University, an institution run entirely by paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’).

 

 

The news over the past few days has been very topical with regard to recent posts on this blog. The Welsh Language Commissioner Meri Huws – who has featured on a number of recent posts as a paedophiles’ friend and a bedfellow of other paedophiles’ friends who doubled up as Ministers in the Welsh Gov’t – has crawled out of hiding and tried to convince everyone that she has some sort of plan. Meri has been talking about everyone going on a journey. Meri isn’t very bright, so when she opens her mouth she tends to trot out whatever cliche she has recently heard bandied around in the media. When Meri worked at Bangor University at one point she was banging on about capturing ‘hearts and minds’. One academic with a great deal of knowledge with regard to Meri and her bedfellows observed that with Meri, ‘shock and awe’ was far more likely to be the order of the day. If Meri had known how much entertainment she had provided for the oppressed of Bangor University I think that she’d have probably resigned on the spot.

Cancer is absolutely everywhere in the media, with George Alighaia and Andrew Lansley both announcing that they have advanced bowel cancer and if only they’d ‘got screened’. It’s not that I’m unsympathetic to these two men, I can imagine they must be feeling quite dreadful, but the chances are that a screening programme would not have made much difference. Huge quantities of the research upon which the screening is based is fraudulent and many of the much publicised screening programmes are in chaos. At the same time other headlines screamed that there is now a new joined up cancer programme to be launched that will make care ‘excellent’. Which is weird, because we’ve been told for years that care is already excellent, indeed that the whole NHS is the envy of the world and that UK hospitals are bursting at the seams with Nigerian women who are pregnant with quins who just Come Over Here To Use Our NHS. More sober reflections on the rather poor clinical outcomes of the UK NHS when compared to other European healthcare systems are strangely absent.

Meanwhile amidst the constant PR, people in north Wales who have dared cross the paths of the paedophiles’ friends are refused care, refused pain relief for conditions such as kidney stones which send the Angels and Top Doctors straight for the opiates when they are afflicted and told to go ahead and do it then if they become suicidal. On the occasions when the paedophiles’ friends have been faced with relatives or the odd patient confronting them with their dreadful conduct the response is usually ‘we didn’t know you felt like that’. Well they bloody well know exactly how I feel about them now that this blog has gathered a readership.

BBC News Wales is trumpeting the new proton beam centre in Newport and how this is going to revolutionise cancer care and Save Lives. Only if you’ve got a lot of money – that centre is a private concern but that doesn’t seem to have received much media coverage.

Winnie Mandela has died and amongst all the tributes people are doing their best to play down the unfortunate business of the necklace killings and the murder of Stompie McKenzie. It is stressed that Winnie suffered at the hands of the South African police under apartheid. I’m sure that she did, the South African police were deeply unpleasant, but it wasn’t the South African police who were targeted in the necklace killings and I don’t think that Stompie McKenzie was a white South African policeman under apartheid either. I seem to remember that he was a 14 year old black boy…

The Mail Online had a Rolf Harris exclusive in which they revealed that Rolf has held a birthday party attended by friends at which he played the didgeridoo. It was a bit of a non-story but I did notice that according to the Mail, one of Rolf’s guests was his ‘old friend’ Timmy Mallett. Most people know Timmy Mallett as a rather over the top children’s entertainer from the 1980s, but I was gobsmacked a few years ago to discover that there is a Timmy Mallett suite at the Gladstone Library in Hawarden. The Gladstone Library – it was called St Deiniol’s Library until quite recently – is a residential library in north Wales. It’s got fantastic collections and you can just go and stay there for a few days and bury yourself in interesting reading matter. It has a strong theological side and is a favourite place for clergy and theologians to hang out. I was completely confused by Timmy Mallett’s association with the Gladstone Library until someone told me that Timmy Mallett’s dad was a clergyman with links there and Timmy Mallett, having made a great deal of money, is a benefactor of the institution. I have found out that the Rev Michael Mallett studied for ordination at St Deiniol’s – as it was then – in the mid 1960s. I’m sorry to go on about it all the time, but Flintshire – the location of the Gladstone Library – was at the heart of the powerbase of the paedophiles’ friends in the 1960s. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and co came from Flintshire and many of them had connections with the Church. Timmy Mallett was born in Cheshire. Just down the road from Chester – where the north Wales/Cheshire paedophile ring which later numbered Sir Peter Morrison operated. A former Bishop of Chester has been recently named as having been involved.

 

The Mail Online also published a furious article by Daniel Janner, the late Greville’s son. Daniel was hurling venom in the direction of Alison Saunders, who has just announced that she will be standing down as DPP. Daniel maintains that it was Alison Saunders who cruelly put Greville through hell after demanding that there be a trial of the facts with regard to the allegations against Greville. Most people believe that Alison Saunders did Greville a very big favour – she did all she could not to prosecute Greville despite considerable evidence against him and she only announced a trial of the facts after public fury. The announcement came so late that Greville died before a trial of the facts could take place.

Daniel is furious that he was interviewed by the police himself and asked if Greville had ever abused him. I can understand that Daniel may not have been very impressed with that line of questioning, but presumably, Daniel was able to say no – Daniel is a barrister, he is not going to feel intimidated by the police. Daniel fumed about his father being degraded in public, as a doubly incontinent elderly man being accused. Well I didn’t know that Greville was doubly incontinent and I don’t expect that many other people did either, so Daniel seems to have been responsible for inflicting that particular bit of lack of dignity upon his father himself.

Daniel maintains that the CPS was great until Alison Saunders became DPP. Not only was the CPS deeply flawed and notably failed to prosecute certain people for serious offences – including some politicians – despite files of evidence being submitted, but the CPS prosecuted people like me for ludicrous trivial offences. In 1993 Daniel I was prosecuted for ‘staring at a social worker’. In 2002 I was prosecuted because I had told an NHS secretary over the phone that her boss was a fat idiot. The social worker whom I looked at and the fat idiot were both involved in facilitating a paedophile gang. Furthermore Alison Saunders was the first DPP to be appointed from within the CPS. She had worked for them for years.

 

 

 

 

Mary Turner – An Appreciation

I’ve just picked up a copy of the Morning Star and it is plastered in adverts for today’s memorial service – to be held in St Paul’s Cathedral no less – for Mary Turner, the President of the GMB from 1997 until her death last year. The Morning Star has published numerous photos of Mary in possession of a well-lacquered shampoo-and-set and another photo of Mary showing off the GMB tattoo on her arm. She is described as a ‘trade union legend’, a ‘labour giant’ and of course, ‘inspirational’.

Mary was a woman of such achievement that I feel obliged to pay my own tribute to her today.

Born in 1938, Mary Turner moved from her home in Tipperary, Eire to live with relatives in the North of England in 1947, before settling in Kilburn, London. Working in Jackson’s the Tailors on Oxford Street, she joined the Tailor and Garment Workers’ Union – now part of the GMB – before working in the print trade and being elected as Mother of the Chapel. After her children were born she worked part-time as a dinner lady at Salisbury Road School in Brent. Mary noticed that the workforce – compromising mainly young Irish girls – received no training, had no protective clothing and were treated with disrespect by the management. Mary also noted the stigmatisation of children who qualified for free school meals. Determined to challenge all this, Mary recruited workmates to the GMWU (General and Municipal Workers’ Union) – now part of the GMB – and acted as their representative.  

After being elected shop steward, Mary was nominated to go onto the Joint Works Committee and fought for pension rights for dinner ladies. During the 1978 local government strike, Mary was able to recruit 200 dinner ladies to the union at a single mass meeting held at Pound Lane School in Brent. Mary was heavily involved in the nurses’ disputes that broke out in the following year.  By 1981, Mary was the Branch Secretary of the Hendon (General) Branch, North London.

Mary was still working as a Cook Supervisor when she was elected to the GMB’s Executive in 1983 , the only woman out of 40 members. 

In 1983 Ron Davies was elected as the MP for Caerphilly – the Ron who, just as Blair was arranging to install him as Wales’s FM, experienced his moment of madness with a male prostitute on Clapham Common (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). Before Ron was elected to Parliament, he trained as a teacher and then worked as an advisor to Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority – which had spent years failing to respond to complaints that school teacher John Owen was sexually abusing his pupils (see post ‘Yet More Inglorious Bastards’).

In 1997 Mary was elected as President of the GMB, a position to which she was repeatedly re-elected. After two ‘turbulent years’ in the early 2000s, Mary’s Regional Secretary Paul Kenny was elected as GMB General Secretary. In 2003, delegate Linda Lord noted that when Mary was Chairing the GMB Congress, she could point out the errors of their ways to Congress delegates ‘who should know better’. They were told ‘don’t push it’. So what did the old bat know about which enabled her to wield such power over the people who should have known better?

Mary remained President after Paul’s retirement in 2016 and then worked with new General Secretary, Tim Roache.

A lifelong member of the Labour Party, Mary was elected onto the NEC in 1995. She served as Chair of the Labour Party in 2003-04 and received an MBE and a CBE. Mary was often referred to by Tim Roache as ‘the beating heart of our union’. 

Despite her beating heart, her ‘grassroots experience in schools’ and her championing of schoolchildren’s rights, Mary seemed to miss a major event which took place in Brent in 1984 – although she had been working there for years, dishing out the dinners to kids, acting as area union rep and was a member of the GMB Executive – the murder of four year old Jasmine Beckford, whilst she was in the care of Brent Borough Council.

Jasmine was systematically starved and beaten by her stepfather Maurice Beckford whilst her mother looked on. Jasmine’s social worker visited 78 times in 10 months but saw Jasmine just once. Brent Social Services placed her with foster parents after the department became concerned about abuse, but the courts sent her home.

Maurice Beckford was found guilty of manslaughter and was jailed for 10 years. Beverley Lorrington, Jasmine’s mother, was jailed for 18 months for neglect. Jasmine had been in the care of Brent Social Services for two and a half years before she died, after Beckford was convicted of assaulting her younger sister. That was happening whilst Mary, the beating heart of the GMB, made a party political broadcast for TV in 1982 to help the Labour Party under the leadership of Michael Foot, which flagged up Mary’s dedication to the welfare of children. At the time Michael Foot knew that George Thomas and others were abusing children but kept schtum (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’). Mary, ‘rooted in her own experiences working in schools’, never stopped championing the need for free school meals, a policy which she was proud to see become part of the Labour manifesto.

Following Jasmine’s death, the inevitable Committee of Inquiry was set up by Brent Borough Council. The Beckford Report was submitted to Brent Borough Council and Brent Health Authority in Dec 1985. Hansard, May 1986, records it being discussed in the Commons by Norman Fowler, the Secretary of State for Health and Social Security. Who was at the time concealing the dung heap which was the activity of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the paedophile gang in north Wales.

The Inquiry into Jasmine’s death was Chaired by Louis Blom-Cooper QC. Blom-Cooper’s Report was extremely critical of magistrates, teachers, health visitors and in particular social workers. He concluded that Jasmine’s death had been a ‘predictable and preventable homicide’. The Report was commissioned by Brent Borough Council and because Louis Blom-Cooper is a man who knows which side his bread is buttered I suspect that he avoided pointing the finger at culprits with real clout in Brent Borough Council.

Mary, as a dinner lady, was employed by Brent Borough Council. Many of the Council workers will have been members of the GMB and Mary did used to state that she ‘fought for members of the GMB’. Which might be why she said nothing about the death of a child who was in the care of some of those members who worked for Brent Borough Council.

At the time, the ILEA was still in place and will have been responsible for the schools in Brent. Frances Morrell was leader of the ILEA, 1983-87. Morrell was a teacher and then became an aide to Tony Benn. She tried to get elected as a Labour MP but was unsuccessful. When she was leader of the ILEA she prioritised gender equality – as opposed to keeping the kids out of the hands of paedophile gangs or indeed even just keeping them alive.

At the time of Jasmine’s death and the submission of Blom-Cooper’s Report, Ken Livingstone was the leader of the GLC and was seeking nomination for the Labour candidacy of the constituency of Brent East. The sitting MP Reg Freeson was Labour but he was a centrist and Ken was keen to oust him. Ken had friends in the constituency and was delighted when he did oust Reg and was elected himself as Labour MP for Brent East in 1987.

In 1987 Paul Boateng was elected as Labour MP for Brent South. Boateng had been an executive member of the NCCL whilst it was affiliated to PIE. His wife Janet was a social worker and Councillor in Lambeth and was Chair of Lambeth Social Services Committee when Tyra Henry was killed in 1984 – when Mary Taylor was on the GMB Executive – whilst in the care of Lambeth Social Services (see post ‘A Few More Who Might Be Able To Answer Questions’). Paul Boateng worked as a solicitor for B.M. Birnberg when Birnberg acted for Mary Wynch in her case against Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’).

Brent and Lambeth Borough Councils sent children on placement to children’s homes in north Wales where they were abused. Ken Livingstone was one of those who signed the Early Day Motion in 1992 opposing the closure of Garth Angarad, a ‘hospital for mentally abnormal criminals’ – actually a building in a remote location in Snowdonia where the victims of Dafydd and the paedophiles often ended up, owned by a now struck off solicitor Paul Hett who also owned schools and homes where children were abused (see post ‘More On Those Prisons For Folk Who Dared Complain’).

Blom-Cooper’s panel for the Inquiry into Jasmine’s death included a community medicine specialist and the Assistant Director of Barnardo’s. A number of people involved with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal had been employed by Barnardos. Julie Morgan – MP for Cardiff North, 1997-10 and AM for Cardiff North since 2011 – is the widow of Rhodri Morgan, Wales’s former FM and is a social worker who was formerly Assistant Director of Barnardos. Whether Julie Morgan is the person who sat on Blom-Cooper’s panel I do not know.

Even if Mary Taylor was too busy serving up the school dinners to notice the serious criminality and the neglect of children which surrounded her, numerous other people knew about it.

In 2014, in response to an FoI request, Brent Borough Council refused a social work student an electronic copy of the Beckford Report, insisting that only the hard copy was available and that could only be read in the local authority’s library.

In 1987, Louis Blom-Cooper became a member of the Mental Health Act Commission and remained a member until 1994. The Mental Health Act Commission colluded with and concealed the criminal activity of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends during those years, including in 1987 an attempt to frame and imprison me for ‘attempting to stab a doctor’ (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’). The Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission, 1990-2000, was William Bingley. In his previous incarnation as legal director of MIND, 1985-1990, Bingley had colluded with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends to conceal their wrongdoing. Blom-Cooper, William Bingley and the rest of the Mental Health Act Commission knew exactly what was happening at Park Lane, Moss Side, Ashworth and in the mental health units in north Wales – these institutions were used as prisons for victims of the paedophile gang if they would not shut up.

Whilst Blom-Cooper and Bingley led the Mental Health Act Commission Jimmy Savile was a regular visitor to Ashworth. Savile was a personal friend of Thatcher – who was of course PM when Jasmine was killed and throughout so many of the years when the beating heart which was Mary Taylor denounced Thatcher and all that she did.

Blom-Cooper Chaired the first Public Inquiry into Ashworth Hospital, which was requested on 25 April 1991 by William Waldegrave, Secretary of State for Health in John Major’s Gov’t, after a TV documentary screened on 4 March 1991 alleged the serious ill-treatment of patients, including the death of a patient after a beating by staff. Ashworth was rife with sexual and physical abuse of patients. The ‘nurses’ were actually members of the POA – which ran Ashworth – and they intimidated other staff as well as the patients (see post ‘Security, Security’). Many members of the POA at Ashworth were members of the National Front.

Mary Taylor’s colleagues on the GMB remembered her ‘fighting the NF’!

Ashworth’s location on Merseyside resulted in the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales having a convenient and chummy relationship with that establishment. Dr David Mawson, one of the first Top Doctors whom I met for a ‘second opinion’, was friendly but quietly ignored the evidence of Dafydd’s wrongdoing – David Mawson worked at Ashworth.

Louis Blom-Cooper was a Judge of the Court of Appeal of Jersey and Guernsey, 1988-96. In 2006 a major investigation began on Jersey into historical child abuse abuse. The allegations centred on the Haut de la Garenne children’s home where, some people alleged, terrible abuse had taken place which may have even included the murder of children. A few people were eventually convicted for assaults on children, but like some other recent high profile child abuse investigations, some people alleged that only a fraction of what had gone on had been uncovered whereas other people maintained that ridiculous hysterical allegations had been made. The police themselves admitted that the investigation had been ‘a mess’.

In 2006 Jimmy Savile began legal action against ‘The Sun’ after it alleged that he had visited Haut de la Garenne and had abused children there. Savile denied ever having visited Haut de la Garenne but then someone produced a photo of him there, surrounded by children and he remembered that he had been there after all.

Blom-Cooper was a member of the Athenaeum, a club favoured by Top Doctors. Jimmy Savile was a member and was offered his job as manager of Broadmoor in 1987 over a meeting in the Athenaeum with some Whitehall mandarins (see post ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’).

Someone else who managed to miss the sorry state of the children’s services in Brent whilst Jasmine was being slowly killed was Harriet Harman, who worked as an advisor at Brent Law Centre. Mary Taylor was active in the Wimmin’s Section of the Labour Party NEC – just like Harriet. Another mate of Harriet’s is Julie Morgan! Harriet’s husband Jack Dromey also worked at Brent Law Centre. Dromey lived in Kilburn and was involved with Brent Trades Council, so he will have known Mary before she reached the dizzy heights of the GMB Executive.

 The beating heart of the GMB missed the deaths of a few other children in London (and elsewhere) as well when she sat on the Executive.

In 1984, two year old Heidi Koseda starved to death in a locked room in Hillingdon, west London. Heidi’s carers stood trial at the Old Bailey in 1985. Her stepfather, Nicholas Price, was jailed for life for her murder while her mother, Rosemary Koseda, was found guilty of manslaughter on the grounds of diminished responsibility and was detained in a high security psychiatric hospital. An inquiry into Heidi’s death found that the senior NSPCC inspector allocated to her case failed to investigate a complaint of child abuse made by a neighbour. He also tried to cover this up with a fictitious account of a visit to see the child. The NSPCC were found to have been complicit with child abuse on a number of occasions during the 1980s and 90s. Esther and Jimmy Savile both took parts in NSPCC campaigns.

The NSPCC was the only agency deemed to have failed in its duties by the inquiry into Heidi’s death. The death was blamed very firmly on Heidi’s parents. News reports at the time reported that Heidi’s mummified body had been found in a bedroom cupboard by a social worker and that Heidi’s stepfather hammed it up at the Old Bailey, weeping buckets and maintaining that he did not know that the little girl’s body was in the cupboard. It was reported that the room in which Heidi was said to have been locked was uncarpeted and unheated. A postmortem had shown bits of nappy in Heidi’s stomach which it was said she had eaten in an attempt to stay alive.

The death of Heidi certainly caught the nation’s imagination. The media reports all stemmed from one source – a man called Tim Wood, who now works for Old Bailey Insight and Legal London Tours. Tim’s dad set up the Joe Wood Agency in the 1970s to provide press reports from cases at the Old Bailey and Heidi’s death was the one of the first cases that Tim Wood covered, whilst he worked for his father. The website for Tim’s current company very much suggests that Tim flogs gawpfests for people interested in ‘Orrible Murders. I’m not entirely sure that a fresh faced Tim back in 1984 would have been able to spot expert psychiatric witnesses and social workers if they had decided not to tell the truth about the circumstances of Heidi’s death and in 1984 psychiatrists and social workers told a great many lies in court, particularly if they needed to cover their own bums. Dafydd and the paedophiles did so constantly, as did the many people who colluded with them. The fact that Heidi’s mother was sent to a secure hospital – which in 1984 were brutal, corrupt and very often the recipients of vulnerable people who were victims of or witnesses to state wrongdoing, particularly on the part of Top Doctors or the social services – suggests that somebody wanted to ensure that she was silenced and never listened to again, even after she was released.

What about the inquiry into Heidi’s death, which exonerated everyone but the NSPCC and of course Heidi’s stepfather and mother? The inquiry was conducted by a panel which reported to the Hillingdon Area Review Committee.

The Chair of the panel was Dr Margaret Yelloly, Head of Applied Social Studies, University of London, Goldsmiths. Other members were Sidney Bailey, Regional Social Work Manager for Central England, NSPCC; James Beck, Acting Superintendent, Community Relations Branch, Metropolitan Police; Andy Croall, Assistant Director of Social Services for Hillingdon; Suzanne Mowat, Unit General Manager, Community Services, Hillingdon Health Authority. The Secretary to the panel was Miss E Wareham, Dept of Law and Administration, London Borough of Hillingdon.

At the time of Heidi’s death Sir Kenneth Newman was Commissioner of the Metropolitan Police. Whilst Newman ran the Met, endemic corruption was a problem in the force.

The panel’s Report contains a number of inconsistencies but what is very obvious is that Rosemary – who had other children as well as Heidi – was described by everyone who knew her as a competent and indeed good mother for the first few years in which she brought up her family. She was involved with medical services, took advice about her children’s health and there were no problems at all. Then her marriage broke up and she began a relationship with Nicholas Price. Family and neighbours noticed that they developed severe financial problems and were borrowing money and food. Rosemary went into hospital to have another baby and Nicholas was so distressed at the way in which she was treated that after she came home, Nicholas – and Rosemary – avoided further contact with health professionals. The health professionals knew that this was happening but did not respond. Rosemary became pregnant again and did not tell anyone. It was evident that by now she had developed mental health problems and Nicholas was terrified of the outside world.

Even so, it was reported that although the family were living in extreme poverty but the children were well looked after. The neighbours saw the evidence of that. The Report stated that Heidi had not been in the care of the local authority and she had not been on the child abuse register. Her dead body was found on 23 Jan 1985 and it was alleged that she had starved to death sometime in Nov 1984. The Report states that Hillingdon Health Authority and Social Services and the Met were involved with the family between Sept 1984 and the day that Heidi’s body was found. There is an account of Heidi not being at home and everyone being told that she was staying with friends. Before Heidi’s body was found, there was one person, a neighbour, who constantly tried to raise the alarm regarding the welfare of the children. Her concerns were ignored.

It was stated that after Heidi’s death, Rosemary ‘developed a severe mental illness’ which was why she was sent to a high security hospital.

This Report begs as many questions as the accounts given of the disasters that Dafydd found himself at the centre of. What happened to Rosemary in hospital that upset them so much that she and Nicholas never went near a health professional again? How was it that until just before Heidi’s body was discovered these two murdering monsters were seen to be looking after their children, although they were known to be in extreme poverty. Why was this? Why did no-one help?  If they were as mad and as cruel as alleged why wasn’t Heidi on the child protection register? And how did Heidi’s body stay mummifying away in the cupboard in the bedroom with all these professionals – including the police – popping in and out in the weeks before that body was discovered? Rosemary’s severe mental illness – which sent her so mad that she had to be incarcerated in a high security hospital – came on very suddenly as well. She had either had that for a long time and it was ignored or that was one hell of a breakdown happening at a very convenient time for the local authorities and the Met who found themselves under scrutiny.

Despite the well-publicised horrors of a child eating her own nappy and ending up mummified in a bedroom cupboard, the Secretary of State – Norman Fowler – decided not to hold a statutory Inquiry. It was instead left to Hillingdon and the Met to decide who to select to investigate themselves.

The Chair of the investigating panel Dr Margaret Yelloly is listed as a Director of the Tavistock Clinic, 1997-2006. The Tavistock Clinic is yet another establishment which has colluded with child abuse and neglect on the part of the state.

The Director of Social Services for Hillingdon at the time of Heidi’s death was also the Chair of the Hillingdon Area Review Committee – Ian White. Ian White led the Inquiry into the paedophile activity in Islington’s children’s homes, which resulted in the White Report, 1995. The White Report was damning, but White was dogged by accusations that nonetheless he did not admit just how bad the problem was in Islington Borough Council. The member of the Inquiry panel who originally led the inquiry alleged that she was removed from the panel for being too critical of Islington’s Social Services and Dr Liz Davies, a former social worker at Islington who left the authority after she repeatedly blew the whistle on the en masse abuse of children and associated crime in Islington to no avail, claimed that she personally told the local MP Jeremy Corbyn what was going on but he didn’t respond either. Jeremy’s election agent Derek Sawyer was a business partner of paedophile Derek Slade who was imprisoned for sex offences against boys (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends’).

Kimberley Carlile, four, was starved and beaten to death in Greenwich in 1987 whilst Mary sat on the GMB Executive. Kimberley’s stepfather, Nigel Hall, received a life sentence for her murder while her mother was given 12 years’ imprisonment for assault and cruelty. Hall obstructed attempts by social workers and health visitors to investigate. An Inquiry Chaired by one Louis Blom-Cooper found that Kimberley’s death was avoidable and concluded that four key social work and health staff in Greenwich failed to apply the necessary skill, judgement and care in her case.

In the wake of Jasmine and Kimberley’s murders, Blom-Cooper recommended that an all-powerful Child Protection Agency be set up to deal with abuse cases. Presumably Louis Blom-Cooper concluded that children dying in the care of Social Service depts which were also sending children on placement to the paedophiles of north Wales where they were seriously abused and banged up by Dafydd if they talked about it was best addressed by giving the state facilitating all this complete power over children.

I think that I understand why Louis was appointed Chairman of the Mental Health Act Commission and then invited to Chair the first Inquiry into Ashworth.

Follwing Tyra Henry’s death John Patten, the junior Minister for Social Services, published new guidance on child abuse cases for social workers. Dafydd and the paedophiles continued unhindered.

In 1987 16 month old Doreen Mason died of neglect after her mother and her boyfriend bruised, burnt and broke her leg and then failed to have her injuries treated. Christine Mason and Roy Aston were convicted of manslaughter and cruelty and each jailed for 12 years. Doreen was on the ‘at risk’ register of Southwark Borough Council from birth. She slept on the floor where the couple put junk food for her to eat. A report said that her social worker was inexperienced with no proper training or supervision and that Southwark Social Services department suffered from a ‘siege mentality’ and ‘destructive mistrust’ between senior managers.

Southwark Social Services sent numerous children on placement to children’s homes in north Wales and continued to send them even when they complained of serious abuse. Southwark was on the doorstep of the Maudsley, where both Dafydd and Tony Francis (Dr X) had worked before working in north Wales. Dafydd’s mate Dr Jim Birley, who was President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1987-90 and President of the BMA, 1993-94 and who protected Dafydd et al (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’), knew Lord David Ennals. Ennals served as a junior Minister in the Home Office in 1967 whilst the Home Office ignored the abuse of boys in Bryn Estyn. Ennals was then a junior Minister in the DHSS, 1968-70, which was another Dept concealing the abuse of children and psych patients in north Wales. Ennals was Secretary of State for Health and Social Services, 1976-79, under Jim Callaghan, whilst the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales continued to be concealed. David Ennals worked for MIND, 1970-73, was appointed Chair of MIND in 1984 and then served as President, 1989-95. Whilst Ennals was involved with MIND it had links with the NCCL and paedophiles’ rights groups.

 

The GMB has more than 631,000 members working in nearly all industrial sectors – in retail, security, schools, distribution and the utilities, social care, the NHS, ambulance service and local government. So Mary represented a great many people who were involved with, remained silent and withheld evidence about organised child abuse, the abuse of mental health patients and the associated criminal activity. Could this have been why Mary was elected President of the GMB in 1997 as the Waterhouse Inquiry got underway and stayed President until she died even during the many years when her health was very poor?

Paul Kenny was the General Secretary of the GMB, 2005-15 and worked with Mary for years. In 2012 Paul was President of the TUC. One would have thought that with the beating heart as President of the GMB and Paul at the pinnacle of the TUC, one of them could have mentioned what they knew about the abuse of kids in the wake of all those concerns being expressed after Savile died and Esther denying that she ever knew anything…

Tin Roache is the present General Secretary of the GMB. In 2007 he was the GMB’s regional officer for Yorkshire and North Derbyshire. So Tim will have known what Jimmy Savile was doing in hospitals. I don’t remember you saying a word Tim – weren’t you reminded of Jim every time that the BBC screened another episode of Jimmy’s?

The names of the other GMB folk splashed over the Morning Star adverts for Mary’s memorial service included Warren Kenny, Penny Robinson, Paul McCarthy and Dougie Henry. They all had warm words for the dinner lady who kept quiet about the murders of some children and the sexual abuse of others because being the President of the GMB was rather more fun than being a dinner lady.

When Mary Taylor died in July 2017 the Guardian, the Indie and the Labour Party really pushed the boat out. The tributes poured in and we were reminded that Mary was the UK’s most senior female trade union leader. Jeremy Corbyn was ‘sad’ to hear of the death of ‘his friend’, remembered that they first worked together in the early 1980s ‘defending school meals’ and observed that Mary ‘paved the way for so many women in the union movement’. Diane Abbott – who was the PR officer for Lambeth Borough Council whilst kids in their care were sexually abused – tweeted that Mary was a ‘superstar’ and a ‘titan of the Labour movement’. Karen Buck called Mary a ‘star’. Ian McNicol referred to a ‘phenomenal, caring and compassionate woman’. Kay Burley of Sky News joined in – well it always helps to have the support of someone who works for the Digger, after all he controls most of the UK media and if Mary had ever fallen out with him he might have published something about all those trade unionists ignoring the nation’s social services supplying children to the Westminster Paedophile Ring. Ed Miliband described Mary as an ‘extraordinary battler for social justice, equality and working people’. Just like Ed’s Uncle Harry and his colleagues at St Thomas’s with their Harley Street practices! Tom Roache was ‘heartbroken’ at the loss of a ‘true giant’, who was a ‘unique blend of fighting spirit mixed with care and compassion’. Tom commented that ‘they broke the mould when they made Mary Taylor’. I think it was rather that they broke the mould BEFORE they made Mary Taylor, something went seriously wrong whilst Mary was gestating – ‘here’s your sausage and mash, now shut your mouth whilst you’re trafficked up to north Wales to be groomed for the sex trade and if you know what’s good for you you’ll keep as quiet about it as we all will or you’ll end up buried in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh…’

 

On the day of Mary’s memorial service, the Mary whose union represents ambulance workers, I note that Chris Bryant, the Labour MP for the Rhondda, is featured on BBC News Wales Online. Chris is demanding VERY LONG SENTENCES for people who attack emergency workers – including ambulance staff. If Chris cares to read the research concerning attacks on emergency workers, he will find that although police and fire service staff do get beaten up by people who are angry or just want a punch-up, ambulance workers don’t. The NHS itself admitted recently that nearly all assaults on ambulance staff were committed by people whose clinical conditions had left them confused. Chris mentioned the ‘verbal assaults’ to which ambulance workers are allegedly subjected. Chris – there is no such thing as a ‘verbal assault’, by definition an assault is physical.

Has Chris Bryant perhaps decided to forge an alliance with the ambulance workers after a certain blog published details of the criminal activities of some ambulance staff – including one senior manager who was imprisoned for a serious assault – and the alleged historic murder of a patient from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, as well as details relating to the past life of an MP called Chris Bryant? Which included being a paid up member of the Tory Party whilst Thatcher wrecked the Rhondda and whilst her friend and aide Sir Peter Morrison sexually abused kids in care in north Wales. And of course posting up a photo of himself on Gaydar wearing nothing but some rather naff undies with a caption saying ‘oi mate, do you want a fuck?’ You could have always asked Peter Morrison that when you were in the same party as him Chris!

Note to those who wish to ingratiate themselves to NHS unions for political gain: I have 10,000 documents compiled by NHS and social services staff, lawyers and others detailing very serious crimes on their part. There is a great deal which I have not yet discussed on this blog.

 

Another union leader who has been in the news over the past few days is Sally Hunt, the leader of UCU. Sally has been going apeshit about Vice-Chancellors salaries and some of the things for which they have been claiming on their expenses – such as a Fortnum and Mason hamper, the transport of their pet dogs by air plane  and other non-essentials. It has become truly ridiculous, but this idiocy has been a very long time coming and when the likes of Brown and I were publishing material years ago warning of the marketisation of universities and how Vice-Chancellors were now being encouraged to call themselves ‘CEOs’ and carry on like the VC of Liverpool John Moores – who drove a car with the number plate LJM 1 – Sally Hunt remained in a sound slumber.

I doubt that Sally Hunt has ever been serious about fighting big salaries or the excesses of capitalism though – Sally’s first union job was as a senior research officer with the union later known as ACCORD. ACCORD represents people working in the financial services and the banking industry. Sally – the first sign of rot at Bangor University was when a branch of sodding Santander opened up in the University library, taking up valuable reading space.

The UCU rep at Bangor  – who entertained Sally Hunt when Sally visited Bangor University – did not say a word about global capitalism taking root in the library. The UCU rep in question was one Eileen Tilley. But Eileen Tilley remained silent about a great deal, including workplace bullying. Tilley did Speak Out when Bangor was named and shamed by the Times Higher Education Supplement as being an institution with a bullying problem. Tilley had a field day, claiming that it was the fault of the VC. Tilley knew as well as I did who was responsible for what was going on at Bangor University – it was the Senior Pro-VC, Fergus Lowe. The VC’s wife developed a terminal illness and he had to take extended leave to look after her and Fungus was left to run the University. That’s the Fungus who knew about Dafydd and the paedophiles and who ruthlessly used that knowledge to extract research funding out of Gov’t bodies and pharmaceutical companies with Top Doctors on the Boards who had concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd et al (see posts ‘It Wasn’t On Our Radar’ and ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks’).

The person who carried out Fungus’s orders to pay staff less than they had been offered when they had accepted their jobs and who bullied and harassed staff until they left for pastures new was Fungus’s partner in crime, the Director of HR, Lyn Meadows. Meadows had previously worked for the Welsh Ambulance Trust where she caused much grief and she now sits on the Betsi Board – which has admitted that it has a serious workplace bullying problem. Tilley was a friend of Lyn Meadows. Not only did Tilley fail to challenge Meadows or Fungus regarding their dreadful conduct, but I know of at least two members of staff whom Meadows had unlawfully dismissed who went to see Tilley in her capacity as the UCU rep only to be told by Tilley that it was a ‘grey area’ and that she couldn’t help. It wasn’t a grey area, what had happened was unlawful, but Tilley wasn’t going to admit that. On another occasion, a member of staff had been unlawfully dismissed by Meadows from an academic post and Tilley encouraged her to apply for another completely inappropriate role – Tilley was facing redundancy herself at the time, so she applied for the same job herself and when she arrived at the interview asked the other person if they’d agree to a job share with her.

Another high spot of Tilley’s was her attending one of my seminars and announcing to the seminar group that Plaid Cymru supported Hitler. Tilley argued the toss when I stated that was not true, claimed that she had read Gwynfor Evans’s biography in Welsh and he thought that Hitler was a jolly good thing.

Tilley, as you wouldn’t let me explain at the time, I’ll set the record straight now. In the middle years of the twentieth century, Plaid did have links to some of the European Catholic far right groups – this was a result of the influence of people like Saunders Lewis and Ambrose Bebb. Many people in the UK also had links to such groups and you need to remember that before WWII, anti-semitism was common in the UK and there were a number of politicians from across the political spectrum who did meet leading figures in the Nazi Party, usually in the hope of trying to avoid war. But Plaid Cymru at no time ‘supported Hitler’ – Richard Wyn Jones has recently published a book about it and you are welcome to read his book in either Welsh or English.

After I left Bangor University, I was told that the reason why Tilley was colluding with Lyn Meadows was that Tilley didn’t want to rock any boats because Tilley wanted a good pension arrangement so that she could become a member of the National Executive of the UCU! That sounds rather like appeasement to me Tilley…

It was alleged that Tilley had been expelled from the local Labour Party for unfair practices.

Tilley was on good terms with some of the charmers who worked for the north Wales NHS. On one occasion after I had been unlawfully arrested – yet again – and harassed by the mental health services, someone who witnessed what was going on made a statement about it for my lawyer. This person and I were reading through the statement in the library when I turned to find Tilley standing right behind us reading the statement over our shoulders…

Eileen Tilley is currently researching for a PhD on discriminatory practices against wimmin in universities.

 

Other news in brief –

The inquest has taken place on five year Ellie-May Clark who died after a GP in Newport refused to see her because Ellie-May and her mum arrived 10 mins late for her appointment, even though it was a life threatening situation. Ellie-May was having an asthma attack and died in hospital later the same night. The coroner gave a narrative verdict, stating that ‘the chance to provide potentially life saving treatment was missed’ – not ‘criminal negligence’. The GP who refused to see Ellie-May was the lead for safeguarding at the surgery. Should that GP find herself the subject of a ‘verbal assault’ I’m sure that she will receive support from Chris Bryant. He can campaign for an extended prison sentence for Ellie-May’s mum.

 

A case from the 1970s has re-appeared in the media. Fred Holroyd served as an intelligence officer in N Ireland in the 1970s and has always alleged that he was unlawfully detained in two psychiatric hospitals – one in Belfast and one in Southampton – for political purposes, after he made allegations about the British Army colluding with paramilitaries to operate a shoot-to-kill policy. Mr Holroyd has always claimed that he was caught in an internal war between different elements of the security services and now a retired British Army surgeon has come forward with evidence to support him, confirming that the Army ordered Top Doctors to diagnose Holroyd with a mental illness in order to force him out of the Army.

I remember reading about Mr Holroyd many years ago. The other case from N Ireland which received much publicity at the same time was that of Colin Wallace, who also worked for the intelligence services – I think the story behind Colin Wallace was that he was framed for a serious offence when he discovered that political and public figures were abusing boys in the Kincora Boys Home.

Would the British security services now like to fess up as to who it was among them assisting Dafydd and the paedophile gang (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’)?

 

 

 

News Round Up, February 15 2018

There has been so much action in Wales over the past few days that I am going to just focus on that in this round up with the exception of one big English story, rather than the madness prevailing in the rest of the UK/world as well.

It’s business as usual in north Wales, with drug busts across the region, a human foot being washed up at Felinheli and the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board about to fall of the edge of a cliff. The Daily Post Online also ran a story under the intriguing headline ‘Chest of Drawers Causes Havoc On A55’, but I haven’t had time to catch up with that.

The foot – still in a boot no less – was washed up at Felinheli a few days ago. The Post Online quoted a detective who stated that the foot was believed to have belonged to a man and that DNA tests are now being conducted in an attempt to identify which man precisely. The Post also reported that a body that was washed up at Trearddur Bay last November has now been identified – it was of a man from Dublin. It has been stated that the death wasn’t suspicious.

Things are falling apart at the flagship titan prison at Wrexham which so many of Wales’s politicians begged for. As well as the thriving trade in illegal drugs which seems to have existed from the day that HMP Berwyn opened its doors and indeed locked them again behind the first inmates, there has now been a dirty protest and a roof top siege. Which is quite impressive for a prison so new and one that was going to revive the Welsh economy.

The big news as ever is the NHS in Wales. A few days ago it was reported that Angels are now leaving the Betsi at a faster rate than they are being recruited. This is what happens when asinine excuses including violent mental health patients, salaries so low that Angels have to use foodbanks and schools that dare teach Welsh are trotted out to explain recruitment problems, rather than an acknowledgement that the region’s health and social care services are being run by the remains of a vicious paedophile gang and no sane person can bear to work with them. It might have escaped the attention of Peter Higson (the Chair of the Betsi), but one of the best and bravest nurses that he ever employed has been sacked by him and now struck off by the NMC for having sex with her own husband, after she blew the whistle on the serious abuse of elderly mental health patients at Tawel Fan ward in the Ablett Unit, Ysbyty Glan Clwyd.

The families of the patients who were abused in Tawel Fan are now seriously angry after they were told by Peter Higson and Gary Doherty (the Chief Exec) on Monday that both of the pending reports into the Tawel Fan scandal have now been delayed. Donna Ockenden – who has already compiled one utterly damning report about Tawel Fan (see posts ‘The Tawel Fan Scandal’ and ‘News Update Re Tawel Fan Scandal – Jan 17th 2017’) – has now reviewed the cases of more than 100 patients but she has been ill and will be unable to deliver her second report as planned on March 8th. The other report due from HASCAS (Health and Social Care Advisory Service) – they have also already produced one report – has been delayed as well. HASCAS are ‘looking at the impact on individual patients’. I’m not sure that anyone needs HASCAS to do that – the impact was obvious. One patient had an untreated fractured arm, others were crawling around naked on the floor which was covered in urine and faeces, they had all been drugged up to the eye-balls with anti-psychotics and the Angels were swearing at and threatening them. One patient had been barricaded into his bed with furniture.

Darren Millar, the AM for Clwyd West, has once more spoken out about Tawel Fan in the face of the rest of his colleagues remaining silent. Darren has not been reluctant to point out that it is scandalous that some NHS staff suspended after the Tawel Fan scandal have now been suspended on full pay for three and a half years – Tawel Fan was closed down in Dec 2013 – and that others were simply moved into new jobs within the Health Board. Darren commented that none of them have faced any action. He could have added that the only person who did face action was the nurse who blew the whistle – she’s been sacked and struck off by a kangaroo court who found her guilty of having sex with her own husband.

Rather worryingly the Post reported a few hours ago that a naked man running through Coronation Gardens in Rhyl was apprehended by 10 police officers and taken to Ysbyty Glan Clwyd – where he will probably have been admitted to one of the mental health wards at the Ablett Unit and be treated about as competently as the Tawel Fan patients were.

Hannah Turtle’s trial for murdering her baby continues – Hannah is a mental health patient from north Wales and no doubt if the truth were known there will have been a long history of gross incompetence and serious neglect on the part of the mental health services before Hannah killed her baby.

Today there was a debate in the Senedd on mental health. Conservative AM David Melding spoke about his panic attacks and Vaughan Gething the Health Minister praised Mr Melding’s ‘bravery for sharing his experiences’. This is the Vaughan who ignored pleas from me re the abuse that was dished out by the mental health services in my direction, failed to respond when Karen Hughes – who was raising concerns of illegal conduct, workplace bullying and neglect of patients so severe that a death resulted – contacted him concerning Flintshire MIND and has no doubt ignored correspondence from other people supplying Vaughan with first hand accounts of the brutality and inhumanity which is now so prevalent in the mental health services. The Vaughan who gave Mark Isherwood and Darren Millar a bollocking a few weeks ago as they begged him to address the deaths and chaos happening at the Betsi on the grounds that they were ‘talking down the NHS’.

BBC News Wales reported that the Senedd passed a motion expressing regret ‘that some people with mental health conditions face injustices and challenges when accessing services’. When I read the wording of that motion, I presumed that it could only have been written by Jane Hutt/Mark Drakeford/Julie Morgan/Lesley Griffiths, but I note that the Conservative AMs tabled the motion. I presume therefore that they had taken advice from the aforementioned people when they decided on phrasing it. ‘Injustice and challenges’ does not really describe thugs of male Angels screaming at you to get out or they’ll have you arrested/kicking the chairs next to you with jackboots whilst accusing you of impersonating a GP/perjuring themselves in an attempt to have you imprisoned or an on call GP claiming that they’re busy with other patients when they have seen two patients for five minutes each in the last three hours whilst you have been waiting/telling you that they are waiting for a room to become vacant when there are two vacant rooms across the hall available to them which have been vacant since you arrived. However at least I have managed to survive the injustices and challenges – some years ago one man who encountered injustices and challenges from both the Hergest Unit and Ysbyty Gwynedd A&E when trying to access services was found dead in the Cathedral Gardens a few hours later (see post ‘Two Dangerous Very Dishonest Nurses’).

Vaughan mentioned that the Welsh Gov’t have dedicated nearly £650 million to mental health services in the next financial year. Vaughan, do the nation’s public purse a favour and save your money. Don’t give the mental health services anything – at present the ‘services’ are abusive and damaging and less harm would be done if they were simply not there. Furthermore if they weren’t there, no-one would waste their time and energy trying to access ‘services’ only to be faced with quite mad Angels, Top Doctors and social workers hurling abuse at them, accusing them of malingering, occasionally assaulting them and then trying to fit them up in court when a complaint is made. You can save on the CCTV as well, because when the Ysbyty Gwynedd CCTV filmed the A&E Angels threatening and harassing me, Martin Jones the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust destroyed the footage, so there seems to be little point in spending all that money on CCTV. Or indeed on Martin Jones – particularly in his present role of ‘Director of External Investigations, NHS Wales’ (see post ‘A Major Coup – Or A Complete Disaster?’).

The BBC also reported that the use of a new single number to access the NHS – 111 – has now been trialled in the area served by Abertawe Bro Morgannwg Health Board. This service is due to be extended across the whole of Wales over the next three years, although a warning has been given that this is not a ‘golden bullet’ to solve ‘NHS pressures’. It won’t be a golden bullet to solve anything unless someone takes rather greater care in selecting and supervising those who answer the calls – if the phone is repeatedly slammed down on patients asking for help (or if ‘professionals’ flatly refuse to attend even when the phone is not repeatedly slammed down), if Angels answer the phone by screeching ‘oo is it?’ when someone rings or tell callers that ‘we’re not allowed to speak to you’, the new number is not going to be any better than the old one. It wasn’t the number itself that was the problem, it was the responses that people were being met with when they rang the number. When Ffion Wyn Roberts from Porthmadog rang 999 in 2010 and told them that someone had got into her house and that she was frightened, only to be told by the ‘trained call handler’ to ring back ‘when you’re not drunk’ and was then murdered by the intruder, the outcome would not have been any different if the number had not been 999. The outcome would have only been different if there hadn’t have been a monster handling the call. That particular monster was not dismissed – in fact I don’t think that they were even disciplined – so they could well still be answering a 999 call near you. Or indeed a 111 call.

 

The noxious private company Kingdom which has caused chaos in the Conwy area after fining numerous people large amounts of money for trivial acts of civil disobedience has had its contract terminated by Gwynedd County Council after a matter of days – although I think someone needs to ask why Gwynedd County Council ever issued them with a contract for anything in the first place.

Elfed Wyn Jones, an international politics student at Aberystwyth University is undertaking a fast as part of his campaign for more Welsh language programming on TV. I presume that Elfed Wyn has taken a leaf out of Gwynfor Evans’s book – Gwynfor was the Plaid MP for Carmarthen, 1966-70 and then again 1974-79, who began a hunger strike and famously stated his intentions to fast until he died if Thatcher’s Gov’t did not keep their election promise to establish a fourth Welsh language TV channel, after Thatcher decided that this was an election commitment that could be forgotten about once she had been elected. The official story is that the prospect of Gwynfor – a pacifist who always sought to achieve his ends by non-violent means – starving himself to death was so terrible that Cledwyn Hughes visited Willie Whitelaw, the Home Secretary, in London and was able to persuade Willie to agree to establishing S4C and thus Gwynfor called his hunger strike off. The harsh reality is that Cledwyn, the Archbishop of Wales Gwilym Williams and Sir Goronwy Daniel, the Principal of Aberystwyth University, reminded Whitelaw of the paedophile gang in operation in north Wales of which Thatcher’s friend the Tory MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison was a member (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’). The paedophile gang that Whitelaw, as well as many of his colleagues, had ignored and then concealed. Willie et al decided that S4C would be a small price to pay and the paedophile gang continued their business unhindered. Gwynfor may have been a pacifist, but he will have known about the organised abuse of children himself – there was a gang at work in west Wales on his patch with links to the gang in north Wales. Furthermore, Ioan Bowen Rees acted as an advisor to Gwynfor – Ioan Bowen Rees was the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council whilst the paedophile gang in north Wales abused children in homes run by Gwynedd Social Services. Before he became Chief Exec of Gwynedd, Bowen Rees was County Secretary of Dyfed County Council – whilst a paedophile ring was active in Dyfed (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing’).

So unless Elfed Wyn has info about another paedophile gang – one that Theresa May doesn’t know about, as opposed to the one that was facilitated by St George’s Hospital Medical School and included their Professor of Paediatrics Oliver Brooke which Theresa did know about when she was a Councillor for the London Borough of Merton (which covered an area served by St George’s) between 1986-94 – Elfed Wyn will be fasting in vain.

I am currently reading Gareth Price’s book about the history of BBC Wales, which is a mine of information about the people involved in launching S4C as well as in a lot of other things – I will be blogging about it soon.

 

Carl Sargeant’s son Jack has just been elected as AM for the seat of Alyn and Deeside that Carl held until his death.

 

Lastly, the leading news story in the London-based media today  is the conviction of Berry Bennell for more than 40 sexual offences against minors whilst he worked as a football coach. I’ve been so busy researching for some forthcoming posts that I haven’t been following the Bennell story, but I did notice that he abused youngsters at Manchester City and committed other offences in Cheshire. I have received an e mail from someone telling me that Channel 4 news mentioned that the Bennell story had a Welsh connection. I did wonder if it might have. The paedophile gang facilitated by Dafydd and the mental health services in north Wales operated in Cheshire as well and the delightful Keith Fearns, former team leader of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – who was always ready to give a kicking to anyone who had spilt the pints of the paedophile gang – was involved with football in Manchester many years ago. Since he has been in north Wales, Fearns has of course become notorious for managing his ‘ladies football team’, whom he takes on unlikely trips to Eastern Europe. Then there is Martin Jones who for some years has been coaching children’s football. I have no idea exactly what Fearns’s and Martin’s motives are, but I really don’t think that these two are simply participating in football with young people out of the goodness of their hearts.

It Wasn’t On Our Radar

I finished reading Martin Shipton’s book about George Thomas, ‘Political Chameleon’, a few weeks ago. Shipton was given a hard time in an interview on a Welsh radio programme for being so rude about Thomas in his book, although Shipton could actually have been a great deal ruder and really rather restrained himself.

George Thomas was the Labour MP for Cardiff West, 1945-83, Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70 and Speaker of the Commons, 1976-83. In 1983 Thatcher gave him an hereditary peerage and he became the 1st Viscount Tonypandy. Because George Thomas never married or had children, there wasn’t much point to that particular honour and the title died with him in 1997. Thomas was well known for his Methodism. The Methodist Church was a very powerful institution in Wales during George Thomas’s younger years and his position as a lay preacher and a big name in the Methodist Church  – he became Vice-President of the Methodist Conference in 1959 – gave him great kudos and influence. During the 1950s/60s, Thomas preached in nearly every city in Britain. In 1959 he went on a preaching tour of the US and took a stand against separate churches in Georgia. A black Church Minister stated that Thomas’s ‘face is white, but his heart is as black as ours’ – it is said that Thomas ‘never forgot’ this tribute.

Whilst George Thomas was Speaker, commentators outside of Wales often framed him as a national treasure. There were plenty of references to his Welshness – his accent was very obvious when he was calling for order in the Commons – and people waxed lyrical about this enthusiastic Methodist lay preacher who loved his mam and the Royal Family. As indeed did Jimmy Savile. Friendships across the political divide are common in Parliament, but George Thomas certainly pushed the boat out with regard to this – he was a big mate of Thatcher, who was perceived by many to have wrecked Wales to such an extent that it still hasn’t recovered. Thatcher discusses George Thomas in her book ‘The Downing Street Years’ – she heaps praise on him and explains that the basis of their friendship was their Methodism. (Thatcher occupied a curious position in the Tory Party in that she had been brought up as a Methodist and frequently made reference to this, yet the Tory Party was firmly situated within the Church of England and Thatcher seems to have felt obliged to move towards the Church of England. Not that she liked them very much – there was that comment that she made about the Bishops being ‘cuckoos in the nest’ because some of them showed a dangerous degree of tolerance and concern, she virtually denounced the World Council of Churches as a bunch of Communists in the pay of the Kremlin and then there was that dust-up with the Archbishop of Canterbury because he preferred to deliver a service emphasising peace and reconciliation after the Falklands conflict rather than go goosestepping through London as part of a ‘victory parade’.)

In the Labour Party in Wales however George Thomas was a very divisive figure and was actively hated in many quarters. He had always really riled Plaid and many Welsh speakers because he was extremely hostile to the Welsh language and had a problem with people who dared to speak it and ensure that their children could as well, but Thomas also became a substantial embarrassment and a difficulty for the Labour Party. He was completely opposed to devolution and although many other people in the Welsh Labour Party for many years were as well, Thomas remained rabidly anti-devolution after it had become Labour Party policy. His toadying to the British establishment and the Royal Family was so great that it became a national joke, even at a time when most of the population didn’t advocate dropping a bomb on the House of Lords and were very supportive of the Royal Family, consuming acres of vacuous newsprint about them.

Until quite recently, George Thomas was just another dead man who had once been an important figure in the Labour Party, but over the past few years he has become so notorious that a group of people in south Wales are campaigning to rename the Lord Tonypandy pub on the grounds that Wales would rather forget that this man ever existed. The source of the distress is that it has become clear that George Thomas was a paedophile. Not someone who had sex with his girlfriend when she was a few days short of her sixteenth birthday and he was just about 18, but an all out no holds barred child molester. The most serious complaint involved the rape of a nine year old boy, but there were numerous complaints over many years. In the way in which was obviously routine until very recently in cases of politicians sexually assaulting children, the complainants were ignored or silenced.

Towards the end of his life people felt able to make noises indicating that George Thomas was gay, that nobody had a problem with this but that his position in the Methodist Church and the era in which he grew up dictated that it really did have to be kept quiet. However since George Thomas’s fall from grace numerous people have admitted that he was a vile, intimidating git who shamelessly used his position and friendships with powerful people – including members of the Royal Family – to achieve his own ends. Furthermore, just about everyone in south Wales politics – and further afield as well – knew about this. Something similar happened after Ron Davies was caught with his trousers down – or indeed off – on Clapham Common with Boogie. People came crawling out of the woodwork from every direction maintaining that Ron Davies was a complete bastard who treated people appallingly and that they’d always hated him. It was stressed that people had kept quiet because they were ‘loyal’. Loyalty is a quality that I very much admire and I don’t think that there is nearly enough of it about. However, if someone is serially sexually assaulting other people – yet alone children or teenagers – and then committing even more serious crimes in order to silence their victims, loyalty is sorely misplaced.

Note to the Mafia of Drips: when a sex offender tells you to keep quiet about their offences, you DO NOT do it. OK Lesley/Rhodri/Jane/Drakeford/Julie? You absolutely stand up to them no matter what they do and you continue to stand up to them in every way possible YOU FUCKING IDIOTS. You do not ‘shut your mouth about DA’, you do not ‘go away from here and forget about everything that you have seen’. If Brown and me could withstand the pressure, what exactly was wrong with you? Ooh, I forgot – Brown and me were 21 and didn’t have our noses deep into the Trough of Plenty or entertain delusions that we were suitable people to run a country.

The methods used by George Thomas to silence victims and witnesses were certainly very similar to the methods that I knew to have been employed by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales. George Thomas’s friend Leo Abse, an aggressively unpleasant lawyer who was Labour MP for Pontypool and then Torfaen, 1958-87, proved most useful. Abse himself talked about ‘homosexual partners’ of Thomas blackmailing him – it seems to have been the case that these were people who had been abused by Thomas who had complained and had either been bribed or threatened into going away by Abse. Abse was known to have been involved in paying one person to begin a new life in Australia and he also boasted that he told a ‘criminal’ who was making allegations against Thomas to leave Cardiff or he’d have him imprisoned for 10 years. The criminal left town and didn’t reappear. Such stories have a familiar ring to them – I knew young people in north Wales who were packed off abroad after discovering rather more than some wanted them to (see post ‘ Just A Language Divide?’). As for the criminal who left town – whenever I made a complaint about the paedophiles’ friends it was stressed that I was a criminal. I did have a conviction – for staring at one of the paedophiles’ friends in Safeways – and had any of their many attempts to frame me for serious offences actually worked, I too would have been in prison for 10 years….

Then of course there was the South Wales Police to whom complaints were being made about George Thomas – but who did not act on the complaints, no matter how serious they were. There were also the railway companies who knew that George Thomas was indecently assaulting boys on his regular journeys between Wales and London – but no action.

As well as the many people in political life who knew that George Thomas was sexually assaulting minors, another group of people knew as well – the Top Doctors. Leo Abse, who protected Thomas for years, came from a legal family with members who were also psychoanalysts and his brother Danny was a Top Doctor – as well as a well known poet – who had trained at the Welsh National School of Medicine, Westminster Hospital Medical School and King’s College, London.

In his book Martin Shipton explains how Leo Abse correlated Thomas’s periods of illness with the times that Thomas feared being exposed. At 6 am one morning in 1984, Leo Abse received a phone call from George Thomas who was in hospital. Thomas was in a dreadful state – it seems that Thomas was actually hospitalised as a result of contracting an STD and really thought that the game was up. It was Abse who negotiated the issuing of a public statement that Thomas had ‘waterworks trouble’ – very common in men of his age – and the ruse worked. Of course the Top Doctors will have known the reason why Thomas was in hospital and many other people in the hospital will have known as well. The Top Doctors have no trouble at all telling bare faced lies when high profile people are receiving treatment for conditions which would be career-death or cause massive embarrassment/scandal if the truth wee to be revealed. I do not think for one minute that the Top Doctors should disclose confidential details regarding their patients, but assistance from the Top Doctors comes at a high price – they’ll happily grovel to those patients and reassure them that they’ll handle everything, but those patients know damn well that they really mustn’t piss the Top Doctors off at any price.

Whilst I worked at St George’s one of the biggest names in light entertainment was a private patient of Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain in the Obs and Gynae Dept where I was working. I don’t think that she had a clue as to the wrongdoing and chaos that prevailed in that dept, but she was definitely useful for providing a bit of PR which went a long way to ensuring that most scandals occurring in that hospital did not hit the media. Even when Chamberlain put his name to a paper based upon a huge research fraud and his colleague and co-author Malcolm Pearce was sacked and struck off, Chamberlain wasn’t (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’). Chamberlain had a more powerful network than Pearce, but I suspect that his friendship with the celeb also helped deflect the crap from the media hitting him personally. Whilst I worked in London medical schools I was also provided with details concerning a gynaecological condition affecting a member of the Royal Family at which the Top Doctors were having a good laugh. I mentioned this to Brown as an example of how no-one at all was safe from a knife in the back from the Top Doctors and Brown commented that this Royal personage had probably dared to change doctors, so that was the end of any confidentiality and respect afforded to her.

The celebs whom depend upon the Top Doctors’ silence usually trip over themselves to support Top Doctors’ balls, charity functions etc.

So I was interested to discover that George Thomas went in for supporting medical charities in a big way. The City Hospice in South Wales was originally known as the George Thomas Trust – it found that a change of name was necessary after people finally began admitting publicly what George Thomas actually did in his spare time. Dr Elinor Kapp, a retired child psychiatrist who worked for many years in Gwent and Powys, has been a member of the Board of the Hospice and a volunteer there since it’s foundation. Elinor’s husband was Prof Kenneth Rawnsley, Professor of Psychological Medicine at Cardiff, 1964-85 and President of the Royal College of Psychiatrists, 1981-84. Rawnsley personally knew Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales and spent decades concealing their wrongdoing (see post ‘The Discovery Of A Whole New Galaxy…). Rawnsley will have known that Thomas was molesting children.

I note that George Thomas’s STD crisis and the associated fear that the gaffe would be blown occurred in 1984 – which was the year when threats from Dr DGE Wood and demands that I withdraw my complaint and keep quiet about Gwynne the lobotomist began raining down on my head like there was no tomorrow. Dafydd, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales undoubtedly knew about George Thomas’s sex offending – they will have known via their mate and colleague Kenneth Rawnsley as well as through the many other connections detailed on this blog. Dafydd and many of his associates were involved with the Methodist Church (see posts ‘A Serious Moral Collapse’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’) and when the former North Wales Police Superintendent Gordon Anglesea died in prison after being convicted of historical sex offences against children in care in north Wales, the Methodist Church as well as the Police Federation turned out in force at his funeral to give him a good send off.

George Thomas was a member of another powerful group of people who played a major role in concealing the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends in north Wales – the Freemasons. Thomas was initiated into Sapphire Lodge at Penarth in 1944, whilst he was a school teacher living in Tonypandy. He was also a member of Cambrensis Lodge at Cardiff between 1950-53. Although Thomas resigned from Sapphire Lodge in 1965, Thomas continued to have a very close relationship with the Masons.

One of Thomas’s close friends was  Lt Col Arthur Lennox of Cardiff, who was the Grand Treasurer of the Freemasons and who organised a big festival in south Wales in 1968. A letter from Lennox enclosing confidential Masonic information was sent to Thomas three years after George Thomas had left the Masons – Lennox requested that Thomas destroy the minutes of a meeting.

In 1984, when Thomas was in the Lords, Thomas received a reference request from Roger Clarke, Secretary of the Clive Freemasons Lodge in Cardiff, in respect of an application to join the Masons from Raj Aggarwal, who later became Consul for India in Wales. Raj had met Thomas through the Asian Society of Wales.

Raj is a man with so many talents and connections that there is not the scope to detail them all here, so I’ll just mention the highlights. Raj is a pharmacist who studied at the Welsh School of Pharmacy at Cardiff University, 1969-72. He worked for Boots plc in south Wales and then in London.  Raj is a member of the Council for Cardiff University, a member of the Board of the Wales Millennium Centre, the Board of the National Pharmacy Association, the Board of Cardiff Business School and the Board of the Welsh International Business Council. Raj is Chair of Community Pharmacy Wales, a member of the Cardiff and County Club, Radyr Golf Club and the Vale of Glamorgan Golf Club. Raj has worked as the health correspondent for the Western Mail and as a Welsh Gov’t advisor, serving on Health and Pharmacy Committees.

Raj has been – and might still be – the Deputy Lieutenant of South Glamorgan. He boasts of a friendship with Prince Charles.

Most interestingly from my perspective, Raj is a Trustee and was/is Chair of the Kidney Wales Foundation and Donate Wales – George Thomas was also involved with Kidney Foundation Wales. The Kidney Wales Foundation evolved from the organisation established by Top Doctor William Asscher when he was Professor of Medicine at Cardiff. Asscher moved to London and became the Dean and then Principal of St George’s Hospital Medical School. He presided over that institution when there was major research fraud occurring (see post ‘I Don’t Believe It!’) and whilst the institution concealed organised child abuse and serious crime in north Wales as well as in London (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’) and serious drugs offences (see post ‘A Galaxy Of Talent’). The wrongdoing at St George’s was obvious to anyone working within the institution, Asscher undoubtedly knew what was going on. Although Asscher spent the last part of his career in London, he continued to keep a home in south Wales and returned there after he retired. The crooks who ran Gwynedd Health Authority had a particularly high opinion of William Asscher and remained forever grateful to him because he secured the kidney unit at Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Asscher spent many years as a Top Doctor in Cardiff – he will have known about George Thomas and all the senior figures in politics who would do anything to keep Thomas’s activities quiet. Including giving the NHS lots and lots of money and never taking any action against Top Doctors, no matter how dreadfully they are conducting themselves – particularly if one of the Top Doctors who is the subject of much complaint is running the paedophile ring which is supplying the fresh meat to the politicians…

What a convenient arrangement all around!

William Asscher took up his appointment at St George’s in 1988 – the year after Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends put me on a train to London and ordered me never to set foot in north Wales again. When I applied for a job as a research assistant at St George’s in the spring of 1989, I was told that I had not got the job. I then received a telephone call from St George’s telling me that so many good candidates had applied that a special post had been created for me should I wish to take it up. Obviously I thought that this offer was too good to be missed – but I was unaware that one of Dafydd’s mates was running the place and that the purpose of that job offer was to wreck my career and health.

William Asscher retired in 1996 – the year that the Waterhouse Inquiry opened.

In 1983 Ron Davies had been elected as the Labour MP for Caerphilly. The Ron whom everybody loathed and whom it was later admitted had interesting sexual tastes. In 1993 – after my career had been destroyed, after my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales had been found dead or had been hounded out of their jobs – Ron was appointed Shadow Secretary State of Wales by Labour leader John Smith. When Blair became PM in 1997, he appointed Ron as Secretary of State for Wales and was just gearing up to install Ron as Wales’s First Minister when Ron was caught with Boogie on Clapham Common…

I’m thinking of opening a book on who will be going to prison, for how long and in which prison they’ll serve their sentences. No doubt they will of course all retain the same Counsel – Cherie Booth QC! Who else would ever represent this lot now??? They won’t be able to rely on installing Huw Daniel as the presiding judge either, he’ll be in the dock along with the rest of them at this rate.

Do you perhaps wish that you hadn’t started all of this Wood?

 

In June 1985, Commander Michael Higham, the Grand Secretary of the United Grand Lodge of England – the most senior Mason in England and Wales – wrote to Thomas addressing him as ‘Brother Lord Tonypandy’. Which suggests that George Thomas was still considered a Mason in every way.

By June 1985, my problems with the paedophiles’ friends were escalating and I had begun to wonder what it was exactly that Wood and Tony Francis were hiding and were so frightened of me discovering.

Commander Michael Higham was Grand Secretary between 1980-89. In March 1998 BBC News reported that Higham was refusing to name Masons who had been involved with serious scandals in the British criminal justice system when he appeared before the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee, although the Lodge’s librarian and Communications Officer John Hamill had said that it was ‘probable’ that they would comply with the demands to name the people concerned because the Masons were a law abiding organisation who would not wish to be in contempt of Parliament. It was reported that Chris Mullin, the Chair of the Committee, was asking if there were any Masons who were part of the West Midlands Serious Crimes Squad, the unit which investigated the bombings for which the Birmingham Six were imprisoned or who were involved in the disciplinary hearing concerning the Deputy Chief Constable of Greater Manchester John Stalker, who was removed from the shoot to kill investigation in N Ireland.

Regular readers of this blog will have spotted a few familiar names in the preceding paragraph. Chris Mullin, the Labour MP for Sunderland at the time, fought a very brave battle on behalf of the Birmingham Six and played a key role in securing their release from prison. However Chris Mullin was not as helpful to the victims of the organised paedophile gangs which were operating in children’s homes in Sunderland as well as in other areas of the UK. In his capacity as a member and/or Chair of the Home Affairs Select Committee, Mullin recommended that police inquiries into child abuse should stop and that compensation to children who had been abused should only be paid if a criminal conviction had been secured (see post ‘Another Episode Of Friends’).

Once more we see that whereas various bodies and some individual MPs were prepared to fight for people being abused by the state, the two group of people who were not defended by any fighters for justice were kids in care who were being abused and mental health patients, many of whom were former kids in care who had been abused or had witnessed others being abused. The more that I think about this, the more that I am convinced that it is due to the involvement of the Top Doctors in organised child abuse. The nation is not so in awe of and frightened of paedophiliac gangs of social workers that no-one at all dares touch them. But people in Parliament are very well aware that if you piss the Top Doctors off and imprison a few of them you might not leave a hospital alive – should anyone doubt this, they need only to remember Michael Carr (see post ‘News From Sicily’). This is at the forefront of the mind of every middle-aged, boozing, not very fit politician with type 2 diabetes.

John Stalker gained evidence of a shoot to kill policy in N Ireland as well as evidence of associated serious corruption and was removed from the N Ireland inquiry by James Anderton, the Chief Constable of Greater Manchester Police. However Greater Manchester Police was riddled with corruption and John Stalker had some very questionable associates himself. Stalker used to drop in to see folk in the North Wales Police whilst that force was colluding with Dafydd and the paedophile gang and also had links with numerous people in north west England, some of whom were known to be corrupt, some of whom were suspected to be corrupt and some who were just very good friends with people who were corrupt (see posts ‘Top Of The Cops’ and ‘A Stalker’s Network’). Elfed Roberts, the former corrupt Chair of the NW Wales NHS Trust and former senior police officer in north Wales (see post ‘Former NHS Managers Of Notoriety Now Keeping A Low(er) Profile’), was Facebook friends with a number of former officers in the Greater Manchester Police.

I have previously discussed how when Dr Dafydd Alun Jones used to make police statements or swear not very truthful affidavits about me, I and my friends used to howl with laughter at Dafydd’s overblown claims and curious turns of phrase and how when I read Stalker’s memoir (entitled most appropriately ‘Stalker’), I noticed an uncanny similarity between those crazed documents dictated by Dafydd and some of the expressions and style of writing used by Stalker. Dafydd and Stalker received very different types of education in different countries and even spoke different first languages – it is a little odd that they both used words and expressions that most of the rest of the English speaking world doesn’t. Stalker wrote that book at the time that Dafydd was busy compiling florid documents about me. Dafydd might be interested to know that a group of Hergest patients rolled around laughing on a bus in Gwynedd one day when someone spotted a notice that said ‘please mind your head when alighting’ –  after observing that no-one actually would ever use such a word except for Dafydd, they speculated that perhaps he had found a new source of income, creating signs for the buses. Dafydd may have been a dangerous serious criminal, but he certainly provided entertainment over the course of many years. He has no idea how many catchphrases he inspired. I really would like to be a fly on the wall if he is ever arrested and questioned – he will be coming out with old favourites such as ‘don’t be so ridiculous’, ‘you don’t expect me to discuss this with a layperson like yourself do you?’, ‘come come, you can’t argue with a psychiatrist’ – the police will be pissing themselves laughing. ‘We’ve got a right one ‘ere Sarge, a sex offender posing as a Top Doctor’. Perhaps the police would like to send the recordings into ‘You’ve Been Framed’.

One thing that I am fairly certain that Stalker did discover whilst he was in N Ireland was what was going on in the Kincora Boy’s Home in Belfast and I strongly suspect that this was why he removed from the shoot to kill inquiry. Nobody in the British Gov’t was going to make much of a fuss if a policy of shoot to kill had been confirmed – it was hardly a secret – but there would have been a great deal of trouble indeed if the happenings at Kincora had been exposed, particularly as the members of Gov’t and High Society who were molesting those boys had links with the members of Gov’t and High Society who were busy molesting kids in other parts of the UK, including in north Wales.

It was confirmed that seven Masons were among the 97 strong West Midlands Serious Crime Squad. A Squad which undoubtedly had links to the British security services as well and probably contained people working for MI5 – one only has to look at who the Squad was fitting up, how much they were getting away with and the co-operation from other corrupt professional people which was forthcoming.

Higham was quoted by the BBC as saying of the Masons that ‘we have a few bad apples and we take charge of them but the rest are jolly decent chaps’. I am sure that not all Masons are child molesters or serious criminals, but the problem was that some of the bad apples were and the Masons didn’t put them out of action or indeed expose them.

Michael Higham received media coverage on other occasions as well. In May 1995, an article appeared in the Indie regarding a huge civil war within the Masons.  The rank and file Masons had got together to try to stop the sale of the Royal Masonic Hospital in west London, which was planned by Higham and the Masons’ charity, the Grand Charity. Alan Lomas, the Governor of the Royal Masonic Hospital and a Freemason since 1951, had issued a High Court writ against Higham and the Grand Charity, alleging that the Grand Lodge had been attempting to subvert running of the hospital since 1981 which had now culminated in Higham and the Grand Lodge’s plans to sell the hospital – Lomas alleged that some of the hospital governors were also in on the subversion and wanted to sell.

The Duke of Kent – who was the President of the hospital as well as England’s most senior Freemason – had commissioned a report from Touche Ross which had been published in 1990 and concluded that to remain viable the hospital would have to abandon its Masonic connections and become a private hospital. The Grand Lodge had responded by saying that in return for the substantial sums that the hospital was receiving from the Grand Charity, it would be required to adopt a new constitution which allowed the Duke to appoint a Chairman and four members of the Board. The proposal was rejected, the Duke resigned as President of the hospital and Prince Michael of Kent – the Provincial Grand Master for Middlesex – resigned as Vice-President. It was revealed that the Financial Director of the hospital was an undischarged bankrupt, that members of the senior management had been dismissed among allegations of misdemeanours and that the staff pension fund was millions of pounds ‘adrift’.

The hospital Governors were led by Vice-Patron Douglas Brooks, who fought to keep the hospital open. The Charity Commission had called in Coopers and Lybrand to act as the receiver and sort out the cash problems.

In Dec 1994, after a mass vote, the Masons voted to close the Royal Masonic Hospital and to wind up the charity running it. Brooks abandoned his efforts to stop the sale which was when Lomas took up cudgels on behalf of the hospital charity and fellow Governors.

In July 1995 the Indie reported that the Commons Home Affairs Select Committee was to investigate the influence of Freemasonry in the police and judiciary and that Higham had offered his co-operation. The Chairman of the Committee at that time was Sir Ivan Lawrence QC, a Tory who in his day job as a barrister had defended some gangland criminals accused – and found guilty – of some particularly vicious murders. It was alleged that the Local Government Ombudsman had investigated Masonic corruption in previous years in the Borough Councils of Hackney and Lambeth. Frank Dobson – former Secretary of State for Health under Blair – managed to ignore a great deal of corruption relating to the abuse of children and mental health patients for many years, in his capacity as a Councillor in Camden, the MP for Holborn and St Pancras and as Health Secretary. Dobbo spent a number of years working as the Assistant Secretary to the Office of the Local Gov’t Ombudsman (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’).

Hackney and Lambeth were both Councils presiding over the serious abuse of children in their care – they also were both Councils which sent children in care on placement to children’s homes in north Wales.

The Local Government Ombudsman obviously didn’t make much headway. In 1999 my friend’s baby died in the care of Musgrove Park Hospital when she should not have – my friend who knew what had happened to me at the hands of the north Wales mental health services and who had already been hounded out of her job at the Royal Television Society when she wanted to make a documentary about north Wales – and her partner was forced out of his job at the BBC in 1994. At the same time, the mental health services in north Wales were making strenuous efforts to imprison me once more on the basis of the perjury of their staff (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’). I had been told that I was such a danger to the staff at the Hergest Unit that if I entered Ysbyty Gwynedd I would be arrested – presumably on the basis of yet more perjury – and I had been referred to the forensic psychiatry team. When I finally obtained the documentation relating to all this recently, I discovered that the forensic Angel Jackie Ehlen had taken the trouble to record that my friend’s baby had died. Jackie had been one of the Angels involved in the cover-up into the death of a psych patient in Ysbyty Gwynedd a few years previously which involved a number of people lying at the inquest (see post ‘Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death’).

Diane Abbott used to work as the Press Officer and PR person for Lambeth Borough Council. She now represents the People of Hackney, as the Radio 4 satire ‘Dead Ringers’ enjoys reminding everyone.

The Indie report mentioned the Manor of St James, a Lodge famous for containing as members only former and serving officers in the ‘C’ division of the Met. Commander Higham explained that there was nothing sinister about Freemasonry, that it was all about benign socialising and that he was a member of the Naval Lodge, for retired and current Naval Officers. (A number of people who worked very hard to conceal the wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles had served in the Navy – including Jim Callaghan, Sir Alec Bingley and Professor Geoffrey Chamberlain, as of course had Gwynne the lobotomist himself.) It was emphasised that far from being an organisation full of police officers, many police officers joined the Masons in order to meet people who weren’t police officers. Perhaps people who were judges, Top Doctors, lawyers, senior figures in local gov’t etc who might find a friendship with a few police officers who were members of the same secret society dedicated to assisting each other, particularly in times of trouble, useful – such as at times when they had found themselves the subject of complaint after they had sexually assaulted children. The Indie mentioned a Chris Mullin MP who was on the Home Affairs Select Committee and who had campaigned for greater disclosure regarding Masonic membership after it was discovered that a number of the police and lawyers involved in the Birmingham Six case were Freemasons.

Chris – it’s more than twenty years later and Dafydd is still Chairing CAIS,  the Top Doctors are writing lies on the medical notes which was the subject of my initial complaint about Gwynne the lobotomist in 1984 and kids in care are still being trafficked by organised gangs.

My how things haven’t changed.

 

In Oct 1987 George Thomas accepted an invitation to a reception in London for the Cardiff Masonic Hall Company Ltd – the invitation mentioned ‘colleague Wyn Calvin’.

Wyn Calvin is a veteran Welsh entertainer and comedian who in 1991 became the first Welshman to be elected to the Grand Order of the Water Rats as King Rat. Calvin has also been the Welsh Chairman of the Variety Club of Great Britain and was a founding member of the Noah’s Ark appeal which was launched in 2000 to lobby and raise money for the development of the Children’s Hospital for Wales aka the Children’s Hospital, Cardiff. The Children’s Hospital was opened in 2005 and is located on the site of the University Hospital at the Heath in Cardiff – the Children’s Hospital is managed by the Cardiff and Vale University Health Board.

There have been a series of scandals at the University Hospital at the Heath – one of the most high profile incidents of serious patient neglect was brought to public attention by Ann Clwyd, the Labour MP for Cynon Valley, who was horrified at the manner of her husband’s death in that hospital. The hospital robustly defended itself and Ann was denounced by the usual vested interests who were livid that she’d dared to level criticism at the national treasure which is the NHS. There has been much wrong at that hospital for many years but the NHS jackboot had ensured that everyone was firmly stamped upon and many matters which should have been made public remained concealed. The Cardiff and Vale University Health Board are the proud employers of the former sexual harasser of St George’s Hospital Medical School, Dr Richard Penketh (see post ‘The Battle Of The Cowshed’).

The second phase of the Children’s Hospital is actually being funded by the Welsh Gov’t and is costing many millions – the Noah’s Ark appeal is just funding a few extras, including of course a machine that goes ping.  Nonetheless, even as Carwyn dispenses the dosh, he is still being drowned out by the sound of angry Top Doctors insisting that the citizens of Wales are dying because of Carwyn’s Cuts – the cuts that currently ensure that almost half of the Welsh Gov’ts budget is being spent on the NHS. If Carwyn doesn’t keep dishing out the dosh, there’ll be the folk involved with the Noah’s Ark appeal – who include Shirley Bassey and Charlotte Church as well as King Rat – to remind everyone that Carwyn is slaying the nation’s children.

 

It was in about 1987 that Fergus Lowe overthrew Dafydd’s influence in the School of Psychology at Bangor University. Under Fergus the School of Psychology rapidly expanded from – as one of the postgrads from that time observed – a derelict building on its last legs ear-marked for closure to virtually a university in its own right. My post ‘He’s Not The Messiah, He’s A Very Naughty Boy’ detailed some of the very unscrupulous methods which Fergus employed to build his empire, but if someone like Fergus found out that member of the Lords and Thatcher’s friend George Thomas was sexually abusing children – as well as Thatcher’s other friend and PPS/the Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party Sir Peter Morrison – the potential for business to boom would be enormous. It also explains why although he was once to described to me as ‘the most hated man in Bangor’, no-one actually confronted Fergus about his enormous wrongdoing – of which there was plenty of evidence – and put him out of action.

In 1990 Michael Higham invited Thomas to attend a touring exhibition in Cardiff Masonic Hall, put on by the Association of Methodist Freemasons.

Between 1990-2004, Ian Lawrie Mackeson-Sandbach was Provincial Grand Master of North Wales. Another member of the Freemasons in north Wales is Hefin Davies, the former Chairman of the NW Wales NHS Trust. Whilst Hefin was Chairman, Hergest patients were abused and some of them died, yet even the most serious of complaints were not investigated. The Tory MP for Clwyd West, David Jones, is also a Freemason – David Jones is a solicitor who spent many years sitting in courts in north Wales watching the paedophiles’ friends fit people up but David said not a word (see post ‘The Right Honourable David Jones MP’). Ian’s daughter Antoinette Sandbach worked as a criminal barrister in London until she heard the call of the land a few years ago and returned to north Wales and took a ‘low paid job’ on a ‘farm’. Antoinette didn’t stay living on the ‘farm’ that is the family’s estate that they inherited from their slave trader ancestors for very long – after a few weeks, she’d landed a job working for David Jones in his constituency office in Colwyn Bay! And before you could say ‘another paedophiles’ friend arrived to provide reinforcements now that there are demands for another inquiry’, Antoinette was on the candidates list for the Assembly and then was elected as an AM. Antoinette legged it for a safe Westminster seat at the first opportunity and now she’s backing old Theresa up in the Commons (see post ‘News Round Up, 19 January 2018’). Another Freemason in Colwyn Bay is former Denbigh nurse Nigel Mannering Berry, who managed the Gwynfa Unit, the adolescent mental health unit in Colwyn Bay where children were raped and violently assaulted (see post ‘Don’t Be Silly, He’s Nice’).

 

George Thomas opposed the creation of the Welsh Office – it was set up after the 1964 General Election – because he feared that it would open the ‘floodgates of nationalism’. Ironically George Thomas soon became Minister of State and then Secretary of State in the Welsh Office. The first Secretary of State for Wales was Jim Griffiths and he was succeeded by Cledwyn Hughes. Cledwyn Hughes inherited the Welsh Language Bill from Griffiths – it was enacted in 1967 and allowed Welsh language evidence to be heard in courts and also allowed official documentation to be written in Welsh. It was actually Mandelson’s grandfather Herbert Morrison who in his capacity as Home Secretary introduced the Welsh Courts Act in 1942 – the 1967 Act extended the rights in the 1942 Act. Cledwyn Hughes was most enthusiastic in promoting the Welsh language but George Thomas had a very big problem with it and was contemptuous of the 1967 Act. One wonders how George Thomas felt when Lord Wyn Roberts twisted the arms of Thatcher and Willie Whitelaw into allowing the Welsh Language Act 1993 after Roberts was reminded by a few people that Thatcher et al were colluding with politicians who were sexually abusing children in care in Wales (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Whilst George Thomas was Minister of State at the Welsh Office, 1966-68 and then Secretary of State for Wales, 1968-70, the Welsh Office concealed the abuses at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and in the children’s homes in north Wales. Thomas also behaved in an utterly shabby way towards the mining communities of south Wales. When it was proposed to shut the mine at Glyncorrwg – the valley leading to Port Talbot – decisions over pit closures were being handled by the Dept of Fuel and Power, for which John Morris was Parliamentary Secretary. Under Parliamentary protocol Morris wasn’t allowed to decide the fate of a mine in his own constituency, so George Thomas, in his capacity as a Welsh Office Minister, made representation to Lord Robens the Chair of the NCB. Robens refused to give the pit a reprieve. Thomas described Robens as a ‘compassionate and kindly man’. Thomas showed the depths of his own kindness and compassion when, following the Aberfan tragedy, he ordered a huge proportion of the money that had been donated to the Aberfan Disaster Fund to be used to clean up the coal tips lest another few tons of waste fell on a few more buildings wiping everyone out, the NCB not being willing to stump up for this themselves.

 

Thomas made numerous influential friendships from his earliest years as an adult and used his connections for maximum effect. He was excused service in WWII and instead joined the special police in Tonypandy, serving as a sergeant. Thomas trained as a teacher at University College, Southampton and taught in London and south Wales.

Thomas was the Press and Parliamentary Secretary for the Cardiff Association of Teachers and was an activist in the NUT. In 1942 Thomas joined the NUT executive. He was a friend of Annie Thomas – later Annie Powell – a fellow teacher and NUT activist, who later became well known as a Communist Councillor and the Mayor of Rhondda, 1979-80.

It was Elizabeth Andrews, the women’s organiser for the Labour Party in Wales, who asked Thomas if she could put his name on the candidates list for the Labour Party.

Thomas was originally elected for Cardiff Central in 1945, but boundary changes resulted in the seat becoming Cardiff West in 1950. Thomas was in the House with Herbert Morrison, Mandelson’s grandfather, who was Leader of the Commons and Deputy PM 1945-51. Thomas fell out with Morrison in 1951 when Morrison was Deputy PM and overseeing the Festival of Britain, because Morrison planned to open Battersea Fun Fair on Sundays. After Thomas called Morrison a ‘little Londoner’ in a Commons speech, Morrison wrote to Thomas telling him that he’d never go to Cardiff to speak again.

Thomas was elected in the 1945 General Election in which Labour won a landslide victory which resulted in Clement Attlee becoming PM. However Labour’s election defeat in 1951 resulted in Labour – and George Thomas – being in opposition for 13 years. Throughout that time Thomas continued to build allies and friendships – even with people whose causes he chose not to actually support. In 1954 after the US detonated the H bomb at the Bikini Atoll, a ‘deeply shocked’ Thomas attended the meeting organised by the Labour MP Fenner Brockway, which was effectively the launch of CND. Thomas then attended the formal launch of CND at a rally  in the Royal Albert Hall which was attended by the likes of Tony Benn and Tony Greenwood. Yet George Thomas decided not to actually join CND.

When Hugh Gaitskill died in 1963, Thomas backed Harold Wilson as leader of the Labour Party over his fellow Cardiff MP Jim Callaghan – who knew that Thomas was assaulting minors and who for years, including the years when he was PM, concealed the organised abuse of children in north Wales and elsewhere. Callaghan and Thomas hated each other. Wilson subsequently chose to launch the Labour Party’s 1964 election campaign in Cardiff.

After the 1964 General Election, Thomas was appointed as a junior Minister at the Home Office, responsible for immigration under Home Secretary Frank Soskice, a lawyer and the Labour MP for Newport. In his capacity as a Home Office Minister, in 1964 Thomas facilitated a meeting between Soskice and Peter Bessell – the man who always maintained that Thorpe was having gay relationships with minors including Norman Scott and who gave evidence at Thorpe’s 1979 trial that Thorpe had planned to have Norman killed – concerning Jeremy Thorpe. There are allegations that in 1960, under the Conservative Gov’t, political intervention stopped Thorpe being prosecuted for offences against a minor and that in 1964 in the wake of further allegations, Thorpe was worried that the 1960 case would become public. In 1976 journalists wanted to interview George Thomas about this and Leo Abse stated that Thomas was in a state of terror lest the journalist asked about his own sexuality.

 

There is evidence that with regard to corrupt business practices, George Thomas was compromised as long ago as April 1963. A letter was sent to Thomas at his home address from W.D. Blakeman and Co, detailing proposals for a big housing development that were to be put to Cardiff City Council and asking to meet a Labour MP to discuss the development and requesting members of the company to join the Labour Party. The development was in the hands of the City Housing Manager. Three months later, another Blakeman scheme concerning the building of homes in the Pentrebane and Trowbridge areas of Cardiff was approved.

George Thomas was a longstanding friend of Julian Hodge, whose business dealings were very questionable indeed. Hodge was basically a money lender – ‘Private Eye’ referred to him as ‘the usurer of the valleys’ – but he is quaintly described in his wiki entry as an ‘entrepreneur and philanthropist’. Hodge acquired a personal fortune of over £60 million and was domiciled in Jersey. In 1970 he instituted the annual Jane Hodge lecture – in memory of his mother – and brought high profile speakers to Cardiff, including the Governor of the Bank of England, Prince Philip and Sheikh Yamani of Opec.

Hodge found himself at the centre of a particularly big row when it was revealed that his business the Hodge Group had lent money to immigrants in Birmingham and Lancashire at interest rates of up to 45%. In 1972 Julian Hodge established the Commercial Bank of Wales, later known as the Julian Hodge Bank. Hodge’s intention was for the Bank to deploy local depositors’ funds to finance industrial regeneration and turn Cardiff into a regional finance centre., although it didn’t quite work out that way. In 1981 the Bank of England refused to grant the Commercial Bank of Wales full banking status, although after Hodge had a hissy fit in 1982 Geoffrey Howe, then Chancellor, ensured that full banking status was conferred. George Thomas, Jim Callaghan and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech – who died an untimely death, as have many members of his immediate family since he was killed (see post ’95 Glorious Years ‘) – were founding Directors of the Commercial Bank of Wales.

Julian Hodge really liked bankrolling things and in 1969 he endowed a Chair of Business and Finance at UWIST, the institution which evolved into Cardiff University. Cardiff University’s website currently features the Julian Hodge Institute of Macroeconomics.

George Thomas spent years batting for a knighthood for Julian Hodge and persuaded Callaghan to assist with this. Callaghan wrote to Harold Wilson regarding the Investiture Honours, saying that he wanted to ‘reinforce the pleas George Thomas has made’ for Hodge to be given a knighthood, although Hodge had to wait another year for his K – it was confirmed in June 1970.

Hodge was a Labour Party supporter and financially supported seven Labour MPs. However he really was not fussy with regard to whom he hung out with. He went drinking with Jeffrey Archer in the Carlton Club just before Archer was elected as a Tory MP and let Archer know that he’d given three million to charity.

Sir Archie Lush, the former political agent and friend of Nye Bevan, received a letter from Hodge concerning his support for charity – a copy of the letter was sent to George Thomas. Archie Lush was appointed Chair of the Welsh Hospital Board in 1964 and was responsible for allowing the horrors at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh to continue. Kenneth Rawnsley was Lush’s advisor. In 1969 as the victims of sex offenders were shocked, lobotomised, drugged and held in Dafydd’s dungeon, Archie was awarded a knighthood in the Investiture honours – for services to the social services in Wales.

How on earth has Dafydd managed to avoid ermine and membership of the Privy Council?

George Thomas was obviously thought to have a hotline to Julian Hodge with regard to tapping him for money for charity -the Rev Bob Mogan, the Baroness of Ely’s dad, wrote to Thomas asking for sponsorship for a concert in St David’s Hall in Cardiff connected with the Urdd. For the low down on the Rev Bob and the Baroness, see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’.

Hodge and George Thomas even managed to recommend an account at the Commercial Bank of Wales to Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani, the Saudi oil Minister, on an occasion when the Sheikh had sent his private jet over to Cardiff to pick up Thomas and Hodge and it needed refuelling. Hodge, his wife Moira and Thomas had made friends with the Sheikh during the summer of 1977 whilst on a ‘religious experience’ together.

Julian Hodge was instrumental in the foundation of the George Thomas Memorial Trust and after Thomas died Hodge wanted to turn his bungalow into a museum or shrine no less. Ted Heath of course left nearly all of his money to himself in his will with instructions that it should be used to turn his house into a museum which was laughable enough, but at least Arundells is big enough for tourists to wander around and look at. George Thomas lived in a bungalow in Cardiff – for many years he famously shared this bungalow with his mother – which I would have thought would have been a major constraint in transforming his home into a museum. However Thomas’s bungalow was at the Heath, very close to the University Hospital, so perhaps the entrance fee could have included a tour of the hospital to marvel at the Top Doctors who had concealed the fact that Thomas was a child molester, who had also managed to kill Lena Zavaroni after performing a lobotomy on her – there wasn’t an admission that they had given her a lobotomy, but look up the details, it was pretty much a lobotomy – and then provided the distressing conditions in which Ann Clwyd’s husband died.

I was recently told by a stranger that a great many people and grandiose institutions in Cardiff were so reluctant to fall out with George Thomas’s mate Mr Moneybags that anyone crossing the path of Dafydd the Facilitator in north Wales would find themselves under attack. Such as a Bangor graduate who took the piss out of Dafydd and the paedophiles.  Ah well the whole lot of them are covered in crap now aren’t they.

 

For decades George Thomas was close to Gwynoro Jones, the Labour MP for Carmarthen, 1970-74. Thomas and Jones made the warm up speeches for Harold Wilson at Labour rallies in Wales. In 1969 at the best of Callaghan, Jones became the Research and PR Officer for the Labour Party in Wales which involved regular meetings with Thomas at Thomas’s house in Cardiff.

Gwynoro was Parliamentary Secretary to Roy Jenkins in 1974, when Roy Jenkins was Home Secretary and had busied himself concealing the paedophile gang at work in north Wales, as well as much other wrongdoing (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’). In 1981 Gwynoro joined Roy in founding the SDP and along with Tom Ellis, then the MP for Wrexham – who worked very hard at not noticing the paedophile gang operating on his doorstep (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More History’) – formed ‘a strong Welsh voice’ in the UK SDP. Gwynoro was Chair of the SDP in Wales and Chaired the National Committee in Wales of the SDP-Liberal Alliance, 1983-89.

Gwynoro is still very active, he has a You Tube and a blog. The section on his blog detailing his political biography has a lovely collection of photos of Gwynoro with – variously – Stephen Kinnock, Vince Cable, Paddy Ashdown, Dafydd Wigley, Lord Elystan-Morgan and my old favourites Dr Death and Shirl.

Gwynoro Jones was an important ally of Thomas when Thomas was Secretary of State for Wales – whilst Thomas was Secretary of State, Elystan Morgan was a junior Minister in the Home Office, when the Home Office were directly responsible for the management of Bryn Estyn whilst the boys there were abused. Elystan Morgan was a friend of Gwynoro Jones and was a solicitor, barrister and circuit judge on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Lord Elystan-Morgan was President of Aberystwyth University, 1997-07, the home of many of the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’) – he was appointed President just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got off the ground.

Lord Barry Jones was described as being ‘very close indeed’ to George Thomas and Thomas’s ‘Parliamentary son’. Barry Jones was a teacher who trained at what later became Bangor University – he was President of Flint County NUT. Being President of the NUT in a county in which a paedophile gang was operating would have  resulted in Lord Baz being party to much incriminating information. Lord Baz was MP for East Flintshire, 1970-83 – he succeeded Baroness Eirene White who mixed with many paedophiles’ friends herself (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’) – and then for Alyn and Deeside, 1983-87. Baz was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, 1974-79. So he was in post when the Welsh Office were failing to inspect children’s homes in north Wales whilst the paedophile gang were busy inside them and were ignoring the serious criminality prevailing at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Lord Baz was appointed to the Intelligence and Security Committee by John Major in 1994, where he remained until 2001 – once the Waterhouse cover-up had been safely published. Whereupon Baz became a Lord. He had already been made a member of the Privy Council in 1999. In 2007 Lord Baz became President of NEWI (which became Glyndwr University) whilst the crazed Mike Scott was VC when it was a bizarre and troubled ship – in 2009 Lord Baz was appointed Chancellor. Glyndwr is a university with a very strong affinity indeed for paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Vampire At Glyndwr University!’). Baz is also President of the Deeside Business Forum – how is he so successful at persuading Gov’ts to invest there??

George Thomas’s other close friends included Greville Janner, Cyril Smith and Jeremy Thorpe. His pal Leo Abse has also been the subject of an investigation into historical child abuse. George Thomas was a friend of Enoch Powell as well – Powell too was the subject of a complaint of child abuse. When Enoch Powell was Health Minister in 1960 he visited the North Wales Hospital and was so shocked at what he saw that he told them that he would not allow them to do this to people and returned to London promising to shut the institution down. For some reason he dropped that plan very quickly and it was never mentioned again – neither are there any references to it in the archive of his papers. George Thomas was on good enough terms with Jonathan Aitken to dispense advice to him and act as a character witness when Aitken launched his libel action against the Guardian, which eventually led to Aitken’s imprisonment for perjury.

George Thomas became President of the NCH (National Children’s Home) in approx 1984 – he stood down at the end of 1994, by which time it was known as NCH/Action for Children. Many people associated with the NCH are now known to have concealed or colluded with child abuse (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). Glanville Owen, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for children’s homes whilst the paedophile gang operated within them, had previously worked for the NCH (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing’).

 

Shipton’s book about George Thomas tells us that some people, including former Tory MP Lord Patrick Cormack – a long time friend of Thomas and someone who has been in a position to know a great deal about the abuse of children and vulnerable people – simply do not believe the allegations that Thomas was a child abuser (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’). I do not know what Lord Cormack’s position is now that South Wales Police have admitted that there were complaints about Thomas which were inexplicably not acted upon. Patrick Cormack was the person who facilitated George Thomas’s membership of the Athenaeum, a club popular with Top Doctors and lawyers, including many who have colluded with organised child abuse and criminal activity in psychiatry. Jimmy Savile was a member.

Shipton also quotes Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon, 1974-01, and AM for the same constituency, 1999-03. Dafydd Wigley maintains that he really did not have any knowledge of Thomas’s offences. Indeed Wigley states that when he first went to Westminster he was ‘pretty naive’ and he thinks that many other MPs were as well. He told Shipton that not long after he became an MP, there were allegations that children were being abused in Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor, but because that home was actually in the constituency of Wyn Roberts ‘it was a matter for Wyn’. Dafydd remembers that ‘there were inquiries but I can’t remember the outcome of it…it was at that time that I first came across the word ‘paedophile’ and I didn’t know the meaning of the word…because it wasn’t on our radar then…’

There are a few points that need to be made in response to Dafydd Wigley’s claims of ‘I Know Nuzzing’. George Thomas’s activities were very widely known about in Westminster and in Wales, both north and south. People other than Dafydd Wigley have now admitted that it was common knowledge that Thomas was continually participating in casual sexual encounters and even as an old man had a taste for much younger men – including the younger men who were employed at Westminster who were sometimes bothered by him. Regarding Dafydd Wigley passing on the concerns to Wyn Roberts, the MP for Conwy – Ty’r Felin was in Roberts’s constituency, but Wyn Roberts and his boss Margaret Thatcher whom he who served slavishly did not have a very good track record when it came to defending the interests of children in care who were being abused and trafficked to London to be used for sex by members of the Tory Party, among others. Ty’r Felin was in Bangor which was in Roberts’s constituency – but the woman whom Waterhouse admitted ignored the paedophile ring who were abusing the children in care in north Wales and who was directly responsible for Ty’r Felin was not in Bangor. Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, was sitting in an office in Caernarfon, just around the corner from Dafydd Wigley’s surgery and about three miles down the road from Dafydd Wigley’s house. As was Lucille’s boss, the Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Ioan Bowen Rees. Ioan Bowen Rees was considered an expert in local government and two Plaid politicians consulted him for advice – one being a man called Dafydd Wigley and the other being Gwynfor Evans, who preceded Dafydd Wigley as President of Plaid. Lucille’s Deputy Director of Social Services directly responsible for Ty’r Felin – Glanville Owen – was also sitting in an office in Caernarfon. As was Ron Evans, the crooked lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council who, in collusion with Lucille – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s mistress – and the staff of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, were trying to fit me up for serious offences. Until about 1987, the Arfon Community Mental Health Team also had their offices in Caernarfon. Furthermore, Dafydd Wigley knew what that lot were doing to me – because I had written to him about it.

Of course Dafydd Wigley had probably had decades of opportunities to ask Dafydd Alun Jones why victims of the paedophile gang were finding themselves in the dungeon at Denbigh – because Dafydd Wigley and Dafydd Alun Jones were both standing as Plaid candidates before Plaid really took off as an electoral force. Dafydd Alun Jones stood as the Plaid candidate for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. By the time that Dafydd Wigley was passing on matters to Wyn Roberts, he’d had quite a few decades to have a chat with Ioan Bowen Rees as well – Bowen Rees stood as the Plaid candidate for Conwy in 1955 and 1959 and for Methyr Tydfil in 1964. I am fairly sure that Dafydd Wigley and his wife used to live in south Wales before they moved up to Caernarfon – in a place called Methyr Tydfil I seem to remember…

Dafydd Wigley could have loaded up a few rucksacks with explosives, nipped out of his surgery and around the corner and blown the whole bloody lot of them sky high and resolved the problems at Ty’r Felin and in a great many other places for good. He did not do this. He replied to my first letter about the mental health services – he wrote a very nice reply telling me that if he could help at a Parliamentary level he would. I was delighted and my friends were really impressed. The mental health services then came after me again repeatedly and I went through a period of being too ill and too busy trying to keep myself alive and out of prison to write to anyone. When I recovered sufficiently I wrote to Dafydd Wigley again. I did not receive a response.

Dafydd Wigley didn’t always pass matters on to Wyn if they concerned people in Wyn’s constituency. During one General Election campaign, someone canvassing for Wyn Roberts was rash enough to ring my house  -which was located in Roberts’s constituency – and ask if people in the house were going to vote Tory. I didn’t answer the phone, the person whom  I lived with did. He was so outraged at a supporter of the Conservative Party cold calling that he immediately rang the house of another local MP who was not a Tory – Dafydd Wigley. Dafydd Wigley’s wife answered, she was ever so nice and explained that Dafydd was on his way back from London and that she would let him know that there’d been a phone call for him as soon as he got in. I was well impressed when later on that evening Dafydd Wigley rang. I have no idea at all whether he knew whose house he had rung, but the person with whom I lived had a long chat with Dafydd Wigley, who agreed that the Tories ringing up unsuspecting non-Tory households was completely unacceptable.

Lord Wigley – the person to whom you spoke that night had, years before, been beaten up by the North Wales Police, fitted up for serious offences, imprisoned and then packed off to Denbigh, unlawfully. Where – after being left to rot for a very, very long time – Dr Dafydd Alun Jones tried to coerce him into going to live at Holyrood House in Llandudno, the ‘nursing home’ exposed by Esther on That’s Life in about 1987, in which Dafydd’s patients were being beaten up and abused by a bunch of hired thugs from Liverpool. Dafydd was so keen that this man should join those who were having the living daylights kicked out of them in Llandudno that he refused to let this man out of Denbigh – on the grounds that he had nowhere to live. So without telling the Angels, this interned prisoner rang up a mate in Bethesda and that mate wrote to Denbigh – I think that he might have signed himself ‘Dr’ what with him having a PhD just to shut Dafydd up – explaining to Dafydd that this man had accommodation arranged in Bethesda. That was the only reason why that man ever got out of Denbigh – although he was held there completely illegally. This man was one of many who had worked at the children’s homes in north Wales and had witnessed for himself the abuse of the kids – which might well have been why just months later, after having told people what was going on, he received a visit from the North Wales Police.

‘We didn’t know.’

Those kids were screaming for help before they were found dead. They could not have screamed louder if they had tried.

Regarding Dafydd Wigley not remembering the outcome of the inquiry into Ty’r Felin children’s home – Ty’r Felin was discussed in the Waterhouse Report in considerable detail. Even Sir Ronald Waterhouse admitted that children from Ty’r Felin were mercilessly abused, both physically and sexually by Nefyn and June Dodd who ran the place and were forced to work for no pay in local businesses. Ronald Waterhouse also noted that a letter had been sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, purporting to be from a former resident of Ty’r Felin, who was giving evidence at the Inquiry. Waterhouse accepted that the letter was a forgery and declared that he would therefore ignore it and say no more about it. The only surprise is that he didn’t pass it onto Wyn Roberts to deal with.

How Dafydd Wigley forgot about the shitstorm that was the Waterhouse Report I do not know. Particularly as Lucille Hughes resigned hours after it was published and appeared on Welsh news snapping at the reporter ‘I am not resigning, I am retiring’.

As for not knowing the word ‘paedophile’ – there is an outside chance that Lord Wigley might not have. But he would have known what the phrases ‘interfering with children’ or ‘child molesting’ meant – which were the phrases usually used pre-1990 to describe what George Thomas was doing.

For the benefit of Lord Wigley, the Welsh word for paedophile is ‘paedoffilydd’ – the plural is ‘paedoffilyddion’. So now you never need to plead ignorance again Lord W!

Dafydd Wigley has had a long and close association with Bangor University and in 2003 was appointed Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales, of which Bangor was a then a constituent college and had been for decades. Bangor University’s Depts of Social Work and Psychology employed people who were colleagues of the paedophile gang and some of the graduates of those depts worked with the paedophile gang. Dafydd Alun Jones wielded so much influence in the Psychology Dept that his daughter Dwynwen was given a place to do a PhD although her degree wasn’t good enough to have been awarded that place. Dafydd then tried to steal a load of money from the Psychology Dept, but Fergus Lowe put a stop to it, overthrew him and spent the rest of his days blackmailing drug companies with Top Doctors on their Boards, research funding bodies, other universities and hospitals as well as politicians who knew about Dafydd and co but had colluded with him or remained silent.

Dafydd Wigley grew up in north Wales and went to Caernarfon Grammar School – he probably knew the grandfathers of the current crop of paedophiles’ friends…

I still cannot understand how so many people could have been so stupid, so weak and so unscrupulous.

 

George Thomas died in September 1997. During his final illness he had been treated by Dr Adrian Timothy at Tommy’s. There was a memorial service held at Westminster Abbey for Thomas. Among those present were Jim Callaghan, Tony Blair, William Hague and Prince Charles.

The bodies in the grounds of the North Wales Hospital are unmarked.

 

The Cradle of Filth

One of the first people whom I approached over the wrongdoing of the north Wales mental health services was Lord Wyn Roberts. He wasn’t Lord back then, he was just Wyn Roberts. When I approached Wyn, the mental health services had behaved pretty dreadfully, but I didn’t realise that the wrongdoing would simply escalate after I made representation about it. Of course I didn’t get anywhere at all with dear old Wyn and comments subsequently made to me by various mental health professionals in north Wales made it clear that they were very certain of his support and that I’d acquired quite a reputation for myself because I had dared approach him. I was soon wondering whether he was a personal friend of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and whether Wyn Roberts was one of Dafydd’s ‘powerful friends’ to whom I was constantly hearing references.

Wyn Roberts was Conservative MP for Conwy, 1970-97. He was the Tories ‘man in Wales’ for decades and the one of the Great Mysteries of North Wales was the failure of Thatcher to ever appoint him Secretary of State for Wales. Despite his shameless toadying and successful concealing of the shit-pit that was Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, she never did. Roberts was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office in 1979 and Minister of State at the Welsh Office in 1987, where he remained until 1994. He picked up a knighthood in 1990 and a peerage in 1997. Roberts was at the Welsh Office throughout the paedophile years and throughout the investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales and the subsequent cover-ups. He was there when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, incarcerated and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, he was there throughout the years that Alison Taylor desperately blew the whistle repeatedly, he was there when I was repeatedly arrested, illegally incarcerated, harassed, threated, assaulted etc. Roberts was in office when witnesses were found dead and he was there in 1992 when five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). Wyn Roberts was there throughout the whole fucking lot.

Why Roberts knew that there was very serious misconduct in Gwynedd Health Authority. My post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’ mentions how Roberts’s contributions to questions in the House regarding Gwynedd Health Authority are recorded in Hansard in 1989. There was chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority – the Health Authority was bankrupt, the level of ‘service’ was completely unacceptable, the Welsh Office had sent in a hit squad to try to rescue the Authority and David Hunt, then a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, had personally written to Noreen Edwards, the Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. What no-one did at any time was investigate patients’ complaints let alone dismiss or prosecute any of the people who had abused patients and broken the law, although there was documentary evidence of criminal activities.

Wyn Roberts was born in 1930 and was from Llansadwrn on Anglesey. His mother was a teacher and his father was a Methodist Minister. The family were described as being ‘vaguely Liberal’. Wyn Roberts stated that his earliest memory was of being breast fed by his mother. Which for a man of his generation and background was a rather odd thing to say in public. Roberts went to school in Beaumaris and won a scholarship to Harrow in 1944. The official biography of Wyn maintains that although he could write English ‘excellently’, his spoken English until he went to Harrow was not good. I don’t believe this – because Wyn Roberts later constructed himself as a defender of the Welsh language in the face of hostile colleagues in the Anglocentric Tory Party, such a claim would have served him very well in north Wales. Welsh was the language of most people in north west Wales at the time, but Wyn Roberts’s family were members of the educated middle-classes. They may well have spoken Welsh at home, but Roberts will have been able to speak English and speak it well – Roberts’s parents would not have expected him to work in a quarry or on a farm, they would have wanted a professional career for him and they would have known that he would have needed his English. Indeed when Roberts was at school, teaching in schools in north Wales was still through the medium of English – it was this which caused so much resentment and led to the Welsh language campaigns of the 1960s, 70s and 80s.

Whilst carrying out his national service, Roberts served in the Intelligence Corps and was involved in the Cold War tapping of the Russian HQ in Vienna, ‘Operation Silver’. He later claimed that the operation involved counter-espionage and he was approached possibly by Kim Philby to switch sides. Researchers into organised sexual abuse in the UK have constantly pointed to links with the security services which were used to protect abusers. The security services also seemed to have recruited huge numbers of clever gay men from Oxbridge, at a time when being gay was very difficult, made one vulnerable to blackmail and was also conflated with paedophilia – which enabled paedophiles to then shelter under the umbrella of the gay rights movement in the 1960s. It wasn’t going to end happily was it.

Roberts was a graduate of University College Oxford himself. His early career was in the media. He worked as a sub-editor on the Liverpool Daily Post 1952-54 and then as a TV news assistant with the BBC. In 1957 Roberts joined TWW (Television Wales and West) as a producer of news, special events and Welsh language programmes. In 1968 the regional franchise was transferred to Harlech TV (which later became HTV), founded by Lord David Harlech (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for details of Lord Harlech and the many unfortunate things that happened to him and his family). Roberts attributed the switch in franchise simply to successful political lobbying, although he retained his job and worked for Harlech TV. Wyn’s claim to fame as a young man was that his work brought him into contact with the likes of Shirley Bassey and Richard Burton.

I can find no explanation of why Roberts, from a ‘vaguely Liberal’ family (as Welsh speaking middle-class nonconformists in north Wales at that time, it would have been highly likely that the family would be Liberal), who had only shown ‘mild political interests’ as a student stood as a Tory Parliamentary candidate, but in 1970 he did. The Tories were delighted to have a well-known Welsh speaker to stand as a candidate in Wales. The ‘Welsh issue’ was a problem – the natives over there were rebelling, there were language protests and there had even been bombs planted by ‘Welsh extremists’ – and support for Plaid was gathering momentum after the election of Gwynfor Evans the first Plaid MP in Carmarthen in 1966. Conwy was a marginal seat – Roberts won it for the Tories and helped Heath into Gov’t.

Between 1970-74, Roberts was PPS to Peter Thomas, Secretary of State for Wales. The paedophile gang was in full swing at this time, John Allen’s empire of children’s homes – the Bryn Alyn Community – in which children were being horrifically abused and trafficked into prostitution was growing and Gwynne and Dafydd out at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were abusing patients like there was no tomorrow. Bryn Estyn was still categorised as an approved school and was run directly by the Home Office – it functioned as a brothel.

 

Peter Thomas became Lord Gwydir in 1987. He was from Llanwrst and his father was a solicitor who was a Liberal. Like Wyn Roberts, Thomas was that rare thing, a Tory who spoke Welsh. Thomas went to Jesus College, Oxford – a college known for it’s Welsh links – and joined the Conservative Association at Oxford. After WWII Thomas became a barrister, working on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Thomas was along there with the best of those who have featured on this blog. He was Deputy Chair of the Cheshire Quarter Sessions from 1966, the Deputy Chair of the Denbighshire Quarter Sessions from 1968 and served in both of these offices until 1970. Thomas was a Crown Court Recorder between 1974-88. He also became an arbitrator of the Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce, Paris. (Thomas was a keen European.) Thomas continued his career in law whilst he was active in politics.

Thomas was elected as MP for Conwy in 1951. He was PPS to Sir Harry Hylton-Foster, the Solicitor General 1954-59. Thomas was a member of the Council of Europe 1957-59 and Parliamentary Secretary in the Minister of Labour, 1959-61. It was Thomas who sponsored the private members bill which became the Eisteddfod Act in 1959, allowing the National Eisteddfod to receive funding from public monies. This will have been perceived as an obscure minority interest by Thomas’s colleagues in England, but it will have earned him a great many Brownie points among many influential Welsh speakers in Wales. Wyn himself was made a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1966 – a number of paedophiles’ friends are also members.

Thomas was appointed Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign Office in 1961 – he went to Moscow with Lord Home in 1963 to sign the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. (Thomas was appointed Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in 1963.) Whilst he was at the Foreign Office Thomas lied to MPs concerning a spy who was arrested in Hungary, denying any connection with the British Intelligence Services. The Tories lost the General Election in 1964 and in 1966 Thomas lost Conwy to the Labour candidate, namely Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Thomas returned to Parliament at the General Election in 1970 as the MP for Hendon South, a seat that he held until he retired from the Commons in 1987.

Like Wyn Roberts, Peter Thomas flagged up his Welshness when Wales was seething with fury towards England after the drowning of the village of Capel Celyn in 1965 to provide a reservoir to supply Liverpool with water and the Aberfan disaster. Thomas was the first Welshman to become Chair of the Tory Party (1970-72). It was Thomas who established the Welsh Water Authority – which was later privatised. He was Secretary of State for Wales throughout the whole of Heath’s premiership during which there was violent activism in Wales and the campaign by Cymdeithas involving the removal of English language road signs. Interestingly enough, in his capacity as a QC, Peter Thomas had defended John Jenkins, a ‘Welsh extremist’, who was charged with causing 18 explosions.

Thomas was President of the Conservative Friends of Israel.

As well as failing to deal with and remaining silent about the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales, Thomas was obviously involved in other skulduggery. He was ‘helpful’ in the 1972 and 74 miners’ strikes and served on the Select Committee which investigated John Poulson, later admitting that he should have cross-examined Reginald Maudling regarding his disclaimer of remuneration from Poulson. (Maudling was Home Secretary who became embroiled in scandal as a result of his business links with Poulson and subsequently resigned.) Once in the Lords, Thomas backed Nicholas Edwardes’s Bill which gave the green light to the development of Cardiff Bay, a development which cost the taxpayer many millions of pounds and made Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell and some of his friends and business associates very rich (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

In 1947 Thomas married Tessa Dean, the daughter of Lady Mercy Greville. Mercy’s mother, the Countess of Warwick, had been a campaigning socialist as well as the long-term mistress of Edward, Prince of Wales, who later became King Edward VII.

Thomas was the first Conservative politician to occupy the position of Secretary of State for Wales. His predecessor had been the notorious George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy who later became Speaker. Thomas was someone else who ignored the abuse of vulnerable people, even in the wake of the Ely Hospital Scandal. Wales is currently trying to forget that George Thomas ever existed what with that police investigation  into allegations that he abused young boys himself. The Secretary of State for Wales who succeeded Peter Thomas was John Morris aka Lord Aberavon, another Welsh lawyer who continued the fine old tradition of leading the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the north Wales paedophile ring and the criminal misconduct of Dafydd and Gwynne.

Regular readers will know that when it has been necessary to conceal the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends, alliances and friendships across political divides were made. Bear this in mind as you read the details that follow regarding one of Peter Thomas’s good friends, Cledwyn Hughes, later Lord Cledwyn.

Cledwyn Hughes’s father David left school at twelve to work in the Dinorwic slate quarry, as his forebears did. However in his early 20s, David Hughes – known as Harri – became a Calvinist Methodist preacher in Holyhead. (Cledwyn Hughes later preached in the chapels on Anglesey, even when he was a Cabinet Minister.) Harri was a Liberal, a fervent supporter of Lloyd George and his daughter Lady Megan Lloyd George, who in 1929 became the MP for Anglesey. Cledwyn went to Holyhead Grammar School and then read law at University College Aberystwyth, where he was Chair of the Liberal Society. In 1937 Cledwyn graduated and began work as an articled clerk to a solicitor in Holyhead. He had a change of heart politically as a result of him gaining knowledge about the social conditions of many and in 1938 he joined the Labour Party. In 1940 he qualified as a solicitor. In 1945 whilst he was still in the Air Force Cledwyn stood as the Labour candidate for Anglesey against Lady Megan, although this caused his father much unhappiness. He was demobbed in 1946 and became acting clerk to Holyhead District Council. Between 1946-53, Cledwyn was a member of Anglesey County Council. This is ancient history now, but Cledwyn remained on very good terms with Anglesey County Council throughout his years in Parliament. He remained in the Commons until 1979 and then joined the Lords where he remained until his death in 2001.

So Cledwyn was mates with Anglesey County Council until 2001. Anglesey was the site of some of the most serious abuse of children in care, both in children’s homes and in foster care. One of the children’s homes involved was in Holyhead. Anglesey County Council has been riddled with serious corruption for years, it is a standing joke in north Wales. There have been police investigations into Councillors and at least one Councillor went to prison. One Councillor who faced criminal charges violently attacked a journalist and cameraman when they tried to interview him, smashing the camera. I’m not aware that he was prosecuted. Other Councillors on Anglesey became millionaires after giving each other planning permission for developments. It is so bad on Anglesey that people would comment that the Councillors go to prison and sit on the Council again when they were released. It was alleged that the Director of Social Services on Anglesey some years ago had been caught by the police having sex in his car in a public place, but yet again there was never any talk of charges. Anglesey County Council is truly famous and has of course featured in Private Eye’s Rotten Boroughs column a number of times. Some years ago I enquired of a local man with an excellent knowledge of the shenanigans on Anglesey ‘which ones are the corrupt Councillors?’ and I was told ‘they all are, there aren’t any honest ones’. And to add to the fun they all absolutely hated each other.

In 1950 Cledwyn challenged Megan at the polls again but lost – then in 1951 he stood against her again and won, becoming MP for Anglesey.

During his years in the Commons, Cledwyn worked to bring employment to Anglesey – he played a key role in securing the development of the nuclear power station at Wylfa and also in attracting Rio Tinto to establish the Anglesey Aluminium plant. Cledwyn supported the Parliament for Wales Campaign and was involved in a petition to support this, but the campaign failed – Cledwyn was strongly opposed by some of his own Labour colleagues, especially those from constituencies in south Wales. Cledwyn was successful in his efforts to secure the establishment of a post of Secretary of State for Wales.

In 1964, Cledwyn was appointed Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations in Wilson’s Labour Gov’t and between 1966-68 he was appointed Secretary of State for Wales himself. Under him – as Minister of State  – until 1967 was the dreadful George Thomas.

Cledwyn was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the disaster at Aberfan in 1966. He always maintained that Aberfan was the worst event of his life. Wilson gave Cledwyn military-style powers regarding Aberfan and it was Cledwyn who set up the public inquiry into the disaster. It was revealed that Lord Robens, Chairman of the National Coal Board, misled Cledwyn regarding the frequency of the tip inspections. Later on George Thomas in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales was responsible for the dirty deed which resulted in a sizeable proportion of the money raised by the Aberfan Disaster Memorial Fund being forcibly used to fund the clearing of the remaining tips.

Cledwyn is described as having been responsible for the development of the Welsh Office and the creation of its civil service structure. The structure containing all those corrupt civil servants who concealed criminal activities in the social services and the health service. Cledwyn is also credited with securing the arrival of the Royal Mint at Llantrisant in 1967, which was perceived to have enhanced the status of the Welsh Office.

In 1968 Harold Wilson moved Cledwyn from the Welsh Office to MAFF – Cledwyn was known to be disappointed to have to leave the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office behind. Cledwyn had been involved with the preparations for the 1969 Investiture of Prince Charles which had resulted in him writing a monthly letter to Charles (who was then at Cambridge) regarding matters in Wales. George Thomas, a man who was investigated for child abuse himself – as was his good friend Leo Abse – was appointed Secretary of State in Cledwyn’s place.

Cledwyn was a supporter and admirer of the way in which powers over agriculture in Wales were transferred to the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office. Cledwyn favoured extending the Welsh Office’s powers over health as well. Clearly Dafydd et al were not receiving enough support from the Welsh Office’s corrupt lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman Professor Robert Owen, both of whom concealed their criminal misconduct in 1988.

In 1969 Cledwyn established the Waterhouse Committee on rabies – led by dear old Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, who talents were utilised again in 1996 when William Hague appointed him to lead the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

It is documented that at the 1970 General Election there were ‘scenes’ as Cledwyn was heavily criticised by Plaid, but I don’t know what the scenes and criticism were all about. It certainly won’t have been a demo about institutionalised corruption in the Welsh Office.

In 1974 Cledwyn became Chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party and in 1976 Harold Wilson’s sudden resignation left Cledwyn needing to organise the election of Wilson’s successor.

Cledwyn was close to both Roy Jenkins and James Callaghan. Cledwyn had known Callaghan since 1949 when they had met at the home of Glenys Kinnock’s parents in Holyhead no less. After Callaghan was elected as PM he recommended Cledwyn for the award of Companion of Honour! Pity about all those kids who were abused and then banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh wasn’t it Glenys…

In March 1977 Cledwyn was involved in the negotiations which led to the formation of the Lib Lab pact. The following year Cledwyn supported three Plaid MPs to support Callaghan’s Gov’t when it needed propping up, in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to be awarded for former quarry workers with silicosis.

The compensation for silicosis business dragged on for a very long time – most of the quarrymen were dead or nearly dead by the time that the Gov’t stumped up. When I was living in a quarrying village near Bethesda in the 1990s, Dafydd Wigley was regularly appearing in the media as a result of his campaign to get the Gov’t to cough up for the quarrymen as promised. So why didn’t Dafydd Wigley have a quiet word in a few Westminster ears and tell them to pay the dying quarrymen or he’d go public on the paedophile gang? Because most of Wigley’s colleagues in Plaid had ignored or concealed the paedophile gang as well. Dafydd Wigley’s own powerbase and constituency office was in Caernarfon, cheek by jowl with the HQ of the Plaid-dominated Gwynedd County Council and the offices of the Social Services. Wigley could have gone next door and performed a citizen’s arrest on Lucille Hughes (the Director of Social Services and Dafydd Alun Jones’s mistress) and her partners in crime if he’d really wanted…

In 1977 Cledwyn led a Parliamentary delegation to the Soviet Union and in 1978 he was despatched to Rhodesia as a special envoy for talks with Ian Smith concerning the handing over of power to the black majority. Cledwyn didn’t get very far. Neither did he manage to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle.

Cledwyn was enormously disappointed in 1979 after Wales voted against devolution. One person who campaigned against devolution was a Neil Kinnock, son-in-law of the folk in whose house Cledwyn met his mate Jim Callaghan. Cledwyn stood down as MP for Anglesey a few weeks later. Keith Best, the Tory who subsequently concealed the wrongdoing in north Wales along with his boss Wyn Roberts, succeeded Cledwyn.

Not to worry, in 1979 Cledwyn was given a peerage.

In 1981 Cledwyn became Deputy Labour leader in the Lords and then in 1982, Leader. He remained Labour leader in the Lords until 1992. Neil Kinnock was leader of the Labour Party between 1983-92 and for most of that time Cledwyn retained ‘a strong working relationship’ with Kinnock. As everybody kept quiet about Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Cledwyn obtained funding from the Tory Gov’t to merge University College Cardiff with UWIST to form Cardiff University and in 1981 he played a leading part in persuading Willie Whitelaw to change policy concerning the establishment of S4C, the Welsh language TV channel, thus influencing Gwynfor Evans to abandon his hunger strike.

Now however did Cledwyn persuade a Tory Gov’t led by Thatcher who’s aide Sir Peter Morrison was abusing boys in care in north Wales to do all that???

Cledwyn was President of University College Aberystwyth (which later became Aberystwyth University) between 1976-85 – the building that houses their School of Business is named after him. In 1985 he became Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales and then President of the UCNW (which later became Bangor University) in 1995.

Cledwyn died in 2001 in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, a hospital which had been ruined as a result of mismanagement and corruption by the paedophiles’ friends. One of his obituaries stated that he was ‘an efficient administrator…with a considerable talent for story telling’.

 

To return to Wyn Roberts now. In 1974 the Tories lost the General Election, Peter Thomas lost his position as Secretary of State for Wales and Roberts became an opposition spokesperson for Wales, along with Nicholas Edwardes, until 1979 when the Thatcher was elected as PM. Wyn Roberts was then appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office and Nicholas Edwardes, later Lord Crickhowell, was appointed Secretary of State for Wales. In 1987 Roberts was appointed Minister of State at the Welsh Office under the new Secretary of State for Wales, Peter Walker. Walker remained in that post until 1990 when he stepped down of his own accord – the year that Wyn Roberts picked up his knighthood.

 

Peter Walker was the Tory MP for Worcester, 1961-92. He retired from the Commons and picked up his peerage in 1992 ie. the year after I was bullied out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School after an attempt to frame me for serious offences by the mental health services in north Wales; the year after my close friend who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a film about it was unfairly dismissed from the Royal Television Society and had her career in the media ruined; the year that her partner was being hounded out of his job at the BBC. It was in April 1992 that five witnesses to the North Wales Paedophile Ring were killed in an arson attack.

Walker had shown an interest in a political career at a very young age. In 1946 when he was 14 he spoke at a Conservative Conference and was invited to meet Leo Amery, who had plotted the overthrow of Lloyd George’s Coalition in 1922. Amery told Walker to become financially independent before entering the Commons, because it would stop him having to be compromised ‘if resignation were necessary’. Obviously an occupational hazard that one must plan for.

Walker followed Amery’s advice and went into the insurance business, soon forming a partnership with the future MP for Taunton Edward Du Cann, who when I was a kid in Somerset was widely alleged to have been a crook. When Du Cann was older he resigned from a company just before it collapsed owing millions and was later investigated for matters relating to his taxes. Walker also invested in property companies and formed a City partnership with Jim Slater, Slater Walker Securities.

Walker worked on JFK’s Primary election campaign team and was PPS to Selwyn Lloyd when Lloyd was Lord Privy Seal. Walker and Lloyd remained close friends – Lloyd was godfather to one of Walker’s sons.

In 1965 Walker organised Heath’s leadership campaign and under Heath was appointed Minister for Housing and Local Gov’t. In 1970 Walker was proud to be the world’s first Environment Minister. He was Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87, playing an ‘important role’ in opposing the miners’ strike. During the miners’ strike, Walker maintained private links with Norman Willis, the General Secretary of the TUC, which sounds like the basis for something underhand.

As Secretary of State for Wales, Walker ‘easily won’ crucial financial battles with John Major, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Walker also ‘pioneered a Valley’s initiative, attracted major investment from Bosch and Toyota and gave the go-ahead for the second Severn Bridge’. The building of Corruption Bay went ahead on Walker’s watch.

Walker was Chair of the Carlton Club and a founder of the Tory Reform Group. He has held Directorships with: Rothschilds; Tate and Lyle; Dalgety and British Gas. Walker was the Chairman of Thornton and Co.

Walker’s son Robin followed in his footsteps as MP for Worcester.

Walker was a great champion of the hospice movement and was the Patron of St Richards Hospice in Worcester which was founded in 1984. I have always been a little mystified as to why, in north Wales, the hospices are log jammed with the paedophiles’ friends – I have previously blogged about those associated with St David’s Hospice in Llandudno and St Kentigerns at St Asaph. I presumed that it was a function of so many of the paedophiles’ friends being involved with health and social care, but I’m wondering if there was a bigger problem after reading an extract from Hansard, March 2000. The extract is the transcript of a speech that Walker made to the Lords in which he pleads for NHS funding for hospices and includes the responses of other members of the Lords.

In the Lords debate, a number of Top Doctors are warmly mentioned, including Professor David Clark and Professor Karol Sikora. David Clark was mentioned in a comment by a correspondent to this blog some weeks ago. Karol Sikora is a cancer specialist who for some years now has robustly promoted the privatisation of the NHS and is a leading light in a pressure group with other Top Doctors lobbying for this. Yet in 2000 the Lords involved in a debate about hospice funding were using figures supplied by Sikora as a basis for arguing for NHS funding for hospices. Sikora worked at Hammersmith Hospital in the late 1980s when I was a postgraduate there, although he seemed to have a big bust up with his former colleagues from Hammersmith a few years ago. For details of the research fraud and misconduct that was happening at Hammersmith, see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. The impression that I have always gained of Sikora is that he is primarily concerned with becoming very rich. He is a wealthy man already but I think that he wants more – his rationale for privatising the NHS is frequently wrapped up in arguments that Top Doctors can then be paid what they are truly worth. In one article in a broadsheet he argued that people should be paid on the basis of how essential their contribution is to society and therefore doctors should be paid more than anyone else. NHS consultants earn approx. £100k basic – people like Sikora who undertake private work earn much, much more. Food is even more essential for life than hi-tech oncology – so I await Sikora to begin lobbying for dinner ladies who feed the nations’ children and subsistence farmers in developing countries to be paid more than he is.

Another Top Doctor who gets a mention in Hansard during Walker’s debate is Vicky Clement-Jones. Vicky Clement-Jones was a Top Doctor from Barts who in the mid-80s developed ovarian cancer herself and died, whilst still only in her 30s. Before she died, Vicky and some others whom she knew founded a charity called Cancer BACUP. It gained an enormous amount of publicity and also undertook a massive amount of fundraising. BACUP made a lot of noise about being the vehicle to beat cancer, particularly ovarian cancer, which had a frighteningly high mortality rate. Vicky Clement-Jones donated her own tissue to cancer research and I remember attending a lecture which featured her cell lines. The death of Vicky Clement-Jones was undoubtedly very sad but I am intrigued by the way in which Cancer BACUP received such a high profile and the discourse that accompanied it. Vicky Clement-Jones herself was an outstanding researcher as well as a Top Doctor – she had done very very well whilst she was at Cambridge and by the time that she set that charity up she was at Barts with years of research and clinical work under her belt. She will have known as well as I do that what holds cancer research – or indeed any branch of health and social care research – back is not the lack of donations to charity or people like Vicky donating cell lines, it is research fraud, bad science and the vested interest of pharmaceutical companies, the medical establishment and the blinkered views of policy makers. The literature produced by BACUP is very similar to the literature produced by present day cancer charities – it is all about ‘fighting cancer’, ‘inspirational people’, ‘fund raising so scientists can find out more’ etc etc. Vicky would have been too intelligent to believe that this was going to lead anywhere. Yet it was full speed ahead for BACUP.

Vicky died and health outcomes for many cancers in the UK today are not that much better than they were when Vicky established BACUP. Ovarian cancer still has a very high mortality rate and is usually not diagnosed until the prognosis is poor. In spite of all the fighting, the surviving, the screening etc etc. I would dearly love to know the full story behind BACUP and why Vicky allowed herself to be used in a way that she must have known would not lead to improvements in outcomes for cancer patients. I note from past BACUP documents that BACUP was given a lot of free PR when Professor Anthony Clare interviewed Vicky Clement-Jones on ‘In The Psychiatrist’s Chair’ and through their links with Rob Buckman. Rob Buckman was a high profile media Top Doctor who was a cousin of Barbara Amiel, wife of Conrad Black who owned the Telegraph. Amiel and Black both ended up going to prison for white-collar crime involving large sums of money. Rob Buckman left the UK for America and died a few years ago ‘in his sleep for an unknown reason’. Which sounds rather unlikely, particularly as he wasn’t even that old.

However I learnt something from Hansard, namely that a leading light in BACUP was one Lord Tim Clement-Jones, Vicky’s widower. It was Tim who was repeating Karol Sikora’s demands for money from the NHS for hospices. Tim also mentioned Professor Mike Richards, the then National Cancer Care Director and refers to a joint statement from the BMA and the RCN.

Tim Clement-Jones is a solicitor and was the head of legal services at LWT, 1980-93. He became a Trustee and Director of Cancer BACUP in 1986; was Co-Secretary of Woolworths Ltd which later became Kingfisher plc between 1986-95; was Chair of the Liberal Party 1986-88; was Chair of Crime Concern, 1991-95; was Treasurer of the Lib Dems, 2005-10; is the honorary President of Ambitious About Autism – and was Chair of the Trustees for 7 years; the London Managing Partner of DLA Piper UK LLP and Chair of their China and Middle East desks; a member of UCL’s Council; a Trustee of the Barbican Centre; an Ambassador of the Law Society; an Ambassador of Barts Charity.

In 1998 Tim was made a life peer.

LWT, the Liberal Party and the Law Society are well aware of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors and the problem of organised child sexual abuse, including the paedophile ring that operated in north Wales when Peter Walker and his colleagues at the Welsh Office concealed such matters. As for Kingfisher plc – in the early 1990s, Kingfisher plc held the contract for cleaning a number of shops in Bangor and some of the depts in Bangor University. The cleaners were grossly exploited and were supervised by regional supervisors who were also grossly exploited and were pressurised from above to exploit the cleaners. No-one worked for Kingfisher plc for more than two months, not even the supervisors. The pay was as low as Kingfisher could possibly get away with – which in Gwynedd in the early 1990s was very low indeed – and the supervisors were required to travel across Gwynedd to various locations to carry out spot checks and generally harass the cleaners. The supervisors didn’t get a fuel allowance so they could have well been taking home even less than the cleaners. I bet Tim wasn’t getting up at 4am to polish supermarket floors were you Tim – you were too busy caring about cancer survivors and providing a bit of PR for the Top Doctors…

Someone who contributed to the debate in the Lords led by Peter Walker was another person who was an enthusiastic supporter of the hospice movement, Baroness Jean McFarlane. Jean McFarlane was a crossbencher who would have known all about the practices of the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends – she was a nurse from Cardiff. Jean did her initial training at Barts and then returned to Cardiff and worked as a health visitor. She was Vice-President of the League of Nurses at Barts – so what with her and Tim it looks rather as though this debate in the Lords was a bit of lobbying from Barts in particular, as well as the wider medical establishment. In the 1960s Jean had been part of the RCN research programme ‘Study of Nursing Care’. In 1974 she was appointed to the first Chair of Nursing in an English university, namely at Manchester – she remained in this position until 1989. McFarlane served on the Royal Commission on the NHS 1976-79, under Sir Alec Merrison, a nuclear physicist. She wrote ‘A Guide to the Practice of Nursing Using the Nursing Process’. I suspect that Jean McFarlane was at the forefront of those Angels who left the ward as soon as they could to wield power in higher places and spout rubbish about things like the ‘nursing process’ (the succeeding generation replaced that concept with ‘nursing science’ because that sounds even better if you’re trying to pass yourself off as a professor), rather than admit that things were going terribly, terribly wrong at the coalface, thus beginning the process of deep denial in the NHS which led us to Mid-Staffs or indeed to north Wales.

Jean was a committed Christian and was a member of the general synod of the Church of England, 1990-94. She had a particular interest in the hospice movement and until 2008 was Vice-President of St Anne’s Hospice, Heald Green, Cheshire.

Another supporter of the hospice movement who contributed to Walker’s debate was Lord Billy Blease. Billy Blease was a trade unionist from N Ireland who was given a peerage in 1978. He was a member of the IBA (Independent Broadcasting Authority) 1974-79 and the Labour spokesperson on N Ireland in the Lords 1979-82. In 1997 Tony Blair appointed him to the British-Irish Parliamentary Body.

Another contributer was Lord Eric Varley, who was the NUM sponsored Labour MP for Chesterfield, 1964-84. Varley was PPS to PM Harold Wilson 1968-69 and was appointed Secretary of State for Energy in 1974.  In 1976 in his capacity as Secretary of State for Industry, Varley wanted to shut the car company Chrysler down, but the Cabinet forced an increase in the subsidy to keep it open. Varley appointed Michael Edwardes as Chairman of British Leyland. There followed an entrenched battle between Michael Edwardes and the trade union leader Red Robbo aka Derek Robinson, who died very recently. The Mail online helpfully reminded it’s readers just how terrible Red Robbo was, how he was a communist and even stood as such as a Parliamentary candidate on a number of occasions, but they forgot to mention that there was a great deal of dissatisfaction with Michael Edwardes at the time. Edwardes was being paid an absolute fortune, made thousands and thousands of workers redundant, yet allegations of mismanagement and incompetence swirled around him and not just from Red Robbo and the people who were made redundant.

Varley led Denis Healey’s campaign for the Labour Party leadership in 1980. In 1983 he was appointed Chair of Coalite plc. He resigned his seat at Chesterfield – he was succeeded by Tony Benn – and was made a life peer in 1990.

Eric Varley’s name was in the media again very recently. He was known to have been very friendly with the Labour MP Gerald Kaufman and it was revealed that Kaufman left absolutely everything in his will to Eric Varley – an expensive property in St John’s Wood, all his dosh, absolutely everything. Varley though died seven years ago – Kaufman had made the will when Varley was still alive and hadn’t updated it. As with a lot of politicians who remain in the Commons into old age, the media have for the last few years been rather kinder to Kaufman than they used to be. We have been reminded that it was Kaufman who called the Labour manifesto of 1983 ‘the longest suicide note in history’ and Kaufman has been portrayed as a voice of reason during the years of the loony left and Michael Foot. Which is interesting because I remember Kaufman insulting people, upsetting them, really pissing everyone off and being considered an oily git who couldn’t be trusted. Harriet Harman likes to believe that she was attacked in her capacity as a feminist by wags who referred to her as Harriet Harperson, but Private Eye took the piss out of one Gerald Kaufperson long before anyone bothered to have a go at Harriet. So Kaufperson himself was at the heart of the 1970s and 80s Labour Party when the London boroughs were rife with paedophiles abusing the kids in their care.

 

Another Lord contributing was Lord Barney Heyhoe. Barney Heyhoe was where the action was whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles were breaking the law and abusing patients and children in care in north Wales – he was a Minister in the DHSS 1985-86, acting as Secretary of State Norman Fowler’s deputy and was responsible for the public education programme about AIDS. Barney Heyhoe praised the Sue Ryder Foundation during the Lords debate – that Foundation stands accused of mistreating people who have been in its care.

Heyhoe began working for the Conservative Research Department as Heath became leader of the Tory Party in the mid-60s – the Conservative Research Department where Matthew Parris once worked and in which Parris alleged was a senior male member of staff who would go out and about in London on buses looking for much younger men to pick up. Parris also alleged that the department was organising staff holidays to a location in Europe called the ‘Villa of Shame’, at which ‘boys’ were supplied. Heyhoe was a Tory MP between 1970-92. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State responsible for the Army 1979-81 and Minister of State for the civil service 1981-85.

He was a friend of Nicholas Scott whom Ann Widdecombe alleged had one hell of an alcohol problem, the consequences of which were concealed by his friends and colleagues.

Heyhoe was made a life peer in 1992 – like a few others who were involved in concealing the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Between 1993-95 Heyhoe Chaired the Guys and St Thomas’s NHS Trust. It was at that time that Guys and St Thomas’s accepted as a medical student a young man from Gwynedd who had experienced severe mental health problems – but more worryingly had carried out seriously violent attacks on his dog, a neighbour’s cat and his own girlfriend, who later left him and refused him access to their baby on the grounds of the baby’s safety. After being accepted as a student at Guys and Tommys but before taking up his place this man worked as a porter in Ysbyty Gwynedd. He was caught on a number of occasions having sex with ancillary staff on the premises during work hours. Not only was there no action taken against him, but after he qualified – although he had a serious breakdown whilst he was at Guys and Tommys – the North West Wales NHS Trust employed him as a psychiatrist. A number of people complained about him, including me. I raised my concerns with the GMC. Keith Thomson, the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust wrote to the GMC telling them that I had made ‘outrageous allegations’ about Trust staff. The GMC took no action. Some two years later I told that the psychiatrist in question had finally been stopped practicing after assaulting his wife so seriously that she was sectioned as a result of her own distress. His two children had been taken into care by Gwynedd Social Services on the grounds of severe neglect. When I made representations about this man to the GMC I made representations about his clinical director as well. The GMC took no action. Earlier this year my lawyers forwarded me a copy of a document that had been found in the possession of the GMC purporting to be a letter from me in relation to this complaint – the letter was a forgery (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

If Barney is still alive would he like to tell us what was going on at Guys and Tommys when he Chaired that Trust?

Hansard records that Earl Howe mentioned that the NHS is based on ‘human dignity’. I was so gobsmacked when I read that, that I thought I’d better find out who Earl Howe is.

Earl Howe also goes under the name of Frederick Curzon. He is a Conservative peer – one of the hereditary ones who clung on after Blair’s rather half-hearted attempt at Lords reform in 1999 – and is at present Minister of State for Defence as well as Deputy Leader in the Lords. After Earl Howe graduated in 1973 he joined Barclays Bank and worked in senior positions both in London and overseas. He then ran the family farm – Seagraves Farm Co – and estate in Buckinghamshire. In 1991 Earl Howe was appointed as a Whip. In 1992 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary at MAFF and between 1995-97 he was Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the MoD.

Earl Howe was opposition spokesman in the Lords for health and social services, 1997-2010. His special interests include penal affairs and he is a member of All Party Groups on penal affairs, abuse investigations, adoption and mental health. So perhaps Earl Howe can explain why he was debating with Peter Walker in 2000 who had run the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the abuse of children in care and of mental health patients from which a number of miscarriages of justice resulted – yet never asked Walker why he concealed organised crime and whether his receipt of a peerage was related to that. I note that Earl Howe was opposition spokesman on health and social services 1997-2010. That spans the period of the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry which was orchestrated by Earl Howe’s colleague in the Lords William Hague as well as the following years in which witnesses to the wrongdoing such as me who had managed to survive were ruthlessly harassed, threatened and repeatedly arrested by the people whom Hague had ensured were never held to account let alone brought to justice. Could you have a word with William about it all please Earl Howe? Because by the time that you had finished being opposition spokesman having not spoken very much at all about some very serious matters, William was swanning off around the world as Foreign Secretary, meeting the likes of Hilary Clinton. As one of your interests is ‘abuse investigations’ and Lord Hague is now spearheading the clean up of Westminster perhaps you’d like to launch an investigation into Lord Hague. As well as his wife – who worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed organised crime, including the sexual abuse of minors and mental health patients.

Another contributor to Walker’s debate was the then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Lord Hunt of King’s Heath. That is Philip Hunt, a Labour Co-Operative peer. Hunt probably knows more about the wrongdoing in the NHS than anyone else in the Lords – he has spent his whole career at the heart of the wrongdoing, for the last few decades at the most senior level.

Philip Hunt graduated from Leeds University in 1970 and began working for the NHS in 1972 when he landed a job as a works study officer for the Oxford Region Hospital Board. In 1974 he began working as a hospital administrator for the Nuffield Orthopaedic Centre. Hunt was the first Secretary of the Edgware and Hendon Community Health Council in 1975 – the CHCs were an early incarnation of ‘service user involvement’, bodies that were dominated by NHS professionals and managers who ensured that the lid was kept on failure, scandal and neglect whilst claiming to be the ‘voice of the patients’. Hunt remained at the CHC until 1978 – it must have done him a great deal of good because it was immediately after this that Hunt hit the big time. In 1978 he was appointed the Assistant Director of the National Association of Health Authorities (NAHA), the body that represented those running the dysfunctional corrupt organisations that were leading the NHS into such trouble – including Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities. Between 1984-90 Philip Hunt was Director of the NAHA. So he was representing the idiots running Gwynedd Health Authority whilst they were involved in criminal activities relating to their part in facilitating a paedophile gang, were bankrupting the organisation, were receiving letters from David Hunt the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst a hit squad had been sent in from the Welsh Office in a vain attempt to deal with the fuckwittery , whilst the fuckwittery was being discussed in the House. Clwyd Health Authority were conducting themselves in exactly the same way as was whichever Health Authority was responsible for running St George’s Hospital Medical School. Philip Hunt then became Director of the National Association of Health Authorities and Trusts (NAHAT), the succeeding body to the NAHA, in 1990. In 1993 Hunt received an OBE for ‘services to the NHS’.

A new vehicle to represent the crooks and conmen running the NHS was conjured up in 1996 – the NHS Confederation. Philip Hunt was its first Chief Executive. He’ll have known the MP Jess Phillips’s mum then (see post ‘Everywoman?’). In 1997 Hunt received a peerage and was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Department of Health. Being a man of principle he resigned in March 2003 over the invasion of Iraq. He didn’t resign from the House of course, although he was one of Tony’s cronies, a New Labour peer, so he was able to return to Gov’t in May 2005 when he was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the DWP. In Jan 2007 he became Minister of State at the Department of Health with responsibility for NHS reform. In July of the same year he became Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Justice and in 2008 Hunt was appointed Minister of State at DEFRA AND at DECC (Dept for Energy and Climate Change). Oh, he was Deputy Leader of the Lords as well.

Following Ed Miliband’s appointment as leader of the Labour Party, Hunt became Labour’s spokesperson on Home Affairs. In Sept 2011 Hunt contributed to the publication ‘What Next For Labour? Ideas For A New Generation’.

Hunt has occupied many other positions as well. He was: a member of Oxford City Council 1973-79; a member of Oxfordshire Health Authority 1975-77; a member of Birmingham City Council 1980-82; Co-Chair of the Association for Public Health 1994-98; President of the Family Planning Association 1997-98; Joint Chair of the All Party Primary Care and Public Health Group 1997-98; Vice-Chair of the All Party Group on AIDS; Chair of the National Patient Safety Agency 2004-05; President of the Health Care Supplies Association 2010-present; President of the Royal Society of Public Health 2010-present.

In July 1999 Tony Blair made Hunt Health Minister in the Lords.

Between April 2011-2014 Hunt was Chair of the Heart of England NHS Foundation Trust. That was the Trust which employed the breast surgeon Ian Paterson who was recently imprisoned for performing unnecessary operations on dozens of people for financial gain.

Philip Hunt will know the details behind scores of NHS scandals and tragedies, he will know that organised child sexual abuse was endemic in the children’s services, he will know that the psychiatric system was being used to conceal this and he will have been at the very centre of this in Birmingham. The reason that Hunt ended up in Gov’t was that he kept quiet about it all.

I mentioned that Blair made Hunt Lords’ Health Minister in July 1999. Before Blair carried out his reshuffle, Baroness Hayman was Lords’ Health Minister.

Helene Valerie Hayman has a CV nearly as shameful as Philip Hunt. Hayman studied law at Newnham College, Cambridge. After graduating in 1969 she worked for Shelter. Between 1971-74 Hayman was involved with the Social Services in the Borough of Camden. So she’ll have been screwing up there alongside Tessa Jowell (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’). In 1974 Hayman was appointed the Deputy Director of the National Council for One Parent Families. The NCCL – which was at the time associated with PIE and ‘paedophiles’ rights’ – was associated with that organisation. Sue Slipman was involved with both the NCCL and the National Council for One Parent Families – Slipman later also occupied senior positions in the NHS, including the Chair of one Trust, although I note that information about that has disappeared from the internet, presumably because someone is feeling unusually embarrassed about the appointment.

Between 1974-79 Hayman was elected as the MP for Welwyn and Hatfield. Hayman was a member of Bloomsbury Health Authority (later Bloomsbury and Islington Health Authority) 1985-92 and was Vice-Chair from 1988 onwards. She was a member of the ethics committee of the Royal College of Gynaecologists 1982-97; of the ethics committee of UCL and UCH 1987-97; a member of the Council of UCL 1992-97 and the Chair of Whittington Hospital NHS Trust.

After such sterling service to bodies and institutions which had variously colluded with organised child sexual abuse and the abuse and neglect of mental health patients, ignored the horrors of the St David’s laundry in Gwynedd (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred, Especially In Scotland’) and colluded with some highly questionable research and very poor practice, Hayman picked up her reward in 1996 – a peerage.

Hayman’s party continued. She became a junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, Transport and Regions and in the Department of Health. In 1999 she was appointed Minister of State at the MAFF. She was Chair of Cancer Research UK 2001-05. For details of misconduct and research fraud among people involved with that charity (which was previously known as the Cancer Research Campaign) see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. Hayman was a Trustee of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 2002-06; a Trustee of the Tropical Health and Education Trust 2005-06. She was a member of the Lords Select Committee on Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, 2004-05. In 2005 Hayman became Chair of the Human Tissue Authority and she was a member of the HFEA 2005-06.

Hayman ended up as Lord Speaker, something which she had probably been aspiring to for years.

 

The Secretary of State for Wales who followed Peter Walker was David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. It was on David Hunt’s watch that the attempts to silence people who had crossed paths with Dafydd and the paedophiles escalated – Hunt was in post between 1990-93 and it was then that I and my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales found ourselves hounded out of jobs, our careers ruined, threatened, repeatedly arrested, violently attacked in the street by assailants etc as detailed in previous posts. Hunt was Secretary of State when allegations that children in care in north Wales had been abused by a paedophile ring connected to Westminster and that a cover-up involving people at the highest echelons of society was underway began appearing in the UK media. Hunt was Secretary of State when the five witnesses to the abuse in north Wales were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Interestingly enough, Wyn Roberts’s obituaries make no reference to Hunt or to Wyn’s relationship with him. It is as if Hunt had never been his boss. What all Wyn’s obituaries did bang on about though was Wyn’s huge triumph in persuading Thatcher’s Gov’t to establish a Welsh language TV channel and – the real biggie – to draw up a Welsh Language Act. The Welsh Language Act 1993 resulted. Thatcher and her Gov’t were utterly unsympathetic to the idea of Welsh language rights and certainly did not want this Act. But Wyn with his magik persuaded old Thatch that it was a good idea and lo and behold a Welsh Language Act emerged. Now how do readers think that Wyn persuaded a woman who employed as one of her closet aides a man who was molesting children in care in north Wales to pass a Welsh Language Act???

Thus Wyn Roberts has been written into Welsh history as a ‘friend of Wales’, ‘the greatest living Welshman’, ‘a rare and valuable asset for the Conservative Party’ and ‘the protector of the language’, on the back of a truly shameful trade off between him and his masters in a Gov’t who were orchestrating a massive cover-up of the serious abuse of children in care and mental health patients. A cover-up which resulted in the framing and wrongful imprisonment of innocent people – and the deaths of many more.

All for the sake of a fucking Welsh Language Act – which wasn’t even very good, didn’t actually protect the rights of Welsh speakers as it should and was simply followed by calls for a better Act. This was sold to Wales as a triumph. The Welsh language continued to die – as did the people who knew about the scandal that enabled Roberts to get that Act through. This wasn’t the end of the problems – because there were so many people who knew what had been concealed. They all had to be bought off – or if they couldn’t be bought off with a peerage or a job that they didn’t deserve and couldn’t do – they had to be silenced by threats, intimidation or even death. As for the worm Wyn – he was rewarded with a peerage in 1997 and hung around like a particularly dreadful stench literally until the day that the old bastard died in 2013. Wyn’s obituaries proudly remembered that such was Wyn’s ‘influence’ that David Cameron was still consulting Wyn on devolution when Cameron became leader of the Tory Party.

In the immediate aftermath of his death, the tributes to Wyn Roberts on the BBC News were led by Cameron, who remembered Roberts as ‘a devoted public servant and a tireless ambassador for Wales’, ‘one of the kindest and most compassionate colleagues I had the pleasure to work with’ and made reference to his ‘gentle nature’. Cameron – people were raped, beaten, buggered, stitched up in Court, sent to Risley Remand Centre where they were then found dead, killed in car accidents, killed in arson attacks and your devoted public servant with a gentle nature knew all about it.

David Jones, a creep of a solicitor from Llandudno who was Cameron’s Secretary of State for Wales at the time of Roberts’s death, joined in the tributes. Roberts was ‘an extraordinary man’ who did ‘more for Welsh cultural life than any man of his generation’, was ‘very kind, extremely wise with a tremendous sense of humour’, ‘a kind friend and a wise counsellor’. David Jones knew all about the abuses and the miscarriages of justice, he worked in the Courts in north Wales where it was all going on (see post ‘The Rt Hon David Jones MP’). Perhaps he just had a good laugh at it all, along with Wyn who had such a tremendous sense of humour.

Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Tories in Wales talked of this ‘very sad day’ and Roberts’s ‘impact’ upon Wales – yes, the legacy of the paedophile ring which he protected has virtually destroyed the nation.

Lord Crickhowell, Wyn’s boss who made millions out of Corruption Bay, chipped in calling Roberts ‘my advisor and my guru’ who made a ‘great contribution to the health service in Wales’ and was ‘an indispensable number two to me’. Crickhowell is a millionaire – the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board in north Wales is Chaired by Dr Peter Higson, one of the paedophiles’ friends and is currently in special measures after undercover filming on Tawel Fan ward revealed abuse of mental health patients, who had untreated fractures and were crawling around on the floor – which was covered with faeces and urine – whilst they were naked.

Lord Barry Jones, former Labour MP for Alyn and Deeside, (see comments following my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ for the lowdown on Lord Baz and his wife) commented that Wyn Roberts ‘built more roads than the Romans’. Yes Wyn was always happy to get involved with the roads. In the early 1990s I was loosely involved with a campaign to stop a huge road being built through the oak woodland behind Bethesda – Wyn spent many happy hours corresponding with the campaign group, met with them all, they thought that he was great ‘especially for a Tory’. The group contained a high proportion of hippyish environmentalists who couldn’t believe that they were being so well-received by an agent of Thatch. Well they weren’t complaining about organised crime within the social services and NHS. The Bethesda by-pass was shelved and an alternative strategy was pursued and then Wyn became a Green Hero as well. I never met Roberts although the other campaigners did – but if I had he’d never have known who I was. Because he had barely condescended to reply to me let alone meet me a few years earlier when I raised the matter of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends with him…

Elfyn Llwyd, a barrister who was for many years the Plaid MP for Meirionydd – a good friend of the paedophiles’ friends himself and oh so passionate about the Welsh language – remarked that Roberts’s death had resulted in a ‘big loss to us as a nation’.

Huw Jones, the then Chair of the S4C authority described Wyn as ‘a guardian angel’ with ‘mischief in his eye’. Was it Wyn who threw the petrol bomb into the party which resulted in the deaths of the five witnesses Huw??? What a scamp!

Huw might know quite a bit about people who have mischief in their eyes. In 2012 Huw was appointed Chair of the rather troubled S4C by Jeremy Hunt, who was then Culture Secretary under the Con Dem Coalition. Prior to that Huw was Chief Exec of S4C 1995-05, so he will have had a lot to do with the chaos and troubles at S4C. The UK.Gov website told us that Huw’s appointment as Chair of S4C was ‘made on merit, following a fair, open, transparent process’. Huw is described as a ‘prominent figure in Welsh language music and media since the late 60s’ and in the early 80s was ‘instrumental as an entrepreneur and TV producer in the establishment of a vibrant media industry in north west Wales’. Huw was MD of the record company Sain until 1981 and in 1981 co-founded Teledu-r and Tir Glas in Caernarfon.

I’ll translate Huw’s achievements for readers in England who won’t be aware of the context. This all means that Huw is a former colleague of Dafydd Iwan, a folk-singer and language activist who was a leading light in Sain. Folk-singing and language activism are not at all problematic but Dafydd Iwan for many years was a Councillor and then the leader of Gwynedd County Council – the Gwynedd County Council who’s Social Services Dept allowed a paedophile gang to operate in it’s children’s homes. Gwynedd County Council also employed a corrupt lawyer, Ron Evans, who along with his boss the County Secretary and Solicitor H. Ellis Hughes, actively colluded with the paedophiles’ colleagues in Gwynedd Social Services to frame people who had dared complain (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). Dafydd Iwan is a big admirer of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and wrote a song ‘in tribute’ to him.

Dafydd Iwan’s brother Alun Ffred is the former Plaid AM for Arfon.

Huw Jones might also know another musician who’s career began in the music scene in north west Wales and who became a very big name – Gruff Rhys of the Super Furry Animals. Gruff Rhys’s dad was Ioan Bowen Rees, another self-appointed guardian of the Welsh language and culture. Bowen Rees was for years the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council – whilst the paedophile ring raged within and the Social Services, Ron Evans and H. Ellis Hughes stitched up complainants (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

As Huw was involved with S4C at the dawn of time, perhaps he can explain why in 1984-85 I was being told by teenagers who lived in the Menai Bridge area who aspired to a career in the media that if your mum or dad worked for S4C you’d get a job, but it was a lot more difficult if you ‘didn’t know anyone at S4C’.

For a number of years now S4C has been on its arse, with plummeting viewing figures and at least one very senior executive disappeared from the company overnight with no explanation.

Huw is or was: Chair of Portmeirion Ltd; Deputy Chair of the Wales Employment and Skills Board; a member of the Welsh Language Board; a member of the RSPB Council; Vice-Chair of Nant Gwrtheyrn Language Learning Centre; a fellow of the Royal Television Society.

Huw lives near Caernarfon. Along with a great many other well-paid people who identify as protecting the language and culture and who knew all about that paedophile ring.

After Wyn died, Meri Huws the Welsh Language Commissioner said that she’d ‘always remember the significant contribution’ that Roberts made to the Welsh language. Meri Huws worked as a social worker in Caernarfon. For more details of Meri’s rise to the top – including an account of how she was alleged to have acquired the moniker of ‘the crack of doom’ in the National Assembly of Wales – see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’.

Derek Bellis, a ‘veteran journalist and friend’ of Wyn’s told BBC Wales that Roberts was ‘very kind gentle and humourous with ‘no ego at all’ (Wyn was some sort of Zen master then). Best of all: ‘no toff was Wyn – he was a man of the people’. So that’s what he was doing sitting in the Lords after a lifetime concealing a vicious paedophile ring who’s prime targets were the children of the dispossessed.

Lest anyone on the planet believe that the Welsh Language Act was actually worth the destruction of the lives of numerous people, I’ll just let you know where I learnt my first few words of Welsh and a bit of history about the quarrymen of north Wales. It was from another patient, when I had been illegally incarcerated in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dafydd, along with a few other folk who had been targeted by the paedophiles friends. Most of the victims of the paedophiles’ friends spoke WELSH! But they didn’t have parents who were Councillors or Top Doctors or managers of Social Services or Chief Executives of S4C or senior figures in Plaid.

I have never encountered such a heap of hypocritical horse-shit as that which has emanated from these utter fools who ignored something terrible, who kept a monstrous Tory Gov’t in power – a Gov’t which inflicted massive damage upon Wales, some of whose members used the children’s homes in north Wales as brothels. YOU FUCKING IDIOTS – JUST LOOK WHAT YOU DID.

Dylan Jones-Evans, a Tory and an ‘entrepreneur’ who has been serially dismissed from a number of universities, told the Daily Post that Wyn was ‘a wonderful man and politician whose legacy will continue for years to come’. You’re dead right there Dylan, thanks to Wyn, Wales’s Councils are rotten boroughs, the Assembly is full of politicians who ignored what Wyn was ignoring as well and the NHS and social services are log jammed with corrupt fuckwits who have no idea how to do their jobs properly even if they wanted to. The nation is virtually bankrupt but Lord Crickhowell and other chums of Wyn’s made a fortune out of Corruption Bay. And Thatcher went on and on and on – which was after all, why those witnesses just had to be silenced.

After Roberts had pegged out, Carwyn announced that he was ‘saddened’.

What was I doing when I heard that the viper with mischief in his eye had snuffed it? I was sitting in the Heddfan Unit in Wrexham Maelor Hospital having been sectioned because a neurological problem had been ignored/misdiagnosed and I was also maintaining that the mental health services were corrupt and had concealed a paedophile ring. Documents that are now in my possession compiled by the appalling Dr Raj Sambhi show that Raj Sambhi stated in the wake of my allegations that I was ‘psychotic’ and ‘very seriously ill’. Whilst I was in that Unit the Tawel Fan scandal exploded and the Betsi Board was placed in special measures – because of the institutional abuse of mental health patients. And Operation Pallial – the police investigation into the abuse of children in north Wales – was re-opened and John Allen, the former owner of the Bryn Alyn Community, was arrested, charged and convicted of the sexual abuse of children in care in north Wales. I sat in that Unit for many more months being told by Sambhi that I was mad.

Well Carwyn I did eventually get out after my life had been destroyed all over again by the paedophiles’ friends – I am not in the least bit ‘saddened’ that Wyn Roberts is dead, I’m up for a belated celebration. If you care to join me, we’ll open a bottle of champagne, pop over to his grave and dance on it. S4C can film us and Dafydd Iwan can give us a rendering of ‘Yma O Hyd’ while we dance. We’ll leave it to the Defenders Of The Language and Nation to explain to the world why we are doing it.

 

The wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles didn’t stop after the Welsh Language Act. Of course it didn’t, they were connected to organised crime.

John Redwood was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in 1993. He was a disaster on many levels. By the time that Redwood was in post, the police investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales had begun – investigations led by the North Wales Police, who had colluded with the abuse and who employed a senior police officer, Gordon Anglesea, who was one of the abusers himself. Then came the Jillings investigation and subsequent Report – the Report that was so damning that it was heavily redacted and pulped anyway, on the grounds that what had happened was so bad that the Council’s insurers would withdraw cover if anyone got to read the report. To date, no-one – except for the Council’s insurers and lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC, the lawyer who advised the insurance company – has ever read an unredacted copy of the Jillings Report. The day in 1996 after the Jillings Report was handed over to the Council, Clwyd County Council who had run the children’s homes that were the subject of the Jillings Report no longer existed anyway, so the organisation per se couldn’t be sued – it disappeared in a local Gov’t reorganisation. For the full story of Jillings and the aftermath, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

Something odd went on at a Gov’t level  during the Jillings investigation, but before the damning Report was completed. Redwood was removed as Secretary of State in June 1995 and was replaced by David Hunt – who stayed in the post for a matter of days, between 26 June and 5 July. What was happening at this time? The North Wales Hospital Denbigh was closing – after huge resistance from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. After all what was going to happen to the people out there who’d been hidden away for donkeys years, illegally imprisoned? No-one ever knew. Would you like to tell us what you found when you finally went into that place Lord Hunt? Did you find the underground chamber where it was alleged that the staff kept patients who were a bit of a nuisance – the cellar where they threatened to put me?

As Denbigh closed, Dafydd was given the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution of a Drugs Baron?’).

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison, the former Tory MP for Chester and aide of Thatcher’s who was abusing children from children’s homes in north Wales, was found dead at his home in London. He was a good deal too young to have died of old age – it was concluded that he had ‘fallen’. Yes, I think he had, but not quite in the way that those who claimed that was the cause of his death had meant.

After David Hunt made his brief reappearance as Secretary of State, a new Secretary of State was appointed – a William Hague! Hague took up his post eight days before Morrison was found dead and remained until 1997 when Blair was elected PM.

It was of course Hague who orchestrated the huge cover-up of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the Waterhouse Inquiry. New readers can read the full details in the posts that I have written about that Inquiry. Lord Hague appeared on the BBC a couple of days ago stating that Westminster now had to become accountable. So perhaps he can now tell us why he appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse to lead that Inquiry – a man who came from and grew up in the region where the paedophile ring operated for decades, a man who was a colleague and personal friend of so many of the people who occupied senior positions in the organisations which colluded with and concealed the abuse. Hague’s wife Ffion worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office when it was concealing the abuse. Ffion has since worked for S4C! The Hagues now live in a mansion on the outskirts of Welshpool – if they lived in north Wales Ffion would probably be sitting on the Betsi Board and Gwynedd County Council just to keep everyone quiet.

North Wales has never recovered from the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. It has never gone away, although nearly everyone who was a kid in care or a patient in the North Wales Hospital has by now been found dead. Numerous people knew the extent of the wrongdoing and a lot of them know who did what and where the bodies are buried. A lot of those people are sitting in the Senedd, in the Commons or like Hague, are in the Lords. The scandal has plagued every Secretary of State for Wales ever since.

I suspect that one of those Secretaries didn’t have much first hand knowledge –  Cheryl Gillan was an MP for Buckinghamshire. The others all know something, probably a great deal.

Ron Davies, who ended up in hot water himself after he was caught cruising on Clapham Common in Oct 1998 – an incident which was repackaged for the media with the help of Alastair Campbell – and then caught again ‘looking for badgers’ in 2003 at another well-known cruising spot, will know a great deal, enough to make a police statement.

Ron Davies was elected as a Councillor in Caerphilly in 1969. In 1974 he was elected to Rhymney Valley District Council. Ron was educated at Cardiff University, worked as a teacher for two years and then took over Neil Kinnock’s post as a WEA tutor-organiser in 1970 when Kinnock became an MP. Between 1974-83 Ron worked as an FE advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority. In 1983 he was elected the Labour MP for Caerphilly.

Ron was the Labour Party’s spokesman for Wales, 1992-97 – as the investigations and inquiries into the paedophile ring were launched. In 1997 Blair appointed him Secretary of State for Wales.

Ron became a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1998.

Ron Davies was considered to be the ‘architect of devolution’ in Wales and he led the negotiations in preparation for the National Assembly. The negotiations which involved those corrupt civil servants from the Welsh Office who had concealed the paedophile ring, as well as the many ‘advisors’, including Ioan Bowen Rees, the former Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council. Ron absolutely assumed that he would become First Minister of Wales, but it all fell apart for him just before he was about to become First Minister when he was caught on Clapham Common.

Although nobody ever got to the bottom of what went on at Clapham Common, Ron made a number of statements in the aftermath, variously claiming to have been abused as a child, to be bisexual and then to be receiving psychiatric help as a result of his compulsion to seek out risky situations. There wasn’t much rallying around Ron – a lot of people quietly crawled out of the woodwork and commented that he was a very unpleasant man, had done terrible things to a lot of people for many years and had a very big problem with women.

Hey Ron, have you ever wondered why your cruising on Clapham Common ended in a disaster after old Blair confirmed that you’d be made First Minister, but just before it actually happened?? I bet you’d gone out cruising with no problems hundreds of times – but then you got mugged just before the big day.

Ron has taken a rather erratic politic journey since then. He stood down from Parliament in 2001, left the Labour Party in 2004 and joined Forward Wales. He stood as an Independent between 2009-10 and then joined Plaid. His attempts at getting re-elected have not been successful. Since 2008 Ron has been a Councillor on Caerphilly County Borough Council. Which is currently embroiled in an enormous scandal, which dates back some years.

Ron’s ex-wife Christina was elected as the MP for Neath in 2015. Christina was one of those who was part of the mass resignation in an attempt to bring Jeremy Corbyn down, but when it didn’t work she had a change of heart and she’s now part of Jezza’s front bench team again. Christina  has previously been a member of the Welsh Executive Committee of the Labour Party. Christina’s wiki entry is gobsmackingly brief for a barrister who was married to someone so notorious for so many years and who will know a great deal about the shenanigans. Christina’s wiki tells us a lot about her time as head girl at school and her sporting interests. I am sure there are many more interesting things that Christina has been involved with.

Alun Michael who succeeded Ron Davies as Secretary of State for Wales and who was then imposed on Wales as First Minister by Blair -after Blair failed in his attempt to impose Ron on everyone – came from Anglesey and went to school in Colwyn Bay. After graduating from Keele University in 1966, Alun Michael worked as a reporter on the South Wales Echo until 1971, then was employed as a youth and community worker until 1987. In 1972 he was appointed as a Magistrate, Chairing the Juvenile Bench in Cardiff. Michael was a City of Cardiff Councillor between 1973-89 – so he’ll have been down there with a few others who kept schtum about the organised abuse of children and those who carefully cultivated the ground in readiness for the bonanza for the few that was the development of Corruption Bay. In 1987 Michael was elected for the seat that Jim Callaghan had just vacated, Cardiff South and Penarth. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Of course he knows nuzzing.

I received an e mail some time ago alleging that Paul Murphy – who was Secretary of State for Wales 1999-02 when the Waterhouse Report was submitted to his office, but who had very little to say about it other than how glad to was to have been reassured that no public figures had been involved in the abuse of children – had been involved in some dreadful things.

 

After Wyn Roberts stood down as MP for Conwy, Betty Williams succeeded him. The Betty Williams who had me thrown out of Tesco whilst she was campaigning in there because I tried to speak to her about the abuse of mental health patients at the Hergest Unit. Williams also ignored a letter from at least one other patient complaining of abuse at the hands of the staff of the Hergest Unit. The Hergest Unit had one of the highest suicide rates in England and Wales. Betty Williams was previously the Mayor of Arfon and a Gwynedd County Councillor. She grew up and lives near Caernarfon. Of course she knew what went on.

There is another person who will have known what went on – the Labour MP for Conwy 1966-70, who held the seat before Wyn Roberts, Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Hudson Davies was educated at University College Swansea and  Balliol College, Oxford. After losing Conwy in 1970, he re-surfaced in 1979 when he was elected for Caerphilly. In 1981 Hudson Davies defected to the SDP – to join Dr Death and the gang, many of whom knew about the abuse of children by Westminster figures. He lost his seat in 1983 – to one Ron Davies…

Ednyfed is now Chair of a museum trust in the New Forest.

 

I don’t know why Thatcher never made Wyn Roberts Secretary of State for Wales, he played a key role in keeping her in her job and probably helped keep a few people dear to her out of prison as well. I suspect that neither Thatcher nor those around her actually had a shred of respect for the worm who did their bidding. After all Wales and the people within didn’t matter – they were there to make the likes of Nicholas Edwardes very rich and supply children for the paedophiles of Westminster…

 

 

 

 

I Know Nuzzing…

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ described how the Jillings Report was commissioned in 1994 to investigate the extent of child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council. Jillings uncovered such horrors that Municipal Mutual, the Council’s insurers, refused to allow the Report to be made public. It was only in 2013 that the Jillings Report was released after constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Inquiry had been a cover up – although even then the Jillings Report was heavily redacted. Following Jillings, there was huge pressure for a public enquiry into events in children’s homes in north Wales as allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures and police officers swirled. A number of people employed in children’s homes in north Wales had been imprisoned for offences against children and many former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. By this time the Secretary of State for Wales was William Hague. Hague initially held out against holding a public inquiry but then buckled. In 1996 he announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a judge who had just retired, would be Chairing a public inquiry into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd and Gwynedd County Councils between 1974 and 1996. The Waterhouse Report, ‘Lost In Care’, written as a result of this Inquiry, was published in February 2000. Like Jillings, it’s findings were damning, revealing widespread abuse of children in care in north Wales. However, as soon as the Waterhouse Report was published, there were angry allegations that there had been a substantial cover-up at a very high level. Waterhouse concluded that a paedophile ring had been in operation in north Wales, but he was perceived to have ‘blamed’ everything on a few bottom feeding social care workers, rather than investigate the possibility that a number of much grander people might have been fully involved. (When one examines the background of Sir Ronald Waterhouse, it is easy to see why he would be in an excellent position and indeed be motivated to lead such a cover-up. A future blog post will be exploring the backgrounds and networks of some of the lawyers and judges named on this blog, including Ronald Waterhouse.) The Waterhouse Report is enormous and I’ve never read it from cover to cover, but I have read big chunks of it and I have been refreshing my memory over the past few days. What strikes me upon reading it is that Waterhouse managed to frequently avoid blaming the bottom feeders as well -the abuse of children was undoubtedly far worse and far more extensive than Waterhouse admitted. He seems to have disregarded huge amounts of evidence of extensive brutality and wrongdoing – this man was a JUDGE, some of what he brushed to one side or chose not to comment on was extraordinary. I will give examples later on in this post.

Waterhouse supplied details of the management structures and the backgrounds of the senior managers and managers of Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils after taking evidence from numerous witnesses. Everybody involved claimed to have no knowledge of the extensive abuse of children. It is always said of north Wales that everybody knows everybody else’s business and to a large extent that’s a fairly accurate caricature. This seems to be one reason why the idea that the arson campaign against second homes in the 70s and 80s was the work of the security services acting as agent provocateurs caught on – I was told by a number of people rooted locally that ‘no-one can do anything in north Wales without everyone knowing, but no-one knows anyone who knows anything about the fires, it is definitely not one of us doing it’. Regarding the abuse of children though, people most certainly did know that it was happening – they just weren’t openly admitting it. It was a classic case of the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett’s notion of ‘not knowing’ (please see post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’). In the same way that everybody knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients, people knew that those kids were being abused. I got wind of it as a first year undergrad at Bangor University – I had no family from the region, I knew nothing about north Wales until I went to university there, but I soon found out that all was not well with the disadvantaged kids. I didn’t hear about a paedophile ring, but then laypeople didn’t tend to be obsessed with paedophiles in the early 1980s – but I did hear about ‘cruelty’. I heard more and more about it as time went by – at one point I lodged with a man who had grown up in care and I heard it from him and his girlfriend. Then I shared a house with some other young people, one of whom was a young man who’d grown up on a farm on the Llyn Peninsula. His mum had been a foster parent and the whole extended family were appalled at the lack of care and the degree of callousness shown by social workers towards the children in their care. This particular family were vey keen to care for their foster children well, but they observed that there was no help or interest from social workers at all and that they could have done pretty much anything to those kids and no-one would have asked any questions. They also told me that on the 16th birthday of the children the social workers would announce that the kids were no longer their responsibility and that was that, they wanted to hear no more about them. This particular family continued to support their foster children without the ‘input’ of the social services after they were 16. (Interestingly enough one thing that was admitted in both the Jillings and Waterhouse Reports was that ‘aftercare’ for children in care was appalling.) When I entered the mental health system I encountered many people who had grown up in ‘care’ and it was very clear that something was terribly wrong – of course the mental health services were key figures in concealing the paedophile ring, as detailed in previous posts. So if an 18 year old undergrad newly arrived in north Wales heard a few worrying things I think it highly unlikely that the managers of those ‘services’ did not know what was going on. To illustrate this further and explore how so many people were able to maintain that they ‘didn’t know’, let’s take a look at the management of Gwynedd Social Services and what they said, based on the information supplied in the Waterhouse Report – as well what I saw and heard when I lived in Gwynedd. (I’ll explore the situation in Clwyd in another post.)

Waterhouse looked at the scene from 1974 onwards, although the Jillings Report noted that they suspected that the serious abuse of children had been going on in north Wales for decades. My own knowledge of those involved with the children’s and mental health services and conversations with numerous people suggest that is indeed likely.

Let’s look at Gwynedd Social Services. Between April 1974 and September 1982, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services was T.E. Jones. He had previously held the same post in the old Local Authority area of Caernarvonshire, before the formation of Gwynedd County Council. T.E. Jones had grown up in Montgomeryshire, had no professional qualifications and no experience of child care work. He had been the County Welfare Officer in Merionethshire from 1952 to 1964 and the County Welfare Officer in Caernarvonshire for seven years after that. The Deputy Director until 1983 was David Alun Parry – he was then Assistant Director (Special Duties) until March 31 1987, when he took voluntary redundancy. Before Parry was Deputy Director of Gwynedd, he had spent three years as Director of Social Services for Anglesey. Between 1964 and 1971 he was Deputy Children’s Officer, then Children’s Officer, for Anglesey. Parry was an Aberystwyth graduate who had also undertaken Diplomas in Social Science and Applied Social Studies at the Universities of Swansea and Liverpool. He also held the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care and had attended several management courses for senior officers at Liverpool University and in 1972, attended two short courses for Directors of Social Services at the Institute for Local Government Studies at Birmingham University. Below Jones and Parry, there were three Assistant Directors. The responsibilities for children were divided between Emyr Davies and G.H. Egerton. Elizabeth Hughes was the Homes Officer reporting to Emyr Davies. Egerton was responsible for five Area Officers under an Area Controller – the Senior Officer (Children) accountable to him from 1975 was Larry King. T.E. Jones maintained that Parry was incapable of carrying out his duties as his Deputy – Parry was therefore relieved of these duties, but kept his rank and was put in charge of the children’s section. T.E. Jones also maintained that Emyr Davies and Egerton were seriously ill, absent for a long time and had to retire. From February 1976 a new structure was imposed. A Principal Assistant Director of similar status to the Deputy Director was appointed – one Lucille Hughes, who had previously been an Assistant Director. For the benefit of new readers – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation in the social services but failed to act. She was also the mistress of the dreadful Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, who was illegally banging up people n the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who had complained about the mental health services or who had been molested ‘in care’. Lucille now had Emyr Davies (Elderly) and Egerton (Mental Health) under her and Parry had Larry King as Senior (later Principal) Officer (Children) under him. King retired in 1988. He had been in the Army, then in the police in England, transferring to the Colonial Police in Rhodesia. He had been a Housemaster at Bryn Estyn – the home in Clwyd which was one of the centres of the most serious abuse, where a number of staff were imprisoned for serious sexual offences. In 1969 King began work for Denbighshire County Council after qualifying for the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care at Liverpool University. He was later a Senior Social Worker for Flintshire County Council and then moved to the Llandudno Area Office managed by Gwynedd County Council in 1974. From 1975 King was a Senior Officer in Gwynedd  – he was redesignated as Principal Officer (Children) from 1979.

Parry’s story was that the previous incorporation of Anglesey Social Services into Gwynedd was not a happy one. He maintained that working relationships were seriously impaired and claimed that the children’s section lacked resources. From July 1981, the responsibility for the children’s section was transferred to Lucille Hughes. This transfer occurred at the same time that Gwynedd County Council’s Chief Executive Ioan Bowen Rees commissioned officials from Dyfed County Council to investigate complaints made by current and former staff regarding Y Gwyngyll community home. Furthermore in 1981, Nefyn Dodd was made responsible for all the community homes in Gwynedd. Nefyn Dodd and his wife June were accused by scores of people of the most ferocious abuse and brutality towards children. Parry was an uncritical admirer of Nefyn Dodd. Elizabeth Hughes the Homes Officer was for a long while on long term sick leave, then left and was not replaced. In the face of this chaos and mismanagement, Waterhouse commented that it was ‘commendable’ that Gwynedd provided such a level of service with ‘comparatively few’ complaints of abuse. (Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have questioned the degree of fuckwittery present and there were actually numerous complaints of abuse, many ignored by Gwynedd and others brushed aside by Waterhouse himself.)

Then in 1982, Parry had a car crash and was off for a long time. When T.E. Jones retired in 1982, Lynn Ebsworth, who had been Chief Personnel Officer, became Acting Director. Parry returned as Assistant Director (Special Duties) after May 1983. In March 1987, after ‘negotiations with his professional organisation’ Parry took voluntary redundancy and received an enhanced pension. To return to Lucille who had been responsible for children since July 1981. Lucille was an English graduate from UCNW (which later became Bangor University) and also had a Certificate in Social Sciences from Liverpool University and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care. For 13 years she had worked in the children’s departments of Cheshire and Anglesey County Councils, as a Children’s Officer in both counties and then as Deputy Director in Cheshire in 1971. She was Principal Assistant Director in Gwynedd from Feb 1976 and until July 1981 her responsibilities were principally the elderly and mental health. Assisting Lucille was Owain Gethin Evans. Gethin Evans had graduated in Social Administration from Manchester University in 1968 and obtained Diplomas in Education (1970) from Cardiff University and Social Work Studies (1974) from the LSE. He had worked as a social worker in Cheshire between 1971 and 1973. After his stint at the LSE he returned to Gwynedd as a social worker and from 1975 spent three years as a community organiser. In 1978 Gethin Evans was appointed Senior Officer (General) to assist Lucille. He was then appointed Principal Officer (Children) and was Head of the Children’s Services in 1982. In 1995 he was appointed Director of Social Services for Ceredigion County Council. Evans was the de facto Head of Children’s Services in Gwynedd, except for between 1987-1992 when he was Assistant Director (Resources and Support). Evans was also a member of Dwyfor District Council between 1976-1986 and was it’s Chairman in 1983/84.

Lynn Ebsworth was Acting Director of Social Services from May 1982-Sept 1983. Lucille Hughes was appointed Director with effect from 1 Oct 1983. Ebsworth had previously been Management Services Officer to Ioan Bowen Rees the County Secretary, and Chief Personnel Officer to the newly formed Gwynedd County Council’s first Chief Executive, D. Alun Jones. Bowen Rees succeeded D. Alun Jones as Chief Exec in 1980. Ebsworth then became accountable to Bowen Rees. Ebsworth had no previous training or experience in Social Services. Under Ebsworth was Gethin Evans, responsible for the Children’s Section but with virtually no experience of children in care. Responsible to him were Nefyn Dodd and Larry King. It was Gethin Evans who oversaw Dodd being given responsibility for all of the community homes. Extraordinarily, amidst this mess, the County Council’s Chief Exec, Ioan Bowen Rees, thought that Lucille ‘performed admirably’ as Director of Social Services. That was while she knew that a paedophile ring was in operation but failed to act. I will return to Bowen Rees later.

On 2 April 1984 a new Deputy Director of Social Services was appointed, David Glanville Owen – Gethin Evans was also short-listed for the post. Glanville was from Pwhelli and had been a trainee in the Children’s Dept in the Liverpool Corporation in 1965 after graduating in economics from Liverpool University. He then acquired a Diploma in Applied Social Studies and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care from Nottingham University by 1967. He had also worked in four English Local Authorities and for the National Children Home (NCH). He had been a senior social worker to the Assistant Director at Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council.

When Glanville was applying for the Gwynedd position, he was undertaking a course in Advanced Management for Local Government at Birmingham University. He was Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services until the local government reorganisation, then spent 18 months as Head of Policy Unit of the new Gwynedd County Council until Sept 1997, when he was made redundant.

Being made redundant didn’t end Glanville’s substantial toxic influence in Gwynedd. By 2003 Glanville was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Community Health Council – the patients watchdog! That’s how I came across him. I approached him with my very serious complaint about the Hergest Unit – this was at a time when the madness was evident with patients dying and being hauled off to prison and people writing to politicians about the brutality and the chaos – and Glanville refused to receive me, telling me that the CHC wasn’t responsible for hospitals. I found out that this was a lie, so I returned to Glanville who then lied about telling the first lie. I submitted my complaint and for many, many months Glanville and one of his ‘officers’, a lady called Hilary, went around and around in circles. My complaint was neither investigated properly or resolved and Glanville and Hilary never managed to explain why. The last time that I saw the disgusting Glanville he was attending a meeting in his capacity as a member of the North Wales CHC. So Gwynedd is not rid of him yet.

Glanville sounds as though he was his usual slippery negligent self in his evidence to Waterhouse.  He emphasised that he had never managed a community home for children or worked in one, even when he was with the NCH. As Deputy Director, he was ‘remote’ from the residential section and had not much contact with it – that was Lucille’s domain. However although Glanville claimed to know nuzzing, Waterhouse noted that almost as soon as he arrived in Gwynedd, he took up 12 points regarding the community homes in Gwynedd, including some serious allegations of staff misconduct, with Gethin Evans. Evans responded to Glanville with a memo that Waterhouse described as ‘inappropriate, complacent and discourteous’ which onbiously was ‘intended to discourage intrusion’. Glanville reorganised the Social Services Dept soon after his arrival and the responsibility for the development of Children’s Services was given to the Assistant Director, one Gethin Evans.

From 1987, the Assistant Director responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. By 1984 he had acquired 10 years of management experience of social work in Northampton and Dorset and had served as a Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992, restructuring resulted in Rob Evans being appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) – Waterhouse notes that Evans ‘left local government’ in March 1996. It was in his capacity as Assistant Director that I encountered Rob in the mid 90s. As a result of the constant aggro that I was receiving from the delightful Arfon Community Mental Health Team (please see previous posts), Rob was called in to sort it out. I had a truly bizarre meeting with him in which he made no comments about the law-breaking and perjury and constant aggression of the Arfon Team, but instead offered a discourse on ‘changing practice’ in social work. As an example he explained that when he used to take children to children’s homes he used to take their shoes away to stop them running away. He said that the children hated him for taking them to the homes but he knew that he was doing the right thing. A couple of years ago, some of the interviews that some of the former residents of north Wales children’s homes gave to the police in the criminal trials were made public. Some of the witnesses explained that they ran away after they were molested by members of the paedophile ring but someone took their shoes away after that to prevent them escaping. Many years after my own encounter with Rob, my lawyers obtained the documents that he had compiled after he had met me to discuss the Arfon Team and their activities. Rob had noted that he had met Keith Fearns, the psychopath who was the ‘leader’ of the Arfon Team and asked him what he wanted done with me. Fearns had replied ‘lock her up’. Rob had told him that wasn’t possible. Fearns had replied once more ‘lock her up’. Rob had noted that the situation was unresolvable and that he was leaving his post tomorrow anyway. Waterhouse was wrong about Rob – he didn’t leave local government in 1996. After no-one had been held to account for the rape and battery of hundreds of children over many years, Rob resurfaced again – as Head of Community Services on Anglesey! Waterhouse noted that in his evidence, Rob had told him that he wasn’t a fluent Welsh speaker and he considered that his chances of an appropriate ‘senior’ position were virtually zero. So it’s good to know that Anglesey found a home for him. The last time that I saw Rob I tried to ask him about his activities regarding Fearns many years ago. Rob told me that I was ‘arrassin’ him and if I didn’t stop he’d call the police. Rob often seemed to find himself the line manager of thugs – he was responsible for Larry King and Nefyn Dodd until his job changed and he was then overseeing dear old Fearns.

Rob had an interesting interpretation of Fearns and co’s threats, harassment and aggression though. In his evidence to Waterhouse, Rob maintained that because a Health Advisory Service Inspection in 1986 had been ‘very critical’ of mental health services in Gwynedd, Rob had made mental health a priority and the community mental health services had now been recognised as among the best in Europe! I’d love to know who ‘recognised’ them as such. The only people with knowledge of social work and mental health services in other parts of Europe that I knew who had contact with the thugs and liars that were employed by Lucille et al were a team of German social scientists who had a link with Bangor University. I worked with them myself and they were a nice lot – but they had no idea at all how patients were being treated because their contact was with the thugs and liars themselves who never fessed up that they were facilitating a paedophile ring. They just met up with the Germans for nibbles and drinks and no doubt told them that the services had been recognised as the best in Europe. But then idiots in north Wales were a bit obsessed with Europe in those days. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept appearing in the local press described as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. He wasn’t even a forensic psychiatrist.

Larry King retired in 1988 and was replaced by Peter James Hibbs. Hibbs had grown up in Colwyn Bay and graduated in sociology from the South Bank Poly in 1973. He had been an Education Welfare Officer in ILEA (Inner London Education Authority) for four years, then completed his CQSW at UCNW (Bangor University) and also gained a Diploma in Social Studies. In Dec 1979 Hibbs joined Gwynedd as a member of the Child Care Team at the Anglesey Area Office and was promoted to senior social worker in Nov 1985. When Nefyn Dodd retired from the post of Principal Officer (Residential Services) in May 1990, Hibbs took over. Hibbs himself encountered serious personal difficulties and became ill with severe depression –  he was deemed by a Medical Officer to be unable continue working after December 1990 and formally retired in Jan 1993. However, at the time of giving evidence to Waterhouse, he had been working since November 1995 as a Senior Practitioner at the Family Centre, Rhyl, run by NCH. Hibbs stated that he used to see Rob Evans about once a week, but was ‘uncertain’ whether Rob grasped ‘child protection issues’, he was more of a ‘mental health specialist’ no less.

Hibbs had been responsible to Gethin Evans and when Hibbs retired he was replaced by Dafydd Ifans. Ifans had worked in the North Wales Probation Services for the last ten years after obtaining his CQSW at Cartrefle College as well as an OU degree. Prior to that he’d been in the Army for fifteen years after leaving school at fifteen to join as an Army apprentice. He then worked as a manager for ASDA for two years. Ifans worked in Gwynedd until 31 December 1995, when he was then appointed as Service Manager for the Children and Families Services for Conwy County Borough Council. During his nearly three years as a Principal Officer, Ifans was responsible for line managing three community homes in Gwynedd.

I have deliberately given a lot of details regarding the managers of Gwynedd Social Services to demonstrate a number of points. Firstly, the degree of conflict that obviously existed between some of them. Secondly, the number of people that were falling apart at the seams themselves – a lot of people were on long-term sick leave or being deemed incapable of fulfilling their duties. This is a key sign of an organisation in trouble but judging from the chunks of the Waterhouse Report that I’ve read so far, Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have taken on board the significance of this. One inescapable theme is how many of these people had connections with each other, or had been circulating around the system for some time. During the 80s and 90s, if one was English and living in Gwynedd, one heard constant allegations that Gwynedd County Council was a ‘closed shop’ and that ‘they only employ their friends and their relatives’. There does seem to have been an awful lot of that going on – but another allegation that English people frequently made was ‘none of them have ever been out of Gwynedd’. Judging from the previous account that is very obviously not true. They had all had stints of studying or working elsewhere – or moving on elsewhere after presiding over the horror that was Gwynedd children’s services. But as far as I can see that is simply more terrifying. That lot had a well-established network that will have been affording them protection and as I have previously argued it stretched far and wide, into England as well. A number of them had also worked in places where it is now known that there was a problem with the organised abuse of children eg. Cheshire, Leicester and inner London. Again and again I was told that the problems in north Wales re the children’s services and mental health services was ‘just north Wales’. It was not. It surfaced in north Wales and ‘outsiders’ were always suspicious and curious because they were very obviously excluded on the grounds of language and it was easy for them to conjure up spectres of cave-dwelling sheep shaggers who molest the kids and burn English peoples houses down. But the vile ones had mates next door in England and had an established network to assist them. Some of them also had connections to the police and the Army…

Among all the detail supplied in the Waterhouse Report regarding Gwynedd Social Services, there is a glaring omission. Waterhouse mentions in passing a ‘child protection officer’ who was working under Gethin Evans. In a region where children were being abused by a paedophile ring and having the living daylights battered out of them by the likes of Nefyn Dodd and were being half-starved and used as free labour by ‘foster parents’, the child protection officer would be a fairly crucial member of the team. Yet they are not named and there is no reference to their evidence in the Waterhouse Report. Were they fast asleep on the job or simply terrified? Or had someone decided that they didn’t want to hear evidence from them? Or had Waterhouse heard their evidence and decided not to mention it? There was something else that he passed by with barely a comment. When he ‘reviewed’ the evidence against Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as ignoring scores of complaints of brutality – and a few of sexual abuse – against the Dodds and the people whom they employed in the community home that they ran in Bangor, Waterhouse mentions a complaint from someone referred to as X, against the Dodds. Waterhouse acknowledges that a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ allegedly signed by X was sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes expressing support for the Dodds. But Waterhouse accepted that X didn’t write this and so he disregarded it! So someone in Risley Remand Centre forged a letter from X and sent it to Lucille Hughes, supporting the Dodds, when the Dodds were under investigation for abusing children. And Waterhouse barely bats an eyelid. But then someone forged a letter from me and sent it to the GMC after I complained about Dr Tony Roberts (please see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Someone forged a certificate of indictment saying that I’d been found guilty of ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court when I hadn’t (please see post ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’). It’s good to know that I wasn’t being singled out – forging documents is obviously an everyday pastime of health and welfare folk in the face of complaints about the health and social care services. How many more forged documents are there sitting in files in the wake of caring staff having been cleared of serious wrongdoing after the plebs of this parish dared complain about them?

And therein lies the key. For the most part, the people on the receiving end of this bunch of scumbags were indeed the plebs. They were people with long-term mental health problems, drug/alcohol problems, kids in care, various dispossessed or disadvantaged people. They also often had criminal records, because as I have detailed previously on this blog, if you complained about that bunch of bastards they stitched you up for crimes that everyone knew that you hadn’t done so they could then dismiss your complaints as coming from a ‘criminal’ and therefore not to be believed. Because I constantly had the most dreadful encounters with the ‘services’ and then more dreadful encounters with officious lying shits like Glanville Owen when I tried to raise concerns about them, for many years I gained the impression that Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils must be run by daft old buggers who had worked their way up from jobs as admin assistants when they were 16 and who did not know their arses from their elbows. Some people did equate to this stereotype – namely Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who could hardly string a coherent sentence together – but let’s have a look at those at the very top of the tree in Gwynedd County Council, the successive Chief Executives who oversaw this horror. So how dim and uninformed were they?

The Chief Execs of Gwynedd County Council for the period of time reviewed by Waterhouse were: David Alun Jones, 1974-1980; Ioan Bowen Rees, 1980-1991; Huw Vaughan Thomas, 1991-1996.

David Alun Jones was a solicitor, the Deputy Clerk (1952-1961), then Clerk of Denbighshire County Council for 13 years. He read law at Aberystwyth University, then held posts as a solicitor in Ilford, Southampton, Berkshire and Surrey before Denbighshire. After his stint as Chief Exec at Gwynedd, he was the Commissioner for Local Administration in Wales for the next five years until his retirement in 1985. His evidence to the Waterhouse Tribunal revolved around the theme of how financially poor the area of Gwynedd was. It was stated that T.E. Jones, the Director of Social Services, didn’t discuss problems regarding children or the community homes with Alun Jones and Waterhouse stated that he had no reason to think that Alun Jones was aware of the complaints. Alun Jones was consulted by the Director of Social Services regarding the alleged failings of Parry, the Deputy Director of Social Services, in approx. 1974. Alun Jones thought that Parry’s services should be dispensed with, but the Chairman of the Social Services Committee, formerly of Anglesey County Council (I presume this will have been Councillor Eric Davies) thought that Parry should be given responsibility for children’s services and this was the view that prevailed. So they handed children’s services over to a man whom they seemed to be in dispute with and whom they maintained could not do his job. Did Alun Jones not think this was a little high risk? Alun Jones was a lawyer – presumably not completely stupid. But look at his background – all those years as a legal advisor to Denbighshire County Council. The North Wales Hospital was on his patch – he was there whilst Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd were in action. He will have known about the problems out there and what was alleged to have been happening. I note that Alun Jones read law at Aber – it has always been maintained that one factor preventing the true extent of the child abuse in north Wales becoming public was rampant corruption among lawyers in the region. A previous post of mine looking at corruption in the region noted how many people who had been implicated were law graduates from Aber (see post ‘Updates, Common Themes And News, May 5 2017’).

Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Exec for much of the time under review by Waterhouse, ie. 1980-1991. It was during this time that the complaints and allegations of child abuse came thick and fast, when Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on it all first raised concerns within the social services and, when she was dismissed in the wake of doing so, went very public indeed, contacting the media as well as Ministers, including Margaret Thatcher. So one would have that Ioan might have noticed that something was amiss. Ioan was a from a local family and had grown up in Dolgellau. His father was a teacher there and his mother had been one of the first women graduates from UCNW (Bangor University). Ioan went to school in Dolgellau and won a scholarship to Oxford to read modern history. So not only did he know the area but he was no fool. He decided to become a solicitor and did his articles with – the Clerk of Denbighshire County Council! Well where else? Waterhouse states that Ioan Bowen Rees was admitted as a solicitor in 1956 – so one presumes that he was doing his articles when his predecessor as Chief Exec Alun Jones worked as the Deputy Clerk of Denbighshire County Council. Bowen Rees then served in local government in Lancashire, Cardiff and Pembrokeshire, as Deputy Clerk to the County Council. Waterhouse mentions that Bowen Rees was ‘well-known’ outside Gwynedd. He certainly was. Bowen Rees died some years ago and his obituaries tell us a lot about him. He stood for election as a Plaid candidate in Conway in 1955 and 1959 and in Methyr Tydfil in 1964. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was involved in Plaid during those years and stood for election for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. Another reason why Bowen Rees will have known Dafydd then. That’s the Dafydd whose mistress was Lucille Hughes. The Dafydd who illegally banged people up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh if they complained about the childrens services or the mental health services. In 1973, Bowen Rees became the County Secretary of the newly formed Dyfed County Council. Bowen Rees was considered something of an authority on local government and won the Haldane Medal from the Royal Institution for Public Administration for his 1971 publication ‘Government By Community’, which was described by Max Beloff as ‘essential reading’. This is the Conservative peer Max Beloff, the father of Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff was the lawyer who advised Municipal Mutual, Clwyd County Council’s insurers, to suppress the Jillings Report! Bowen Rees was awarded an honorary LLD by the University of Wales in 1997. He was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards – as was Dafydd and so many others mentioned in previous blog posts. He advised the Association of County Councils and was Chair of the Society of Local Chief Executives. He was described by the TLS as ‘one of the old breed of highly educated, civilised public servants’. My co-researcher made the following observation of Bowen Rees – ‘Oxford, Plaid, Gorsedd, Gwynedd County Council – he’s got a full house’. Bingo indeed.

In his evidence to Waterhouse, Bowen Rees stated that there was a ‘difficulty’ because Gwynedd Council had no overall leader and that the financial situation through the 1980s left one with a feeling of ‘helplessness’. It was stated that Bowen Rees was more ‘interventionist’ in the Social Services than his predecessor. He was told of complaints and he therefore ordered an enquiry and a report to be conducted by officers of Dyfed County Council – whom he will have known well because he had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed. It was during Bowen Rees’s time as Chief Exec that Gwynedd saw many children in their care ‘boarded out’ (often, it was alleged, to the care of very unsuitable people). Gwynedd had the highest proportion of children boarded out in Wales and the second highest proportion in Great Britain. But Bowen Rees explained to Waterhouse that it saved the Council a great deal of money. Bowen Rees had taken a particular interest in the complaints of Alison Taylor. He told Waterhouse that he had ‘very little recollection of events surrounding the police investigation’ (thank goodness his memory didn’t let him down like that at Oxford or when he was winning medals, it just went a bit flaky when his Council was investigated by the police in the wake of allegations of a paedophile ring), but he knew that he’d asked Lucille to get in touch with him when investigation was over.(Nuffin’ to do with me Guv, I’m only the Chief Exec.) Luciile was described as being ‘over the moon’ when she told him that the police would not be taking proceedings against anyone and that there was ‘no substance’ to the allegations of abuse. Bowen Rees was satisfied that no disciplinary proceedings would have to be taken against any Council officers without talking to Lucille, because he’d talked to senior police officers. (Regular readers will remember that among the allegations of child abuse in north Wales were those that police were involved. A former senior police officer from the North Wales Police, Gordon Anglesea, was last year imprisoned for molesting children in care in north Wales.) Bowen Rees told Waterhouse that he had not been aware of Nefyn Dodd’s dual role in the management of children’s services and had been told that Alison Taylor was ‘worse than a troublemaker’. He thought that poor old Lucille had been ‘unfortunate’ in her Chairman of the Social Services Committee in the 1980s, as he was ‘wilful’ and tolerated only because of his war record. Which is quite a surprising thing for Bowen Rees to have said really, because the rest of us are of the opinion that Eric Davies did Lucille some pretty big favours – he spat poison in the direction of Alison Taylor, carried out a character assassination of her and ensured that she was sacked after she blew the whistle on child abuse in Gwynedd.

Even just the information supplied above suggests that Bowen Rees knew that there was cause for concern in the children’s services which he was paid to run. But there’s another reason why Bowen Rees would have known about the misery and suffering that his children’s services inflicted upon local people as those services worked hand in hand with his mental health services. Because he lived in a hill village near Bethesda where an awful lot of the casualties of Lucille and Dafydd resided. I know because I too lived there for years. At the same time as Bowen Rees. I and the others who had been shafted by Bowen Rees’s ‘services’ mostly lived in the main part of the village, comprised of 19th century quarrymans cottages. Bowen Rees lived near us – but not in our terraces. No, Bowen Rees resided in splendour in an enormous house shielded from our view by beech trees, down a long lane. (However, his widow does now live in the village square, but in one of the most desirable houses there.) Bowen Rees was described by his mates Jim Perrin and Meic Stephens in their obituaries of him as a ‘leftwing nationalist’, an ‘internationalist’, ‘with a philosophy of localism’, who believed in ‘the centrality of [the citizens] voice in determining policies’ and whose observations on mountaineering – which Bowen Rees enjoyed – included that ‘the early mountaineers didn’t concern themselves with the activity of a lower class’. Jim Perrin stated that Bowen Rees ‘firmy identified with that lower class’. That’s funny Jim, because I got the distinct impression that he didn’t give a fuck about them. Except perhaps at election time. I was amused to see in one of Ioan’s obituaries the comment that he ‘enjoyed the close community spirit’ of the village where we all lived. Wondering if I’d somehow missed all the occasions on which Ioan hung out in the village pub or in the canolfan or purchased his stamps from the Post Office, yesterday I rang one of my former neighbours to ask her if she ever remembered socialising with Ioan. Now this was not a neighbour who was one of the dispossessed being screwed over by Ioan and his staff. This is someone who is a retired teacher, whose husband is a retired teacher (and he graduated with a First as well), who have lived in that village for decades, who both learnt Welsh to a very high standard, who do know quite a few public figures and who are acquainted with pretty much everyone around. She replied that she knew OF the Bowen Rees’s and his wife ‘is very pleasant but they are a bit above and beyond the reach of the rest of us’. The man of the common people! Bowen Rees’s obituaries also stated that when he was young, he was regularly consulted by Gwynfor Evans, the President of Plaid (I think that he also co-authored with Gwynfor Evans) and was subsequently consulted by Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon. Who definitely knew about the havoc in the mental health services because I wrote to him about it – and I can’t really believe that he didn’t ever hear about what Lucille and co were up to either.

I’ll outline a few things that were going on in the village where Bowen Rees actually lived. There was a severely mentally ill homeless man who for some months literally lived on the playing field, completely psychotic, whilst his neighbours begged for help from the mental health services to no avail. There was another severely mentally ill man who was living in a derelict schoolhouse with an open fire inside and about nine dogs – both the police and his neigbours begged the Arfon Mental Health Team to assist him. They didn’t. This went on for many months until a relative of his was traced and she arranged for a religious order to look after him in another region. One of my neighbours up there was a young man who whose mother had killed herself when he was a child – he used to scavenge in bins for food and by the time that he was a teenager he had developed a drink problem and mental health problems. He was violent and a nuisance when he was pissed but to be fair to him, he went down to the GPs surgery in Bethesda for help with his ‘nerves’. No help was forthcoming from the GPs let alone the mental health team. There was a whole family of adults who had been on the receiving end of such serious sexual and physical abuse whilst they were children that one of them was an elective mute and another one was in the ‘care’ of the mental health services – he became destitute when the day centre at the Hergest Unit was shut down, on the orders of the Arfon Team. There was a single parent who was such a hopeless drunk that her 10 year old daughter was looking after her, the house and her younger brother – who was displaying sexually abusive behaviour himself after being exposed to sexual activity from his father. There were also the people whom I discussed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’ – in which two fathers were denied access to their own children by Gwynedd Social Services and one of those children was instead handed over to people with a known record of abusing children themselves. There was the family who had been swindled out of their inheritance and left to rot by a number of crooked lawyers and doctors, who were also refused help from the Arfon Team (please see post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’). There were two other men displaying what a social worker (well one who knew what they were doing) would describe as sexually inappropriate behaviour who had been in the ‘care’ of Gwynedd Social Services as children. There was another family whose daughter had been removed from them and had been handed over to Gwynedd Social Services for her ‘protection’ who was wrecked after her encounters with the children’s and mental health services. There was also a little girl being fostered at weekends to give her mother who lived in the neighbouring village ‘respite’. That little girl’s mother had held Alun Davies the manager of the Hergest Unit hostage at knife point in her house and he had to be freed in a police operation. No charges were ever brought against her because Davies had unlawfully accessed her medical records, removed them from the hospital and gone out to see her without anyone’s permission or indeed even telling anyone. He would have been in much trouble himself if anyone had discovered what he had done, therefore his ordeal as a hostage was ignored.

What a record of achievement! Give that man another medal. Bowen Rees drove past these people on his way to work every day – whilst they waited for the bus. Lest any readers think that poor old Bowen Rees just wasn’t mixing in the right circles to hear the accounts of the ‘service users’, there were some people in that village who had worked in his children’s homes and left, appalled at the abuse that they witnessed. I knew three of these people – they all told me that they had witnessed young people being abused. They didn’t witness sexual abuse but they witnessed physical abuse and one of them described Nefyn Dodd to me as a ‘total fascist’. The other two people had worked in the home where Alison Taylor had initially reported abuse and told me that as well as being on the receiving end of ‘cruelty’, the teenaged boys in the home were being forced to work for no pay in the black economy. They boys expressed fear of physical violence from social workers if they refused this work.

But something else was happenining in that village as Ioan Bowen Rees managed to not see what was happening on his doorstep. Something that he most certainly knew about. Lucille Hughes’s henchmen from the Arfon Team were perjuring themselves in Chester Crown Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned. They were being coached and advised in this by Lucille, Hywel Ellis Hughes the County Secretary and Solicitor, and Ron Evans, his sidekick. I have the documents to prove it and described it in detail in my post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ioan will have known about all that because Gwynedd County Council were spending a fortune trying to have me (and a few other patients) imprisoned and he will have had to sign something off. I bet he knew my address as well, because I was being served with Court documents at home. So Ioan knew that I was a neighbour! Where was his much boasted about community spirit? Oh – the other thing that happened whilst I lived in the same village as Ioan was that someone tried to set fire to my house. Twice. Another memorable feature of the village was the phone box. Ioan won’t have used it because he’ll have had a landline and a mobile as well, but a lot of people in that village didn’t have a phone so there was often a queue at that phone box. That phone box lives on in my memory for one reason – it was the phone box that was used by a mental health patient who lived in that village who repeatedly rang Crimestoppers and reported the law-breaking and abuse of named staff of the mental health services and the thugs that they were using to distribute drugs and intimidate patients who complained. There wasn’t an investigation. Ioan probably had a few words with his friends in the police again like he did after Alison Taylor blew the whistle.

Ioan will not have been able to have missed the reality of the lives of the people in that village no matter how fast he drove past them. Because his own son went to school with some of those kids who had been so badly neglected and abused. Ioan’s son went to Ysgol Dyffryn Ogwen and is now famous – he is Gruff Rhys from the rock band the Superfurry Animals. He and his mates used to practice their music in the hall at the end of the terrace where I used to live. Ioan was known to be passionate about the Welsh language and is on record as saying that we speak Welsh ‘for the sake of our children’. I’m all for bilingual children as well, but whilst Ioan’s son was learning Welsh and becoming a rock star there were a number of other children who were being beaten, buggered and raped in the ‘service’ for which Ioan was paid handsomely to provide.

Ioan’s glorious career didn’t stop after he stood down from the Chief Exec’s role after the police investigation which exonerated the whole bloody lot of them. No, Ioan was a passionate believer in devolution and was a member of the working party that advised Ron Davies the Secretary of State for Wales regarding the creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Who knows, Ioan would probably have gone on to become President of the World, but he died (Waterhouse observed that he was very sad about this) in 1999. Months before the publication of the Waterhouse Report. So if any lesser gifted and less well-connected creatures than Ioan feared that Waterhouse was actually going to admit the enormity of what had gone on and that Ioan would get himself out of the ordure by landing them right in it, they need not have worried. Ioans’s memories have been taken to the grave with him.

The Story of Ioan reminds me very much of the work of the Welsh Labour historians who were busy in the 1970s and 80s. They pissed a lot of people off because they maintained that the exploitation of the Welsh labourers in the quarries and other industries involved an enormous degree of collusion from the Welsh middle classes who also exploited the labourers and did very well for themselves out of this, but who had successfully rewritten their part in history and framed themselves as defenders of language and nation. I think it was in Jim Perrin’s obituary of Ioan Bowen Rees that there was a reference to the refreshing Ioan in contrast to the English bourgeoisie who colonised the land conservation societies… the noble Ioan who lived in his Plas shielded by beech trees so as to avoid the prying eyes of the people whom he was shafting whilst they lived in poverty…

After the People’s Champ and Defender of the Nation left his post as Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Huw Vaughan Thomas took over. Huw was originally from mid-Glamorgan, read modern history at Durham University, acquired a Masters in Administrative Sciences from City University and entered the civil service. He worked in the Department of Employment and bodies associated with it and was the Private Secretary to two Ministers of Employment. He then lead the Manpower Services Commission’s employment rehabilitation programme for disabled people. In May 1988 he moved to Wales as Director of Training Agency, Wales. He was Chief Executive of Denbighshire County Council for six years – of course he was, it seems obligatory to do a stint with them if you’re going to preside over a major child abuse scandal. Huw told Waterhouse that the allocation of resources in Gwynedd County Council  owed much to history and political considerations rather than assessment of need and the Council’s image was one of ‘fortress Gwynedd’ with a single issue of the language agenda. (I rather suspect that might have been the smokescreen that Ioan created to detract from rather more serious problems.) For most of the first three years of Huw’s tenure, there was a police investigation of Gwynedd’s children’s homes. Alison Taylor wrote to Huw shortly before an HTV programme about the abuse in north Wales in Sept 1991, requesting a meeting to discuss the ill-treatment of children. He ‘took advice’ – we are not told from whom – and he said that she should get in touch with him if she had any new matters not already investigated to report. Alison wrote again asking for a meeting regarding the extensive dossier that he had prepared relating to the abuse of children. Huw declined to meet her on the advice of the Council’s legal officers and the Chief Constable. That will have been at about the same time that those legal officers were pursuing me through the Courts for ludicrous offences such as ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’ or more serious offences that I had not committed.

So how did Huw fare once he stopped being the Chief Exec of Gwynedd in 1996? Well he was the  Assistant National Secretary of the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives and he has also been on exchanges with Chief Execs in Tasmania and New Zealand (Christ he’s gone global.) In 2001 he was appointed the Director and Principal Consultant for Taro Consulting Ltd. He was a member of the Richards Commission into the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly of Wales 2002-2004, he’s Chaired the Big Lottery Fund and served on the Parole Board for England and Wales (it really is unbelievable isn’t it). He’s a Board member for the Institute of Welsh Affairs, for the North Wales Training and Enterprise Council, a member of HEFCW, of the Law Society Council, of the Hearing Aid Council and the Olympic Lottery Distributer. His voluntary activities include involvement in two charities for deaf people, a member of the National Trust Committee for Wales, of the Princes Trust and the Chair of Plas Glyn Y Weddw Arts Centre.

Concealed a paedophile gang? Come this way Sir, we’d just love to have you on our Board.

The jewel in the crown was that on July 2010 Huw was recommended for the post of Auditor General of Wales by the National Assembly of Wales. HM the Queen herself appointed him from October 2010. He now oversees 20 billion quid of taxpayers money. His wife Enid is the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority and a member of the BUPA council. His son Owain is a trainee – at the Wales Audit Office.

Once more, I can only repeat what the residents of Ioan Bowen Rees’s village used to say when they were screwed over once more by Gwynedd County Council in some way – Jesus Christ.

There is an ancient Bela Lugosi film that used to cause merriment among film and media students because it was thought to be so ridiculous. I was told that it contained a scene where Bela looms up out of a churchyard and says ‘It’s murder – and somebody’s responsible’. Well for years children in the care of Gwynedd County Council were beaten, kicked, forced to lick Nefyn Dodd’s shoes, used as slave labour, sexually molested, kept short of food and/or abandoned. And nobody was responsible at all. The only person who lost their job was Alison Taylor.