No One Is Innocent

BBC News Wales, the ‘Daily Post’ and the ‘Western Mail’ have reported that 71 year old Bryan Davies has been found guilty at Mold Crown Court of 29 historical sex offences against boys who lived at the ‘private children’s home’ Ystrad Hall in Llangollen in the late 1970s, where Bryan Davies was Deputy Principal.

Yes, Bryan Davies is one who has been apprehended as a result of Operation Pallial. During the trial three more men came forward to say that they’d been abused by Davies as boys. The Operation Pallial team re-interviewed eight other men who had previously made complaints against Davies.

Davies was initially arrested in Oct 2013 in relation to him contacting three boys over the internet and inciting them to take part in sexual acts. While on bail Davies fled to Malta but was arrested under a European arrest warrant and extradited to the UK. Davies had been living in Sussex.

It was reported that Bryan Davies went on the run during the trial, was found in an hotel in Folkestone, slit his throat and was taken to King’s College Hospital in order to be operated on. I think that is why sentencing has not taken place yet. Davies is due to be sentenced on June 1.

 

Bryan Davies is one of those who was somehow not apprehended by the 1991-93 North Wales Police investigation into the abuse of children in care and of course the £13 million Waterhouse Inquiry also missed Bryan Davies. From what is being reported, boys complained about Davies assaulting them years ago. So there is now a 71 year old paedophile in King’s College Hospital following a suicide attempt.

I have argued previously on this blog that pursuing the now elderly sex offenders who were afforded complete protection by every part of the British state whilst witnesses and victims were murdered is farcical. However, it seems that Bryan Davies has continued his sex offending into old age, so yes, bringing him to trial can be justified because he was still active.

Sadly many of the people who knew about Bryan Davies’s offences years ago and protected him will never stand trial because they were all guaranteed legal indemnity if they agreed to give evidence at the Waterhouse Inquiry, even if they lied. For example these people:

Dr Dafydd Alun Jones

Cledwyn Williams

 

Lucille Hughes

 

Neither will the people who protected the people pictured above ever stand trial.

Such as the man on the left in this photo:

Old Warwickians - 1940s-1960s School House Dinner

Or indeed this man, who spends his days in the Lords:
William Hague Foreign Secretary (2010).jpg

Neither will any of the many people who looked the other way as some of us were screaming as loudly as we could ever stand trial. Such as:

Michael Mansfield QC 04.jpg

Many others who passed by on the other side can be found in the Commons, in the Lords, running the UK’s health and care system or in the Inns of Court. I’m sure that they will be delighted at the conviction of one 71 year old man and use this to reassure us that there is Zero Tolerance re sex offences in our nation.

Another glass of champagne Professor Bluglass?

 

My post ‘Feet In Chains’ suggested that Dafydd, the paedophiles and their friends should all be detained in one of Dafydd’s own ‘nursing homes’ under the Mental Capacity or Mental Health Act – they would be treated far worse in there than they ever would be in prison. If pigs started flying and Dafydd was ever put on trial and imprisoned, he would be one of those celebrity prisoners who receive special treatment because of their links with organised crime, such as Ronnie Kray did when he was in Broadmoor. When it was revealed that Ronnie Kray was being supplied with luxuries and privileges and that the Angels of Broadmoor deferred to him, a number of politicians appeared in the media fuming.  What did they expect? Jimmy Savile and his mate had been appointed managers – by Thatcher’s Health Minister Trumpers – and two of the civil service mandarins in the Dept of Health at the time were known associates of paedophiles (see posts ‘Socio-Political Context Of The North Wales Mental Health Services In The 1980s’ and ‘The Old Devils’). Furthermore, it was Top Doctors like Dafydd and Bluglass who decided who ended up in Broadmoor and it was their Top Doctor mates at Broadmoor who decided what ‘treatment programmes’ patients were placed on.

 

Whilst pondering on the Ronnie Kray and Broadmoor business, I remembered another high profile villain of yesteryear who did so well out of the inadequacies of the British criminal justice system that I can only conclude that, like Ronnie Kray – who was mates with various well-connected people such as Lord Bob Boothby, the bisexual swinging Conservative politician who had an affair with Harold Macmillan’s wife Dorothy as well as a great many other people – this man had help from people in high places. I am thinking of Ronnie Biggs.

My post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’ mentions that in late 1962/early 1963, two west country farmers in financial difficulties received a letter from a London solicitor inviting them to a meeting where they ‘would hear something to their benefit’. The farmers had barely visited London in their lives and had never heard of the solicitor, Theodore Goddard. They were then visited by a rep of Theodore Goddard who offered them cash to the value of their farm but didn’t actually want to buy it off them. Theodore Goddard wanted them to move out of the farm for a few months, allow the clients of Theodore Goddard to ‘use the farm’ and then move back in. The farmers were terrified and presumed that they were dealing with crooks, so refused the generous offer. The farmers subsequently put their farm on the market and as they were shifting all their stuff out, the farmer’s wife told me that Theodore Goddard turned up again with literally cases of used notes, telling them what idiots they were not to do the deal. The Great Train Robbery happened months later and the farmers noticed the similarity of the farm used by Biggs et al to their own. They had no proof that the weird letter and worrying men from Theodore Goddard were connected to Mr Biggs et al but they never stopped wondering. They kept the letter for years which was how they were able to give me details of what was in it.

A further twist was that one reason why the farmers had ended up in such financial difficulty was that they had done business with a company of which Harold Macmillan’s son was a Director and they had been ripped off – along with a lot of other farmers. The company had contracted farmers to breed and raise pigs on their behalf, but no-one was ever paid – I was told that it was quite a well-known scandal at the time and that a lot of people lost a lot of money, after having been duped into doing business with a company starring Maurice Macmillan, because after all he was the PM’s son, so it had to be OK.

I was reminded of all this last summer when I read a biography of Bertrand Russell. Russell used his solicitors to really shaft people, including his own son John, who had mental health problems. Russell’s solicitors were Theodore Goddard. My post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’ details the trail of havoc and broken lives that Russell left in his wake and his highly sexually exploitative ways. Members of Russell’s family had a penchant for acquiring diagnoses of schizophrenia and Russell was always ready to stress their unacceptable and unfathomable behaviour and what a trial for him it was to have Mental Illness In The Family. People close to Russell’s Mad Relatives told a story of Russell behaving appallingly, of abuse and intimidation and of Top Docs being asked by Russell to bang up those bloody relatives who were making such a nuisance of themselves.

One of Russell’s relatives who had a particularly hard time was his granddaughter Lucy, who set fire to herself and as a result died at the age of 26. Lucy had been virtually brought up by Russell, after he succeeded in having her father deemed as too crackers to have custody of his own daughter. Like her dad, Lucy was told that she had schizophrenia. Before this diagnosis Lucy had told people that she felt very uncomfortable about her grandfather’s behaviour towards her…

Russell spent his later years living at Penrhyndeudraeth in what is now Gwynedd. It was there that Lucy lived with him for extended periods of time. The area in which Russell lived was an interesting one sociologically because of the presence of an Anglo-Welsh aristocrat nearby, Sir Clough Williams-Ellis. Clough owned an estate in Cwm Croesor and let his properties out to his friends – many of whom were well-known bohemians, activists and writers – during the middle years of the 20th century. A great many well-known people passed through Cwm Croesor. The most famous ones were people like Eric Hobsbawm and E.P. Thompson, but a bit of digging throws up a picture of, it seems, nearly every high profile artist/writer/activist crashing out there for at least some time. They were referred to as the Welsh Bloomsbury set.

Some of Clough’s circle were moneyed aristocrats. I recently purchased an extract from Bertrand Russell’s diaries in which he recorded his visits to Clough’s place with his friends and most of those mentioned are landowning gentry from across north Wales, such as Lord and Lady Aberconway. Russell also spent time with Woodrow Wyatt – Wyatt was a man who, although he was a Labour MP, ended up as an adviser to and friend of Margaret Thatcher (An Appalling Vista’).

So Cwm Croesor attracted a curious mix of posh people, bohemians, Communists and peace activists, some of whom wanted to start a revolution. Then there were the local people – Welsh speakers who worked in quarrying or farming. Croesor was probably the first Welsh speaking area in north Wales to experience mass inward migration of English people. I collected data for a community study of Croesor some six years ago and I found that although at one time the local people seemed to live quite harmoniously with the visitors, by the early 1970s relationships had become quite fraught. Various people made various suggests as to why that was, but I don’t want to publish that here.

What is salient regarding this blog is that I discovered that Dafydd et al had impacted on Croesor. Which is hardly surprising – Dafydd and Gwynne the lobotomist impacted everywhere. In 1964 the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett published ‘A North Wales Village: A Social Anthropological Study’, a community study of Llanfrothen, the village just down the road from Croesor. Isabel was a social anthropologist from Manchester University who married a man from Llanfrothen and she knew the community well. Her book caused a degree of aggro because some of the villagers felt that she’d sleighted them. Isabel mentioned for example that there was a high rate of illegitimacy in this Nonconformist Welsh speaking village. One of the villagers made the point to me in defence of his village’s reputation that ‘all those illegitimate children belonged to one mother’.

Another book was written about life in Croesor by Philip O’Connor, ‘Living In Croesor’ and another of the writers who lived there wrote a novel based on people whom he knew in the village.

Material written about Croesor/Llanfrothen often contains the observation that there was a degree of distress and dysfunction on the part of some people in the area. That is of course true of everywhere, but in some of the relationships between people in Croesor/Llanfrothen there were substantial power differentials. Isabel’s book mentions that certain Top Doctors and lawyers in the wider region were in such powerful positions that people really did fear crossing their paths, because ruination would result. When I read that, I immediately wondered ‘Dafydd and Gwynne?’ I now wonder ‘William Mars-Jones?’ as well.

Then I read a terribly sad account of a young woman who had been taken down to Croesor by her new husband in the 1950s/60s, a man much older than her, where they lived in very difficult circumstances. Or at least she did. He buried himself in his poetry and writing, drank very heavily and went out to see his mates. He then left her for another woman. What happened to her? Er – she was declared mad and taken to the North Wales Hospital where she stayed until it closed decades later. Or as we now know, until only parts of the hospital closed. She was finally released in the 1990s, an old lady, who was parked in Betws-y-Coed to live out her days. The precipitating factor that caused this woman’s crisis was, I seem to remember, a pregnancy that her husband wasn’t too happy about…

 

I know enough about Dafydd and Gwynne to know that influential yet exploitative/abusive people with money who might want to shut someone up would find Dafydd and Gwynne very useful. Bertrand Russell was living at Penrhyndeudraeth when he was informing Theodore Goddard that members of his family were insane and should be locked up in their own interests.

Dafydd! Did you perchance ever have dealings with a Nobel Prize winning polymath peace campaigning friend of Tariq Ali who wasn’t quite what the wider world thought that he was? I think we should be told.

 

I was told by one of my interviewees that there had been a big problem in the area because until – I think – 1968, there was no Welsh speaking social worker available, so Welsh people were being hauled off to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh on the basis of an interview conducted in a foreign language. An advance had allegedly been made when a Welsh speaking social worker was appointed, from the locality. Of course I think that people should be assessed in a language that they speak – and feel comfortable with – if they are at risk of being hauled off to an asylum. But this is Dafydd and Gwynne we are talking about. They could have offered interviews in English, Welsh and Japanese and decisions would still not have been taken in the best interests of the patient.

Dafydd and Gwynne were running a hell-hole with a dungeon in which they incarcerated the victims of a paedophile gang. The Welsh-speaking social worker would have been working for Dafydd and Gwynne.

I was not given the name of the Welsh speaking social worker who’s presence at Croesor was supposed to constrain the activities of the paedophiles’ friends, but in about 2004 I had an encounter with a Welsh speaking social worker who lived in Croesor.

This was at the height of my battles with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, after I had narrowly escaped prison following yet another attempt to frame me and after many years of enduring Keith Fearns’s unpleasantness and harassment in the face of Gwynedd Social Services flat refusal to take action against Fearns.

So some thirteen years ago I decided to try and obtain a copy of my records from Gwynedd Social Services. Someone had told me that Fearns et al now had a new manager who was actually trying to address their dreadful conduct. That manager was a man called Merfyn Hughes (full name Thomas Merfyn Hughes). I ended up having a phone conversation with Mr Hughes – it was a fraught conversation because Mr Hughes insisted on referring to me as a ‘service user’. I told him that I wasn’t a ‘service user’, I was a human being and furthermore I had never received a ‘service’ from Fearns and the Arfon Team, only constant aggro. However to be fair to him, Mr Hughes told me that he would request a copy of the records that the Arfon Team had compiled on me (even though I had never been a ‘client’ of theirs). Further telephone calls to Mr Hughes revealed that the Arfon Team were ignoring his requests. So Mr Hughes told me that he would personally visit the Arfon Team’s offices and retrieve the records himself. I understand that he did do this. I did eventually receive a copy of these records, although the harassment from Fearns et al continued. However I was later told that Merfyn Hughes had never managed to get the Arfon Team under control and that he had now retired.

In 2011 I was told that a man who had once been Elfyn Llwyd’s electoral agent (Llwyd is a barrister and the former Plaid MP for Dwyfor Meirionydd) had been found dead in rather strange circumstances. This job description didn’t mean anything to me – but I was then told his name, Merfyn Hughes and that he’d been a social worker with Gwynedd. I realised that this was the man who had braved Fearns and extracted my files in person.

I googled the story and found this newspaper report detailing Mr Hughes’s death http://www.walesonline.co.uk/news/local-news/man-died-after-falling-down-1845258

So the inquest at Caernarfon held by the notorious Dewi Pritchard Jones  heard that Merfyn had been drinking in the Bron Danw Arms and that the pub landlord had said that he ‘wasn’t sober’. He left the pub at 2 am to walk home. He never got home – his body was found 36 hours later in the garden of somebody else’s house, behind a greenhouse, at the bottom of an embankment and could not be seen from the road or the house. Detective Inspector Brian Kearney stated that there were marks on the footpath above the embankment consistent with someone having rolled down the embankment and that one of Mr Hughes’s shoelaces was undone. A postmortem showed no signs of a head injury and tests showed little alcohol in his blood at the time of death. Pathologist Mark Lord said that death was due to hypothermia.

Dewi recorded a verdict of accidental death and then reached a quite extraordinary conclusion as to how Mr Hughes’s death occurred, even by Dewi’s standards – ‘he somehow slipped and fell down the embankment but nothing to show he tried to get out. It appears that he fell asleep, the cold took over and he later died’. Now I don’t know about Dewi, but if I fell down an embankment in the early hours of the morning and landed in someone else’s garden, I don’t think that I’d then decide to have a nap on the spot rather than try to get out. And even if I did make such a decision I very much doubt that I’d be able to get such a good night’s sleep that I’d die of hypothermia somewhere along the way. And if the pub landlord had stated that Merfyn ‘wasn’t sober’, why was there ‘little alcohol’ in his blood at the time of death? It’s also fascinating that at some point after falling down the embankment, going to sleep and dying, Mr Hughes managed to conceal his body behind a greenhouse in a spot where it could not be seen from the road or house.

People in Gwynedd have become used to reading Dewi’s bizarre speculations when people with mental health problems have been found dead – but it would seem that people working in the mental health services are also found dead in inexplicable circumstances, only for Dewi Pritchard Jones to conjure up a most unlikely explanation for their death.

 

Anyone for re-opening an investigation into Merfyn Hughes’s death? Let alone for doing a bit of digging regarding the identity of the tame Top Doctor whom Bertrand Russell had on tap and finding out how many vulnerable people who had been stung by Russell’s mates were hauled off to Denbigh, suffering from the vapours/a wandering womb/spermattorrhea/cottage ignition syndrome/paranoid schizophrenia/manic depressive insanity or other serious conditions that Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist knows all about?

‘Denbigh is unique’ – Dafydd, circa 1994.

 

 

To return to Ronnie Biggs, who may perhaps have known a firm of solicitors called Theodore Goddard.

John Theodore Goddard founded the law firm bearing his name based in London. The firm merged with Addleshaw Booth & Co in May 2003 to become Addleshaw Goddard. Theodore Goddard was the solicitor appointed by Wallis Simpson as an adviser to her during divorce proceedings. When King Edward VIII’s intention to marry Wallis became known, Goddard became closely involved in the abdication negotiations, at the behest of PM Stanley Baldwin. Goddard personally negotiated with Wallis, the King and the PM.

Theodore Goddard’s early reputation enabled him to attract as a valuable client the newly created office of the Public Trustee. It was the Public Trustee who collaborated with Dafydd when he fleeced Mary Wynch decades later.

John Theodore Goddard retired as senior partner in 1950 and died in 1952. The 1950s saw a period of further growth through amalgamation with, in particular, the City firm of Deacons & Pritchard (founded in 1834) and the firm of Rhys Roberts & Co (founded in 1883 by future PM David Lloyd George, a partner of the firm until his Parliamentary duties grew too burdensome).

The firm was again caught up in the Profumo Affair. In 1963, then senior partner Derek Clogg was instructed by Profumo. At the time of the Profumo Affair, Lord Astor was married to his third wife, Bronwen. Bronwen went to school in Dolgellau and was the daughter of a Welsh judge. See post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’ for details of the Profumo Affair, the involvement of Trumpers and others. Theodore Goddard & Co was referred to in Hansard as ‘a solicitor of the highest reputation and widest experience’ who ‘has had great experience in cases dealing with libel, with divorce and all those matters where human frailty and possible lying may come into account’. In the late 1950s and early 1960s, Theodore Goddard & Co attracted many company clients and the commercial side of the practice grew rapidly.

 

More recently Theodore Goddard has retained a strong media and entertainment law practice alongside a private client capability (including private tax work for members of The Rolling Stones and David Bowie). The firm occasionally gave rise to high-profile cases involving celebrities including the firm’s instruction in relation to the ‘Hello!’ magazine dispute over photographs of Catherine Zeta-Jones wedding to and its appointment by Michael Jackson to advise on the ‘Living With Michael’ documentary.

 

Ronnie Biggs was born in Lambeth and in 1947, at age 18, Biggs enlisted in the RAF. He was dishonourably discharged two years later, after breaking into a local chemist shop. One month after that, he was convicted of stealing a car and sentenced to prison. On his release, he took part in a failed robbery attempt of a bookmaker office in Lambeth. During his incarceration in HMP Wandsworth, he met Bruce Reynolds, The Brains in the Great Train Robbery.

After his third prison sentence, Biggs tried to go straight and trained as a carpenter. In Feb 1960, he married Charmian. Biggs, who needed money to fund a deposit on the purchase of a house for his family, was working on the house of a train driver who was about to retire. The driver’s real name is unknown, since he was never caught. He was the one who introduced Biggs to the train robbery plot. 

The gang then stopped the mail train from Glasgow to London in the early hours of 8 Aug 1963. The robbery yielded the participants £2.6 million (equivalent to £49 million in 2017); Biggs’s share was £147,000 (equivalent to £2,824,900 in 2018). Three weeks later, Biggs was arrested in South London, along with 11 other members of the gang. In 1964, nine of the 15-strong gang, including Biggs, were jailed for the crime. Most received sentences of 30 years. Lord Edmund-Davies was the judge who presided over the trial and many thought that the sentences were too severe. Edmund-Davies was one of the paedophiles’ friends of Wales.

Biggs served 15 months before escaping from Wandsworth Prison on 8 July 1965, scaling the wall with a rope ladder and dropping onto a waiting removal van. He fled to Brussels by boat, then sent a note to his wife to join him in Paris where he had acquired new identity papers and was undergoing plastic surgery. During his time in prison, Charmian had started an extramarital relationship and was pregnant by the time of his escape to the Continent. Choosing to support her husband, she had an illegal abortion in London and then travelled with their two sons to Paris to join Biggs.

So thus far, it sounds as though there were some helpful prison officers who didn’t see anything or hear anything and some Top Docs willing to assist without asking questions.

In 1966, Biggs fled to Australia. By that time Biggs and his family had spent all but £7,000 (equivalent to £119,700 in 2018) of his £147,000 share of the train robbery proceeds: £40,000 (equivalent to £683,800 in 2018) on plastic surgery in Paris; £55,000 (equivalent to £940,200 in 2018) paid as a package deal to get him out of the UK to Australia; and the rest on legal fees and expenses.

LEGAL FEES?? He was an escaped robber…Was the bill from Theodore Goddard?

In 1967, Biggs received an anonymous letter from Britain telling him that Interpol suspected that he was in Australia, so he moved from Sydney to Melbourne. Biggs had a number of jobs in Melbourne before undertaking set construction work at the Channel 9 TV studios. In Oct 1969, a newspaper report by a Reuters correspondent revealed that Biggs was living in Melbourne and claimed that police were closing in on him. Biggs fled his home, staying with family friends in the outer eastern suburbs of Melbourne. Five months later, he fled on a passenger liner from the Port of Melbourne, using the altered passport of a friend; his wife and sons remained in Australia. Twenty days later, the ship berthed in Panama and within two weeks Biggs had flown to Brazil.

Following disclosure of Biggs’ fathering a child in Brazil, Charmian agreed to a divorce which was completed in 1976. Allowed by authorities to remain in Australia, she sold her story for £40,000 to an Australian media group to enable her to purchase the rented house that the family had lived in at the time of Biggs’s flight to Brazil. Charmian later became an editor, publisher and journalist. Her sons—who later visited Biggs a few times in Brazil— live anonymously. In 2012 Charmian acted as a consultant on the five-part ITV Studios docu-drama Mrs Biggs.

In 1970, when Biggs arrived in Rio de Janeiro, Brazil did not have an extradition treaty with the UK. In 1974, ‘Daily Express’ reporter Colin MacKenzie received information suggesting that Biggs was in Rio de Janeiro. This confirmed and the story broke. Jack Slipper of the Yard arrived soon afterwards, but Biggs could not be extradited because his girlfriend, nightclub dancer Raimunda de Castro, was pregnant. Brazilian law at the time did not allow a parent of a Brazilian child to be extradited.

During 1974, in Rio, Biggs, collaborated others to record Mailbag Blues, a musical narrative of his life that he intended to use as a movie soundtrack. This album was left undiscovered until it was finally released in 2004 by whatmusic.com.

In April 1977 Biggs attended a cocktail party on board a Royal Navy frigate which was in Rio for a courtesy visit, but he was not arrested. Though in Brazil he was safe from extradition, Biggs’s status as a known felon meant he could not work, visit bars or be away from home after 10:00 p.m. To provide an income, Biggs’s family hosted barbecues at his home in Rio, where tourists could meet Biggs and hear him recount his involvement in the robbery. Biggs was even visited by former footballer Stanley Matthews. Around this time, “Ronnie Biggs” mugs, coffee cups and T-shirts also appeared throughout Rio.

Biggs recorded vocals on two songs for ‘The Great Rock and Roll Swindle’, Julien Temple’s film about the Sex Pistols. Not only did Sid Vicious and Nancy Spungeon come to their ends in questionable circumstances, but one who knew them, Adam Ant aka Stuart Goddard, had some very bad experiences with the Top Docs, experiences which Stuart Goddard was prevented from talking about in the media.

In March 1981, Biggs was kidnapped by a gang of British ex-soldiers. The boat they took him aboard suffered mechanical problems off Barbados and the stranded kidnappers and Biggs were rescued by the Barbados coastguard and towed into port. The kidnappers hoped to collect a reward from the British police; however, like Brazil, Barbados was found to have had no valid extradition treaty with the United Kingdom (a fact which chess player David Levy claimed to have paid lawyers to unearth) and Biggs was sent back to Brazil. In Feb 2006, Channel 4 aired a documentary featuring dramatisations of the attempted kidnapping and interviews with the ex-British Army soldier who carried it out. The ITN reporter Desmond Hamill paid to accompany Biggs on the private Learjet returning him to Brazil and secured an exclusive interview.

Biggs’s son by de Castro, Michael Biggs, eventually became a member of a successful children’s programme and music band, bringing a new source of income to his father. In a short time, however, the band faded into obscurity, leaving father and son in financial difficulty again.

In 1991, Biggs sang vocals for a German punk band and in 1993, Biggs sang on three tracks for an album by an Argentinian punk band.

In 1997 the UK and Brazil ratified an extradition treaty. Two months later, the UK Gov’t made a formal request to the Brazilian Gov’t for Biggs’s extradition. Biggs had stated that he would no longer oppose extradition. English lawyer Nigel Sangster QC travelled to Brazil to advise Biggs. The extradition request was rejected by the Brazilian Supreme Court, giving Biggs the right to live in Brazil for the rest of his life.

In 2001 Biggs announced to ‘The Sun’ newspaper that he would be willing to return to the UK. Having 28 years of his sentence left to serve, Biggs was aware that he would be detained upon arrival in Britain. His trip back on a private jet was paid for by ‘The Sun’, which reportedly paid Michael Biggs, Ronnie’s son, £20,000 plus other expenses in return for exclusive rights to the news story. Biggs arrived on 7 May 2001, whereupon he was immediately arrested and re-imprisoned.

Michael said that, contrary to some press reports, Biggs did not return to the UK simply to receive health care. On 14 November 2001, Biggs petitioned Governor Hynd of HMP Belmarsh for early release on compassionate grounds based on his poor health. He had been treated four times at the Queen Elizabeth Hospital, Woolwich in less than six months. His health was deteriorating rapidly and he asked to be released into the care of his son for his remaining days. The application was denied. On 10 Aug 2005, it was reported that Biggs had contracted MRSA. His representatives, seeking for his release on grounds of compassion, said that their client’s death was likely to be imminent. On 26 Oct 2005, the Home Secretary Charles Clarke declined his appeal stating that his illness was not terminal. Home Office compassion policy is to release prisoners with three months left to live. Biggs was claimed by Michael to need a tube for feeding and to have ‘difficulty’ speaking.

On 4 July 2007, Biggs was moved from Belmarsh Prison to Norwich Prison on compassionate grounds. In Dec 2007, Biggs issued a further appeal, from Norwich Prison, asking to be released from jail to die with his family: ‘I am an old man and often wonder if I truly deserve the extent of my punishment. I have accepted it and only want freedom to die with my family and not in jail. I hope Mr. Straw decides to allow me to do that. I have been in jail for a long time and I want to die a free man. I am sorry for what happened. It has not been an easy ride over the years. Even in Brazil I was a prisoner of my own making. There is no honour to being known as a Great Train Robber. My life has been wasted.’

In Jan 2009, after a series of strokes that were said to have rendered him unable to speak or walk, it was claimed in the press that Biggs was to be released in Aug 2009 and would die a ‘free man’. Michael had also claimed that the Parole Board might bring the release date forward to July 2009. On 13 Feb 2009, it was reported that Biggs had been taken to hospital from his cell at Norwich Prison, suffering from pneumonia. This was confirmed the following day by Michael, who said Biggs had serious pneumonia but was stable. News of his condition prompted fresh calls from Michael Biggs for his release on compassionate grounds.

On 23 April the Parole Board recommended that Biggs be released on 4 July, having served a third of his 30-year sentence. However, on 1 July Jack Straw did not accept the Parole Board’s recommendation and refused parole, stating that Biggs was ‘wholly unrepentant’. On 28 July 2009, Biggs was readmitted to Norfolk and Norwich University Hospital with pneumonia. He had been admitted to the same hospital a month earlier with a chest infection and a fractured hip but returned to prison on 17 July 2009. His son said: ‘It’s the worst he’s ever been. The doctors have just told me to rush there.’

On 30 July 2009, it was claimed by representatives of Biggs that he had been given ‘permission’ to challenge the decision to refuse him parole. However, the Home Office stated only that an application for the early release on compassionate grounds of a prisoner at HMP Norwich had been received by the public protection casework section in the National Offender Management Service. Biggs was released from custody on 6 August, two days before his 80th birthday, on ‘compassionate grounds’.

Following his release from prison, Biggs’s health improved, leading to suggestions that he might soon be moved from hospital to a nursing home. In response to claims that Biggs’s state of health had been faked, his lawyer stated, ‘This man is going to die, there is going to be no Lazarus coming back from the dead, he is ill, he is seriously ill.’ Biggs himself stated, ‘I’ve got a bit of living to do yet. I might even surprise them all by lasting until Christmas, that would be fantastic.’

On 29 May 2010, Biggs was again admitted to hospital in London after complaining of chest pain. He underwent tests at Barnet General Hospital. Michael stated that ‘he’s conscious but he’s in a lot of pain’. In Aug 2010, it was claimed by the ‘Sunday Mirror’ that Biggs would be attending a gala dinner where he would be collecting a lifetime achievement award for his services to crime.

On 10 Feb 2011, Biggs was admitted to Barnet General Hospital with another suspected stroke. Michael said he was conscious and preparing to have a CT scan and a series of other tests to determine what had happened. On 17 November 2011, Biggs launched his new and updated autobiography, ‘Ronnie Biggs: Odd Man Out – The Last Straw’, at Shoreditch House, London. He was unable to speak and used a Word board to communicate with the press.

On 12 Jan 2012, ITV Studios announced it had commissioned the drama ‘Mrs Biggs’.  Charmian Biggs acted as a consultant on the series and travelled to Britain from Australia to visit Biggs in Feb 2012, just before the filming.

In March 2013, Biggs attended the funeral of fellow train robber, Bruce Reynolds. In July 2013, ‘The Great Train Robbery 50th Anniversary:1963–2013′ was published, with input from Biggs and Reynolds.

On 18 Dec 2013, aged 84, Biggs died at the Carlton Court Care Home in Barnet. The Rev Dave Tomlinson officiated at Biggs’ funeral, for which he drew public criticism; Tomlinson responded to critics by reminding everyone ‘Judge not, that ye be not judged’.

 

Ronnie Biggs got a rather better deal out of the British criminal justice system and certainly from the NHS than any victim of Dafydd and the paedophiles ever did. Somehow they never managed to escape from prison, although a lot of them were found dead on the ‘medical wing’ in Risley Remand Centre. They didn’t continue to live for years after Top Docs stated that they should be released on compassionate grounds because the end was imminent, indeed a lot of them told Top Docs of serious health problems only to be told in response that there was nothing wrong with them. Neither were they feted by the media. They were denounced as nutters and addicts who had been ‘feral children’ or ‘out of control’ when they were young. If they ever demonstrated that they had been fitted up for crimes, they would be reminded that they were ‘no angel’ and ‘had got away with lots of other things’. But then they didn’t have access to the services of people like Theodore Goddard.

There were people who did object very strongly to the making of a folk hero out of Ronnie Biggs, but in his defence Biggs and co reminded everyone that he was an honest thief, he never killed nobody. The son of the train driver who was coshed on the head during the robbery pointed out that his dad never recovered from his injury. Biggs’ supporters retorted that the train driver died years later of an unrelated condition. Not only do head injuries have long term devastating consequences, but the Top Docs seemed to be keen to help Biggs et al and could well have decided not to flag up the degree of damage done to the train driver.

Even if Biggs et al had not injured anyone, the thing that worries me is the number of crooked professional people who were prepared to help Biggs and his mates. At least some of them will have been among those who helped Dafydd and the paedophiles. That is why, 50 yrs after John Allen opened the Bryn Alyn Community and after two police investigations, one ‘independent’ investigation and a £13 million Judicial Inquiry into the abuse of children in care in north Wales since 1974, a 71 year old paedophile is currently in King’s College Hospital after escaping during his trial, when he was finally charged with numerous offences that he committed 40 yrs ago. And still we are told that there was no cover-up in north Wales.

Career criminals like Brains Bruce Reynolds make contacts with corrupt professional people via many routes. However I note that before he embarked on his life of crime, Reynolds worked in the Middlesex Hospital. Which was where Gwynne the lobotomist trained and which supplied an alumni network that protected him until the day that he died. In old age, of cancer. Not by hanging in Risley Remand Centre when he was 19 after he complained of being repeatedly sexually assaulted.

 

Other news from north Wales is that a carer at the Heddfan Unit has been jailed for more than five years after appearing in Caernarfon Crown Court for having sex with a patient ‘young enough to be his daughter’. Not just once, but on a number of occasions. Neither did this sound like a Mills and Boon hospital romance – the carer was involved in a relationship with his ex-wife as well as another woman. The patient has stated that she now realises that she was exploited. Presumably Dr Peter Higson, the Chair of the Betsi Board, is now investigating complaints of staff sexually exploiting patients. That’s a new direction – Higson ignored complaints about Dafydd doing this for years when Higson was the manager of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. The carer concerned had worked at the Heddfan Unit since 2001.

In 2006 the Heddfan carer was convicted for ‘outraging public decency’ in a ‘flashing incident’, but the Health Board didn’t know and his employment continued. Can someone explain how his employers didn’t know about that? In 2006 the Betsi Board had not been created – the Heddfan Unit was still managed by the Welsh Gov’t, but by a previous NHS Trust. In 2006 Gangster Gibbons was Health Minister – Gangster Gibbons wrote to me at that time telling me that ‘this correspondence is closed’ when I told him that I had documentary evidence of serious criminal activity in the mental health services in north Wales. Gangster Gibbons knew as well as the rest of us that staff should have been regularly CRB checked to guard against this sort of event. So why didn’t that happen then Gibbons? Furthermore, I know that Martin Jones at the NW Wales NHS Trust wasn’t carrying out CRB checks on his staff either, two different moles told me. Until very recently Martin Jones was Director of the Workforce at the Betsi. Martin Jones’s wrongdoing was one matter about which Gangster Gibbons closed down correspondence with me. For more details on Gangster Gibbons and his deep and meaningful relationship with another fraudster of south Wales, Julian Tudor Hart, see post ‘The Human Stain’.

 

The sex fiend of the Heddfan Unit was not the only carer in north Wales in trouble. An ‘incompetent care worker’, Lee Woods, employed by Wrexham County Borough Council, has been struck off by a Social Care Wales fitness to practice committee, who concluded that he posed a risk to young people and could not be relied upon the deliver a service ‘to individuals’. The concerns were that Woods failed to carry out his boss’s instructions, which included failing to complete housing and welfare rights applications for clients and submitting inaccurate expense claims. Once more, I can only suppose that standards are improving. For years social workers – including senior social workers such as ‘team leader’ Keith Fearns – employed by Gwynedd Social Services flatly refused to give scores of people any ‘service’ at all. Those people did not know about the benefits to which they were entitled so they lived at sub-benefit level and had no chance of gaining accommodation unless they rented or purchased privately because to gain social housing, mental health patients in Gwynedd needed their application endorsed by the Arfon CMHT. The reason for their refusal to assist certain clients was always the same – that they had ‘upset people’. Translated that meant that they’d complained about Dafydd and the paedophiles.

I don’t know if the Arfon Team submitted fraudulent expense claims, but I’d imagine that they’d find that particular temptation hard to resist. They did used to sit in Bangor Morrison’s cafe every morning from 9-30 until 11-30 enjoying a cooked breakfast when they were supposed to be on duty down the road in their office. But then the team alcohol counsellor Tom Harney was an alcoholic who ran a pub on the north Wales coast. When the then CEO of the Betsi Mary Burrows kicked Harney out of his job for seriously neglecting his patients, Harney got a job with Dafydd’s charity CAIS. As an alcohol counsellor of course.

Members of the Arfon Team faced no action even as a result of their threats and harassment of patients until Mary Burrows launched an investigation into them some six years ago and they were subsequently all sacked for seriously neglecting clients. None of them were struck off. Keith Fearns, Julie Evans and Maggie Fookes simply set themselves up as therapists. They are still working.

The Social Care Council has only been in existence since 2016. Lee Woods had worked for WCBC since 2005. Until 2016, the body responsible for regulating Lee’s standards at work was the Care Council for Wales. There is no mention in the reports re Lee that his standards had slipped – according to WCBC he had always been hopeless, lied when he was caught out, refused to undertake training and could not be improved. The Care Council for Wales missed all that then. Who was the CEO of the Care Council for Wales throughout its entire existence? Step forward Rhian Huws Williams.

Rhian has been a paedophiles’ friend for 35 years now, as a result of her long career in social work in Wales, which began at UCNW back in the 1970s. Rhian spent some years as a training officer for mental health social work in Wales. Rhian has lived through it all – the deaths of witnesses, the police investigations, the Jillings Investigation and the Waterhouse Inquiry. She knew nuzzing. Just as she didn’t know about Lee Woods. Rhian was made a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 2014. She doesn’t write Cynghanedd or anything like that, so I presume that Rhian has got in there by being a mate of Dafydd’s or Robyn Lewis’s.

 

Teachers who are members of the NASUWT at Connah’s Quay High School have gone on strike on the grounds that they are ‘fearful’ of senior management. My post ‘I Warn You…’  describes the dreadful senior management of Holyhead School some 16 years ago – although the regime was in place for a few more years after that – by the Head Margaret Chantrell and her total fuckwit of a Deputy, Gerald Hewitson. The whole of north Wales knew how serious the problems were and the classroom teachers were being scapegoated. Most of the teachers at Holyhead were actually very good but they were constantly undermined by Chantrell and Hewitson. Chantrell and Hewitson did have one accomplice on the staff however – the vile Gill Dennis. Dennis volunteered to be a mentor for student teachers on placement from Bangor University and systematically tried to blow them all out of the water. According to Dennis, in the year in which I did teacher training (2000-01), none of the student teachers but one were sufficiently competent enough to qualify. Dennis came gunning for me as well, but I didn’t link her activities with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends because before she even met me she tried to completely ruin the career of one student teacher who had been on placement at Holyhead School the term before me. Bangor University had to step in and protect all the student teachers whom Dennis tried to fail or force to withdraw from the course. I mentioned that there was one student whom Dennis did find acceptable – Dennis had such a high opinion of her that she told her to apply for a vacancy as a science teacher that was coming up and also told her that she would almost certainly be offered the job, so impressive was she. On the big day, this candidate was not offered the job. She never understood why. Gill Dennis later commented that she didn’t get the job because she wore a jumper for the interview rather than a blouse. (It wasn’t a Gyles Brandreth jumper – it was an upmarket lightweight jumper made of fine wool, which she wore with an equally upmarket suit.)

The irony was that Gill Dennis was very obviously rather unkempt and neglected herself. Her standard wear was nylon trousers with a plastic jacket, she was usually pretty grubby and unusually for someone in a professional job she had very bad teeth – they were well on the way to being blackened stumps. I’m not making these observations simply to kick Dennis in the chops – although she richly deserves it – but because I and another person noticed that those choppers of hers did resemble the sort of decaying teeth that long term amphetamine users often end up with…

On the day before I finished my placement at Holyhead, Gill Dennis told me that she’d had a bellyful of Holyhead School, she hated us, she didn’t care about us or the school and the only reason why she volunteered to be a mentor to the student teachers was to get a good reference from Gerald Hewitson in order to secure another job near Merseyside. Dennis didn’t even live in north Wales, she lived on the Wirral and drove to Holyhead every day.

Because Gill Dennis couldn’t actually point to anything that the trainee teachers had done wrong, she maintained that none of us should be allowed to qualify because we ‘lacked professionalism’.

Gerald Hewitson sexually harassed one of the trainee teachers whilst she was on placement at Holyhead School.

As Holyhead School finally imploded, Margaret Chantrell whined about the people of Holyhead in a media interview and complained that they were such a load of gits that they wouldn’t even support their ‘community school’. The school to which one of Chantrell’s prized members of staff commuted from her home in another country and couldn’t wait to escape.

If anyone knows the reason for Gill Dennis’s desire to destroy the careers of student teachers or whether her teeth had suffered because of amphetamine use, please let me know.

 

The ‘Daily Post’ has reported that raids conducted by the Merseyside Police across Merseyside, the Wirral and in Wrexham have resulted in the seizure of drugs and guns, including a machine gun.

 

Chris Lloyd of the Ogwen Valley Mountain Rescue team was interviewed by the media after the team were called out to rescue walkers who were not only alleged to be very ill-equipped but were also suspected of not being in need of rescuing but just fancied a lift back down the mountain. I know that such things do occasionally happen and when they do, Mr Lloyd and his colleagues get seriously pissed off. What was of interest was the identity of two local rent-a-gobs who also commented, neither of the rent-a-gobs being members of the Mountain Rescue team themselves.

The rent-a-gobs in question were the leader of Conwy County Council, Gareth Jones OBE and the Tory MP for Aberconwy, Guto Bebb. Bebb stated that people rescued by the Mountain Rescue team should have to fund their own rescue and Gareth Jones said that he shared Bebb’s sentiment, that no-one likes to see public money wasted, but that enforcing payment would be difficult.

Gareth Jones OBE has featured on this blog previously. He is the former Headmaster of Ysgol John Bright and in 1991 was a member of the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which investigated the serious sexual assaults perpetrated on children in Cartrefle, a Clwyd children’s home. Every member of the Panel was someone who had previously concealed child abuse and one member was H.H. Ellis, the crooked County Secretary of Gwynedd County Council who had tried to frame and imprison me (see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’).

Not that Gareth Jones needed to have sat on that panel to know what was happening to kids in care in north Wales. Gareth was born in 1939 in Blaenau Ffestiniog, went to Swansea University and then became a teacher and returned to north Wales. He couldn’t have missed that paedophile gang.

Gareth was the Plaid AM for Conway, 1999-03 and for Aberconwy, 2007-11. So Gareth sat in Cardiff Bay when the Waterhouse Report was published and said not a word. £13 million quid that Report cost Gareth – that will be rather more than was spent rescuing the dipsticks from the hills the other day. If you and your associates hadn’t have concealed the criminality of Dafydd et al, that £13 million could have been put to better use.

Gareth lives in Craig-y-Don, Llandudno. Dafydd holds clinics there and has a ‘nursing home’ there as well.

Before Gareth was elected for Aberconwy in 2007, he was Cabinet member of Conwy County Council for finance and resources, as well as leader of the Plaid Group. So Gareth was on that Council whilst Conwy County Council passed homes owned by Prestwood People Trafficking Ltd as being suitable, whilst clients were assaulted, injured and groomed for sex work (see post ‘A Convenient Arrangement With The Private Sector’).

In the 2007 Assembly election, Gareth campaigned on a Save Llandudno Hospital ticket, although the Labour Party denied that downgrading was planned for Llandudno Hospital. I know people who were treated at Llandudno Hospital and they spoke very highly of the care that they received. One is a good friend of mine and I have no reason to disbelieve her. However I also know that Prestwood clients were being taken to Llandudno Hospital with injuries and after suicide attempts and no questions were asked. They were only ever allowed to go for medical care in the company of Prestwood staff and then they were patched up and returned to Prestwood.

Gareth Jones was a member of the Llandudno Hospital Action Group and is a Trustee of St David’s Hospice. St David’s Hospice is run entirely by paedophiles’ friends, Alun Davies was the Chief Executive after he ran the Hergest Unit into the ground and now Trystan Pritchard is Chief Exec. Trystan is a former corrupt NHS manager who, along with Martin Jones, refused to investigate complaints of Ysbyty Gwynedd staff abusing patients when Trystan worked for the NW Wales NHS Trust. See post ‘The CEOs Of St David’s Hospice’.

Trystan is a Freemason. As I am fairly sure is Gareth Jones.

Gareth is also a Board member for Aberconwy Women’s Aid and a Patron of Tyddyn Bach, an HIV centre at Penmaenmawr.

Gareth’s political interests are social justice, the Welsh language and education. So that is why he ignored a paedophile ring that spilt over into the schools and who targeted Welsh speaking as well as English speaking kids.

Guto Bebb went really apeshit about those whom he alleges abuse the Mountain Rescue service. Guto stated that they ‘should be made to take responsibility, both moral and financial, for their actions’.

Guto hasn’t yet featured on this blog but he certainly needs to. Guto Bebb has been the Tory MP for Aberconwy since 2010. He’s been involved in a few controversies in recent years. In 2014 Guto became embroiled in a twitter spat with a constituent who has Aspergers and Guto told him that people with mental health problems should not ‘publicly comment’ no less. Then in 2017 Guto told a constituent who challenged his voting record that he was ‘talking out of his arsehole’. There was more trouble in 2017 as well – Guto was the subject of outrage after he hired his wife as a translator and office worker just before Parliament blocked the practice of MPs employing their relatives.

Guto was born in Wrexham in 1968. As Guto was growing up, the kids in the care homes just down the road from his birthplace were being battered and raped into oblivion. Not that many of them should have been allowed to publicly comment, because so many of them had mental illness diagnoses. They’d only have been talking out of their arseholes. Guto will have been delighted that so many of them didn’t ever comment, having been imprisoned or died so young.

Guto went to Ysgol Sir Hugh Owen, along with some of the kids who were being abused. But they were quietly ignored. Far better to involve oneself with the children of Dafydd Wigley who also went there.  Guto then studied history at Aberystwyth University, when it was run by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘A Bit More Paleontology’).

Guto hasn’t always been a Tory. He used to be a Plaid activist and was Chairman of Caernarfon Plaid. Er – Guto, it was Plaid-dominated Gwynedd County Council with their HQ in Caernarfon who knew that their children’s homes were full of paedophiles but took no action wasn’t it?

One of my friends knew Guto. She went on a business course and Guto was doing some of the teaching. Guto told the class how hopeless the Welsh Assembly are at matters business. They probably are Guto, but nothing rivals the fuckwittery, corruption and nepotism re ‘business development’ that prevails at Gwynedd County Council.

I don’t know Guto but I think that he might know me. I was next to him shopping in Caernarfon Morrison’s once – he was pushing a trolley full of small children – and he was very icy towards me. I only knew who he was because I recognised his photo. Yes, Guto, that was me, that fucking cow who just would not shut up about Dafydd and the paedophiles and who even wrote books and academic articles about the abuse of mental health patients by mental health staff. I know that I shouldn’t be allowed to publicly comment but I’ve written well over 500 posts on this blog now…

 

Anyone interested in Welsh political history knows of Guto’s grandfather, Ambrose Bebb. Ambrose was one of the founders of Plaid, along with Saunders Lewis. Dafydd was a mate of Saunders Lewis and I bet that Dafydd was a mate of Ambrose Bebb as well. Ambrose Bebb also knew J.E. Daniel, the father of the corrupt judge Huw Daniel who was looking forward to imprisoning me in 2004 on the basis of the perjury of Angels from the Hergest Unit.

Ambrose went to Aberystwyth Univerrsity when an earlier generation of paedophiles’ friends ran the place and when it produced scores of law graduates who became corrupt lawyers and judges who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles. When Ambrose was a student at Aber he published an article in support of the 1916 Easter Rising in Ireland which was banned by the College authorities. Ambrose spent much of his life teaching at Coleg Normal, the teacher training college which trained scores of paedophiles’ friends.

Ambrose Bebb was one of the early members of Plaid who gave Plaid the tag of being a fascist – even a Nazi-supporting – party. Ambrose Bebb did not support the Nazis, he was one of a number of Plaid leaders who had links with French Catholic nationalist far-right groups.

I don’t agree with everything that your grandfather wrote Guto, but I would never have told him that he didn’t have the right to publicly comment. But then I’m not an offensive hypocrite of a paedophiles’ friend am I.

‘They should be made to take responsibility, both moral and financial, for their actions’. £13 fucking million on a rigged enquiry Guto. So that your associates didn’t go to prison.

 

The Mountain Rescue teams in north Wales get a great deal of good PR and I’m sure that for the most part they do a worthwhile job, but there are members past and present of the Mountain Rescue teams who could give police statements about certain matters. One member of the Ogwen team is Phil Benbow, who is a senior nurse at Ysbyty Gwynedd and for a long time was a senior nurse in the Hergest Unit. Phil Benbow did not abuse patients himself but he bloody well knew that it was happening. Phil was walking onto wards where patients had just been assaulted and had visible injuries. He was told how those injuries happened as well. Time to speak out Phil? Patients died up there. Not on your shifts, but you knew that place was crawling with dangerous violent Angels and that patients were not safe.

One abuser who was involved with Mountain Rescue in north Wales – but I don’t think that it was the Ogwen team – was dear old Stephen Gallagher (see post ‘Two Dangerous Very Dishonest Nurses’). A past leading light in the Ogwen team was the late Tony Jones, a lecturer at Bangor University, who was close friends with many corrupt officers in the North Wales Police and used to get his mates to arrest students that he didn’t like just for a laugh. An aspiring policeman also volunteered with the Ogwen team. He didn’t get into the police force – something was found on his record when he was 19 that caused the North Wales Police to turn his application down. He was very angry about it at the time, but the North Wales Police wouldn’t budge. So he joined the Mountain Rescue team and then became a paramedic! I was told that the past event that the police had objected to was a violent incident. So someone put him in a green jump suit and stuck him in the back of an ambulance instead.

 

Vaughan Gething has announced that the Welsh Gov’t is to outlaw smoking in the fresh air in the grounds of public buildings, including hospitals, because of the risk to people’s health from passive smoking. Sharing thousands of cubic meters of fresh air with someone puffing on a fag is not the same as a newborn sharing a box room with someone chain smoking High Tar No 6 or Woodbines Vaughan. Before you worry about first world problems, I suggest that you ask yourself what else might be going wrong in the mental health services of the Betsi after the Tawel Fan Scandal and now the imprisonment of the flasher who was employed as a carer for having sex with a patient.

 

Carwyn has made a speech at Wales’s annual TUC conference in Llandudno. Carwyn told a lot of lies about the NHS – it is of course excellent – and talked about other achievements of his that the Wales TUC might not have been that impressed with, because Carwyn isn’t Jeremy Corbyn. Not that the Wales TUC will be in a position to point the finger at anyone now that it has been made public that Edwina Hart – the former Chair of Wales TUC – when she was Minister for the Economy and Finance, dished out business support funding in return for sexual favours (see post ‘Criminals Are Getting Away With It’).

 

Lastly I am delighted to be able to report another breakthrough from CR UK, who seem to have discovered many earth-shattering new things since this blog provided details of the previous research frauds conducted by people funded by CR UK. The latest breakthrough has been made by a research team from Cardiff (where else?). We are told that a method has been found of completely destroying cancer cells in ovarian cancer whilst leaving healthy tissue untouched. Details of viruses which have been ‘trained’ to recognise cancer cells were provided, along with info about the everyday habits of viruses, accompanied by the obligatory diagrams of the double helix. (Which might have to stop because somebody has just popped up with a challenge to the double helix model.) The main problem with ovarian cancer is diagnosing it in the first place and the Cardiff team don’t seem to be addressing that. Although we were told that the ‘cure’ ‘could soon be a possibility’, I note that the experiments have been conducted on mice and the work has not yet reached clinical trials. Work on mice takes many years before it translates into interventions in the clinic. Furthermore, the attrition rate of those procedures is very high – the vast majority of new drugs etc fall at the many hurdles between ‘it’s worked on the mice and the mice haven’t died’ stage and the ‘safe and effective in humans, ready for the clinic’ stage. Cardiff are jumping the gun.

 

 

 

Inside Information About A Hergest Unit Death

  • I have received an e mail from someone who was an inpatient on a ward at the Hergest Unit when the death of another patient occurred. I have promised my informant that I will provide no information that could lead to them being identified so I cannot publish all the information that they have given me concerning the death, but I will blog as much about the circumstances as is safe for my informant. I will call my informant Z.

The patient who died whilst he was an inpatient at the Hergest Unit was 28 year old Medwyn Jones from Anglesey who died in the Hergest Unit on Nov 9 2014. What I have been told by Z was that Medwyn ‘didn’t die a straightforward death’. Z tells me that the day before he died Medwyn was sitting in a communal TV lounge with other patients – Z noticed that Medwyn’s ‘movements were inconceivably slow’ and that Z had never seen anybody move so slowly. Medwyn then went out into the communal outdoor area with other patients for a smoke. Medwyn sat on a small wall and nearly fell off – another patient caught him as he overbalanced and steadied him. The patient who had caught Medwyn as he lost his balance told Medwyn to go back into the ward before he hurt himself.

The next morning at about the time that Z regularly got up to have a coffee and a smoke with other patients, the hospital alarm went off. The patients were told that Medwyn had been found dead in bed.

Z maintains that another patient in the hospital had been supplying Medwyn with temazapam – although Z doesn’t know the quantities that were being supplied – and that Medwyn was also in receipt of substantial quantities of subutex, a heroin substitute, from the drugs cabinet on the ward which was given to him by the Angels.  Medwyn told Z that he was being given subutex by the staff. On one occasion Z remembered a member of staff asking Medwyn if he felt better ‘after that’ – the staff member was described as ‘fairly bald with a few grey hairs’.

Before Medwyn’s death, Z had been told that fellow patients had been supplying Medwyn with diazepam.

Z is concerned that none of their concerns about Medwyn were mentioned in connection with his death – Z was not asked anything by the police and ‘as far as I know neither were my fellow patients’.

Z cannot remember the name of the ward involved – Z has given me a description of the ward and it definitely wasn’t Taliesin, the locked ward, but it could have been any of the others because they are all virtually identical.

Z’s main concern is the lack of police statements taken from the people who last saw Medwyn alive. Z states that although Medwyn had a drug problem it was not a heroin problem. Z reiterates that ‘his final evening he wasn’t right’, that ‘he should have had more regular observations’ and that ‘people don’t just vomit in their sleep and choke to death unless some kind of gag reflex suppressant is present in the body’.

Z has been a patient at the Hergest Unit and at the Heddfan Unit in Wrexham Maelor. The ‘contrasts are quite stark in terms of professionalism’ and at the Hergest ‘staff didn’t behave as staff’. As far as Medwyn’s death is concerned Z didn’t think that there was a ‘correct investigation’.

 

The official version of the cause of Medwyn’s death can be read on the website  www.thefreelibrary.com. It was reported that the coroner stated that the cause of Medwyn’s death ‘remains a mystery’. The coroner was this blog’s friend Dewi Pritchard-Jones, whose ability to ignore factors suggesting that a death was suspicious or even the result of foul play (see post ‘A Particularly Worrying Death’) is unrivalled. Dewi held the inquest in Caernarfon and maintained that ‘a cocktail of anti-depressant drugs’ which Medwyn had been prescribed ‘must have lowered his bodily function to the extent that it caused aspiration’. According to Dewi a ‘nurse had discovered Mr Jones – a voluntary patient – motionless at 9-45 am on Saturday Nov 9 last year and despite the efforts of a crash team he could not be revived’.

Dewi commented that ‘the previous day he had been in good spirit and had accompanied another patient to a local shop’ and that Medwyn had ‘been monitored by nurses throughout the night’. Dewi gave the cause of death as ‘aspiration of gastric juices’ and stated that ‘there were various theories but he had no real answers to what had happened’. The postmortem had ‘revealed no trace of injections, alcohol or illegal drugs’. Dewi was ‘facing a situation where I do not have a clear explanation of why the aspiration took place’. He returned a narrative verdict – that Mr Jones ‘died from a known but unforeseen side effect of therapeutic treatment’.

The glaring question here – assuming that Dewi didn’t know about the concerns of the other patients – is that how did this happen in a ward where the staff claim to be carrying out regular observations on patients, including throughout the night? But then Hergest is a place where a manic patient choked to death IN THE PRESENCE OF A SENIOR NURSE and at the inquest it was admitted that there was no doctor on call at Hergest and that doctors working in the A&E Dept in Ysbyty Gwynedd ‘were reluctant’ to attend the Hergest Unit if asked.

Medwyn’s death is just one of the many, many deaths of people in the ‘care’ of the Hergest Unit that should never have happened.

Z observed that ‘when somebody dies in hospital I guess the people who run the hospital get away with finding dead bodies without question?’ and that ‘I’m surprised really that they didn’t find chemicals in his body though someone was supplying him’. History does indeed repeat itself – Z’s comments reminded me of the first death that I had knowledge of in the mental health services in north Wales, the circumstances of which had definitely been lied about by at least two people and probably many more. Collusion was involved on the part of the path labs at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the coroner did not follow up many matters that he very obviously should have.

A young woman called Dorothy Griffiths from Holyhead died in one of the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd before the Hergest Unit was opened. I’m fairly sure that Dorothy died in either 1987 or 1988. She drowned in the bath. The official story was that Dorothy was a ‘very disturbed lady’ – like all of the rest of us who complained about the paedophiles’ friends. The Angels on the ward – who of course carry out regular observations of the disturbed ladies – eventually noticed that no -one had seen Dorothy for ages, so a search was begun. No-one could find her but someone noticed that a bathroom was locked. A male nurse broke the door down and found Dorothy inside, having drowned.

The shit absolutely hit the fan and an investigation was launched. The local newspaper subsequently reported that the disturbed lady had been recommended to go to the North Wales Hospital, Denbigh as a long term patient but her parents had fiercely objected – now why might that have been?? So Dorothy had been admitted to Ysbyty Gwynedd instead. A nurse called Jackie Ehlen gave evidence at Dorothy’s inquest and maintained that she had given Dorothy anti-psychotic medication. A junior doctor called Colin Flood also testified that Dorothy had been given anti-psychotic medication, but his evidence conflicted with Jackie Ehlen’s. One of them had said that Dorothy had been given oral medication, the other said that she had received an injection. Neither backed down from their story at the inquest and the conflicting evidence was never resolved. However, Dr Sadie Francis – the wife of Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) – gave evidence at the inquest that the toxicology tests had not shown any anti-psychotic medication in Dorothy’s body ‘which was inexplicable’ because of course Dorothy had received the medication, Jackie and Colin Flood had just testified to that. Faced with the fact that somebody – or everybody – was lying, including possibly the path lab, the coroner didn’t dig any further. Dorothy’s death was just that of another nutter. The coroner did say that he didn’t think that bathrooms in psychiatric units should be lockable though. So that was the solution to staff who had neglected their duties with lethal results and then lied on oath – leave the patients with even less dignity and protection from predatory staff or patients.

I spoke to one of Dorothy’s relatives and I heard a bit more. The news of Dorothy’s death had been broken to her parents by ‘two absolutely awful managers’ from Ysbyty Gwynedd. I’m not sure for certain, but I think that those two will probably have been Alun Davies and Barry Shingles. The managers seriously upset Dorothy’s family. Then a few hours later Dr Sadie Francis arrived at Dorothy’s parents’ home. Sadie spent a long time with them, apologised for Dorothy’s death and told them that if she had been there it would not have happened. Dorothy’s mum said that Sadie was ‘lovely, really good’. No-one was disciplined following Dorothy’s death – which greatly upset her parents. They tried to press for disciplinary action but that was never going to happen.

Before Dorothy’s death, there had been a very, very critical report produced about the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd – Seiriol and Dwynwyn wards. The report stated that the wards were unsafe. Gwynedd Health Authority was in meltdown, effectively bankrupt and a team of management consultants were sent in from the Welsh Office. David Hunt, a junior Minister in the Welsh Office – who later became Secretary of State for Wales –  had personally written to Noreen Edwards, a former Angel who was Chair of the Health Authority. The situation was so bad that there were questions in the House from Dafydd Wigley and Ieuan Wyn Jones that were parried by the paedophiles’ greatest friend Wyn Roberts (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

In response to the damning report about Seiriol and Dwynwyn wards, a Psychiatric Services Management Committee was created, consisting of Tony Francis, Barry Shingles and Alun Davies – who had been responsible for the shambles in the first place and who all hated each other, but who always worked together to conceal the abuse of patients and the associated criminality. Barry Shingles was a manager who later killed himself after being shafted by his colleagues who had prevented him from bagging the job of CEO of the North West Wales NHS Trust. The dreadful Keith Thomson (see post ‘Former NHS Managers Keeping A Low(er) Profile’) snaffled that instead. Barry Shingles had been severely clinically depressed for a long while before his suicide. So Barry Shingles was someone else who failed to access appropriate care and treatment in the face of a serious illness. Could Shingles have possibly been given the treatment that was meted out to so many witnesses to the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, that is no treatment at all or treatment which made his condition worse until the inevitable happened? There was no publicity about Shingles’s suicide so I do not know the circumstances under which he died or who found the body. Tony Francis killed himself more recently just after Operation Pallial re-opened the investigation into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

Although Dorothy’s mum felt very reassured by Sadie, I too was reassured by Sadie on many occasions. Documents released to me last year demonstrate that whilst she – and Tony – were presenting themselves as my protectors and even friends, they were working very hard behind the scenes to have me locked up and they perjured themselves repeatedly in attempts to achieve this. I do not know whether Sadie was coerced into being part of it all – she was in the end treated very badly by the very shitbags with whom she had colluded for so long and took early retirement after being frozen out by her colleagues – but I know of other patients who also felt that Sadie had let them down very badly.

As for the results from the path lab re Dorothy – they can’t necessarily be believed either. The pathologist for north west Wales at the time was Dr Donald Wayte, who was notorious. Wayte’s high points included letting a 15 year old schoolboy join him at work because Wayte was friends with the boy’s mum and the teenager wondered what a dead body etc looked like. Wayte also caused a furore in the London based press by stating on the basis of no evidence at all that most cot deaths were the result of the babies being murdered by their parents. Wayte’s wife Avril was another leading light in the pathology service in north Wales – she might even still work for the Betsi Board. If she doesn’t, then she did until quite recently. Avril is a Trustee of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s charity CAIS, along with Lucille Hughes and other paedophiles’ friends.

Dr Colin Flood is now a GP in Llandudno, at the Mostyn House Medical Practice.

Perhaps the police would like to re-open the investigation into Dorothy Griffiths’ death and launch an investigation into the death of Barry Shingles as well.

I got to know Jackie Ehlen myself in 1994. When there was yet another attempt to frame me on the basis of the perjury of staff of the mental health service – in this case on the part of Bridget Lloyd, a CPN with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, who had previously worked as the senior Angel on Seiriol and Dwynwyn wards. After Lloyd lied to the police about me allegedly ringing her office and threatening her (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – The Scottish Play’), Tony Francis declared me to be too dangerous to be in receipt of the mainstream mental health services and I was told that if I went to Ysbyty Gwynedd I’d be arrested. Two staff with whom I did get along very well and found helpful (a senior nurse and a senior occupational therapist) were ordered by the senior managers of the mental health services in north west Wales not to communicate with me in any way. I found out later that the nurse and occupational therapist were livid about this, made representation about it to the hospital authorities but were basically told to fuck off. Tony Francis ordered that I was to be transferred to the forensic psychiatry team – the senior nurse of which was Jackie Ehlen. I met Jackie Ehlen on many occasions and I found her to be very pleasant. I was found not guilty in Court a few months after I had been arrested and charged and I did not have any further contact with Jackie. I then found out that Tony Francis had written a report for the Court BEFORE the trial, stating that WHEN I was found guilty I should be sent to a secure unit.

When I received my full files from my lawyers last year, I found documents written by Jackie Ehlen in 1994, detailing telephone conversations that she had held with another patient about me of which I had no knowledge. Jackie had received a number of telephone calls from him and had documented some (inaccurate) information that he had given to her. Interestingly enough this patient had also made a number of complaints to Jackie about Tony Francis, telling her that he was ‘incompetent’ and ‘mad’. However compromised and threatened Jackie Ehlen felt by the criminals with whom she was working, she was obviously doing a number of things that she should not have been doing.

Jackie continued to work for the mental health services in north Wales, eventually at a senior level – Bridget Lloyd also bagged herself a senior role. I last saw Jackie about five years ago when I bumped into her in Tescos in Bangor. We had a chat and Jackie told me that she was working for the Betsi and doing a PhD at Bangor University.

A quick google search reveals that Jackie contributed to the Betsi’s Strategic Review of Older People’s Care at the end of 2014 which followed the Tawel Fan scandal. The Betsi commissioned Flynn and Eley Associates Ltd to compile the Report upon which they based their Review. Flynn and Eley Associates Ltd thanked a number of people for their advice when compiling the Report, including Jackie Ehlen. Other people who were thanked included Giles Harborne, Adrian Jones, Simon Pyke and Bob Woods. Giles Harborne is an odious psychiatrist who worked with Dafydd at Denbigh and has spent years treating patients like turds and refused to investigate serious complaints both from me and other people when he was appointed Chief of Staff at the Betsi (see post ‘After The Betsi Came Into Being’). Adrian Jones and Simon Pyke were two mental health services managers in north Wales who took early retirement – somebody quipped a few months ago that they’ll have set up their own consultancy and will now be selling their advice to the Betsi – who lied to patients, lied about patients and who were also in communication with officials in the Welsh Assembly who were smearing patients who had complained about the mental health services to Lesley Grifiths and Mark Drakeford when they were Health Ministers (see post ‘His History Repeats Itself, First As Tragedy, Second As Farce’). Bob Woods is Professor Bob Woods, a clinical psychologist at Bangor University who has led the clinical psychology programme in north Wales for decades and concealed all the crap along with the best of them (see post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection’). Bob Woods’s area of expertise is dementia- so that is why Tawel Fan, the worst scandal involving the abuse of dementia patients that there has been in the UK,  happened on Bob’s patch.

Not only do the advisors to Flynn and Eley Associates have a long track record of deceit and concealing criminality and the abuse of patients, but Flynn, Eley and the Associates themselves are cut from the same cloth. Joanna Griffiths is listed as one of the Associates of Flynn and Eley.

Joanna Griffiths is a member of a family who retain such a stranglehold on the social services in north Wales that they are known as ‘the Mafia’. Joanna is the former Director of Conwy Social Services – she was in post when their children’s services were damned by an external investigation as being seriously crap. Joanna is married to Aled Griffiths aka the Buffet Slayer, a man who was a ‘senior lecturer in law and social sciences’ at Bangor University. The Buffet Slayer was the source of much discontent at Bangor University. He failed to turn up to give his lectures, broke into another lecturer’s office and ‘borrowed’ some books without permission, gatecrashed every free lunch/dinner that there was, bullied and pushed other people around, was utterly incompetent and tried to bribe one of the law students when the student began a case of disability discrimination against one of the Buffet Slayer’s friends. In return for all this, one year at the graduation ceremony Bangor University gave the Buffet Slayer an award for teaching excellence. At the graduation lunch after the ceremony, law students could be heard shrieking ‘I don’t believe it, Aled fucking Griffiths has been given a Teaching Fellowship’. Griffiths himself was at the lunch armed with champagne and his extended family who had come to celebrate his success.

The Buffet Slayer has a twin brother, Huw, who was one of the solicitors working in Gwynedd in the 1980s/90s and who sat in the local magistrates courts watching the paedophiles’ friends frame me and other people.

The Buffet Slayer’s sister is Gwenan Carrington, the equally incompetent former Director of Social Services for Gwynedd County Council. Whilst Gwenan Carrington was Director, Gwynedd Social Services were so spectacularly bad that an external inspection deemed them ‘incapable of improvement’. The inspection report made it quite clear that it was the dreadful management that was responsible, not the front line social workers. After the report was published, everybody took the view ‘at last Carrington will be forced to resign’. She wasn’t. The fuckwit Gwen hung on for a few more years until another bomb went off on her watch and then she announced that she was waving everybody a fond farewell. Just as everyone was about to crack open the champagne, Carrington announced that she had a new job – as Director of Community Services on Anglesey. The Slayer’s family come from Anglesey, his dad was a Methodist Minister there and the Slayer is mates with the infamous dysfunctional crooks that double up as the Councillors on Anglesey. Within two years of Gwenan being appointed as Director, there was a crisis in the old folks home – which were the only ‘community services’ that Anglesey had, things like centres for people with learning disabilities didn’t exist anyway. Anglesey County Council had one of their regular financial crises which meant that they had to ‘cut services’ – the only services left were the old folks homes, so Gwenan flogged them to the private sector. Meanwhile, at least one of the County Councillors had become a millionaire as a result of a development that had sprung up on his fields, after he had received planning permission from Anglesey County Council. Not only that, but he then went to prison for other matters.

One of the many things that had to hushed up at Bangor Law School was how two mature female law students who were prosecuted for a massive financial swindle actually found their way onto a law degree. I was told by the other students that the two women were friends of Gwenan Carrington who only had to have a word with her brother for two places to become available…

Whilst the kids in the care of Conwy Social Services were left neglected and whilst the students at Bangor University waited in vain for the Slayer to arrive to give his lectures, Joanna and Aled enjoyed themselves on regular trips abroad. After arranging one of their jaunts to Germany, Joanna became very distressed because she realised that they would be in Germany for her burfday – the Slayer had promised that they would go to the opera on her burfday. So Joanna and the Slayer flew to Germany, then flew back to Cardiff for a night with a thousand stars – the Slayer went backstage to meet them all – and then they buggered off back to Germany again the next day for the rest of their holiday.

On one occasion after the Slayer got rat arsed at an evening do with his buddies at Bangor Business School, he fell into a hole that some workmen had dug outside of the Management Centre building. Did the Slayer take this as an indication that he had drunk too much? No. He threatened to sue his own mates – whose free dinner he had attended – because the workmen hadn’t put enough cones around the hole. There were plenty of cones there and a barrier of warning ribbon, but the Slayer was so pissed that he just crashed through the lot.

I am confident that if I researched the other names listed as Associates of Flynn and Eley, their records of achievement will be as impressive as that of Joanna Griffiths, but I’m going to have to leave that for another occasion – however it is worth me devoting a bit of space here to Flynn.

Dr Margaret Flynn is the former Chair of Lancashire Safeguarding Adults Board. She carried out the serious case review of Winterbourne View, the hospital which was the centre of a Panorama expose some years ago. Undercover filming revealed young learning disabled adults being slapped, kicked and sworn at by their ‘carers’. It transpired that someone had blown the whistle previously but their concerns had been ignored. At the time of Winterbourne View, the Betsi still had Mary Burrows as the CEO, the Mary who tried to challenge the paedophiles’ friends but who was blamed for their wrongdoing and hounded out herself. I was at the Betsi Board meeting – as an observing member of the public – when Mary announced that after Winterbourne View, she had gone through the records to see if there were any patients of the Betsi who had been placed in establishments run by the company which ran Winterbourne View. There were – they had been placed there by the North West Wales NHS Trust. Presumably whilst Martin Jones was CEO – the Martin who co-ordinated the campaign against Mary and even wrote a blog, the purpose of which was to undermine her. Martin is currently Director of Workforce at the Betsi.

In 2013 Margaret Flynn was commissioned by Carwyn to lead the Review that accompanied Operation Jasmine, the police investigation into a chain of elderly people’s homes in Gwent in south Wales which were owned by a Top Doctor. Appalling neglect had taken place which had resulted in the deaths of some of the residents. The scandal was the worst scandal involving old people’s homes in the private sector that there had been in the UK. It was discussed in at least one academic conference in England to demonstrate how little effective regulation there is in privately owned residential homes. The Top Doctor had become a millionaire as a result of the profits from these homes. The police did bring eventually  charges against the Top Doctor, but some months later he was burgled and during the burglary he was coshed on the head. A medical report subsequently declared him unfit to stand trial. I do not remember the GMC ever placing him under investigation.

After the roaring success of Operation Jasmine, the Health Minister and paedophiles’ friend Mark Drakeford appointed Margaret Flynn as Chair of the newly created National Independent Safeguarding Board. Drakeford also appointed five Board members to help Flynn. One was Keith Towler, the former Children’s Commissioner for Wales. Towler’s glorious career began in South Glamorgan County Council’s social services dept. The South Glamorgan County Council which was packed with paedophiles’ friends including Jane Hutt, Julie Morgan and Drakeford himself. Rhodri Morgan was employed by South Glamorgan County Council and at one point the Rev Bob Morgan, dad of the Baroness of Ely – Eluned Morgan – was the leader of that Council (see post ‘More Than Politics And Local Government’). South Glamorgan County Council collaborated  with Nicholas Edwards aka Lord Crickhowell and his mates on the multi-million pound scam that was Corruption Bay (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

Towler then worked in youth justice – in 1998 he was Head of NACRO (National Association for the Care and Resettlement of Offenders) Cymru. I remember NACRO well. It ran meaningless ‘projects’ for the dispossessed, many of whom were victims of the paedophiles and their friends. One of the ‘project supervisors’ employed by NACRO used to live in the same village as me. He was a petty crook who sexually exploited numerous local girls/young women and then spent a number of years cohabiting with Professor Louis Appleby’s former colleague, Denise Baker-McClearns, who joined him in conducting hate campaigns against anyone who challenged the paedophiles’ friends – whilst both of them were personal friends of a man who had served a prison sentence for child sex offences himself. After deciding that being a NACRO supervisor or any other type of employment was too much like hard work I was told that the former NACRO supervisor  took up cocaine dealing. In 2001 Keith Towler was appointed Director of Crime Reduction for NACRO.

Whilst Towler was Children’s Commissioner for Wales, one of his members of staff alleged that there was a big problem with workplace bullying in his office. She was sacked. She took her case to an employment tribunal during which her fitness as a social worker was questioned by Towler. The allegations were found to be unfounded but she was not reinstated. She had worked as a children’s social worker in north Wales for years. Both she and Towler will have known about the paedophile gang – as indeed will have everyone in the Commissioner’s Office.

Another member of Flynn’s Board appointed by Drakeford was Jan Pickles, a social worker who has worked in Gov’t, for the Third sector, in the probation service and for the NSPCC – everywhere that was dominated by the paedophiles’ friends then. After that, Pickles was involved with domestic abuse work. I seem to remember that Janet Pickles was the person named in Harriet Harman’s autobiography as the friend of Julie Morgan whom Harriet was introduced to…

Drakeford also appointed Rachel Shaw as a member of the Board. Rachel has had a long career working with children, as an Angel, a midwife and a health visitor and led the Safeguarding Children Service for Public Health Wales. Public Health Wales was well known as a repository for those who would have been dismissed from their jobs if they had worked in any organisation other than the NHS. I used to share an office with one such person who began life as an Angel in Liverpool, did a law degree but not very well and then reinvented herself as a ‘risk manager’ for the NHS. She was appointed to lead a risk management project based at Bangor University along with Patricia Gaskell, the manager of the Welsh Risk Pool. Gaskell was the former solicitor for the North West Wales NHS Trust who concealed the abuse of patients and criminal misconduct including assaults on patients by staff (see post ‘Who Is In Need Of Restraining?’). Another leading light in the project was John Bowles, the risk manager for Ysbyty Gwynedd whilst patients were slaughtered, a man who referred to his colleagues as ‘my subordinates’. Bowles and Gaskell used to drop in to our office to visit their colleague and Bowles took every opportunity that was available to him to read whatever documents were on my desk, have a look at my computer screen and ensure that he was within eavesdropping distance when I was making phone calls. This was almost certainly related to the war that the North West Wales NHS Trust were waging on me at the time after Gaskell had failed to investigate my complaints. I found out that Gaskell wasn’t investigating other people’s complaints either when she worked for the Trust. After three years the project imploded, everyone fell out with everyone else in true NHS style, the two PhD students who were part of the project left without Masters degrees let alone PhDs and so few project deliverables had been delivered that the project funders made noises about the return of their money. There was a huge row at a senior level in the University and the glorious leader of this appalling mess, the expert in risk management, became seriously depressed. Unlike your average service user, she didn’t find her life and career destroyed – no, she sued the University although how none of us ever discovered and was then given a job with Public Health Wales. Which she subsequently left under a huge cloud. It was not the end of the line. She set up an executive coaching business no less and over the last couple of years has been commissioned by the Betsi to train their senior doctors in the ways of ‘managing change’ and ‘transformational practice’. I cannot help wondering if the root of her success is related to the knowledge that she has about the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends and her friendship with that very good friend of the paedophiles, the former CEO of the Conwy and Denbighshire NHS Trust, Gren Kershaw (see posts ‘How Much Do Staff Surveys Really Tell Us?’ and ‘The Reality Is, There Is No Problem’).

I can see great things ahead for the National Independent Safeguarding Board.

 

Now for a bit more background on a man whom I introduced in my post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’, Ed and David Miliband’s Uncle Harry.

Uncle Harry was Professor Harry Keen who died in April 2013. Uncle Harry was married to Aunt ‘Nan’, Anna, who was Ralph Miliband’s sister. Uncle Harry spent his career in the elite London medical schools, log jammed with Top Doctors who run Harley Street clinics and profitable side-lines in expert witness testimonies alongside their NHS work. Uncle Harry qualified at St Mary’s Paddington on 5 July 1948 – the same day that the NHS came into being! Uncle Harry made much of this for PR purposes. Whenever Uncle Harry and his mates went into battle with the Gov’t – which as I shall explain happened quite regularly – Uncle Harry would remind them that the day that he qualified ‘was the start of his lifelong love of the NHS’. Uncle Harry had a little anecdote that he related which served him well in multiple situations. It concerned him paying a home visit to a poor down-trodden mother of two boys, Billy and Johnny (very obviously rather contrived names), at the dawn of the NHS. Mrs Anonymous – Uncle Harry didn’t invent a name for her – had called him out without realising that we now had an NHS and she didn’t have to pay for the medicine. In her attempt to skimp on the cost, she tried to pull the wool over Uncle Harry’s eyes as a result of her intentions to share one pot of medicine between the two boys although they had different medical needs. Uncle Harry worked out what was going on and was delighted to tell Mrs Name Not Worth Remembering that he could now give her a free prescription for BOTH boys. So the waifs received the appropriate medicines and Uncle Harry left the slum dwelling with a warm glow, safe in the knowledge that he would trot this story out in the event of every BMA pay claim.

Uncle Harry did not explain to the slum dwellers that the BMA had fought tooth and nail against the creation of the NHS and that the only way that Nye Bevan got them to agree to accept it was to ‘stuff their mouths with gold’ and give the Top Doctors enormous power within the NHS that was paying them a bloody fortune out of the taxes of people far less well paid.

After qualifying, Uncle Harry worked in the Medical Unit at St Mary’s Paddington until 1953. St Mary’s is the traditional birth place of Posh Babies – Prince William was born there. Half of the NHS obs and gynae budget was probably invested into Lindo Wing when Di announced her pregnancy. At the time that William was born there was much dissatisfaction with NHS maternity services which resulted in public protests. Up in Bangor, the St David’s Laundry was still in operation and at the London Hospital there was a civil war taking place between Wendy Savage and her boss (see post ‘The BMA and It’s Ethics’).

Uncle Harry of the Proles was then appointed Senior Clinical Assistant in the Diabetic Dept in King’s College Hospital, where he worked under Dr R.D. Lawrence, better known as Dr Robin Lawrence, who 19 years previously had founded the British Diabetes Association (now Diabetes UK) with his patient H.G. Wells.

If one googles Dr Robin Lawrence, one actually finds news stories about another Dr Robin Lawrence. This Dr Robin Lawrence was a Harley Street psychiatrist who in 2010 was struck off after telling a female patient who consulted him after she had a miscarriage about his sexual fantasies which featured her. Lawrence was subsequently reinstated after a High Court ruling that the decision was ‘unlawful due to unfairness during the GMC hearing and in the decision making process’ and because of ‘procedural and evidential irregularities’. Lawrence was subsequently reinstated on the register.

In 2000 the same Dr Robin Lawrence – then a senior fellow at the Institute of Psychiatry – denied serious professional misconduct at a GMC hearing after recommending to one of his young female patients that she should have sex with him on a regular basis as therapy when she mentioned that she was a virgin who was feeling a bit anxious about having sex for the first time. She had been his patient for three years and had originally consulted him about an eating disorder and her distress after her father had died. Lawrence – a married father of four – downloaded porn from the internet and showed it to her as part of the therapy.

An article in the Independent from Dec 1992 features the same Dr Robin Lawrence who was then working as a psychiatrist at South Western Hospital, Clapham. A woman had been sectioned and held at that hospital on the grounds that she had broken the tiles off the walls of her house and had made a bonfire in her house. It transpired that her power had been cut off after her house was flooded and that the only way that she could keep warm was by making a small fire. She had taken the tiles off her wall to make a safe platform and a surround for the fire. When it was discovered what had actually happened, a Mental Health Review Tribunal released her immediately. Robin Lawrence sectioned her again for six months before she had time to leave the hospital on the grounds that her ‘mental state had deteriorated’ and that he wanted to ‘try a new drug’ with her. The High Court were hearing the case and MIND expressed concerns that if the High Court upheld Lawrence’s actions, it would open up a loop hole in the Mental Health Act.

I am delighted to report that Robin Lawrence is still working as a psychiatrist and is advertising his services online. At the time of the South Western Hospital business, the mental health services in north Wales were far too busy facilitating the paedophile ring to look after any patients. I lived in the same village as a seriously mentally ill man who was also lighting open fires in the derelict school house in which he lived to keep warm. Neighbours were taking him food parcels because he had nothing to eat. Numerous villagers rang Gwynedd Social Services begging them to come out and help him but the please of everyone were ignored (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’). Throughout the many years that Robin Lawrence abused his position and shagged his patients, Dafydd did the same in north Wales whilst the GMC ignored every complaint about him and MIND colluded with his criminality and misconduct.

After 7 years at King’s, Uncle Harry spent a year as a researcher at the National Institute for Health in the US. In 1961 he returned to the UK and took up a position as a senior lecturer at Guy’s, an association ‘which would last for the rest of his life’. In 1971 Uncle Harry became the Professor of Human Metabolism at Guy’s and was head of the Academic Unit for Metabolic Medicine. He remained there until his retirement in 1990, after which he was Professor Emeritus -along with Dafydd’s mate Jim Watson, who was concealing organised child sexual abuse with his former colleagues at St George’s who also had a line in the dealing and distribution of drugs (see post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’).

Uncle Harry was active in healthcare policy and in the late 1980s he led an unsuccessful High Court challenge against Secretary of State Ken Clarke’s 1989 NHS reforms. Uncle Harry and the Top Doctors really hated Ken Clarke and he really hated them. As all of them were concealing the paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire, their battles ended in stalemate. There is a bit of a mystery concerning one matter during Ken’s Reign. When St George’s Hospital Medical School relocated to Tooting Broadway in the early 1980s, the old St George’s building and the land upon which it stood at Hyde Park Corner was worth a bomb. Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor aka the Duke of Westminster told the Gov’t that he wanted to be given the market value from the sale of the old St George’s site, on the grounds that St George’s had been established as a result of a  money and land gifted by his forebears. Ken Clarke thought that Gerald’s demand was outrageous – Ken wanted the Gov’t to sell the Hyde Park site to the Duke on the grounds that the NHS needed the money more than the Duke of Westminster did. Gerald Grosvenor contacted Thatcher and she was prepared to cave in to the Duke’s demands. For reasons that Ken Clarke doesn’t explain, he managed to persuade Thatcher not to hand millions of pounds over to the Duke of Westminster when she had absolutely no legal obligation to do so and the Hyde Park site was sold to the Duke. Clarke managed to do this when he was just a junior Minister in Health, before he became Secretary of State, but does not explain how he managed to gain the upper hand in a struggle with both Thatcher and the Duke of Westminster. See post ‘Running The Country – And All That Jazz’ for a more detailed account of this.

Gerald Grosvenor was at that time the President of the City of Chester Conservative Association. The Tory MP for Chester was Sir Peter Morrison who was part of Thatcher’s Government and a buddy of Thatcher’s. Morrison was abusing children in care in north Wales and elsewhere, including attending sex parties with them. Thatcher was told about this but appointed Morrison Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party anyway and it was a source of gossip in the Conservative Association of Chester. On one occasion Morrison was seen driving away from Bryn Estyn with a boy in his car. I received an e mail the other day telling me that the boys at Bryn Estyn were sent on work placements at the Grosvenor estate but they used to be very reluctant to return once they’d been there a few times, although none of the boys would explain why they didn’t want to continue to visit the estate.

Gerald Grosvenor suffered from serious anxiety  and unspecified ‘nervous problems’ and was involved in a scandal after he was identified as a customer of a very expensive escort agency in the US (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’).

Uncle Harry was President of the NHS Support Federation and before his death had been actively campaigning against recent NHS changes. He was Chair of the British Diabetic Association/Diabetes UK, 1990-96 and then Vice-President for the rest of his life.

The website of Diabetes UK explains that it was founded in 1934 ‘by H.G. Wells’ and funds UK-based research into diabetes. In 2011 Diabetes UK gave more than £1 million in research grants and also funded 5 PhD studentships. Diabetes UK runs local support groups across the UK and also organises ‘events’ for people with diabetes.

Since Jan 2013 the Chair of Diabetes UK has been Sir Peter Dixon. For ten years Dixon was a Council member and a Trustee of the NHS Confederation, the body which represents the most senior managers in the NHS. Sir Peter was previously the Chair of UCL Hospitals Foundation Trust and Enfield and Haringey Health Authority. Haringey has been the site of many health and welfare scandals, the most recent high profile one being the murder of Baby P (see post ‘Everywoman?’). Diabetes UK’s website tells us that currently Sir Peter is: Chair of Imperial College Health Partners; Chair of the Anglia Ruskin Partnership; Chair of the South East Coast Ambulance Trust and a Trustee of Pathways, the ‘UK’s leading homeless healthcare charity’. Sir Peter was Chair of the Housing Corporation, 2003-08. His earlier career was in banking, business and finance.

The Vice-Chair of Diabetes UK was Julian Baust who in 2010 retired as Chair and MD of Kodak Ltd. He now works as a management consultant. Julian enjoys a number of ‘country based activities’. So Julian is one of those very rich businessmen who pays several thousand quid for a days shooting in parts of Wales and Scotland where they arrive by helicopter because they are not Uncle Harry’s NHS patients, many of whom will travel by bus.

Sir Harry Burns is a member of the Diabetes UK Board. Sir Harry is a Top Doctor who graduated from Glasgow University in 1974. By 1984 he was a consultant surgeon at the Royal Infirmary in Glasgow. Sir Harry’s work with patients living in the east end of Glasgow gave him an ‘insight into the complex inter-relationships between social and economic status and illness’. In 1994 Sir Harry was appointed Director of Public Health for Great Glasgow Health Board, in which post he ‘continued his research into the social determinants of health’. In 2005 Sir Harry was appointed Chief Medical Officer for Scotland. In April 2014 Sir Harry became Professor of Global Public Health at Strathclyde University, where he pursues his interest ‘into how societies create wellness’. In 2014 First Minister Nicola Sturgeon presented Sir Harry with a lifetime achievement award from the Scottish Government for Public Service.

I had previously attributed the terrible housing that still exists in the east end of Glasgow, the presence of the outrage there that is Parkhead Hospital and the fact that men in Glasgow’s east end have a DECREASING life-span and the shortest life-span among men in the UK – and among most of Europe – to the influence of Sir Harry’s colleague from Glasgow University, Sir Kenneth Calman, paedophiles’ friend and former Chief Medical Officer of Scotland, CMO of England and Wales and dad of Radio 4 comedy favourite Susan Calman (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part IV’). I now realise that it must be a result of Sir Harry’s lifelong career as a leading light in social and health inequalities.

Sir Harry’s fellow Board members include Noah Franklin, the Treasurer of Diabetes UK since July 2011. Noah was Group Finance Director of Volace International Ltd. After graduating from Oxford, Noah Frankin became an accountant with Arthur Andersen and then worked for Whitbread. Franklin moved to Cadbury Schweppes with whom he spent 12 years. Franklin held various roles with Cadbury Schweppes, including those of Finance Director for Europe, the Middle East and Africa and MD of Global Business Services.

Thank God we had Uncle Harry, Diabetes UK and the Gov’ts who employed Uncle Harry and his mates as advisors to berate  people on low incomes for boozing too much and eating junk food instead of guacamole. Sir Harry Burns will be able to explain that it is because Poor People are uneducated and ‘unaspirational’. And if they are men it is because They Won’t Visit Their Doctors And Talk About Things. Fortunately if a very wealthy person who drinks far too much and goes under the name of George Best wrecks his liver, Sir Roger Williams is at King’s College Hospital to ensure that that he is prioritised for a liver transplant on the NHS, even if he continues to drink like a fish and breach all the rules whilst remaining on the transplant list.

Noah Franklin has also worked as Chief Finance Officer of a ‘venture developing large scale arable farming in South America’. What could this have been about I wonder – growing the feedstuff for the beef cattle who were then turned into Big Macs perhaps??

Professor Wasim Hanif sits on the Board. He is Professor of Diabetes and Endocrinology, consultant physician and Clinical Director of Diabetes at the University Hospital, Birmingham. Wasim was selected for the King’s Fund Leadership Programme in Diabetes. One wonders how – Wasim’s specialism is diabetes in South Asian populations in the UK, which continue to have high rates of diabetes despite Wasim’s efforts. Wasim had held many Gov’t advisory roles, including at NICE.

Gareth Hoskins is another Board member. Gareth was Executive Director of Legal & General plc. He is also an advisor to Green Park Partners Ltd, a ‘London-based investment and advisory business’.

Board member Helen McCallum retired as DG of Consumers International in 2013. Previously Helen had spent 5 years as Head of Communications in the NHS – before devolution. So Helen knew what was happening in the north Wales mental health services when Dafydd was allowed to ‘retire’ without any of the complaints about him being followed up and was given the contract to provide substance abuse services for north Wales at the same time (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’). McCallum’s success at keeping that sewer out of the media led to her appointment in 1999 as Director of Communications at the Department of Health by the Milibands’ friend Blair – whilst Blair concealed the on-going shite in the NHS and managed the fall-out from the Waterhouse Inquiry. Helen will have known that people were dying at Mid-Staffs as well but she took care not to communicate that to the wrong people – such as people who lived locally who were risking their necks when they went to the local hospital. After her success at the DoH Helen spent 7 years doing her Lord Haw Haw bit at the UK Environment Agency. Perhaps when Tony and then Gordon did the dirty deals behind closed doors that resulted in the new Hinkley Point development being given the go-ahead. Helen is a Trustee of ‘Arts and Minds’, a Cambridgshire charity for people with  mental health problems.

Janice Watson is another member of the Board who has had a career in finance. Janice sat on the Advisory Investment Committee of WHO (World Health Organisation).

Another Board member is Prof Rhys Williams, who retired as Professor of Clinical Endocrinology and Dean of Medicine at Swansea University in 2011. So he’ll have been Dean at Swansea when the awful Frances Rapport was given a Chair in Swansea School of Medicine on the basis of a publication list that would not have flattered a post-doc with two years of research experience. How Frances ever managed to achieve this was discussed the length and breadth of Wales. Jaws hit the ground once again a few years later when despite having achieved no more, Frances announced that she was off to Harvard. Frances became an academic in mid-life, her first career was as Something Arty. Frances is a sensitive soul, she wears silk scarves, writes poetry and wins awards from Arty organisations. Her brother was a big name in social anthropology by the time that Frances decided that she’d like to become a Professor of Social Sciences and her family own a huge building company which seems to have built most of south Wales. Frances’s colleague Rhys was Vice-President of Diabetes International, 2000-06. Previously Rhys was heavily involved with the diabetes division of WHO in Geneva – he still acts as a visiting consultant for WHO. Rhys Williams led the Advisory Group Review of Diabetes Services in 1993 and Chaired the Diabetes UK Wales Advisory Council

The final person listed on this Board of moneyed spivs and hypocrites is Dr Bob Young, who spent over 25 years working as a consultant diabetologist for Salford Royal NHS Foundation Trust.

 

Barbara Young, the CEO of Diabetes UK, described Uncle Harry as ‘one of the greatest defenders of a first-class NHS open to all on equal terms’. That must be why Uncle Harry’s two nephews colluded with other leading lights in New Labour to conceal malpractice and criminality in the NHS, much of it relating to organised child sexual abuse, which resulted in the likes of me and a few others being generally abused and then unlawfully refused NHS treatment. David Miliband has scarpered to America but Ed is still in the UK pledging his support for Angels and the NHS and whiskers on kittens and raindrops on roses, stressing that the NHS and the Top Doctors need even more money. Whenever Ed starts waxing lyrical about the NHS he mentions Uncle Harry, kind wise Uncle Harry who was such an influence on Ed whilst Ed was growing up. Uncle Harry whose colleagues were concealing a paedophile gang and organised crime whilst being paid a great deal of money.

Uncle Harry’s colleague from Guy’s, Professor Giancarlo Viberti, maintained that Uncle Harry was ‘one of the most non-discriminatory people that I have ever met’. No-one ever mentions the extreme discrimination that anyone who challenged Dafydd and the paedophile gang encountered, not even in order to win their battle with Ken Clarke.

Sir George Alberti was a friend and colleague of Uncle Harry’s for 40 years. Between 1985-2002 Sir George was Professor of Medicine at Newcastle-Upon-Tyne and then Dean of Medicine (1995-97) there. Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Medical School was populated with people who did Dafydd and the paedophiles many favours, particularly Lord John Walton the neurologist (see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’). Professor Bob Woods and Dr Neil Davies who spent years working in the mental health services alongside Dafydd and the paedophiles both previously worked in mental health in Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. Liam Donaldson, the utterly lacklustre Chief Medical Officer whom Ed and David’s mate Blair appointed, is now Chancellor of the University of Newcastle-Upon-Tyne. Liam Donaldson’s principal claim to fame before Blair appointed him CMO was being the Senior Medical Officer of the Health Authority which employed Marietta Higgs and Geoffrey Wyatt, the two bottom inspecting paediatricians who were the cause of the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal. That scandal resulted in over 100 children being unnecessarily taken into care, serious accusations being levelled at innocent people and two suicides by innocent people who had been imprisoned – but at least it successfully muddied the waters regarding the abuse of children by the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’), the leading lights of which had previously worked in Gateshead where they had run a paedophile gang, which had been concealed by Ernest Armstrong the Labour MP and the father of Blair’s close mate Hilary Armstrong who succeeded her father in that seat (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

The north east of England was a political stronghold of Blair and his mates.

Sir George Alberti was Chair of King’s College Hospital Foundation NHS Trust, 2011-15. King’s College Hospital Foundation Trust was placed in special measures only weeks ago the day after the Chairman Bob Kerslake resigned. Bob was previously head of the Civil Service, 2012-15, so will know a great deal about the wrongdoing concealed by civil servants as described in post ‘Additional Security Measures’. Upon resigning Bob made a tear jerking statement about the cruel Gov’t starving the NHS of funds and how being a man of principle he was therefore resigning. King’s had been heading for disaster for a very long time, but because so many Top Doctors worked there no-one acknowledged what was going on. It was decided that there was no option but to place King’s in special measures as a result of the ‘sheer scale and pace of deterioration’ of its financial situation. King’s College Hospital was the territory of Sir Roger Williams, George Best’s doctor and the location of George Best’s liver transplant, although the public were led to believe that George paid for that transplant to be carried out by the private sector.

Bob Kerslake was recently appointed as an advisor to Jeremy Corbyn on health.

 

I mentioned the charitable nature of Lord David Sainsbury in my post ‘Security, Security’. Sainsbury is a billionaire who Chaired the Family business – Sainsbury’s, 1992-97. In 1997 he was given a peerage by Tony Blair and in 1998 was appinted the Minister for Science and Innovation. Sainsbury resigned from that post in 2006 but maintained that his resignation had nothing to do with the cash for honours scandal that had recently exploded. In July 2006 David Sainsbury had been the first person to be interviewed in the investigation but Charlie Falconer reassured everyone that Sainsbury’s appointment as Minister had been on merit alone and was entirely unrelated to the dosh that he had given to the Labour Party. So how meritorious was David Sainsbury? Well he had been to Eton and was a graduate of King’s College, Cambridge, had an MBA from Columbia Business School and had run the huge chain of supermarkets that he had inherited by accident of birth. How much had Sainsbury given to the Labour Party? Between 1996-2006 when he resigned his Ministerial position Sainsbury donated £16 million to the Labour Party. His generosity continued after 2006 – Sainsbury was a big fan of Gordon and donated another £2.5 million to the Labour Party during 2007-08. Sainsbury is also associated with the IPPR and Progress. He gave £2 million to Progress between 2001-11. Between Dec 2011-April 2013 Sainsbury gave £390k to Progress and the Movement for Change.

David Sainsbury did not end up in hot water simply because he gave many millions to the Labour Party. The real fuss was made because of a secret loan of £2 million that he’d given the Labour Party. Not that it was secret – Sainsbury admitted misleading the public by not declaring the loan but only ‘unintentionally’. David had declared the loan to his Permanent Secretary at the DTI Sir Brian Bender, but Bender’s office had become ‘confused’ because Sainsbury had made the loan at the same time as he’d made one of his many substantial donations to the Party. Sainsbury was giving Blair so much dosh that understandably the civil servants lost track of what he’d given and when.

Charlie Falconer who was Lord Chancellor at the time stated that individuals who loan money to political parties should not be barred from office, particularly if they are as talented as the enormously wealthy David Sainsbury. However in April 2006 in an interview with the Guardian Charlie admitted that the party loan amendment to the electoral administration bill that was at that time going through Parliament was an attempt to address the ‘considerable’ public concern over secret loans following the cash for honours scandal that had blown up in March 2006. Blair had commissioned retired civil servant Sir Hayden Philips to conduct a review of the funding of political parties to calm the storm. Falconer told the Guardian that he was going to completely rely on Sir Hayden’s opinion and that of course he wasn’t going to tell Hayden what the Gov’t thought it’s conclusions were in advance. So was there a danger of Hayden saying anything that could put Blair et al in a difficult position? Let’s take a look at Sir Hayden’s track record.

Hayden Philips is a graduate of Clare College, Cambridge and of Yale. He joined the civil service as an Assistant Principal in the Home Office in 1967 – when the Home Secretaries were Roy Jenkins (Dec 1965-Nov 1967) and Jim Callaghan (Nov 1967-June 1970). In 1967 the Home Office was directly responsible for the management of Approved Schools such as Axwell Park at Gateshead and Bryn Estyn. In 1967 Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth were working at Axwell Park and a paedophile ring was operating there, which was being concealed by Blair’s mate Ernest Armstrong who was using his friendship with Tony Crosland in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t to do this. In 1973 Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth relocated to Bryn Estyn – where they added to – and no doubt expanded – the paedophile gang which was busy in north Wales. Bryn Estyn was directly managed by the Home Office when Arnold and Howarth took up their jobs there. Hayden remained at the Home Office until 1977. Between 1970-72 he was Economic Advisor and then Principal, 1972-74, under Heath’s Home Secretaries, Reginald Maudling and Robert Carr. Roy Jenkins was Home Secretary, 1974-76 when Hayden Philips was Assistant Secretary at the Home Office and then Principal Private Secretary to Roy.

So Philips served in the Home Office under every Home Secretary that concealed the paedophile ring which originated in Gateshead and then sent two of its leading lights to north Wales to add to the fun there. Roy Jenkins not only concealed institutionalised child sexual abuse but he had an affair with Tony Crosland, who was used to conceal it as well – but then Roy Jenkins did some quite interesting things (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part ‘). Blair used to maintain that Roy Jenkins was his mentor and he did appoint Jenkins to advisor roles.

Roy and Hayden were so fond of each other that when Roy was appointed President of the European Commission in 1977, Hayden went with him as his Deputy Chef de Cabinet.

An article in the Spectator in 2003 about Hayden Philips described Roy Jenkins as Hayden’s ‘first and greatest patron’. Jenkins didn’t like dining alone and the Spectator informs us that when Roy was at the European Commission, 1977-79, Hayden frequently kept him company when he dined, along with the Chef de Cabinet, Crispin Tickell and a more junior member of staff Laura Grenfell. Before long Hayden divorced his first wife Dr Ann Watkins and married Laura. Laura’s father was Lord St Just and her mother was Leslie Carter, the daughter of Conde Nast of New York. Leslie Carter later married Mark Bonham-Carter. Bonham-Carter was the grandson of Liberal PM H.H. Asquith. His sister was married to Jo Grimond the leader of the Liberal Party and Bonham-Carter was an advisor to Grimond throughout his leadership. Bonham-Carter was also for a short time the MP for Torrington in Devon. One thing that Bonham-Carter will have known all about was the activities of Jeremy Thorpe (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

In 1979 Hayden Philips returned to the Home Office as Assistant Secretary whilst Willie Whitelaw was Home Secretary. Whitelaw used his many influential positions to conceal the paedophile ring in north Wales, of which his colleague Sir Peter Morrison was a member. Whilst Willie blathered on about short sharp shocks and young thugs, Peter Morrison was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury and was molesting those young thugs many of whom weren’t young thugs at all but disadvantaged young people who had fallen into the caring hands of the north Wales social services and mental health services. Hayden was Assistant Under-Secretary at the Home Office, 1981-86. So he’ll have known about the extensive wrongdoing at the Home Office under Home Secretaries Willie Whitelaw, Leon Brittan and Douglas Hurd as detailed in my post ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Philips continued his career at the scene of the crimes of Thatcher’s Gov’t. He was appointed Assistant Secretary in the Cabinet Office in 1986 when Robert Armstrong was Cabinet Secretary (see post ‘Additional Security Measures’). Between 1988-92 Philips was Deputy Secretary in the Treasury and then Permanent Secretary in the Department for National Heritage which evolved into the Department for Culture, Media and Sport, 1992 -98. He served under Secretaries of State David Mellor, Peter Brooke, Stephen Dorrell, Virginia Bottomley and Chris Smith. Chris Smith  was the MP for Finsbury Park which was part of Islington. He will have known about about the paedophile ring in the Islington children’s homes.

Hayden was Clerk of the Crown in the Chancery, 1998-04 and Permanent Secretary of the Lord Chancellor’s Dept, which in 2003 became the Dept of Constitutional Affairs. So that’s what Hayden Philips was doing whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry took place, when the Waterhouse Report was published and during the fall-out afterwards. Philips was working for Blair’s mates Derry Irvine and then Charlie Falconer. Philips was the first person who wasn’t a lawyer to head that Dept but he was such an asset that he was asked to stay on past retirement age, which is how he ended up working for Charlie Falconer.

It was noted by the Spectator that Blair’s ‘reforms’ which led to the creation of the Depts of Culture, Media and Sport and Constitutional Affairs was a process which led to the centralising of Whitehall control over huge swathes of the nation’s life. And Hayden Philips was put in control of it.

The Spectator article mentions that Philips had a reputation for shamelessly doing favours for the people in positions above him and that this made him very unpopular in some circles. A ‘high Tory’ was quoted as saying that Philips ‘was an oily little Welshman who thought he was going to be Cabinet Secretary by oiling up to the Labour Party’. I wonder where in Wales Philips came from – there are no references to any Welsh connections in the profiles that I have found of him. But then considering that Hayden Philips was helping to conceal wrongdoing that resulted in the murder of a number of witnesses to serious crime in Wales involving his political masters in London, it might have been very wise of him not to have advertised his Welsh connections.

Hayden lived on his farm near Salisbury in Wiltshire. Sir Peter Morrison’s family seat was in Wiltshire and dear old Ted Heath retired to Salisbury. Hayden was a Lay Canon at Salisbury Cathedral, Chairman of the Fabric Advisor Committee and Deputy Lieutenant of Wiltshire.

Hayden’s other appointments included: Senior Partner and Director of Hanson Westhouse; Director of GSL Ltd and St Just Farms Ltd; member of the Advisory Board of Englefield Capital; Director of Hanson Capital Investments; Chairman of Digital Cinema Funding Partnership.

Philips was appointed a member of the Council of Marlborough College in 1997 and in 2006 became Chairman of the Council. He was Chairman of the National Theatre, 2004-10.

Sir Hayden Philips was Charities Consultant to Prince Charles and the Duchess of Cornwall, 2004-09.

Philips conducted a review of the honours system in 2004 – so that’s why there has just been the annual row over the deeply unworthy people who received gongs in the New Years Honours list a few days ago. He did the work of His Master Blair in 2006-07 when he conducted his review of funding for political parties and in 2007 Philips Chaired inter-party talks on political funding.

In Jan 2010 Hayden Philips was appointed the Independent Reviewer for the ASA (Advertising Standards Authority). In Nov 2013 Philips was given the job of appointing the Board of the new Press Regulator.

Hayden Philips is a member of Brook’s club and a mate of Peter Hennessey, who has made a career out of crawling to the most deeply unpleasant politicians. I wonder whether Lord Hennessey of the Shameless Toadying will still dine out on his friendships now that a good number of his pals have been named on the internet as doing favours for a gang of paedophiles? Dafydd will be the only person left on the planet sending him dinner invitations.

So Hayden Philips was the man whom Blair appointed to reassure us all that nothing dodgy had gone on during David Sainsbury’s rapid journey from very rich grocer to the Minister for Science and Technology in the House of Lords.

 

What about Sir Brian Bender, the mandarin at the top of the DTI who got into a muddle because Sainsbury was giving the Labour Party so much dosh? Is Bender perhaps a dotty old man who’s not very good with numbers? No. Sir Brian Bender has a first degree and a PhD in physics from Imperial College and he joined the civil service after graduation. After the mergers between the institutions of London University, the London medical schools are all – or it might just be nearly all – now part of Imperial College. So the Top Doctors – including those at Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School who built their careers on very questionable practices – now occupy an even mightier bastion of power and privilege. Just imagine the possibilities if you are a rather hopeless Labour politician who has aspirations to be PM and you have a Uncle who was a Top Doctor networked with that lot!

Sir Brian’s career as a mandarin resulted in him becoming Permanent Secretary at MAFF (later DEFRA), 2000-05 and then at the DTI, 2005-07, when he got all those millions from David Sainsbury that were pouring into the Labour Party’s coffers mixed up. Before that however, Sir Brian was Deputy Head of the European Secretariat at the Cabinet Office, 1994-99. Then Sir Brian was Permanent Secretary at the Cabinet Office, 1999-2000. So THAT’S who Blair trusted with that crucial position at the time of the publication of the Waterhouse Report.

Sir Brian had a notorious boss whilst he was the mandarin at the DTI, later known as the Dept for Business, Enterprise and Regulatory Reform – Peter Mandelson! Peter Mandelson employed another civil servant in that Dept as well but he doesn’t know that I know this. Mandy employed as one of his right hand people a law graduate who grew up on Anglesey. She’s considered quite a star back on Anglesey having done so well for herself. Guess who her dad is? He is Ron Evans, who was the crooked lawyer who was employed by Gwynedd County Council back in the 1980s to conceal the paedophile gang! I have lots and lots of documents with Ron’s name on them, detailing the various plans to fit me up in Court – I also have documents written and signed by Lucille Hughes ordering people to add to Ron’s collection of tall tales about me (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). Nearly all the documents compiled about me by the paedophiles’ friends were CC’d to Ron Evans, not to his boss Hywel Ellis Hughes who was County Secretary. It was Ron who was the go-to crooked lawyer. In fact Ron Evans stopped that lot going to prison as his daughter will be able to tell you. Ron told them all that what they had all done was so serious and so illegal and so inexcusable that none of them must ever say a bloody word about it to anyone. Did Ron Evans end up in the Lords? No. Something very interesting happened to Ron after he saved everyone’s bacon. Ron became very ill with cancer and then had a serious nervous breakdown. He was handed over to the mental health services – one Bridget Lloyd was involved in his ‘care’ – and he was left to rot. He was never able to work as a lawyer again and his wife could not understand why so little could be done for her seriously ill husband. I’ll tell you why Dinah – because they were a bunch of murdering scumbags and their solution for protecting themselves was to dispose of anybody who had the dirt on them. Ron had mountains of it on all of them and when he became ill and could no longer work as a bent lawyer to keep them out of prison, as far as they were concerned he could be left to die just like the rest of us were.

Now Lloyd – would you like to tell the police what happened to Dorothy Griffiths, to Barry Shingles and tell them who told you you tell that pack of lies to the Court when you tried to have me imprisoned? Perhaps you would also like to tell the police the role that Keith Fearns played in that paedophile ring and what his trips to Eastern Europe with the ‘ladies football team’ were really all about? Furthermore you could come clean about just how many people were being unlawfully banged up in north Wales because most of the ‘sectioned’ patients that I met in Ysbyty Gwynedd or the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were being held illegally. Then there was that German student with anorexia – Sabrina – who was being ‘managed’ by Judy and Malcolm Stammers, your ‘social work colleagues’, both of whom knew what Dafydd and the paedophiles were doing – what did Sabrina know about you all that you were so terrified of her talking about? In case you hadn’t realised, the world is catching up with you, so there’ll be no more bullying vulnerable distressed people by Big Nurse anymore…

An article in the Torygraph in Feb 2009 reported that Sir Brian Bender would be retiring the following month with a pension pot worth £1.85 million, providing him with a hefty lump sum and an income of £75k per annum. In 2008 Brian Bender accepted 52 invitations to corporate functions, including KPMG, BT, Shell, Vodaphone and tickets for him and his wife to attend Wimbledon, the Derby and the Chelsea Flower Show. Brian Bender is currently on the list of ‘Speakers For Schools’. A fine example for the nation’s youth to follow…

In 2015 Bender was appointed Chair of Water UK. He was or still is Chairman of Honda’s European Communication and Consultation Group, Chairman of the Advisory Board of MHP Communications and Board mentor for Criticaleye Group.

 

David Sainsbury didn’t just bankroll the SDP and the Labour Party. He was pretty keen on the idea of the UK remaining in Europe. In 2016 he donated £2.150 million to the Labour Party’s ‘Remain’ campaign and £2.125 million to the Lib Dems ‘Remain’ campaign. Just for good measure Sainsbury also donated £260k to Progress in 2016.

After so many years of keeping New Labour afloat, Sainsbury announced that he would not be making any more donations to political parties and that he would be concentrating on charidee work – he had previous for this.

In 1967 the Gatsby Charitable Foundation was established by the Sainsbury dynasty. In 1993 David gave £200 million of Sainsbury’s shares to the Gatsby Foundation’s assets.

By 2009 the Gatsby Foundation had given £600 million to charity. In 2009 David allocated another £465 million to the Foundation, which made David Sainsbury the first Briton to give more than £1 billion to charity.

David founded the Sainsbury Management Fellowship in 1987 with the purpose of developing engineers into leaders in industry.

David Sainbury donated £127 million to Cambridge University over a period of 10 years.He donated £45 million the the Cambridge University Botanic Garden in 2005. In 2008 the Gatsby Foundation made a £82 million donation to Cambridge University and in 2011 the Cambridge University Sainsbury Laboratory opened. In 2008 David Sainsbury became a Fellow of the Royal Society and in 2011 Chancellor of Cambridge University. That appointment will have been made purely on merit as I am sure that Charlie Falconer could tell us.

David Sainsbury also dabbles in matters mental health. The Gatsby funded the utterly lame Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health, which was vigorously promoted to service users. I could never understand why because there was certainly never anything very exciting said or done by the Centre, but it was presented to service users as a Holy Grail. Imagine my surprise when I began teaching on an NVQ in Mental Health for aspiring care assistants at an FE College in Bangor in 2000 and on virtually every page of the course teaching material there was a shameless plug for the Sainsbury Centre for Mental Health. It was a piece of marketing and indoctrination every bit as blatant as the ‘samples’ of baby-related gear that are given out to new mothers in hospitals.

David wound up his Centre for Mental Health a few years ago, but the nations’s service users are not free from his yoke yet. David has put his lucre where the Top Doctors are at – into neuroscience! The Gatsby Foundation have funded the Gatsby Computational Neuroscience Unit at UCL since 1998. The Unit shares a much boasted about building with the Sainsbury-Wellcome Centre for Neural Circuitry and Behaviour. David even funded the 2014 Nobel Prize winner for physiology or medicine – Prof John O’Keefe, the Professor of Cognitive Neurosciences at UCL! Prof O’Keefe and some of his colleagues seem to have disappeared from the Gatsby Computational Neuroscience Unit’s webpage since I first mentioned Lord Sainsbury on this blog a few days ago. Too late Prof O’Keefe – I spotted you and remembered.

Presumably mental health research in the UK is now just a matter of David Sainbury saying ‘I own shrinks…’.

The Parole Board has been in the news today. It has incurred a great deal of bad publicity after it was revealed that John Worboys, a particularly vicious serial rapist, had been released from prison early without his victims being informed. This should not come as a surprise, because the Parole Board is packed with the corrupt Top Doctors who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Security, Security’). Those in key positions at the time of Worboy’s prosecution and conviction also came under fire when it was revealed that Worboys had committed many, many more rapes and serious offences but no-one bothered to charge him with them. Those who have been named and shamed are Keir Steirmer who was DPP, Baroness Patsy Scotland the first black woman QC and a wonder of the world who was Attorney General and the wimmin’s friend Dame Vera Baird who was Solicitor General. All three have previously featured on this blog as paedophiles’ friends. The man wheeled out to answer difficult questions was Prof Nick Hardwick, the Chair of the Parole Board.

So is Nick a corrupt Top Doctor like so many members of the Parole Board? No, but his credentials are just as good. Nick graduated from Hull University in 1979 – so he will have been at Hull with dear old David Hanson MP, a paedophiles’ friend of the highest order (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’). Nick was Chief Exec of Centrepoint, 1986-95, so like the man who established Centrepoint the Rev Ken Leech (see post ‘Radical Leicester – And Some Other Free Radicals’), Nick will have known all about kids from care being trafficked into prostitution because they were Centrepoint’s clientele. In 1992 Nick was seconded to the Dept of the Environment to work as special advisor to Housing Minister Sir George Young under Secretaries of State Michael Heseltine and Michael Howard. Young was a Tory MP between 1974-2015, who seven months after John Major appointed him Minister for Housing and Planning appeared on the Radio 4 Today programme and told the listeners that the homeless are ‘the people you step over when you come out of the opera’. As opposed to these days when the homeless are the disabled people who have had their benefits withdrawn because an unqualified assessor from Crapita has decided that they are malingering, or the people whose tower block has gone up in flames. In 1992 during a Parliamentary discussion concerning the Armley Asbestos Disaster, in response to requests for financial assistance from Gov’t for residual asbestos removal , Young refused, stating that it would not be ‘a justifiable use of public funds’.

Young is an enthusiastic cyclist and was known as the ‘bicycling baronet’. In 1982 he appeared with his young children and Jimmy Savile on a British Rail poster advertising the fact that one could now take one’s bike on the train. Despite his fondness for cycling, in 1987 George Young was banned for drink driving. He crashed into a motorway barrier but continued until he was stopped by the police.

George Young has previously been a churchwarden and a member of a diocesan synod of the Church of England. He is a Patron of the Tory Reform Group.

Between 1995-2003 Nick Hardwick was CEO of the Refugee Council. In 2002 he was appointed head of the IPPC and in July 2010 Nick became Chief Inspector of Prisons. In March 2016 he was appointed Chair of the Parole Board.

Hardwick was Chair of the Housing Ombudsman Service, 2010-13. He is or was Chair of the New Horizon Youth Centre and a Trustee of Prisoners Abroad. Leicester University, that institution which employed so many people who concealed the activities of Frank Beck, Greville Janner and the Leicestershire paedophile ring made Nick an Honorary Visiting Fellow. The University of Leicester website mentions that Nick’s ‘earlier career’ was with NACRO. So that will have been in the early 80s – when NACRO, at least in north Wales, were keeping quiet about the paedophile gang although some of their clients had been the victims of that gang.

Nick is Professor of Criminal Justice at Royal Holloway, University of London.

 

My post ‘A Galaxy of Talent’ mentioned Top Doctors at Barts who concealed serious wrongdoing, including Linford Rees who had connections to Wales. Graham Chapman of Monty Python fame qualified as a Top Doctor from Barts but left medicine soon after qualifying. Chapman came out as gay long before  it was socially acceptable and was an early member of Gay Liberation. Because he was famous and a zany comedian, Chapman’s often very unacceptable conduct was excused. He was an alcoholic who entertained himself by dipping his penis in people’s drinks in pubs in Highgate where he lived but it was only a Python being madcap so he wasn’t arrested. Something else that Chapman did that was very widely known but went unmentioned was to pick up teenaged boys for sex. Chapman ‘took in’ a teenager from Liverpool who had run away. Chapman was interviewed by the police and basically intimidated the plod by stressing that he was a doctor. There were no further inquiries. Everybody was told that the teenager, John Tomiczec, was 17. He was 13. Chapman knew Snowdonia well and visited regularly because he was a keen climber. There was some connection between John, Chapman and Snowdonia – either John was in Snowdonia when he met Chapman or Chapman took him there which was where Chapman was interviewed by the police. John refused to return to Liverpool and Chapman met John’s father and told him that John wanted to move in with Chapman. This is what happened and Chapman and his partner David Sherlock subsequently adopted him in the early 1970s. John was always introduced as Chapman’s son but it was an open secret that there was a sexual element to their relationship. John had a whale of a time living with Chapman. He appeared in a Python film and Graham let him drink as much as he wanted. Chapman died of cancer in 1989 at 48. John died in 1992.

This blog has mentioned 1992 a lot. Sir Peter Morrison stepped down as an MP at the 1992 General Election which was held on 9 April and a whole host of people who had concealed the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were elevated to the peerage. Professor Hamid Ghodse at St George’s Hospital Medical School whose colleagues had concealed the criminal atrocities of Tony Francis, Dafydd Aun Jones and Lucille Hughes (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London…’) opened his International Centre for Drugs Policy. Ghodse had a connection to Wales.

On 15 March 1992 the police carried out dawn raids in the Wrexham area. 16 men and 1 woman were arrested – all but one had worked at Bryn Estyn. No child porn or evidence of a paedophile ring was found. All but 4 of  the 16 men who had been arrested were released before the end of the day without  charge. Of the others only one made any admissions.

John Major’s Tory Party was re-elected on 9 April.

Less than two weeks later five witnesses to the abuse of children in care in north Wales were killed by fire caused by a petrol bomb (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). The man who allegedly confessed to starting the fire was found dead days later. One man who survived claimed that victims of the paedophile gang in north Wales were being murdered – he was later found dead after having given evidence, days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board.

At the time of the police raids in Wrexham the Home Secretary was Kenneth Baker and the Secretary of State for Health was William Waldegrave. At the time of the arson attack which killed the five witnesses the Home Secretary was Ken Clarke and the Secretary of State for Health was Virginia Bottomly.

Chris Patten was Chair of the Conservative Party throughout and had organised the Tories election campaign. The Tories had feared losing the election partly because of the perceived crisis of confidence in the criminal justice system. Sir Peter Morrison had previously been Deputy Party Chairman whilst Norman Tebbit was Chairman.

Thatcher’s autobiography ‘The Downing Street Years’ was published in 1993. Among those thanked in the acknowledgements were Sir Peter Morrison.

The Cradle of Filth

One of the first people whom I approached over the wrongdoing of the north Wales mental health services was Lord Wyn Roberts. He wasn’t Lord back then, he was just Wyn Roberts. When I approached Wyn, the mental health services had behaved pretty dreadfully, but I didn’t realise that the wrongdoing would simply escalate after I made representation about it. Of course I didn’t get anywhere at all with dear old Wyn and comments subsequently made to me by various mental health professionals in north Wales made it clear that they were very certain of his support and that I’d acquired quite a reputation for myself because I had dared approach him. I was soon wondering whether he was a personal friend of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and whether Wyn Roberts was one of Dafydd’s ‘powerful friends’ to whom I was constantly hearing references.

Wyn Roberts was Conservative MP for Conwy, 1970-97. He was the Tories ‘man in Wales’ for decades and the one of the Great Mysteries of North Wales was the failure of Thatcher to ever appoint him Secretary of State for Wales. Despite his shameless toadying and successful concealing of the shit-pit that was Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, she never did. Roberts was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office in 1979 and Minister of State at the Welsh Office in 1987, where he remained until 1994. He picked up a knighthood in 1990 and a peerage in 1997. Roberts was at the Welsh Office throughout the paedophile years and throughout the investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales and the subsequent cover-ups. He was there when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, incarcerated and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, he was there throughout the years that Alison Taylor desperately blew the whistle repeatedly, he was there when I was repeatedly arrested, illegally incarcerated, harassed, threated, assaulted etc. Roberts was in office when witnesses were found dead and he was there in 1992 when five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). Wyn Roberts was there throughout the whole fucking lot.

Why Roberts knew that there was very serious misconduct in Gwynedd Health Authority. My post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’ mentions how Roberts’s contributions to questions in the House regarding Gwynedd Health Authority are recorded in Hansard in 1989. There was chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority – the Health Authority was bankrupt, the level of ‘service’ was completely unacceptable, the Welsh Office had sent in a hit squad to try to rescue the Authority and David Hunt, then a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, had personally written to Noreen Edwards, the Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. What no-one did at any time was investigate patients’ complaints let alone dismiss or prosecute any of the people who had abused patients and broken the law, although there was documentary evidence of criminal activities.

Wyn Roberts was born in 1930 and was from Llansadwrn on Anglesey. His mother was a teacher and his father was a Methodist Minister. The family were described as being ‘vaguely Liberal’. Wyn Roberts stated that his earliest memory was of being breast fed by his mother. Which for a man of his generation and background was a rather odd thing to say in public. Roberts went to school in Beaumaris and won a scholarship to Harrow in 1944. The official biography of Wyn maintains that although he could write English ‘excellently’, his spoken English until he went to Harrow was not good. I don’t believe this – because Wyn Roberts later constructed himself as a defender of the Welsh language in the face of hostile colleagues in the Anglocentric Tory Party, such a claim would have served him very well in north Wales. Welsh was the language of most people in north west Wales at the time, but Wyn Roberts’s family were members of the educated middle-classes. They may well have spoken Welsh at home, but Roberts will have been able to speak English and speak it well – Roberts’s parents would not have expected him to work in a quarry or on a farm, they would have wanted a professional career for him and they would have known that he would have needed his English. Indeed when Roberts was at school, teaching in schools in north Wales was still through the medium of English – it was this which caused so much resentment and led to the Welsh language campaigns of the 1960s, 70s and 80s.

Whilst carrying out his national service, Roberts served in the Intelligence Corps and was involved in the Cold War tapping of the Russian HQ in Vienna, ‘Operation Silver’. He later claimed that the operation involved counter-espionage and he was approached possibly by Kim Philby to switch sides. Researchers into organised sexual abuse in the UK have constantly pointed to links with the security services which were used to protect abusers. The security services also seemed to have recruited huge numbers of clever gay men from Oxbridge, at a time when being gay was very difficult, made one vulnerable to blackmail and was also conflated with paedophilia – which enabled paedophiles to then shelter under the umbrella of the gay rights movement in the 1960s. It wasn’t going to end happily was it.

Roberts was a graduate of University College Oxford himself. His early career was in the media. He worked as a sub-editor on the Liverpool Daily Post 1952-54 and then as a TV news assistant with the BBC. In 1957 Roberts joined TWW (Television Wales and West) as a producer of news, special events and Welsh language programmes. In 1968 the regional franchise was transferred to Harlech TV (which later became HTV), founded by Lord David Harlech (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for details of Lord Harlech and the many unfortunate things that happened to him and his family). Roberts attributed the switch in franchise simply to successful political lobbying, although he retained his job and worked for Harlech TV. Wyn’s claim to fame as a young man was that his work brought him into contact with the likes of Shirley Bassey and Richard Burton.

I can find no explanation of why Roberts, from a ‘vaguely Liberal’ family (as Welsh speaking middle-class nonconformists in north Wales at that time, it would have been highly likely that the family would be Liberal), who had only shown ‘mild political interests’ as a student stood as a Tory Parliamentary candidate, but in 1970 he did. The Tories were delighted to have a well-known Welsh speaker to stand as a candidate in Wales. The ‘Welsh issue’ was a problem – the natives over there were rebelling, there were language protests and there had even been bombs planted by ‘Welsh extremists’ – and support for Plaid was gathering momentum after the election of Gwynfor Evans the first Plaid MP in Carmarthen in 1966. Conwy was a marginal seat – Roberts won it for the Tories and helped Heath into Gov’t.

Between 1970-74, Roberts was PPS to Peter Thomas, Secretary of State for Wales. The paedophile gang was in full swing at this time, John Allen’s empire of children’s homes – the Bryn Alyn Community – in which children were being horrifically abused and trafficked into prostitution was growing and Gwynne and Dafydd out at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were abusing patients like there was no tomorrow. Bryn Estyn was still categorised as an approved school and was run directly by the Home Office – it functioned as a brothel.

 

Peter Thomas became Lord Gwydir in 1987. He was from Llanwrst and his father was a solicitor who was a Liberal. Like Wyn Roberts, Thomas was that rare thing, a Tory who spoke Welsh. Thomas went to Jesus College, Oxford – a college known for it’s Welsh links – and joined the Conservative Association at Oxford. After WWII Thomas became a barrister, working on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Thomas was along there with the best of those who have featured on this blog. He was Deputy Chair of the Cheshire Quarter Sessions from 1966, the Deputy Chair of the Denbighshire Quarter Sessions from 1968 and served in both of these offices until 1970. Thomas was a Crown Court Recorder between 1974-88. He also became an arbitrator of the Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce, Paris. (Thomas was a keen European.) Thomas continued his career in law whilst he was active in politics.

Thomas was elected as MP for Conwy in 1951. He was PPS to Sir Harry Hylton-Foster, the Solicitor General 1954-59. Thomas was a member of the Council of Europe 1957-59 and Parliamentary Secretary in the Minister of Labour, 1959-61. It was Thomas who sponsored the private members bill which became the Eisteddfod Act in 1959, allowing the National Eisteddfod to receive funding from public monies. This will have been perceived as an obscure minority interest by Thomas’s colleagues in England, but it will have earned him a great many Brownie points among many influential Welsh speakers in Wales. Wyn himself was made a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1966 – a number of paedophiles’ friends are also members.

Thomas was appointed Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign Office in 1961 – he went to Moscow with Lord Home in 1963 to sign the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. (Thomas was appointed Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in 1963.) Whilst he was at the Foreign Office Thomas lied to MPs concerning a spy who was arrested in Hungary, denying any connection with the British Intelligence Services. The Tories lost the General Election in 1964 and in 1966 Thomas lost Conwy to the Labour candidate, namely Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Thomas returned to Parliament at the General Election in 1970 as the MP for Hendon South, a seat that he held until he retired from the Commons in 1987.

Like Wyn Roberts, Peter Thomas flagged up his Welshness when Wales was seething with fury towards England after the drowning of the village of Capel Celyn in 1965 to provide a reservoir to supply Liverpool with water and the Aberfan disaster. Thomas was the first Welshman to become Chair of the Tory Party (1970-72). It was Thomas who established the Welsh Water Authority – which was later privatised. He was Secretary of State for Wales throughout the whole of Heath’s premiership during which there was violent activism in Wales and the campaign by Cymdeithas involving the removal of English language road signs. Interestingly enough, in his capacity as a QC, Peter Thomas had defended John Jenkins, a ‘Welsh extremist’, who was charged with causing 18 explosions.

Thomas was President of the Conservative Friends of Israel.

As well as failing to deal with and remaining silent about the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales, Thomas was obviously involved in other skulduggery. He was ‘helpful’ in the 1972 and 74 miners’ strikes and served on the Select Committee which investigated John Poulson, later admitting that he should have cross-examined Reginald Maudling regarding his disclaimer of remuneration from Poulson. (Maudling was Home Secretary who became embroiled in scandal as a result of his business links with Poulson and subsequently resigned.) Once in the Lords, Thomas backed Nicholas Edwardes’s Bill which gave the green light to the development of Cardiff Bay, a development which cost the taxpayer many millions of pounds and made Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell and some of his friends and business associates very rich (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

In 1947 Thomas married Tessa Dean, the daughter of Lady Mercy Greville. Mercy’s mother, the Countess of Warwick, had been a campaigning socialist as well as the long-term mistress of Edward, Prince of Wales, who later became King Edward VII.

Thomas was the first Conservative politician to occupy the position of Secretary of State for Wales. His predecessor had been the notorious George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy who later became Speaker. Thomas was someone else who ignored the abuse of vulnerable people, even in the wake of the Ely Hospital Scandal. Wales is currently trying to forget that George Thomas ever existed what with that police investigation  into allegations that he abused young boys himself. The Secretary of State for Wales who succeeded Peter Thomas was John Morris aka Lord Aberavon, another Welsh lawyer who continued the fine old tradition of leading the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the north Wales paedophile ring and the criminal misconduct of Dafydd and Gwynne.

Regular readers will know that when it has been necessary to conceal the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends, alliances and friendships across political divides were made. Bear this in mind as you read the details that follow regarding one of Peter Thomas’s good friends, Cledwyn Hughes, later Lord Cledwyn.

Cledwyn Hughes’s father David left school at twelve to work in the Dinorwic slate quarry, as his forebears did. However in his early 20s, David Hughes – known as Harri – became a Calvinist Methodist preacher in Holyhead. (Cledwyn Hughes later preached in the chapels on Anglesey, even when he was a Cabinet Minister.) Harri was a Liberal, a fervent supporter of Lloyd George and his daughter Lady Megan Lloyd George, who in 1929 became the MP for Anglesey. Cledwyn went to Holyhead Grammar School and then read law at University College Aberystwyth, where he was Chair of the Liberal Society. In 1937 Cledwyn graduated and began work as an articled clerk to a solicitor in Holyhead. He had a change of heart politically as a result of him gaining knowledge about the social conditions of many and in 1938 he joined the Labour Party. In 1940 he qualified as a solicitor. In 1945 whilst he was still in the Air Force Cledwyn stood as the Labour candidate for Anglesey against Lady Megan, although this caused his father much unhappiness. He was demobbed in 1946 and became acting clerk to Holyhead District Council. Between 1946-53, Cledwyn was a member of Anglesey County Council. This is ancient history now, but Cledwyn remained on very good terms with Anglesey County Council throughout his years in Parliament. He remained in the Commons until 1979 and then joined the Lords where he remained until his death in 2001.

So Cledwyn was mates with Anglesey County Council until 2001. Anglesey was the site of some of the most serious abuse of children in care, both in children’s homes and in foster care. One of the children’s homes involved was in Holyhead. Anglesey County Council has been riddled with serious corruption for years, it is a standing joke in north Wales. There have been police investigations into Councillors and at least one Councillor went to prison. One Councillor who faced criminal charges violently attacked a journalist and cameraman when they tried to interview him, smashing the camera. I’m not aware that he was prosecuted. Other Councillors on Anglesey became millionaires after giving each other planning permission for developments. It is so bad on Anglesey that people would comment that the Councillors go to prison and sit on the Council again when they were released. It was alleged that the Director of Social Services on Anglesey some years ago had been caught by the police having sex in his car in a public place, but yet again there was never any talk of charges. Anglesey County Council is truly famous and has of course featured in Private Eye’s Rotten Boroughs column a number of times. Some years ago I enquired of a local man with an excellent knowledge of the shenanigans on Anglesey ‘which ones are the corrupt Councillors?’ and I was told ‘they all are, there aren’t any honest ones’. And to add to the fun they all absolutely hated each other.

In 1950 Cledwyn challenged Megan at the polls again but lost – then in 1951 he stood against her again and won, becoming MP for Anglesey.

During his years in the Commons, Cledwyn worked to bring employment to Anglesey – he played a key role in securing the development of the nuclear power station at Wylfa and also in attracting Rio Tinto to establish the Anglesey Aluminium plant. Cledwyn supported the Parliament for Wales Campaign and was involved in a petition to support this, but the campaign failed – Cledwyn was strongly opposed by some of his own Labour colleagues, especially those from constituencies in south Wales. Cledwyn was successful in his efforts to secure the establishment of a post of Secretary of State for Wales.

In 1964, Cledwyn was appointed Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations in Wilson’s Labour Gov’t and between 1966-68 he was appointed Secretary of State for Wales himself. Under him – as Minister of State  – until 1967 was the dreadful George Thomas.

Cledwyn was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the disaster at Aberfan in 1966. He always maintained that Aberfan was the worst event of his life. Wilson gave Cledwyn military-style powers regarding Aberfan and it was Cledwyn who set up the public inquiry into the disaster. It was revealed that Lord Robens, Chairman of the National Coal Board, misled Cledwyn regarding the frequency of the tip inspections. Later on George Thomas in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales was responsible for the dirty deed which resulted in a sizeable proportion of the money raised by the Aberfan Disaster Memorial Fund being forcibly used to fund the clearing of the remaining tips.

Cledwyn is described as having been responsible for the development of the Welsh Office and the creation of its civil service structure. The structure containing all those corrupt civil servants who concealed criminal activities in the social services and the health service. Cledwyn is also credited with securing the arrival of the Royal Mint at Llantrisant in 1967, which was perceived to have enhanced the status of the Welsh Office.

In 1968 Harold Wilson moved Cledwyn from the Welsh Office to MAFF – Cledwyn was known to be disappointed to have to leave the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office behind. Cledwyn had been involved with the preparations for the 1969 Investiture of Prince Charles which had resulted in him writing a monthly letter to Charles (who was then at Cambridge) regarding matters in Wales. George Thomas, a man who was investigated for child abuse himself – as was his good friend Leo Abse – was appointed Secretary of State in Cledwyn’s place.

Cledwyn was a supporter and admirer of the way in which powers over agriculture in Wales were transferred to the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office. Cledwyn favoured extending the Welsh Office’s powers over health as well. Clearly Dafydd et al were not receiving enough support from the Welsh Office’s corrupt lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman Professor Robert Owen, both of whom concealed their criminal misconduct in 1988.

In 1969 Cledwyn established the Waterhouse Committee on rabies – led by dear old Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, who talents were utilised again in 1996 when William Hague appointed him to lead the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

It is documented that at the 1970 General Election there were ‘scenes’ as Cledwyn was heavily criticised by Plaid, but I don’t know what the scenes and criticism were all about. It certainly won’t have been a demo about institutionalised corruption in the Welsh Office.

In 1974 Cledwyn became Chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party and in 1976 Harold Wilson’s sudden resignation left Cledwyn needing to organise the election of Wilson’s successor.

Cledwyn was close to both Roy Jenkins and James Callaghan. Cledwyn had known Callaghan since 1949 when they had met at the home of Glenys Kinnock’s parents in Holyhead no less. After Callaghan was elected as PM he recommended Cledwyn for the award of Companion of Honour! Pity about all those kids who were abused and then banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh wasn’t it Glenys…

In March 1977 Cledwyn was involved in the negotiations which led to the formation of the Lib Lab pact. The following year Cledwyn supported three Plaid MPs to support Callaghan’s Gov’t when it needed propping up, in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to be awarded for former quarry workers with silicosis.

The compensation for silicosis business dragged on for a very long time – most of the quarrymen were dead or nearly dead by the time that the Gov’t stumped up. When I was living in a quarrying village near Bethesda in the 1990s, Dafydd Wigley was regularly appearing in the media as a result of his campaign to get the Gov’t to cough up for the quarrymen as promised. So why didn’t Dafydd Wigley have a quiet word in a few Westminster ears and tell them to pay the dying quarrymen or he’d go public on the paedophile gang? Because most of Wigley’s colleagues in Plaid had ignored or concealed the paedophile gang as well. Dafydd Wigley’s own powerbase and constituency office was in Caernarfon, cheek by jowl with the HQ of the Plaid-dominated Gwynedd County Council and the offices of the Social Services. Wigley could have gone next door and performed a citizen’s arrest on Lucille Hughes (the Director of Social Services and Dafydd Alun Jones’s mistress) and her partners in crime if he’d really wanted…

In 1977 Cledwyn led a Parliamentary delegation to the Soviet Union and in 1978 he was despatched to Rhodesia as a special envoy for talks with Ian Smith concerning the handing over of power to the black majority. Cledwyn didn’t get very far. Neither did he manage to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle.

Cledwyn was enormously disappointed in 1979 after Wales voted against devolution. One person who campaigned against devolution was a Neil Kinnock, son-in-law of the folk in whose house Cledwyn met his mate Jim Callaghan. Cledwyn stood down as MP for Anglesey a few weeks later. Keith Best, the Tory who subsequently concealed the wrongdoing in north Wales along with his boss Wyn Roberts, succeeded Cledwyn.

Not to worry, in 1979 Cledwyn was given a peerage.

In 1981 Cledwyn became Deputy Labour leader in the Lords and then in 1982, Leader. He remained Labour leader in the Lords until 1992. Neil Kinnock was leader of the Labour Party between 1983-92 and for most of that time Cledwyn retained ‘a strong working relationship’ with Kinnock. As everybody kept quiet about Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Cledwyn obtained funding from the Tory Gov’t to merge University College Cardiff with UWIST to form Cardiff University and in 1981 he played a leading part in persuading Willie Whitelaw to change policy concerning the establishment of S4C, the Welsh language TV channel, thus influencing Gwynfor Evans to abandon his hunger strike.

Now however did Cledwyn persuade a Tory Gov’t led by Thatcher who’s aide Sir Peter Morrison was abusing boys in care in north Wales to do all that???

Cledwyn was President of University College Aberystwyth (which later became Aberystwyth University) between 1976-85 – the building that houses their School of Business is named after him. In 1985 he became Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales and then President of the UCNW (which later became Bangor University) in 1995.

Cledwyn died in 2001 in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, a hospital which had been ruined as a result of mismanagement and corruption by the paedophiles’ friends. One of his obituaries stated that he was ‘an efficient administrator…with a considerable talent for story telling’.

 

To return to Wyn Roberts now. In 1974 the Tories lost the General Election, Peter Thomas lost his position as Secretary of State for Wales and Roberts became an opposition spokesperson for Wales, along with Nicholas Edwardes, until 1979 when the Thatcher was elected as PM. Wyn Roberts was then appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office and Nicholas Edwardes, later Lord Crickhowell, was appointed Secretary of State for Wales. In 1987 Roberts was appointed Minister of State at the Welsh Office under the new Secretary of State for Wales, Peter Walker. Walker remained in that post until 1990 when he stepped down of his own accord – the year that Wyn Roberts picked up his knighthood.

 

Peter Walker was the Tory MP for Worcester, 1961-92. He retired from the Commons and picked up his peerage in 1992 ie. the year after I was bullied out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School after an attempt to frame me for serious offences by the mental health services in north Wales; the year after my close friend who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a film about it was unfairly dismissed from the Royal Television Society and had her career in the media ruined; the year that her partner was being hounded out of his job at the BBC. It was in April 1992 that five witnesses to the North Wales Paedophile Ring were killed in an arson attack.

Walker had shown an interest in a political career at a very young age. In 1946 when he was 14 he spoke at a Conservative Conference and was invited to meet Leo Amery, who had plotted the overthrow of Lloyd George’s Coalition in 1922. Amery told Walker to become financially independent before entering the Commons, because it would stop him having to be compromised ‘if resignation were necessary’. Obviously an occupational hazard that one must plan for.

Walker followed Amery’s advice and went into the insurance business, soon forming a partnership with the future MP for Taunton Edward Du Cann, who when I was a kid in Somerset was widely alleged to have been a crook. When Du Cann was older he resigned from a company just before it collapsed owing millions and was later investigated for matters relating to his taxes. Walker also invested in property companies and formed a City partnership with Jim Slater, Slater Walker Securities.

Walker worked on JFK’s Primary election campaign team and was PPS to Selwyn Lloyd when Lloyd was Lord Privy Seal. Walker and Lloyd remained close friends – Lloyd was godfather to one of Walker’s sons.

In 1965 Walker organised Heath’s leadership campaign and under Heath was appointed Minister for Housing and Local Gov’t. In 1970 Walker was proud to be the world’s first Environment Minister. He was Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87, playing an ‘important role’ in opposing the miners’ strike. During the miners’ strike, Walker maintained private links with Norman Willis, the General Secretary of the TUC, which sounds like the basis for something underhand.

As Secretary of State for Wales, Walker ‘easily won’ crucial financial battles with John Major, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Walker also ‘pioneered a Valley’s initiative, attracted major investment from Bosch and Toyota and gave the go-ahead for the second Severn Bridge’. The building of Corruption Bay went ahead on Walker’s watch.

Walker was Chair of the Carlton Club and a founder of the Tory Reform Group. He has held Directorships with: Rothschilds; Tate and Lyle; Dalgety and British Gas. Walker was the Chairman of Thornton and Co.

Walker’s son Robin followed in his footsteps as MP for Worcester.

Walker was a great champion of the hospice movement and was the Patron of St Richards Hospice in Worcester which was founded in 1984. I have always been a little mystified as to why, in north Wales, the hospices are log jammed with the paedophiles’ friends – I have previously blogged about those associated with St David’s Hospice in Llandudno and St Kentigerns at St Asaph. I presumed that it was a function of so many of the paedophiles’ friends being involved with health and social care, but I’m wondering if there was a bigger problem after reading an extract from Hansard, March 2000. The extract is the transcript of a speech that Walker made to the Lords in which he pleads for NHS funding for hospices and includes the responses of other members of the Lords.

In the Lords debate, a number of Top Doctors are warmly mentioned, including Professor David Clark and Professor Karol Sikora. David Clark was mentioned in a comment by a correspondent to this blog some weeks ago. Karol Sikora is a cancer specialist who for some years now has robustly promoted the privatisation of the NHS and is a leading light in a pressure group with other Top Doctors lobbying for this. Yet in 2000 the Lords involved in a debate about hospice funding were using figures supplied by Sikora as a basis for arguing for NHS funding for hospices. Sikora worked at Hammersmith Hospital in the late 1980s when I was a postgraduate there, although he seemed to have a big bust up with his former colleagues from Hammersmith a few years ago. For details of the research fraud and misconduct that was happening at Hammersmith, see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. The impression that I have always gained of Sikora is that he is primarily concerned with becoming very rich. He is a wealthy man already but I think that he wants more – his rationale for privatising the NHS is frequently wrapped up in arguments that Top Doctors can then be paid what they are truly worth. In one article in a broadsheet he argued that people should be paid on the basis of how essential their contribution is to society and therefore doctors should be paid more than anyone else. NHS consultants earn approx. £100k basic – people like Sikora who undertake private work earn much, much more. Food is even more essential for life than hi-tech oncology – so I await Sikora to begin lobbying for dinner ladies who feed the nations’ children and subsistence farmers in developing countries to be paid more than he is.

Another Top Doctor who gets a mention in Hansard during Walker’s debate is Vicky Clement-Jones. Vicky Clement-Jones was a Top Doctor from Barts who in the mid-80s developed ovarian cancer herself and died, whilst still only in her 30s. Before she died, Vicky and some others whom she knew founded a charity called Cancer BACUP. It gained an enormous amount of publicity and also undertook a massive amount of fundraising. BACUP made a lot of noise about being the vehicle to beat cancer, particularly ovarian cancer, which had a frighteningly high mortality rate. Vicky Clement-Jones donated her own tissue to cancer research and I remember attending a lecture which featured her cell lines. The death of Vicky Clement-Jones was undoubtedly very sad but I am intrigued by the way in which Cancer BACUP received such a high profile and the discourse that accompanied it. Vicky Clement-Jones herself was an outstanding researcher as well as a Top Doctor – she had done very very well whilst she was at Cambridge and by the time that she set that charity up she was at Barts with years of research and clinical work under her belt. She will have known as well as I do that what holds cancer research – or indeed any branch of health and social care research – back is not the lack of donations to charity or people like Vicky donating cell lines, it is research fraud, bad science and the vested interest of pharmaceutical companies, the medical establishment and the blinkered views of policy makers. The literature produced by BACUP is very similar to the literature produced by present day cancer charities – it is all about ‘fighting cancer’, ‘inspirational people’, ‘fund raising so scientists can find out more’ etc etc. Vicky would have been too intelligent to believe that this was going to lead anywhere. Yet it was full speed ahead for BACUP.

Vicky died and health outcomes for many cancers in the UK today are not that much better than they were when Vicky established BACUP. Ovarian cancer still has a very high mortality rate and is usually not diagnosed until the prognosis is poor. In spite of all the fighting, the surviving, the screening etc etc. I would dearly love to know the full story behind BACUP and why Vicky allowed herself to be used in a way that she must have known would not lead to improvements in outcomes for cancer patients. I note from past BACUP documents that BACUP was given a lot of free PR when Professor Anthony Clare interviewed Vicky Clement-Jones on ‘In The Psychiatrist’s Chair’ and through their links with Rob Buckman. Rob Buckman was a high profile media Top Doctor who was a cousin of Barbara Amiel, wife of Conrad Black who owned the Telegraph. Amiel and Black both ended up going to prison for white-collar crime involving large sums of money. Rob Buckman left the UK for America and died a few years ago ‘in his sleep for an unknown reason’. Which sounds rather unlikely, particularly as he wasn’t even that old.

However I learnt something from Hansard, namely that a leading light in BACUP was one Lord Tim Clement-Jones, Vicky’s widower. It was Tim who was repeating Karol Sikora’s demands for money from the NHS for hospices. Tim also mentioned Professor Mike Richards, the then National Cancer Care Director and refers to a joint statement from the BMA and the RCN.

Tim Clement-Jones is a solicitor and was the head of legal services at LWT, 1980-93. He became a Trustee and Director of Cancer BACUP in 1986; was Co-Secretary of Woolworths Ltd which later became Kingfisher plc between 1986-95; was Chair of the Liberal Party 1986-88; was Chair of Crime Concern, 1991-95; was Treasurer of the Lib Dems, 2005-10; is the honorary President of Ambitious About Autism – and was Chair of the Trustees for 7 years; the London Managing Partner of DLA Piper UK LLP and Chair of their China and Middle East desks; a member of UCL’s Council; a Trustee of the Barbican Centre; an Ambassador of the Law Society; an Ambassador of Barts Charity.

In 1998 Tim was made a life peer.

LWT, the Liberal Party and the Law Society are well aware of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors and the problem of organised child sexual abuse, including the paedophile ring that operated in north Wales when Peter Walker and his colleagues at the Welsh Office concealed such matters. As for Kingfisher plc – in the early 1990s, Kingfisher plc held the contract for cleaning a number of shops in Bangor and some of the depts in Bangor University. The cleaners were grossly exploited and were supervised by regional supervisors who were also grossly exploited and were pressurised from above to exploit the cleaners. No-one worked for Kingfisher plc for more than two months, not even the supervisors. The pay was as low as Kingfisher could possibly get away with – which in Gwynedd in the early 1990s was very low indeed – and the supervisors were required to travel across Gwynedd to various locations to carry out spot checks and generally harass the cleaners. The supervisors didn’t get a fuel allowance so they could have well been taking home even less than the cleaners. I bet Tim wasn’t getting up at 4am to polish supermarket floors were you Tim – you were too busy caring about cancer survivors and providing a bit of PR for the Top Doctors…

Someone who contributed to the debate in the Lords led by Peter Walker was another person who was an enthusiastic supporter of the hospice movement, Baroness Jean McFarlane. Jean McFarlane was a crossbencher who would have known all about the practices of the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends – she was a nurse from Cardiff. Jean did her initial training at Barts and then returned to Cardiff and worked as a health visitor. She was Vice-President of the League of Nurses at Barts – so what with her and Tim it looks rather as though this debate in the Lords was a bit of lobbying from Barts in particular, as well as the wider medical establishment. In the 1960s Jean had been part of the RCN research programme ‘Study of Nursing Care’. In 1974 she was appointed to the first Chair of Nursing in an English university, namely at Manchester – she remained in this position until 1989. McFarlane served on the Royal Commission on the NHS 1976-79, under Sir Alec Merrison, a nuclear physicist. She wrote ‘A Guide to the Practice of Nursing Using the Nursing Process’. I suspect that Jean McFarlane was at the forefront of those Angels who left the ward as soon as they could to wield power in higher places and spout rubbish about things like the ‘nursing process’ (the succeeding generation replaced that concept with ‘nursing science’ because that sounds even better if you’re trying to pass yourself off as a professor), rather than admit that things were going terribly, terribly wrong at the coalface, thus beginning the process of deep denial in the NHS which led us to Mid-Staffs or indeed to north Wales.

Jean was a committed Christian and was a member of the general synod of the Church of England, 1990-94. She had a particular interest in the hospice movement and until 2008 was Vice-President of St Anne’s Hospice, Heald Green, Cheshire.

Another supporter of the hospice movement who contributed to Walker’s debate was Lord Billy Blease. Billy Blease was a trade unionist from N Ireland who was given a peerage in 1978. He was a member of the IBA (Independent Broadcasting Authority) 1974-79 and the Labour spokesperson on N Ireland in the Lords 1979-82. In 1997 Tony Blair appointed him to the British-Irish Parliamentary Body.

Another contributer was Lord Eric Varley, who was the NUM sponsored Labour MP for Chesterfield, 1964-84. Varley was PPS to PM Harold Wilson 1968-69 and was appointed Secretary of State for Energy in 1974.  In 1976 in his capacity as Secretary of State for Industry, Varley wanted to shut the car company Chrysler down, but the Cabinet forced an increase in the subsidy to keep it open. Varley appointed Michael Edwardes as Chairman of British Leyland. There followed an entrenched battle between Michael Edwardes and the trade union leader Red Robbo aka Derek Robinson, who died very recently. The Mail online helpfully reminded it’s readers just how terrible Red Robbo was, how he was a communist and even stood as such as a Parliamentary candidate on a number of occasions, but they forgot to mention that there was a great deal of dissatisfaction with Michael Edwardes at the time. Edwardes was being paid an absolute fortune, made thousands and thousands of workers redundant, yet allegations of mismanagement and incompetence swirled around him and not just from Red Robbo and the people who were made redundant.

Varley led Denis Healey’s campaign for the Labour Party leadership in 1980. In 1983 he was appointed Chair of Coalite plc. He resigned his seat at Chesterfield – he was succeeded by Tony Benn – and was made a life peer in 1990.

Eric Varley’s name was in the media again very recently. He was known to have been very friendly with the Labour MP Gerald Kaufman and it was revealed that Kaufman left absolutely everything in his will to Eric Varley – an expensive property in St John’s Wood, all his dosh, absolutely everything. Varley though died seven years ago – Kaufman had made the will when Varley was still alive and hadn’t updated it. As with a lot of politicians who remain in the Commons into old age, the media have for the last few years been rather kinder to Kaufman than they used to be. We have been reminded that it was Kaufman who called the Labour manifesto of 1983 ‘the longest suicide note in history’ and Kaufman has been portrayed as a voice of reason during the years of the loony left and Michael Foot. Which is interesting because I remember Kaufman insulting people, upsetting them, really pissing everyone off and being considered an oily git who couldn’t be trusted. Harriet Harman likes to believe that she was attacked in her capacity as a feminist by wags who referred to her as Harriet Harperson, but Private Eye took the piss out of one Gerald Kaufperson long before anyone bothered to have a go at Harriet. So Kaufperson himself was at the heart of the 1970s and 80s Labour Party when the London boroughs were rife with paedophiles abusing the kids in their care.

 

Another Lord contributing was Lord Barney Heyhoe. Barney Heyhoe was where the action was whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles were breaking the law and abusing patients and children in care in north Wales – he was a Minister in the DHSS 1985-86, acting as Secretary of State Norman Fowler’s deputy and was responsible for the public education programme about AIDS. Barney Heyhoe praised the Sue Ryder Foundation during the Lords debate – that Foundation stands accused of mistreating people who have been in its care.

Heyhoe began working for the Conservative Research Department as Heath became leader of the Tory Party in the mid-60s – the Conservative Research Department where Matthew Parris once worked and in which Parris alleged was a senior male member of staff who would go out and about in London on buses looking for much younger men to pick up. Parris also alleged that the department was organising staff holidays to a location in Europe called the ‘Villa of Shame’, at which ‘boys’ were supplied. Heyhoe was a Tory MP between 1970-92. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State responsible for the Army 1979-81 and Minister of State for the civil service 1981-85.

He was a friend of Nicholas Scott whom Ann Widdecombe alleged had one hell of an alcohol problem, the consequences of which were concealed by his friends and colleagues.

Heyhoe was made a life peer in 1992 – like a few others who were involved in concealing the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Between 1993-95 Heyhoe Chaired the Guys and St Thomas’s NHS Trust. It was at that time that Guys and St Thomas’s accepted as a medical student a young man from Gwynedd who had experienced severe mental health problems – but more worryingly had carried out seriously violent attacks on his dog, a neighbour’s cat and his own girlfriend, who later left him and refused him access to their baby on the grounds of the baby’s safety. After being accepted as a student at Guys and Tommys but before taking up his place this man worked as a porter in Ysbyty Gwynedd. He was caught on a number of occasions having sex with ancillary staff on the premises during work hours. Not only was there no action taken against him, but after he qualified – although he had a serious breakdown whilst he was at Guys and Tommys – the North West Wales NHS Trust employed him as a psychiatrist. A number of people complained about him, including me. I raised my concerns with the GMC. Keith Thomson, the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust wrote to the GMC telling them that I had made ‘outrageous allegations’ about Trust staff. The GMC took no action. Some two years later I told that the psychiatrist in question had finally been stopped practicing after assaulting his wife so seriously that she was sectioned as a result of her own distress. His two children had been taken into care by Gwynedd Social Services on the grounds of severe neglect. When I made representations about this man to the GMC I made representations about his clinical director as well. The GMC took no action. Earlier this year my lawyers forwarded me a copy of a document that had been found in the possession of the GMC purporting to be a letter from me in relation to this complaint – the letter was a forgery (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

If Barney is still alive would he like to tell us what was going on at Guys and Tommys when he Chaired that Trust?

Hansard records that Earl Howe mentioned that the NHS is based on ‘human dignity’. I was so gobsmacked when I read that, that I thought I’d better find out who Earl Howe is.

Earl Howe also goes under the name of Frederick Curzon. He is a Conservative peer – one of the hereditary ones who clung on after Blair’s rather half-hearted attempt at Lords reform in 1999 – and is at present Minister of State for Defence as well as Deputy Leader in the Lords. After Earl Howe graduated in 1973 he joined Barclays Bank and worked in senior positions both in London and overseas. He then ran the family farm – Seagraves Farm Co – and estate in Buckinghamshire. In 1991 Earl Howe was appointed as a Whip. In 1992 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary at MAFF and between 1995-97 he was Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the MoD.

Earl Howe was opposition spokesman in the Lords for health and social services, 1997-2010. His special interests include penal affairs and he is a member of All Party Groups on penal affairs, abuse investigations, adoption and mental health. So perhaps Earl Howe can explain why he was debating with Peter Walker in 2000 who had run the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the abuse of children in care and of mental health patients from which a number of miscarriages of justice resulted – yet never asked Walker why he concealed organised crime and whether his receipt of a peerage was related to that. I note that Earl Howe was opposition spokesman on health and social services 1997-2010. That spans the period of the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry which was orchestrated by Earl Howe’s colleague in the Lords William Hague as well as the following years in which witnesses to the wrongdoing such as me who had managed to survive were ruthlessly harassed, threatened and repeatedly arrested by the people whom Hague had ensured were never held to account let alone brought to justice. Could you have a word with William about it all please Earl Howe? Because by the time that you had finished being opposition spokesman having not spoken very much at all about some very serious matters, William was swanning off around the world as Foreign Secretary, meeting the likes of Hilary Clinton. As one of your interests is ‘abuse investigations’ and Lord Hague is now spearheading the clean up of Westminster perhaps you’d like to launch an investigation into Lord Hague. As well as his wife – who worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed organised crime, including the sexual abuse of minors and mental health patients.

Another contributor to Walker’s debate was the then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Lord Hunt of King’s Heath. That is Philip Hunt, a Labour Co-Operative peer. Hunt probably knows more about the wrongdoing in the NHS than anyone else in the Lords – he has spent his whole career at the heart of the wrongdoing, for the last few decades at the most senior level.

Philip Hunt graduated from Leeds University in 1970 and began working for the NHS in 1972 when he landed a job as a works study officer for the Oxford Region Hospital Board. In 1974 he began working as a hospital administrator for the Nuffield Orthopaedic Centre. Hunt was the first Secretary of the Edgware and Hendon Community Health Council in 1975 – the CHCs were an early incarnation of ‘service user involvement’, bodies that were dominated by NHS professionals and managers who ensured that the lid was kept on failure, scandal and neglect whilst claiming to be the ‘voice of the patients’. Hunt remained at the CHC until 1978 – it must have done him a great deal of good because it was immediately after this that Hunt hit the big time. In 1978 he was appointed the Assistant Director of the National Association of Health Authorities (NAHA), the body that represented those running the dysfunctional corrupt organisations that were leading the NHS into such trouble – including Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities. Between 1984-90 Philip Hunt was Director of the NAHA. So he was representing the idiots running Gwynedd Health Authority whilst they were involved in criminal activities relating to their part in facilitating a paedophile gang, were bankrupting the organisation, were receiving letters from David Hunt the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst a hit squad had been sent in from the Welsh Office in a vain attempt to deal with the fuckwittery , whilst the fuckwittery was being discussed in the House. Clwyd Health Authority were conducting themselves in exactly the same way as was whichever Health Authority was responsible for running St George’s Hospital Medical School. Philip Hunt then became Director of the National Association of Health Authorities and Trusts (NAHAT), the succeeding body to the NAHA, in 1990. In 1993 Hunt received an OBE for ‘services to the NHS’.

A new vehicle to represent the crooks and conmen running the NHS was conjured up in 1996 – the NHS Confederation. Philip Hunt was its first Chief Executive. He’ll have known the MP Jess Phillips’s mum then (see post ‘Everywoman?’). In 1997 Hunt received a peerage and was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Department of Health. Being a man of principle he resigned in March 2003 over the invasion of Iraq. He didn’t resign from the House of course, although he was one of Tony’s cronies, a New Labour peer, so he was able to return to Gov’t in May 2005 when he was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the DWP. In Jan 2007 he became Minister of State at the Department of Health with responsibility for NHS reform. In July of the same year he became Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Justice and in 2008 Hunt was appointed Minister of State at DEFRA AND at DECC (Dept for Energy and Climate Change). Oh, he was Deputy Leader of the Lords as well.

Following Ed Miliband’s appointment as leader of the Labour Party, Hunt became Labour’s spokesperson on Home Affairs. In Sept 2011 Hunt contributed to the publication ‘What Next For Labour? Ideas For A New Generation’.

Hunt has occupied many other positions as well. He was: a member of Oxford City Council 1973-79; a member of Oxfordshire Health Authority 1975-77; a member of Birmingham City Council 1980-82; Co-Chair of the Association for Public Health 1994-98; President of the Family Planning Association 1997-98; Joint Chair of the All Party Primary Care and Public Health Group 1997-98; Vice-Chair of the All Party Group on AIDS; Chair of the National Patient Safety Agency 2004-05; President of the Health Care Supplies Association 2010-present; President of the Royal Society of Public Health 2010-present.

In July 1999 Tony Blair made Hunt Health Minister in the Lords.

Between April 2011-2014 Hunt was Chair of the Heart of England NHS Foundation Trust. That was the Trust which employed the breast surgeon Ian Paterson who was recently imprisoned for performing unnecessary operations on dozens of people for financial gain.

Philip Hunt will know the details behind scores of NHS scandals and tragedies, he will know that organised child sexual abuse was endemic in the children’s services, he will know that the psychiatric system was being used to conceal this and he will have been at the very centre of this in Birmingham. The reason that Hunt ended up in Gov’t was that he kept quiet about it all.

I mentioned that Blair made Hunt Lords’ Health Minister in July 1999. Before Blair carried out his reshuffle, Baroness Hayman was Lords’ Health Minister.

Helene Valerie Hayman has a CV nearly as shameful as Philip Hunt. Hayman studied law at Newnham College, Cambridge. After graduating in 1969 she worked for Shelter. Between 1971-74 Hayman was involved with the Social Services in the Borough of Camden. So she’ll have been screwing up there alongside Tessa Jowell (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’). In 1974 Hayman was appointed the Deputy Director of the National Council for One Parent Families. The NCCL – which was at the time associated with PIE and ‘paedophiles’ rights’ – was associated with that organisation. Sue Slipman was involved with both the NCCL and the National Council for One Parent Families – Slipman later also occupied senior positions in the NHS, including the Chair of one Trust, although I note that information about that has disappeared from the internet, presumably because someone is feeling unusually embarrassed about the appointment.

Between 1974-79 Hayman was elected as the MP for Welwyn and Hatfield. Hayman was a member of Bloomsbury Health Authority (later Bloomsbury and Islington Health Authority) 1985-92 and was Vice-Chair from 1988 onwards. She was a member of the ethics committee of the Royal College of Gynaecologists 1982-97; of the ethics committee of UCL and UCH 1987-97; a member of the Council of UCL 1992-97 and the Chair of Whittington Hospital NHS Trust.

After such sterling service to bodies and institutions which had variously colluded with organised child sexual abuse and the abuse and neglect of mental health patients, ignored the horrors of the St David’s laundry in Gwynedd (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred, Especially In Scotland’) and colluded with some highly questionable research and very poor practice, Hayman picked up her reward in 1996 – a peerage.

Hayman’s party continued. She became a junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, Transport and Regions and in the Department of Health. In 1999 she was appointed Minister of State at the MAFF. She was Chair of Cancer Research UK 2001-05. For details of misconduct and research fraud among people involved with that charity (which was previously known as the Cancer Research Campaign) see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. Hayman was a Trustee of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 2002-06; a Trustee of the Tropical Health and Education Trust 2005-06. She was a member of the Lords Select Committee on Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, 2004-05. In 2005 Hayman became Chair of the Human Tissue Authority and she was a member of the HFEA 2005-06.

Hayman ended up as Lord Speaker, something which she had probably been aspiring to for years.

 

The Secretary of State for Wales who followed Peter Walker was David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. It was on David Hunt’s watch that the attempts to silence people who had crossed paths with Dafydd and the paedophiles escalated – Hunt was in post between 1990-93 and it was then that I and my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales found ourselves hounded out of jobs, our careers ruined, threatened, repeatedly arrested, violently attacked in the street by assailants etc as detailed in previous posts. Hunt was Secretary of State when allegations that children in care in north Wales had been abused by a paedophile ring connected to Westminster and that a cover-up involving people at the highest echelons of society was underway began appearing in the UK media. Hunt was Secretary of State when the five witnesses to the abuse in north Wales were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Interestingly enough, Wyn Roberts’s obituaries make no reference to Hunt or to Wyn’s relationship with him. It is as if Hunt had never been his boss. What all Wyn’s obituaries did bang on about though was Wyn’s huge triumph in persuading Thatcher’s Gov’t to establish a Welsh language TV channel and – the real biggie – to draw up a Welsh Language Act. The Welsh Language Act 1993 resulted. Thatcher and her Gov’t were utterly unsympathetic to the idea of Welsh language rights and certainly did not want this Act. But Wyn with his magik persuaded old Thatch that it was a good idea and lo and behold a Welsh Language Act emerged. Now how do readers think that Wyn persuaded a woman who employed as one of her closet aides a man who was molesting children in care in north Wales to pass a Welsh Language Act???

Thus Wyn Roberts has been written into Welsh history as a ‘friend of Wales’, ‘the greatest living Welshman’, ‘a rare and valuable asset for the Conservative Party’ and ‘the protector of the language’, on the back of a truly shameful trade off between him and his masters in a Gov’t who were orchestrating a massive cover-up of the serious abuse of children in care and mental health patients. A cover-up which resulted in the framing and wrongful imprisonment of innocent people – and the deaths of many more.

All for the sake of a fucking Welsh Language Act – which wasn’t even very good, didn’t actually protect the rights of Welsh speakers as it should and was simply followed by calls for a better Act. This was sold to Wales as a triumph. The Welsh language continued to die – as did the people who knew about the scandal that enabled Roberts to get that Act through. This wasn’t the end of the problems – because there were so many people who knew what had been concealed. They all had to be bought off – or if they couldn’t be bought off with a peerage or a job that they didn’t deserve and couldn’t do – they had to be silenced by threats, intimidation or even death. As for the worm Wyn – he was rewarded with a peerage in 1997 and hung around like a particularly dreadful stench literally until the day that the old bastard died in 2013. Wyn’s obituaries proudly remembered that such was Wyn’s ‘influence’ that David Cameron was still consulting Wyn on devolution when Cameron became leader of the Tory Party.

In the immediate aftermath of his death, the tributes to Wyn Roberts on the BBC News were led by Cameron, who remembered Roberts as ‘a devoted public servant and a tireless ambassador for Wales’, ‘one of the kindest and most compassionate colleagues I had the pleasure to work with’ and made reference to his ‘gentle nature’. Cameron – people were raped, beaten, buggered, stitched up in Court, sent to Risley Remand Centre where they were then found dead, killed in car accidents, killed in arson attacks and your devoted public servant with a gentle nature knew all about it.

David Jones, a creep of a solicitor from Llandudno who was Cameron’s Secretary of State for Wales at the time of Roberts’s death, joined in the tributes. Roberts was ‘an extraordinary man’ who did ‘more for Welsh cultural life than any man of his generation’, was ‘very kind, extremely wise with a tremendous sense of humour’, ‘a kind friend and a wise counsellor’. David Jones knew all about the abuses and the miscarriages of justice, he worked in the Courts in north Wales where it was all going on (see post ‘The Rt Hon David Jones MP’). Perhaps he just had a good laugh at it all, along with Wyn who had such a tremendous sense of humour.

Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Tories in Wales talked of this ‘very sad day’ and Roberts’s ‘impact’ upon Wales – yes, the legacy of the paedophile ring which he protected has virtually destroyed the nation.

Lord Crickhowell, Wyn’s boss who made millions out of Corruption Bay, chipped in calling Roberts ‘my advisor and my guru’ who made a ‘great contribution to the health service in Wales’ and was ‘an indispensable number two to me’. Crickhowell is a millionaire – the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board in north Wales is Chaired by Dr Peter Higson, one of the paedophiles’ friends and is currently in special measures after undercover filming on Tawel Fan ward revealed abuse of mental health patients, who had untreated fractures and were crawling around on the floor – which was covered with faeces and urine – whilst they were naked.

Lord Barry Jones, former Labour MP for Alyn and Deeside, (see comments following my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ for the lowdown on Lord Baz and his wife) commented that Wyn Roberts ‘built more roads than the Romans’. Yes Wyn was always happy to get involved with the roads. In the early 1990s I was loosely involved with a campaign to stop a huge road being built through the oak woodland behind Bethesda – Wyn spent many happy hours corresponding with the campaign group, met with them all, they thought that he was great ‘especially for a Tory’. The group contained a high proportion of hippyish environmentalists who couldn’t believe that they were being so well-received by an agent of Thatch. Well they weren’t complaining about organised crime within the social services and NHS. The Bethesda by-pass was shelved and an alternative strategy was pursued and then Wyn became a Green Hero as well. I never met Roberts although the other campaigners did – but if I had he’d never have known who I was. Because he had barely condescended to reply to me let alone meet me a few years earlier when I raised the matter of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends with him…

Elfyn Llwyd, a barrister who was for many years the Plaid MP for Meirionydd – a good friend of the paedophiles’ friends himself and oh so passionate about the Welsh language – remarked that Roberts’s death had resulted in a ‘big loss to us as a nation’.

Huw Jones, the then Chair of the S4C authority described Wyn as ‘a guardian angel’ with ‘mischief in his eye’. Was it Wyn who threw the petrol bomb into the party which resulted in the deaths of the five witnesses Huw??? What a scamp!

Huw might know quite a bit about people who have mischief in their eyes. In 2012 Huw was appointed Chair of the rather troubled S4C by Jeremy Hunt, who was then Culture Secretary under the Con Dem Coalition. Prior to that Huw was Chief Exec of S4C 1995-05, so he will have had a lot to do with the chaos and troubles at S4C. The UK.Gov website told us that Huw’s appointment as Chair of S4C was ‘made on merit, following a fair, open, transparent process’. Huw is described as a ‘prominent figure in Welsh language music and media since the late 60s’ and in the early 80s was ‘instrumental as an entrepreneur and TV producer in the establishment of a vibrant media industry in north west Wales’. Huw was MD of the record company Sain until 1981 and in 1981 co-founded Teledu-r and Tir Glas in Caernarfon.

I’ll translate Huw’s achievements for readers in England who won’t be aware of the context. This all means that Huw is a former colleague of Dafydd Iwan, a folk-singer and language activist who was a leading light in Sain. Folk-singing and language activism are not at all problematic but Dafydd Iwan for many years was a Councillor and then the leader of Gwynedd County Council – the Gwynedd County Council who’s Social Services Dept allowed a paedophile gang to operate in it’s children’s homes. Gwynedd County Council also employed a corrupt lawyer, Ron Evans, who along with his boss the County Secretary and Solicitor H. Ellis Hughes, actively colluded with the paedophiles’ colleagues in Gwynedd Social Services to frame people who had dared complain (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). Dafydd Iwan is a big admirer of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and wrote a song ‘in tribute’ to him.

Dafydd Iwan’s brother Alun Ffred is the former Plaid AM for Arfon.

Huw Jones might also know another musician who’s career began in the music scene in north west Wales and who became a very big name – Gruff Rhys of the Super Furry Animals. Gruff Rhys’s dad was Ioan Bowen Rees, another self-appointed guardian of the Welsh language and culture. Bowen Rees was for years the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council – whilst the paedophile ring raged within and the Social Services, Ron Evans and H. Ellis Hughes stitched up complainants (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

As Huw was involved with S4C at the dawn of time, perhaps he can explain why in 1984-85 I was being told by teenagers who lived in the Menai Bridge area who aspired to a career in the media that if your mum or dad worked for S4C you’d get a job, but it was a lot more difficult if you ‘didn’t know anyone at S4C’.

For a number of years now S4C has been on its arse, with plummeting viewing figures and at least one very senior executive disappeared from the company overnight with no explanation.

Huw is or was: Chair of Portmeirion Ltd; Deputy Chair of the Wales Employment and Skills Board; a member of the Welsh Language Board; a member of the RSPB Council; Vice-Chair of Nant Gwrtheyrn Language Learning Centre; a fellow of the Royal Television Society.

Huw lives near Caernarfon. Along with a great many other well-paid people who identify as protecting the language and culture and who knew all about that paedophile ring.

After Wyn died, Meri Huws the Welsh Language Commissioner said that she’d ‘always remember the significant contribution’ that Roberts made to the Welsh language. Meri Huws worked as a social worker in Caernarfon. For more details of Meri’s rise to the top – including an account of how she was alleged to have acquired the moniker of ‘the crack of doom’ in the National Assembly of Wales – see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’.

Derek Bellis, a ‘veteran journalist and friend’ of Wyn’s told BBC Wales that Roberts was ‘very kind gentle and humourous with ‘no ego at all’ (Wyn was some sort of Zen master then). Best of all: ‘no toff was Wyn – he was a man of the people’. So that’s what he was doing sitting in the Lords after a lifetime concealing a vicious paedophile ring who’s prime targets were the children of the dispossessed.

Lest anyone on the planet believe that the Welsh Language Act was actually worth the destruction of the lives of numerous people, I’ll just let you know where I learnt my first few words of Welsh and a bit of history about the quarrymen of north Wales. It was from another patient, when I had been illegally incarcerated in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dafydd, along with a few other folk who had been targeted by the paedophiles friends. Most of the victims of the paedophiles’ friends spoke WELSH! But they didn’t have parents who were Councillors or Top Doctors or managers of Social Services or Chief Executives of S4C or senior figures in Plaid.

I have never encountered such a heap of hypocritical horse-shit as that which has emanated from these utter fools who ignored something terrible, who kept a monstrous Tory Gov’t in power – a Gov’t which inflicted massive damage upon Wales, some of whose members used the children’s homes in north Wales as brothels. YOU FUCKING IDIOTS – JUST LOOK WHAT YOU DID.

Dylan Jones-Evans, a Tory and an ‘entrepreneur’ who has been serially dismissed from a number of universities, told the Daily Post that Wyn was ‘a wonderful man and politician whose legacy will continue for years to come’. You’re dead right there Dylan, thanks to Wyn, Wales’s Councils are rotten boroughs, the Assembly is full of politicians who ignored what Wyn was ignoring as well and the NHS and social services are log jammed with corrupt fuckwits who have no idea how to do their jobs properly even if they wanted to. The nation is virtually bankrupt but Lord Crickhowell and other chums of Wyn’s made a fortune out of Corruption Bay. And Thatcher went on and on and on – which was after all, why those witnesses just had to be silenced.

After Roberts had pegged out, Carwyn announced that he was ‘saddened’.

What was I doing when I heard that the viper with mischief in his eye had snuffed it? I was sitting in the Heddfan Unit in Wrexham Maelor Hospital having been sectioned because a neurological problem had been ignored/misdiagnosed and I was also maintaining that the mental health services were corrupt and had concealed a paedophile ring. Documents that are now in my possession compiled by the appalling Dr Raj Sambhi show that Raj Sambhi stated in the wake of my allegations that I was ‘psychotic’ and ‘very seriously ill’. Whilst I was in that Unit the Tawel Fan scandal exploded and the Betsi Board was placed in special measures – because of the institutional abuse of mental health patients. And Operation Pallial – the police investigation into the abuse of children in north Wales – was re-opened and John Allen, the former owner of the Bryn Alyn Community, was arrested, charged and convicted of the sexual abuse of children in care in north Wales. I sat in that Unit for many more months being told by Sambhi that I was mad.

Well Carwyn I did eventually get out after my life had been destroyed all over again by the paedophiles’ friends – I am not in the least bit ‘saddened’ that Wyn Roberts is dead, I’m up for a belated celebration. If you care to join me, we’ll open a bottle of champagne, pop over to his grave and dance on it. S4C can film us and Dafydd Iwan can give us a rendering of ‘Yma O Hyd’ while we dance. We’ll leave it to the Defenders Of The Language and Nation to explain to the world why we are doing it.

 

The wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles didn’t stop after the Welsh Language Act. Of course it didn’t, they were connected to organised crime.

John Redwood was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in 1993. He was a disaster on many levels. By the time that Redwood was in post, the police investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales had begun – investigations led by the North Wales Police, who had colluded with the abuse and who employed a senior police officer, Gordon Anglesea, who was one of the abusers himself. Then came the Jillings investigation and subsequent Report – the Report that was so damning that it was heavily redacted and pulped anyway, on the grounds that what had happened was so bad that the Council’s insurers would withdraw cover if anyone got to read the report. To date, no-one – except for the Council’s insurers and lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC, the lawyer who advised the insurance company – has ever read an unredacted copy of the Jillings Report. The day in 1996 after the Jillings Report was handed over to the Council, Clwyd County Council who had run the children’s homes that were the subject of the Jillings Report no longer existed anyway, so the organisation per se couldn’t be sued – it disappeared in a local Gov’t reorganisation. For the full story of Jillings and the aftermath, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

Something odd went on at a Gov’t level  during the Jillings investigation, but before the damning Report was completed. Redwood was removed as Secretary of State in June 1995 and was replaced by David Hunt – who stayed in the post for a matter of days, between 26 June and 5 July. What was happening at this time? The North Wales Hospital Denbigh was closing – after huge resistance from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. After all what was going to happen to the people out there who’d been hidden away for donkeys years, illegally imprisoned? No-one ever knew. Would you like to tell us what you found when you finally went into that place Lord Hunt? Did you find the underground chamber where it was alleged that the staff kept patients who were a bit of a nuisance – the cellar where they threatened to put me?

As Denbigh closed, Dafydd was given the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution of a Drugs Baron?’).

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison, the former Tory MP for Chester and aide of Thatcher’s who was abusing children from children’s homes in north Wales, was found dead at his home in London. He was a good deal too young to have died of old age – it was concluded that he had ‘fallen’. Yes, I think he had, but not quite in the way that those who claimed that was the cause of his death had meant.

After David Hunt made his brief reappearance as Secretary of State, a new Secretary of State was appointed – a William Hague! Hague took up his post eight days before Morrison was found dead and remained until 1997 when Blair was elected PM.

It was of course Hague who orchestrated the huge cover-up of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the Waterhouse Inquiry. New readers can read the full details in the posts that I have written about that Inquiry. Lord Hague appeared on the BBC a couple of days ago stating that Westminster now had to become accountable. So perhaps he can now tell us why he appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse to lead that Inquiry – a man who came from and grew up in the region where the paedophile ring operated for decades, a man who was a colleague and personal friend of so many of the people who occupied senior positions in the organisations which colluded with and concealed the abuse. Hague’s wife Ffion worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office when it was concealing the abuse. Ffion has since worked for S4C! The Hagues now live in a mansion on the outskirts of Welshpool – if they lived in north Wales Ffion would probably be sitting on the Betsi Board and Gwynedd County Council just to keep everyone quiet.

North Wales has never recovered from the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. It has never gone away, although nearly everyone who was a kid in care or a patient in the North Wales Hospital has by now been found dead. Numerous people knew the extent of the wrongdoing and a lot of them know who did what and where the bodies are buried. A lot of those people are sitting in the Senedd, in the Commons or like Hague, are in the Lords. The scandal has plagued every Secretary of State for Wales ever since.

I suspect that one of those Secretaries didn’t have much first hand knowledge –  Cheryl Gillan was an MP for Buckinghamshire. The others all know something, probably a great deal.

Ron Davies, who ended up in hot water himself after he was caught cruising on Clapham Common in Oct 1998 – an incident which was repackaged for the media with the help of Alastair Campbell – and then caught again ‘looking for badgers’ in 2003 at another well-known cruising spot, will know a great deal, enough to make a police statement.

Ron Davies was elected as a Councillor in Caerphilly in 1969. In 1974 he was elected to Rhymney Valley District Council. Ron was educated at Cardiff University, worked as a teacher for two years and then took over Neil Kinnock’s post as a WEA tutor-organiser in 1970 when Kinnock became an MP. Between 1974-83 Ron worked as an FE advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority. In 1983 he was elected the Labour MP for Caerphilly.

Ron was the Labour Party’s spokesman for Wales, 1992-97 – as the investigations and inquiries into the paedophile ring were launched. In 1997 Blair appointed him Secretary of State for Wales.

Ron became a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1998.

Ron Davies was considered to be the ‘architect of devolution’ in Wales and he led the negotiations in preparation for the National Assembly. The negotiations which involved those corrupt civil servants from the Welsh Office who had concealed the paedophile ring, as well as the many ‘advisors’, including Ioan Bowen Rees, the former Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council. Ron absolutely assumed that he would become First Minister of Wales, but it all fell apart for him just before he was about to become First Minister when he was caught on Clapham Common.

Although nobody ever got to the bottom of what went on at Clapham Common, Ron made a number of statements in the aftermath, variously claiming to have been abused as a child, to be bisexual and then to be receiving psychiatric help as a result of his compulsion to seek out risky situations. There wasn’t much rallying around Ron – a lot of people quietly crawled out of the woodwork and commented that he was a very unpleasant man, had done terrible things to a lot of people for many years and had a very big problem with women.

Hey Ron, have you ever wondered why your cruising on Clapham Common ended in a disaster after old Blair confirmed that you’d be made First Minister, but just before it actually happened?? I bet you’d gone out cruising with no problems hundreds of times – but then you got mugged just before the big day.

Ron has taken a rather erratic politic journey since then. He stood down from Parliament in 2001, left the Labour Party in 2004 and joined Forward Wales. He stood as an Independent between 2009-10 and then joined Plaid. His attempts at getting re-elected have not been successful. Since 2008 Ron has been a Councillor on Caerphilly County Borough Council. Which is currently embroiled in an enormous scandal, which dates back some years.

Ron’s ex-wife Christina was elected as the MP for Neath in 2015. Christina was one of those who was part of the mass resignation in an attempt to bring Jeremy Corbyn down, but when it didn’t work she had a change of heart and she’s now part of Jezza’s front bench team again. Christina  has previously been a member of the Welsh Executive Committee of the Labour Party. Christina’s wiki entry is gobsmackingly brief for a barrister who was married to someone so notorious for so many years and who will know a great deal about the shenanigans. Christina’s wiki tells us a lot about her time as head girl at school and her sporting interests. I am sure there are many more interesting things that Christina has been involved with.

Alun Michael who succeeded Ron Davies as Secretary of State for Wales and who was then imposed on Wales as First Minister by Blair -after Blair failed in his attempt to impose Ron on everyone – came from Anglesey and went to school in Colwyn Bay. After graduating from Keele University in 1966, Alun Michael worked as a reporter on the South Wales Echo until 1971, then was employed as a youth and community worker until 1987. In 1972 he was appointed as a Magistrate, Chairing the Juvenile Bench in Cardiff. Michael was a City of Cardiff Councillor between 1973-89 – so he’ll have been down there with a few others who kept schtum about the organised abuse of children and those who carefully cultivated the ground in readiness for the bonanza for the few that was the development of Corruption Bay. In 1987 Michael was elected for the seat that Jim Callaghan had just vacated, Cardiff South and Penarth. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Of course he knows nuzzing.

I received an e mail some time ago alleging that Paul Murphy – who was Secretary of State for Wales 1999-02 when the Waterhouse Report was submitted to his office, but who had very little to say about it other than how glad to was to have been reassured that no public figures had been involved in the abuse of children – had been involved in some dreadful things.

 

After Wyn Roberts stood down as MP for Conwy, Betty Williams succeeded him. The Betty Williams who had me thrown out of Tesco whilst she was campaigning in there because I tried to speak to her about the abuse of mental health patients at the Hergest Unit. Williams also ignored a letter from at least one other patient complaining of abuse at the hands of the staff of the Hergest Unit. The Hergest Unit had one of the highest suicide rates in England and Wales. Betty Williams was previously the Mayor of Arfon and a Gwynedd County Councillor. She grew up and lives near Caernarfon. Of course she knew what went on.

There is another person who will have known what went on – the Labour MP for Conwy 1966-70, who held the seat before Wyn Roberts, Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Hudson Davies was educated at University College Swansea and  Balliol College, Oxford. After losing Conwy in 1970, he re-surfaced in 1979 when he was elected for Caerphilly. In 1981 Hudson Davies defected to the SDP – to join Dr Death and the gang, many of whom knew about the abuse of children by Westminster figures. He lost his seat in 1983 – to one Ron Davies…

Ednyfed is now Chair of a museum trust in the New Forest.

 

I don’t know why Thatcher never made Wyn Roberts Secretary of State for Wales, he played a key role in keeping her in her job and probably helped keep a few people dear to her out of prison as well. I suspect that neither Thatcher nor those around her actually had a shred of respect for the worm who did their bidding. After all Wales and the people within didn’t matter – they were there to make the likes of Nicholas Edwardes very rich and supply children for the paedophiles of Westminster…

 

 

 

 

I Know Nuzzing…

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ described how the Jillings Report was commissioned in 1994 to investigate the extent of child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council. Jillings uncovered such horrors that Municipal Mutual, the Council’s insurers, refused to allow the Report to be made public. It was only in 2013 that the Jillings Report was released after constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Inquiry had been a cover up – although even then the Jillings Report was heavily redacted. Following Jillings, there was huge pressure for a public enquiry into events in children’s homes in north Wales as allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures and police officers swirled. A number of people employed in children’s homes in north Wales had been imprisoned for offences against children and many former residents of children’s homes in north Wales had been found dead. By this time the Secretary of State for Wales was William Hague. Hague initially held out against holding a public inquiry but then buckled. In 1996 he announced that Sir Ronald Waterhouse, a judge who had just retired, would be Chairing a public inquiry into the abuse of children in the care of Clwyd and Gwynedd County Councils between 1974 and 1996. The Waterhouse Report, ‘Lost In Care’, written as a result of this Inquiry, was published in February 2000. Like Jillings, it’s findings were damning, revealing widespread abuse of children in care in north Wales. However, as soon as the Waterhouse Report was published, there were angry allegations that there had been a substantial cover-up at a very high level. Waterhouse concluded that a paedophile ring had been in operation in north Wales, but he was perceived to have ‘blamed’ everything on a few bottom feeding social care workers, rather than investigate the possibility that a number of much grander people might have been fully involved. (When one examines the background of Sir Ronald Waterhouse, it is easy to see why he would be in an excellent position and indeed be motivated to lead such a cover-up. A future blog post will be exploring the backgrounds and networks of some of the lawyers and judges named on this blog, including Ronald Waterhouse.) The Waterhouse Report is enormous and I’ve never read it from cover to cover, but I have read big chunks of it and I have been refreshing my memory over the past few days. What strikes me upon reading it is that Waterhouse managed to frequently avoid blaming the bottom feeders as well -the abuse of children was undoubtedly far worse and far more extensive than Waterhouse admitted. He seems to have disregarded huge amounts of evidence of extensive brutality and wrongdoing – this man was a JUDGE, some of what he brushed to one side or chose not to comment on was extraordinary. I will give examples later on in this post.

Waterhouse supplied details of the management structures and the backgrounds of the senior managers and managers of Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils after taking evidence from numerous witnesses. Everybody involved claimed to have no knowledge of the extensive abuse of children. It is always said of north Wales that everybody knows everybody else’s business and to a large extent that’s a fairly accurate caricature. This seems to be one reason why the idea that the arson campaign against second homes in the 70s and 80s was the work of the security services acting as agent provocateurs caught on – I was told by a number of people rooted locally that ‘no-one can do anything in north Wales without everyone knowing, but no-one knows anyone who knows anything about the fires, it is definitely not one of us doing it’. Regarding the abuse of children though, people most certainly did know that it was happening – they just weren’t openly admitting it. It was a classic case of the social anthropologist Isabel Emmett’s notion of ‘not knowing’ (please see post ‘How No-One Knew About Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’). In the same way that everybody knew that Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was sexually exploiting patients, people knew that those kids were being abused. I got wind of it as a first year undergrad at Bangor University – I had no family from the region, I knew nothing about north Wales until I went to university there, but I soon found out that all was not well with the disadvantaged kids. I didn’t hear about a paedophile ring, but then laypeople didn’t tend to be obsessed with paedophiles in the early 1980s – but I did hear about ‘cruelty’. I heard more and more about it as time went by – at one point I lodged with a man who had grown up in care and I heard it from him and his girlfriend. Then I shared a house with some other young people, one of whom was a young man who’d grown up on a farm on the Llyn Peninsula. His mum had been a foster parent and the whole extended family were appalled at the lack of care and the degree of callousness shown by social workers towards the children in their care. This particular family were vey keen to care for their foster children well, but they observed that there was no help or interest from social workers at all and that they could have done pretty much anything to those kids and no-one would have asked any questions. They also told me that on the 16th birthday of the children the social workers would announce that the kids were no longer their responsibility and that was that, they wanted to hear no more about them. This particular family continued to support their foster children without the ‘input’ of the social services after they were 16. (Interestingly enough one thing that was admitted in both the Jillings and Waterhouse Reports was that ‘aftercare’ for children in care was appalling.) When I entered the mental health system I encountered many people who had grown up in ‘care’ and it was very clear that something was terribly wrong – of course the mental health services were key figures in concealing the paedophile ring, as detailed in previous posts. So if an 18 year old undergrad newly arrived in north Wales heard a few worrying things I think it highly unlikely that the managers of those ‘services’ did not know what was going on. To illustrate this further and explore how so many people were able to maintain that they ‘didn’t know’, let’s take a look at the management of Gwynedd Social Services and what they said, based on the information supplied in the Waterhouse Report – as well what I saw and heard when I lived in Gwynedd. (I’ll explore the situation in Clwyd in another post.)

Waterhouse looked at the scene from 1974 onwards, although the Jillings Report noted that they suspected that the serious abuse of children had been going on in north Wales for decades. My own knowledge of those involved with the children’s and mental health services and conversations with numerous people suggest that is indeed likely.

Let’s look at Gwynedd Social Services. Between April 1974 and September 1982, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services was T.E. Jones. He had previously held the same post in the old Local Authority area of Caernarvonshire, before the formation of Gwynedd County Council. T.E. Jones had grown up in Montgomeryshire, had no professional qualifications and no experience of child care work. He had been the County Welfare Officer in Merionethshire from 1952 to 1964 and the County Welfare Officer in Caernarvonshire for seven years after that. The Deputy Director until 1983 was David Alun Parry – he was then Assistant Director (Special Duties) until March 31 1987, when he took voluntary redundancy. Before Parry was Deputy Director of Gwynedd, he had spent three years as Director of Social Services for Anglesey. Between 1964 and 1971 he was Deputy Children’s Officer, then Children’s Officer, for Anglesey. Parry was an Aberystwyth graduate who had also undertaken Diplomas in Social Science and Applied Social Studies at the Universities of Swansea and Liverpool. He also held the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care and had attended several management courses for senior officers at Liverpool University and in 1972, attended two short courses for Directors of Social Services at the Institute for Local Government Studies at Birmingham University. Below Jones and Parry, there were three Assistant Directors. The responsibilities for children were divided between Emyr Davies and G.H. Egerton. Elizabeth Hughes was the Homes Officer reporting to Emyr Davies. Egerton was responsible for five Area Officers under an Area Controller – the Senior Officer (Children) accountable to him from 1975 was Larry King. T.E. Jones maintained that Parry was incapable of carrying out his duties as his Deputy – Parry was therefore relieved of these duties, but kept his rank and was put in charge of the children’s section. T.E. Jones also maintained that Emyr Davies and Egerton were seriously ill, absent for a long time and had to retire. From February 1976 a new structure was imposed. A Principal Assistant Director of similar status to the Deputy Director was appointed – one Lucille Hughes, who had previously been an Assistant Director. For the benefit of new readers – Lucille was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing that a paedophile ring was in operation in the social services but failed to act. She was also the mistress of the dreadful Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, who was illegally banging up people n the North Wales Hospital Denbigh who had complained about the mental health services or who had been molested ‘in care’. Lucille now had Emyr Davies (Elderly) and Egerton (Mental Health) under her and Parry had Larry King as Senior (later Principal) Officer (Children) under him. King retired in 1988. He had been in the Army, then in the police in England, transferring to the Colonial Police in Rhodesia. He had been a Housemaster at Bryn Estyn – the home in Clwyd which was one of the centres of the most serious abuse, where a number of staff were imprisoned for serious sexual offences. In 1969 King began work for Denbighshire County Council after qualifying for the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care at Liverpool University. He was later a Senior Social Worker for Flintshire County Council and then moved to the Llandudno Area Office managed by Gwynedd County Council in 1974. From 1975 King was a Senior Officer in Gwynedd  – he was redesignated as Principal Officer (Children) from 1979.

Parry’s story was that the previous incorporation of Anglesey Social Services into Gwynedd was not a happy one. He maintained that working relationships were seriously impaired and claimed that the children’s section lacked resources. From July 1981, the responsibility for the children’s section was transferred to Lucille Hughes. This transfer occurred at the same time that Gwynedd County Council’s Chief Executive Ioan Bowen Rees commissioned officials from Dyfed County Council to investigate complaints made by current and former staff regarding Y Gwyngyll community home. Furthermore in 1981, Nefyn Dodd was made responsible for all the community homes in Gwynedd. Nefyn Dodd and his wife June were accused by scores of people of the most ferocious abuse and brutality towards children. Parry was an uncritical admirer of Nefyn Dodd. Elizabeth Hughes the Homes Officer was for a long while on long term sick leave, then left and was not replaced. In the face of this chaos and mismanagement, Waterhouse commented that it was ‘commendable’ that Gwynedd provided such a level of service with ‘comparatively few’ complaints of abuse. (Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have questioned the degree of fuckwittery present and there were actually numerous complaints of abuse, many ignored by Gwynedd and others brushed aside by Waterhouse himself.)

Then in 1982, Parry had a car crash and was off for a long time. When T.E. Jones retired in 1982, Lynn Ebsworth, who had been Chief Personnel Officer, became Acting Director. Parry returned as Assistant Director (Special Duties) after May 1983. In March 1987, after ‘negotiations with his professional organisation’ Parry took voluntary redundancy and received an enhanced pension. To return to Lucille who had been responsible for children since July 1981. Lucille was an English graduate from UCNW (which later became Bangor University) and also had a Certificate in Social Sciences from Liverpool University and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care. For 13 years she had worked in the children’s departments of Cheshire and Anglesey County Councils, as a Children’s Officer in both counties and then as Deputy Director in Cheshire in 1971. She was Principal Assistant Director in Gwynedd from Feb 1976 and until July 1981 her responsibilities were principally the elderly and mental health. Assisting Lucille was Owain Gethin Evans. Gethin Evans had graduated in Social Administration from Manchester University in 1968 and obtained Diplomas in Education (1970) from Cardiff University and Social Work Studies (1974) from the LSE. He had worked as a social worker in Cheshire between 1971 and 1973. After his stint at the LSE he returned to Gwynedd as a social worker and from 1975 spent three years as a community organiser. In 1978 Gethin Evans was appointed Senior Officer (General) to assist Lucille. He was then appointed Principal Officer (Children) and was Head of the Children’s Services in 1982. In 1995 he was appointed Director of Social Services for Ceredigion County Council. Evans was the de facto Head of Children’s Services in Gwynedd, except for between 1987-1992 when he was Assistant Director (Resources and Support). Evans was also a member of Dwyfor District Council between 1976-1986 and was it’s Chairman in 1983/84.

Lynn Ebsworth was Acting Director of Social Services from May 1982-Sept 1983. Lucille Hughes was appointed Director with effect from 1 Oct 1983. Ebsworth had previously been Management Services Officer to Ioan Bowen Rees the County Secretary, and Chief Personnel Officer to the newly formed Gwynedd County Council’s first Chief Executive, D. Alun Jones. Bowen Rees succeeded D. Alun Jones as Chief Exec in 1980. Ebsworth then became accountable to Bowen Rees. Ebsworth had no previous training or experience in Social Services. Under Ebsworth was Gethin Evans, responsible for the Children’s Section but with virtually no experience of children in care. Responsible to him were Nefyn Dodd and Larry King. It was Gethin Evans who oversaw Dodd being given responsibility for all of the community homes. Extraordinarily, amidst this mess, the County Council’s Chief Exec, Ioan Bowen Rees, thought that Lucille ‘performed admirably’ as Director of Social Services. That was while she knew that a paedophile ring was in operation but failed to act. I will return to Bowen Rees later.

On 2 April 1984 a new Deputy Director of Social Services was appointed, David Glanville Owen – Gethin Evans was also short-listed for the post. Glanville was from Pwhelli and had been a trainee in the Children’s Dept in the Liverpool Corporation in 1965 after graduating in economics from Liverpool University. He then acquired a Diploma in Applied Social Studies and the Home Office Letter of Recognition in Child Care from Nottingham University by 1967. He had also worked in four English Local Authorities and for the National Children Home (NCH). He had been a senior social worker to the Assistant Director at Tameside Metropolitan Borough Council.

When Glanville was applying for the Gwynedd position, he was undertaking a course in Advanced Management for Local Government at Birmingham University. He was Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services until the local government reorganisation, then spent 18 months as Head of Policy Unit of the new Gwynedd County Council until Sept 1997, when he was made redundant.

Being made redundant didn’t end Glanville’s substantial toxic influence in Gwynedd. By 2003 Glanville was Chief Exec of Gwynedd Community Health Council – the patients watchdog! That’s how I came across him. I approached him with my very serious complaint about the Hergest Unit – this was at a time when the madness was evident with patients dying and being hauled off to prison and people writing to politicians about the brutality and the chaos – and Glanville refused to receive me, telling me that the CHC wasn’t responsible for hospitals. I found out that this was a lie, so I returned to Glanville who then lied about telling the first lie. I submitted my complaint and for many, many months Glanville and one of his ‘officers’, a lady called Hilary, went around and around in circles. My complaint was neither investigated properly or resolved and Glanville and Hilary never managed to explain why. The last time that I saw the disgusting Glanville he was attending a meeting in his capacity as a member of the North Wales CHC. So Gwynedd is not rid of him yet.

Glanville sounds as though he was his usual slippery negligent self in his evidence to Waterhouse.  He emphasised that he had never managed a community home for children or worked in one, even when he was with the NCH. As Deputy Director, he was ‘remote’ from the residential section and had not much contact with it – that was Lucille’s domain. However although Glanville claimed to know nuzzing, Waterhouse noted that almost as soon as he arrived in Gwynedd, he took up 12 points regarding the community homes in Gwynedd, including some serious allegations of staff misconduct, with Gethin Evans. Evans responded to Glanville with a memo that Waterhouse described as ‘inappropriate, complacent and discourteous’ which onbiously was ‘intended to discourage intrusion’. Glanville reorganised the Social Services Dept soon after his arrival and the responsibility for the development of Children’s Services was given to the Assistant Director, one Gethin Evans.

From 1987, the Assistant Director responsible for the Children’s Section was Rob Evans, who had been the Area Officer for Aberconwy since November 1984. Rob Evans had graduated in Social Sciences from Leicester University and obtained his CQSW in 1976. By 1984 he had acquired 10 years of management experience of social work in Northampton and Dorset and had served as a Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992, restructuring resulted in Rob Evans being appointed Assistant Director (Mental Health) – Waterhouse notes that Evans ‘left local government’ in March 1996. It was in his capacity as Assistant Director that I encountered Rob in the mid 90s. As a result of the constant aggro that I was receiving from the delightful Arfon Community Mental Health Team (please see previous posts), Rob was called in to sort it out. I had a truly bizarre meeting with him in which he made no comments about the law-breaking and perjury and constant aggression of the Arfon Team, but instead offered a discourse on ‘changing practice’ in social work. As an example he explained that when he used to take children to children’s homes he used to take their shoes away to stop them running away. He said that the children hated him for taking them to the homes but he knew that he was doing the right thing. A couple of years ago, some of the interviews that some of the former residents of north Wales children’s homes gave to the police in the criminal trials were made public. Some of the witnesses explained that they ran away after they were molested by members of the paedophile ring but someone took their shoes away after that to prevent them escaping. Many years after my own encounter with Rob, my lawyers obtained the documents that he had compiled after he had met me to discuss the Arfon Team and their activities. Rob had noted that he had met Keith Fearns, the psychopath who was the ‘leader’ of the Arfon Team and asked him what he wanted done with me. Fearns had replied ‘lock her up’. Rob had told him that wasn’t possible. Fearns had replied once more ‘lock her up’. Rob had noted that the situation was unresolvable and that he was leaving his post tomorrow anyway. Waterhouse was wrong about Rob – he didn’t leave local government in 1996. After no-one had been held to account for the rape and battery of hundreds of children over many years, Rob resurfaced again – as Head of Community Services on Anglesey! Waterhouse noted that in his evidence, Rob had told him that he wasn’t a fluent Welsh speaker and he considered that his chances of an appropriate ‘senior’ position were virtually zero. So it’s good to know that Anglesey found a home for him. The last time that I saw Rob I tried to ask him about his activities regarding Fearns many years ago. Rob told me that I was ‘arrassin’ him and if I didn’t stop he’d call the police. Rob often seemed to find himself the line manager of thugs – he was responsible for Larry King and Nefyn Dodd until his job changed and he was then overseeing dear old Fearns.

Rob had an interesting interpretation of Fearns and co’s threats, harassment and aggression though. In his evidence to Waterhouse, Rob maintained that because a Health Advisory Service Inspection in 1986 had been ‘very critical’ of mental health services in Gwynedd, Rob had made mental health a priority and the community mental health services had now been recognised as among the best in Europe! I’d love to know who ‘recognised’ them as such. The only people with knowledge of social work and mental health services in other parts of Europe that I knew who had contact with the thugs and liars that were employed by Lucille et al were a team of German social scientists who had a link with Bangor University. I worked with them myself and they were a nice lot – but they had no idea at all how patients were being treated because their contact was with the thugs and liars themselves who never fessed up that they were facilitating a paedophile ring. They just met up with the Germans for nibbles and drinks and no doubt told them that the services had been recognised as the best in Europe. But then idiots in north Wales were a bit obsessed with Europe in those days. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept appearing in the local press described as ‘Europe’s leading forensic psychiatrist’. He wasn’t even a forensic psychiatrist.

Larry King retired in 1988 and was replaced by Peter James Hibbs. Hibbs had grown up in Colwyn Bay and graduated in sociology from the South Bank Poly in 1973. He had been an Education Welfare Officer in ILEA (Inner London Education Authority) for four years, then completed his CQSW at UCNW (Bangor University) and also gained a Diploma in Social Studies. In Dec 1979 Hibbs joined Gwynedd as a member of the Child Care Team at the Anglesey Area Office and was promoted to senior social worker in Nov 1985. When Nefyn Dodd retired from the post of Principal Officer (Residential Services) in May 1990, Hibbs took over. Hibbs himself encountered serious personal difficulties and became ill with severe depression –  he was deemed by a Medical Officer to be unable continue working after December 1990 and formally retired in Jan 1993. However, at the time of giving evidence to Waterhouse, he had been working since November 1995 as a Senior Practitioner at the Family Centre, Rhyl, run by NCH. Hibbs stated that he used to see Rob Evans about once a week, but was ‘uncertain’ whether Rob grasped ‘child protection issues’, he was more of a ‘mental health specialist’ no less.

Hibbs had been responsible to Gethin Evans and when Hibbs retired he was replaced by Dafydd Ifans. Ifans had worked in the North Wales Probation Services for the last ten years after obtaining his CQSW at Cartrefle College as well as an OU degree. Prior to that he’d been in the Army for fifteen years after leaving school at fifteen to join as an Army apprentice. He then worked as a manager for ASDA for two years. Ifans worked in Gwynedd until 31 December 1995, when he was then appointed as Service Manager for the Children and Families Services for Conwy County Borough Council. During his nearly three years as a Principal Officer, Ifans was responsible for line managing three community homes in Gwynedd.

I have deliberately given a lot of details regarding the managers of Gwynedd Social Services to demonstrate a number of points. Firstly, the degree of conflict that obviously existed between some of them. Secondly, the number of people that were falling apart at the seams themselves – a lot of people were on long-term sick leave or being deemed incapable of fulfilling their duties. This is a key sign of an organisation in trouble but judging from the chunks of the Waterhouse Report that I’ve read so far, Waterhouse doesn’t seem to have taken on board the significance of this. One inescapable theme is how many of these people had connections with each other, or had been circulating around the system for some time. During the 80s and 90s, if one was English and living in Gwynedd, one heard constant allegations that Gwynedd County Council was a ‘closed shop’ and that ‘they only employ their friends and their relatives’. There does seem to have been an awful lot of that going on – but another allegation that English people frequently made was ‘none of them have ever been out of Gwynedd’. Judging from the previous account that is very obviously not true. They had all had stints of studying or working elsewhere – or moving on elsewhere after presiding over the horror that was Gwynedd children’s services. But as far as I can see that is simply more terrifying. That lot had a well-established network that will have been affording them protection and as I have previously argued it stretched far and wide, into England as well. A number of them had also worked in places where it is now known that there was a problem with the organised abuse of children eg. Cheshire, Leicester and inner London. Again and again I was told that the problems in north Wales re the children’s services and mental health services was ‘just north Wales’. It was not. It surfaced in north Wales and ‘outsiders’ were always suspicious and curious because they were very obviously excluded on the grounds of language and it was easy for them to conjure up spectres of cave-dwelling sheep shaggers who molest the kids and burn English peoples houses down. But the vile ones had mates next door in England and had an established network to assist them. Some of them also had connections to the police and the Army…

Among all the detail supplied in the Waterhouse Report regarding Gwynedd Social Services, there is a glaring omission. Waterhouse mentions in passing a ‘child protection officer’ who was working under Gethin Evans. In a region where children were being abused by a paedophile ring and having the living daylights battered out of them by the likes of Nefyn Dodd and were being half-starved and used as free labour by ‘foster parents’, the child protection officer would be a fairly crucial member of the team. Yet they are not named and there is no reference to their evidence in the Waterhouse Report. Were they fast asleep on the job or simply terrified? Or had someone decided that they didn’t want to hear evidence from them? Or had Waterhouse heard their evidence and decided not to mention it? There was something else that he passed by with barely a comment. When he ‘reviewed’ the evidence against Nefyn and June Dodd, as well as ignoring scores of complaints of brutality – and a few of sexual abuse – against the Dodds and the people whom they employed in the community home that they ran in Bangor, Waterhouse mentions a complaint from someone referred to as X, against the Dodds. Waterhouse acknowledges that a letter of ‘dubious authenticity’ allegedly signed by X was sent from Risley Remand Centre to Lucille Hughes expressing support for the Dodds. But Waterhouse accepted that X didn’t write this and so he disregarded it! So someone in Risley Remand Centre forged a letter from X and sent it to Lucille Hughes, supporting the Dodds, when the Dodds were under investigation for abusing children. And Waterhouse barely bats an eyelid. But then someone forged a letter from me and sent it to the GMC after I complained about Dr Tony Roberts (please see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’). Someone forged a certificate of indictment saying that I’d been found guilty of ‘violent disorder’ at Caernarfon Crown Court when I hadn’t (please see post ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’). It’s good to know that I wasn’t being singled out – forging documents is obviously an everyday pastime of health and welfare folk in the face of complaints about the health and social care services. How many more forged documents are there sitting in files in the wake of caring staff having been cleared of serious wrongdoing after the plebs of this parish dared complain about them?

And therein lies the key. For the most part, the people on the receiving end of this bunch of scumbags were indeed the plebs. They were people with long-term mental health problems, drug/alcohol problems, kids in care, various dispossessed or disadvantaged people. They also often had criminal records, because as I have detailed previously on this blog, if you complained about that bunch of bastards they stitched you up for crimes that everyone knew that you hadn’t done so they could then dismiss your complaints as coming from a ‘criminal’ and therefore not to be believed. Because I constantly had the most dreadful encounters with the ‘services’ and then more dreadful encounters with officious lying shits like Glanville Owen when I tried to raise concerns about them, for many years I gained the impression that Gwynedd and Clwyd Councils must be run by daft old buggers who had worked their way up from jobs as admin assistants when they were 16 and who did not know their arses from their elbows. Some people did equate to this stereotype – namely Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit, who could hardly string a coherent sentence together – but let’s have a look at those at the very top of the tree in Gwynedd County Council, the successive Chief Executives who oversaw this horror. So how dim and uninformed were they?

The Chief Execs of Gwynedd County Council for the period of time reviewed by Waterhouse were: David Alun Jones, 1974-1980; Ioan Bowen Rees, 1980-1991; Huw Vaughan Thomas, 1991-1996.

David Alun Jones was a solicitor, the Deputy Clerk (1952-1961), then Clerk of Denbighshire County Council for 13 years. He read law at Aberystwyth University, then held posts as a solicitor in Ilford, Southampton, Berkshire and Surrey before Denbighshire. After his stint as Chief Exec at Gwynedd, he was the Commissioner for Local Administration in Wales for the next five years until his retirement in 1985. His evidence to the Waterhouse Tribunal revolved around the theme of how financially poor the area of Gwynedd was. It was stated that T.E. Jones, the Director of Social Services, didn’t discuss problems regarding children or the community homes with Alun Jones and Waterhouse stated that he had no reason to think that Alun Jones was aware of the complaints. Alun Jones was consulted by the Director of Social Services regarding the alleged failings of Parry, the Deputy Director of Social Services, in approx. 1974. Alun Jones thought that Parry’s services should be dispensed with, but the Chairman of the Social Services Committee, formerly of Anglesey County Council (I presume this will have been Councillor Eric Davies) thought that Parry should be given responsibility for children’s services and this was the view that prevailed. So they handed children’s services over to a man whom they seemed to be in dispute with and whom they maintained could not do his job. Did Alun Jones not think this was a little high risk? Alun Jones was a lawyer – presumably not completely stupid. But look at his background – all those years as a legal advisor to Denbighshire County Council. The North Wales Hospital was on his patch – he was there whilst Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd were in action. He will have known about the problems out there and what was alleged to have been happening. I note that Alun Jones read law at Aber – it has always been maintained that one factor preventing the true extent of the child abuse in north Wales becoming public was rampant corruption among lawyers in the region. A previous post of mine looking at corruption in the region noted how many people who had been implicated were law graduates from Aber (see post ‘Updates, Common Themes And News, May 5 2017’).

Ioan Bowen Rees was Chief Exec for much of the time under review by Waterhouse, ie. 1980-1991. It was during this time that the complaints and allegations of child abuse came thick and fast, when Alison Taylor the social worker who blew the whistle on it all first raised concerns within the social services and, when she was dismissed in the wake of doing so, went very public indeed, contacting the media as well as Ministers, including Margaret Thatcher. So one would have that Ioan might have noticed that something was amiss. Ioan was a from a local family and had grown up in Dolgellau. His father was a teacher there and his mother had been one of the first women graduates from UCNW (Bangor University). Ioan went to school in Dolgellau and won a scholarship to Oxford to read modern history. So not only did he know the area but he was no fool. He decided to become a solicitor and did his articles with – the Clerk of Denbighshire County Council! Well where else? Waterhouse states that Ioan Bowen Rees was admitted as a solicitor in 1956 – so one presumes that he was doing his articles when his predecessor as Chief Exec Alun Jones worked as the Deputy Clerk of Denbighshire County Council. Bowen Rees then served in local government in Lancashire, Cardiff and Pembrokeshire, as Deputy Clerk to the County Council. Waterhouse mentions that Bowen Rees was ‘well-known’ outside Gwynedd. He certainly was. Bowen Rees died some years ago and his obituaries tell us a lot about him. He stood for election as a Plaid candidate in Conway in 1955 and 1959 and in Methyr Tydfil in 1964. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was involved in Plaid during those years and stood for election for Denbigh in 1959 and 1964. Another reason why Bowen Rees will have known Dafydd then. That’s the Dafydd whose mistress was Lucille Hughes. The Dafydd who illegally banged people up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh if they complained about the childrens services or the mental health services. In 1973, Bowen Rees became the County Secretary of the newly formed Dyfed County Council. Bowen Rees was considered something of an authority on local government and won the Haldane Medal from the Royal Institution for Public Administration for his 1971 publication ‘Government By Community’, which was described by Max Beloff as ‘essential reading’. This is the Conservative peer Max Beloff, the father of Michael Beloff QC. Michael Beloff was the lawyer who advised Municipal Mutual, Clwyd County Council’s insurers, to suppress the Jillings Report! Bowen Rees was awarded an honorary LLD by the University of Wales in 1997. He was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards – as was Dafydd and so many others mentioned in previous blog posts. He advised the Association of County Councils and was Chair of the Society of Local Chief Executives. He was described by the TLS as ‘one of the old breed of highly educated, civilised public servants’. My co-researcher made the following observation of Bowen Rees – ‘Oxford, Plaid, Gorsedd, Gwynedd County Council – he’s got a full house’. Bingo indeed.

In his evidence to Waterhouse, Bowen Rees stated that there was a ‘difficulty’ because Gwynedd Council had no overall leader and that the financial situation through the 1980s left one with a feeling of ‘helplessness’. It was stated that Bowen Rees was more ‘interventionist’ in the Social Services than his predecessor. He was told of complaints and he therefore ordered an enquiry and a report to be conducted by officers of Dyfed County Council – whom he will have known well because he had previously been County Secretary of Dyfed. It was during Bowen Rees’s time as Chief Exec that Gwynedd saw many children in their care ‘boarded out’ (often, it was alleged, to the care of very unsuitable people). Gwynedd had the highest proportion of children boarded out in Wales and the second highest proportion in Great Britain. But Bowen Rees explained to Waterhouse that it saved the Council a great deal of money. Bowen Rees had taken a particular interest in the complaints of Alison Taylor. He told Waterhouse that he had ‘very little recollection of events surrounding the police investigation’ (thank goodness his memory didn’t let him down like that at Oxford or when he was winning medals, it just went a bit flaky when his Council was investigated by the police in the wake of allegations of a paedophile ring), but he knew that he’d asked Lucille to get in touch with him when investigation was over.(Nuffin’ to do with me Guv, I’m only the Chief Exec.) Luciile was described as being ‘over the moon’ when she told him that the police would not be taking proceedings against anyone and that there was ‘no substance’ to the allegations of abuse. Bowen Rees was satisfied that no disciplinary proceedings would have to be taken against any Council officers without talking to Lucille, because he’d talked to senior police officers. (Regular readers will remember that among the allegations of child abuse in north Wales were those that police were involved. A former senior police officer from the North Wales Police, Gordon Anglesea, was last year imprisoned for molesting children in care in north Wales.) Bowen Rees told Waterhouse that he had not been aware of Nefyn Dodd’s dual role in the management of children’s services and had been told that Alison Taylor was ‘worse than a troublemaker’. He thought that poor old Lucille had been ‘unfortunate’ in her Chairman of the Social Services Committee in the 1980s, as he was ‘wilful’ and tolerated only because of his war record. Which is quite a surprising thing for Bowen Rees to have said really, because the rest of us are of the opinion that Eric Davies did Lucille some pretty big favours – he spat poison in the direction of Alison Taylor, carried out a character assassination of her and ensured that she was sacked after she blew the whistle on child abuse in Gwynedd.

Even just the information supplied above suggests that Bowen Rees knew that there was cause for concern in the children’s services which he was paid to run. But there’s another reason why Bowen Rees would have known about the misery and suffering that his children’s services inflicted upon local people as those services worked hand in hand with his mental health services. Because he lived in a hill village near Bethesda where an awful lot of the casualties of Lucille and Dafydd resided. I know because I too lived there for years. At the same time as Bowen Rees. I and the others who had been shafted by Bowen Rees’s ‘services’ mostly lived in the main part of the village, comprised of 19th century quarrymans cottages. Bowen Rees lived near us – but not in our terraces. No, Bowen Rees resided in splendour in an enormous house shielded from our view by beech trees, down a long lane. (However, his widow does now live in the village square, but in one of the most desirable houses there.) Bowen Rees was described by his mates Jim Perrin and Meic Stephens in their obituaries of him as a ‘leftwing nationalist’, an ‘internationalist’, ‘with a philosophy of localism’, who believed in ‘the centrality of [the citizens] voice in determining policies’ and whose observations on mountaineering – which Bowen Rees enjoyed – included that ‘the early mountaineers didn’t concern themselves with the activity of a lower class’. Jim Perrin stated that Bowen Rees ‘firmy identified with that lower class’. That’s funny Jim, because I got the distinct impression that he didn’t give a fuck about them. Except perhaps at election time. I was amused to see in one of Ioan’s obituaries the comment that he ‘enjoyed the close community spirit’ of the village where we all lived. Wondering if I’d somehow missed all the occasions on which Ioan hung out in the village pub or in the canolfan or purchased his stamps from the Post Office, yesterday I rang one of my former neighbours to ask her if she ever remembered socialising with Ioan. Now this was not a neighbour who was one of the dispossessed being screwed over by Ioan and his staff. This is someone who is a retired teacher, whose husband is a retired teacher (and he graduated with a First as well), who have lived in that village for decades, who both learnt Welsh to a very high standard, who do know quite a few public figures and who are acquainted with pretty much everyone around. She replied that she knew OF the Bowen Rees’s and his wife ‘is very pleasant but they are a bit above and beyond the reach of the rest of us’. The man of the common people! Bowen Rees’s obituaries also stated that when he was young, he was regularly consulted by Gwynfor Evans, the President of Plaid (I think that he also co-authored with Gwynfor Evans) and was subsequently consulted by Dafydd Wigley, the MP for Caernarfon. Who definitely knew about the havoc in the mental health services because I wrote to him about it – and I can’t really believe that he didn’t ever hear about what Lucille and co were up to either.

I’ll outline a few things that were going on in the village where Bowen Rees actually lived. There was a severely mentally ill homeless man who for some months literally lived on the playing field, completely psychotic, whilst his neighbours begged for help from the mental health services to no avail. There was another severely mentally ill man who was living in a derelict schoolhouse with an open fire inside and about nine dogs – both the police and his neigbours begged the Arfon Mental Health Team to assist him. They didn’t. This went on for many months until a relative of his was traced and she arranged for a religious order to look after him in another region. One of my neighbours up there was a young man who whose mother had killed herself when he was a child – he used to scavenge in bins for food and by the time that he was a teenager he had developed a drink problem and mental health problems. He was violent and a nuisance when he was pissed but to be fair to him, he went down to the GPs surgery in Bethesda for help with his ‘nerves’. No help was forthcoming from the GPs let alone the mental health team. There was a whole family of adults who had been on the receiving end of such serious sexual and physical abuse whilst they were children that one of them was an elective mute and another one was in the ‘care’ of the mental health services – he became destitute when the day centre at the Hergest Unit was shut down, on the orders of the Arfon Team. There was a single parent who was such a hopeless drunk that her 10 year old daughter was looking after her, the house and her younger brother – who was displaying sexually abusive behaviour himself after being exposed to sexual activity from his father. There were also the people whom I discussed in my post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’ – in which two fathers were denied access to their own children by Gwynedd Social Services and one of those children was instead handed over to people with a known record of abusing children themselves. There was the family who had been swindled out of their inheritance and left to rot by a number of crooked lawyers and doctors, who were also refused help from the Arfon Team (please see post ‘A Trade In People – Between London and North Wales’). There were two other men displaying what a social worker (well one who knew what they were doing) would describe as sexually inappropriate behaviour who had been in the ‘care’ of Gwynedd Social Services as children. There was another family whose daughter had been removed from them and had been handed over to Gwynedd Social Services for her ‘protection’ who was wrecked after her encounters with the children’s and mental health services. There was also a little girl being fostered at weekends to give her mother who lived in the neighbouring village ‘respite’. That little girl’s mother had held Alun Davies the manager of the Hergest Unit hostage at knife point in her house and he had to be freed in a police operation. No charges were ever brought against her because Davies had unlawfully accessed her medical records, removed them from the hospital and gone out to see her without anyone’s permission or indeed even telling anyone. He would have been in much trouble himself if anyone had discovered what he had done, therefore his ordeal as a hostage was ignored.

What a record of achievement! Give that man another medal. Bowen Rees drove past these people on his way to work every day – whilst they waited for the bus. Lest any readers think that poor old Bowen Rees just wasn’t mixing in the right circles to hear the accounts of the ‘service users’, there were some people in that village who had worked in his children’s homes and left, appalled at the abuse that they witnessed. I knew three of these people – they all told me that they had witnessed young people being abused. They didn’t witness sexual abuse but they witnessed physical abuse and one of them described Nefyn Dodd to me as a ‘total fascist’. The other two people had worked in the home where Alison Taylor had initially reported abuse and told me that as well as being on the receiving end of ‘cruelty’, the teenaged boys in the home were being forced to work for no pay in the black economy. They boys expressed fear of physical violence from social workers if they refused this work.

But something else was happenining in that village as Ioan Bowen Rees managed to not see what was happening on his doorstep. Something that he most certainly knew about. Lucille Hughes’s henchmen from the Arfon Team were perjuring themselves in Chester Crown Court in an attempt to have me imprisoned. They were being coached and advised in this by Lucille, Hywel Ellis Hughes the County Secretary and Solicitor, and Ron Evans, his sidekick. I have the documents to prove it and described it in detail in my post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’. Ioan will have known about all that because Gwynedd County Council were spending a fortune trying to have me (and a few other patients) imprisoned and he will have had to sign something off. I bet he knew my address as well, because I was being served with Court documents at home. So Ioan knew that I was a neighbour! Where was his much boasted about community spirit? Oh – the other thing that happened whilst I lived in the same village as Ioan was that someone tried to set fire to my house. Twice. Another memorable feature of the village was the phone box. Ioan won’t have used it because he’ll have had a landline and a mobile as well, but a lot of people in that village didn’t have a phone so there was often a queue at that phone box. That phone box lives on in my memory for one reason – it was the phone box that was used by a mental health patient who lived in that village who repeatedly rang Crimestoppers and reported the law-breaking and abuse of named staff of the mental health services and the thugs that they were using to distribute drugs and intimidate patients who complained. There wasn’t an investigation. Ioan probably had a few words with his friends in the police again like he did after Alison Taylor blew the whistle.

Ioan will not have been able to have missed the reality of the lives of the people in that village no matter how fast he drove past them. Because his own son went to school with some of those kids who had been so badly neglected and abused. Ioan’s son went to Ysgol Dyffryn Ogwen and is now famous – he is Gruff Rhys from the rock band the Superfurry Animals. He and his mates used to practice their music in the hall at the end of the terrace where I used to live. Ioan was known to be passionate about the Welsh language and is on record as saying that we speak Welsh ‘for the sake of our children’. I’m all for bilingual children as well, but whilst Ioan’s son was learning Welsh and becoming a rock star there were a number of other children who were being beaten, buggered and raped in the ‘service’ for which Ioan was paid handsomely to provide.

Ioan’s glorious career didn’t stop after he stood down from the Chief Exec’s role after the police investigation which exonerated the whole bloody lot of them. No, Ioan was a passionate believer in devolution and was a member of the working party that advised Ron Davies the Secretary of State for Wales regarding the creation of the National Assembly of Wales. Who knows, Ioan would probably have gone on to become President of the World, but he died (Waterhouse observed that he was very sad about this) in 1999. Months before the publication of the Waterhouse Report. So if any lesser gifted and less well-connected creatures than Ioan feared that Waterhouse was actually going to admit the enormity of what had gone on and that Ioan would get himself out of the ordure by landing them right in it, they need not have worried. Ioans’s memories have been taken to the grave with him.

The Story of Ioan reminds me very much of the work of the Welsh Labour historians who were busy in the 1970s and 80s. They pissed a lot of people off because they maintained that the exploitation of the Welsh labourers in the quarries and other industries involved an enormous degree of collusion from the Welsh middle classes who also exploited the labourers and did very well for themselves out of this, but who had successfully rewritten their part in history and framed themselves as defenders of language and nation. I think it was in Jim Perrin’s obituary of Ioan Bowen Rees that there was a reference to the refreshing Ioan in contrast to the English bourgeoisie who colonised the land conservation societies… the noble Ioan who lived in his Plas shielded by beech trees so as to avoid the prying eyes of the people whom he was shafting whilst they lived in poverty…

After the People’s Champ and Defender of the Nation left his post as Chief Exec of Gwynedd County Council, Huw Vaughan Thomas took over. Huw was originally from mid-Glamorgan, read modern history at Durham University, acquired a Masters in Administrative Sciences from City University and entered the civil service. He worked in the Department of Employment and bodies associated with it and was the Private Secretary to two Ministers of Employment. He then lead the Manpower Services Commission’s employment rehabilitation programme for disabled people. In May 1988 he moved to Wales as Director of Training Agency, Wales. He was Chief Executive of Denbighshire County Council for six years – of course he was, it seems obligatory to do a stint with them if you’re going to preside over a major child abuse scandal. Huw told Waterhouse that the allocation of resources in Gwynedd County Council  owed much to history and political considerations rather than assessment of need and the Council’s image was one of ‘fortress Gwynedd’ with a single issue of the language agenda. (I rather suspect that might have been the smokescreen that Ioan created to detract from rather more serious problems.) For most of the first three years of Huw’s tenure, there was a police investigation of Gwynedd’s children’s homes. Alison Taylor wrote to Huw shortly before an HTV programme about the abuse in north Wales in Sept 1991, requesting a meeting to discuss the ill-treatment of children. He ‘took advice’ – we are not told from whom – and he said that she should get in touch with him if she had any new matters not already investigated to report. Alison wrote again asking for a meeting regarding the extensive dossier that he had prepared relating to the abuse of children. Huw declined to meet her on the advice of the Council’s legal officers and the Chief Constable. That will have been at about the same time that those legal officers were pursuing me through the Courts for ludicrous offences such as ‘staring at a social worker in Safeways’ or more serious offences that I had not committed.

So how did Huw fare once he stopped being the Chief Exec of Gwynedd in 1996? Well he was the  Assistant National Secretary of the Society of Local Authority Chief Executives and he has also been on exchanges with Chief Execs in Tasmania and New Zealand (Christ he’s gone global.) In 2001 he was appointed the Director and Principal Consultant for Taro Consulting Ltd. He was a member of the Richards Commission into the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly of Wales 2002-2004, he’s Chaired the Big Lottery Fund and served on the Parole Board for England and Wales (it really is unbelievable isn’t it). He’s a Board member for the Institute of Welsh Affairs, for the North Wales Training and Enterprise Council, a member of HEFCW, of the Law Society Council, of the Hearing Aid Council and the Olympic Lottery Distributer. His voluntary activities include involvement in two charities for deaf people, a member of the National Trust Committee for Wales, of the Princes Trust and the Chair of Plas Glyn Y Weddw Arts Centre.

Concealed a paedophile gang? Come this way Sir, we’d just love to have you on our Board.

The jewel in the crown was that on July 2010 Huw was recommended for the post of Auditor General of Wales by the National Assembly of Wales. HM the Queen herself appointed him from October 2010. He now oversees 20 billion quid of taxpayers money. His wife Enid is the Chair of the Solicitors Regulation Authority and a member of the BUPA council. His son Owain is a trainee – at the Wales Audit Office.

Once more, I can only repeat what the residents of Ioan Bowen Rees’s village used to say when they were screwed over once more by Gwynedd County Council in some way – Jesus Christ.

There is an ancient Bela Lugosi film that used to cause merriment among film and media students because it was thought to be so ridiculous. I was told that it contained a scene where Bela looms up out of a churchyard and says ‘It’s murder – and somebody’s responsible’. Well for years children in the care of Gwynedd County Council were beaten, kicked, forced to lick Nefyn Dodd’s shoes, used as slave labour, sexually molested, kept short of food and/or abandoned. And nobody was responsible at all. The only person who lost their job was Alison Taylor.

 

 

It’s A Piece Of Cake…

Recently I listened to an interview on the ‘Today’ programme with a very angry Rabbi Laura Janner-Klausner, daughter of the late Lord Greville Janner. Laura was fuming over what she alleged was the smearing of her late father, a Labour politician, whom she described as ‘great and good’. Janner of course has been the centre of a number of allegations that he sexually abused children in Leicestershire and was linked with Frank Beck, a Leicestershire social worker who in 1991 was imprisoned for abusing children in care. Janner and his other daughter Marion, as well as Marion’s ’emotional support dog’ who has also starred on Radio 4, featured in my previous post ‘Sisters Are Indeed Doing It For Themselves…’. Although Laura robustly defended her father maintaining that he was an innocent man targeted by malicious liars, she failed to mention that the reasons why her father wasn’t prosecuted for sexually molesting children were the serial failures of the CPS. Laura maintained that the allegations against Janner caused a deterioration in his Alzheimers and his doctor had confirmed that. Before Janner died there was of course going to be a ‘trial of the facts’ in his case because medical evidence had deemed him unfit to stand trial. Some of that medical evidence was contested in Court. Although Laura fumed away, she also displayed a triumphalist note, stating that her father’s accusers had now dropped their civil cases against his estate. That Laura is just as likely to be down to the fact that your brother is a barrister who made an awful lot of noise about challenging your father’s accusers, than to your father’s accusers being a bunch of liars. Laura is now fighting to have all references to the allegations against her father erased from the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse and she may well be successful, as that Inquiry is falling apart anyway. During her interview Laura expressed some very interesting ideas about the ease of securing a conviction against someone and/or suing them for historical child abuse. According to Laura it’s a pushover – one just makes serious unfounded allegations, one doesn’t even have to appear in Court and hey presto, job done. An innocent peer convicted! She of course made reference to ‘compensation culture’ and assured the listeners that there are lawyers throughout the nation encouraging such claims. I’ve got news for Laura – for most of my adult life I lived in north Wales, the region which saw the worst child abuse scandal in the UK and I never once saw a lawyer begging people to come forward with allegations of abuse. What I did witness though was some of the former residents of the homes where abuse had happened unlawfully detained and discredited by the mental health services, denied care for their very serious distress, repeatedly arrested for ludicrous ‘offences’ and smeared and harassed by the welfare services. A number of people among that group known to me are dead, as are even more people not personally known to me. Some of them were found dead in very suspicious circumstances. The managers of the ‘services’ hosting this abuse were never prosecuted and did not even lose their jobs. Neither did the scores of public servants who knew what was happening but failed to act. Most of the politicians charged with ultimately overseeing those public servants ended up in the House of Lords and may very well have been mates with Greville himself. The one politician whom it is acknowledged was having sex with underage boys and visiting children’s homes in north Wales, Peter Morrison MP, ended up as Sir Peter Morrison and obtained roles as Margaret Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary and Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party. The children who were abused in those homes, if they managed to stay alive and out of prison, usually ended up living in not very salubrious accommodation on low incomes. They certainly led very different lives to Laura, who went to Cambridge University and is now a regular on the BBC, which gives her a voice denied to people who have been abused whilst in ‘care’. Laura is now writing a book about ‘resilience’ – I wonder who is more resilient, the Cambridge educated daughter of a member of the House of Lords, or someone who spent their childhood being molested by those paid to care for them, denied mental health care for the distress that this caused and was then kicked out into the world at 16 or 17 into substandard accommodation to live on benefits. Now Laura, who do you think has come out of all of this smiling then? Oh and it’s highly unlikely that the kids growing up in care happen to have a barrister in the family to fight their corner either.

The enormities of Laura’s fantasies were impressed upon me in the hours after she gave that interview, when I read the Jillings Report in detail. I have mentioned the Jillings Report previously – it was the first external investigation into child abuse in children’s homes managed by Clwyd County Council and covered the period 1974-1995. The findings of the Report were so damning that the Council’s insurers, Municipal Mutual, on the advice of their lawyers, Browne Jacobson, ordered it never to be made public on the grounds that what had happened was indefensible and everyone involved would be at risk of being sued to such an extent that they would be personally bankrupted. Limited extracts from the Report were made available to a small number of people in 1996 and nearly all copies of the Report were pulped. However, years later, in the wake of constant allegations that the subsequent Waterhouse Report had been a cover-up and that public figures had been involved in a paedophile ring operating in children’s homes in north Wales, someone managed to locate a copy of the Report and it was eventually released, although very heavily redacted, in 2013. Lest Laura Janner-Klauser has actually convinced anyone that it’s a piece of cake for people who have once been in care to make themselves heard when they make allegations that they were sexually abused, I will provide a review of the Jillings Report here – of course I only have a copy of the redacted version, which removed the names of the people most culpable. The version is very heavily redacted at that, pages and pages are blacked out. Nonetheless, what remains is very incriminating indeed.

The Jillings Report was commissioned by Clwyd County Council after a number of their staff had been imprisoned for serious sexual assaults on children in care and it was realised that twelve young people who were former residents of children’s homes in Clwyd had been found dead. The London-based media had started to take an interest in what was happening and allegations of a paedophile ring involving senior public figures were being made. Clwyd County Council could no longer keep a lid on it all, so they commissioned an independent panel led by John Jillings, the former Director of Derbyshire Social Services, to investigate. The other members of the panel consisted of Gerrilyn Smith, a clinical psychologist with much experience in working with survivors of child sexual abuse and Professor Jane Tunstill, a social work academic who had been employed by the University of East Anglia and was then appointed to a Chair at Keele. The panel carried out their investigation between March 1994 and December 1995 – their report was completed in February 1996.

The panel were constrained from the outset. Municipal Mutual refused to allow them to issue a public notice in advance of their investigation lest too many witnesses turned up. The newly appointed Chief Constable of the North Wales Police, Michael Argent, refused to co-operate with them and the police withheld 130 boxes of evidence. The non-co-operation of the police was seen to be significant because there were constant allegations that not only had the police known about the scale of the abuse and failed to act but that some officers themselves had been involved. Gordon Anglesea, a senior officer with the North Wales Police, had famously won a libel case against Private Eye and the Independent in December 1994, after they accused him of abusing children in care. The man who gave evidence that Anglesea had abused him, Mark Humphreys, was found dead on 2 February 1995, after the trial. Anglesea was eventually convicted of child abuse and imprisoned last year, but died a few months after beginning his sentence. Some staff representing other organisations and former staff of Clwyd refused to meet the Jillings panel. The documentation that they received from Clwyd Social Services was incomplete, muddled and frequently unsigned and undated. The panel were obstructed to such a degree that they considered resigning, but persevered because they knew that due to the forthcoming local government re-organisation Clwyd County Council would cease to exist beyond March 1996 and there may well have been no further possibility of an investigation. What they did not know was that Municipal Mutual were going to suppress their report anyway. Municipal Mutual did try and place a number of other constraints upon the panel from the outset, but they fought back against this.

The problems in Clwyd had been attributed to Clwyd providing large residential care facilities that were difficult to manage, that took children from within the county as well as from across Wales and England. There were very serious problems at Bryn Estyn, a former Home Office run approved school in Wrexham, where members of staff had been imprisoned for child abuse. It was said that staff existed who used ‘old methods’ of discipline and ‘found it difficult to adapt to new Department of Health regulations’. Translated this meant that some staff violently assaulted children, punching them in the face, stomach and groin, ordering other older or bigger/tougher children to assault them, ordering children to urinate and defaecate on each other or forcing them to carry out arduous tasks. As well as raping them, sodomising them, groping them and forcing them to perform oral sex with staff. Even if the ‘old fashioned’ staff hadn’t been doing all this, by the 1990s it was accepted that aggregating deprived and troubled young people into large residential establishments, often located in remote rural areas, was inappropriate. Furthermore in many of the homes sexual abuse between the children was endemic, as many of them were victims who had evolved into perpetrators. There were no programmes in existence in Clwyd to address sexual offending by juveniles.

There had been numerous convictions of child care workers in Clwyd. William Mars-Jones had presided over the trial of Jackie Thomas in 1986 (she was convicted of indecent assault on a boy in care) – when in Jan 1987 David Gillison, a former member of staff at Bryn Estyn, was convicted of gross indecency, Mars-Jones requested an inquiry by Clwyd County Council, because it was noted that Thomas and Gillison were linked. Frederick Rutter had worked at Bryn Estyn between 1982 and 1983 and afterwards at other establishments managed by Clwyd Social Services, as well as at the privately owned Bryn Alyn Community (whose owner John Allen was also imprisoned for the sexual abuse of children in care). In 1988 Frederick Rutter was appointed as the warden at Pen-y-Llan hostel, managed by the Clwyd and Alyn Housing Association. In July 1991 he was convicted of rape and indecent assault on young women. It came to light that not only had he been given a reference to obtain the job at the Housing Association despite concerns about him and that there were ‘irregularities’ in that reference, but he had formerly been a probationary police officer but had chosen to resign at the end of his probationary period rather than be dismissed.

On 17 July 1991 a letter from Roger Davies in his capacity as Clwyd County Secretary and Solicitor was sent to the Chief Constable of North Wales Police – I think at the time that would have been David Owen – expressing deep concern at the abuse that had taken place and raising the possibility that a paedophile ring was in operation. An investigation was undertaken by a specially established police team, led by Detective Superintendent Ackerly, which lasted over three years. In March 1992, 17 people were arrested and detained for questioning. Jillings states that former social services staff were charged with physical and sexual offences regarding Bryn Estyn. The names Stephen Norris, Peter Howarth and Paul Bicker Wilson are given, but the fourth name is redacted – however other information available suggests that it was probably David Birch (who was later acquitted of offences against children). Although there was also very serious concern concerning the Bryn Alyn Community and the activities of its proprietor John Allen, who was alleged to have been running a porn and gay prostitution empire, this was considered to be outside the scope of the panel. However although Bryn Alyn was privately owned, many links existed between Bryn Alyn and the statutory sector. Clwyd County Council maintained that they were in favour of the Welsh Office holding a major public inquiry because of the possibility of a paedophile ring.

Alison Taylor, the former Gwynedd County Council social worker who had been the first person to blow the whistle on the paedophile ring that was operating in north Wales, submitted her 1991 dossier of concerns to the Jillings panel. They wrote to Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services and on 1 May 1995 the Deputy Director of Gwynedd Social Services wrote back to the panel stating that Alison Taylor’s allegations were made known to the police and the Welsh Office, had been fully investigated and that no charges had been brought. (The name of the Deputy Director of Social Services is not given, but I suspect that it might have been the dreadful Rob Evans, who in his capacity as Deputy Director, was also concealing abuse in the mental health services in Gwynedd.) In 2000 the Waterhouse Report named Lucille Hughes as knowing that a paedophile ring had been in operation in the social services but had failed to respond. There were cross county placements of children between Gwynedd and Clwyd.

In their report, the panel refer to the Hughes Report of 1985, concerning the abuse of children in N Ireland, the Staffordshire Social Services Dept ‘Pin-Down’ Report of 1991 and the Report following the major inquiry into Frank Beck’s activities in Leicestershire in 1992. They mention that there are currently extensive police enquiries underway in five local authorities in England and that the Department of Health have admitted that there is a ‘significant problem’. The panel note that since 1977, 10 people working in children’s establishments in Clwyd had been charged with offences against children in care, including five past or present members of staff at Bryn Estyn. The panel make reference to the adolescent unit run by the NHS, the Gwynfa Unit. I seem to remember that it was the Gwynfa Unit that was located at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Presumably this is the ‘young persons unit’ that Mary Wynch told me about, where Dr Dafydd Alun Jones (the one time partner of Lucille Hughes) encouraged the young people to have sex with each other as staff watched the live sex show. The panel conclude that there was widespread and extensive abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd but that they were unable to address the question of whether public figures were involved. They discovered that there had been ten previous internal investigations into abuse in the children’s homes and an investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1971.

Some of the key managers involved in running the ‘services’ during the period of time under investigation were:

Emlyn Evans, Director of Social Services 1974-1980, Gledwyn Jones, Director of Social Services 1980-1991, John Jevons, Director of Social Services 1991-1995. (Upon the receipt of this devastating report and the dissolving of Clwyd County Council days later, John Jevons then took up the appointment of Director of Social Services for Cardiff. Perish the thought that anyone should actually resign.) Emlyn Evans, Gledwyn Jones and John Jevons had all worked within the system for years and had achieved their position as a result of internal promotions so presumably had something to do with the mess. Before the formation of Clwyd County Council in 1974, Both Emlyn Evans and Gledwyn Jones had been senior managers with Denbighshire Social Services. So they’ll have known Dafydd and T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist then! Emlyn will have known Dafydd and the lobotomist very well indeed, mental health was his remit. Leta Jones, a former children’s officer for Denbighshire was retained in a senior post in Clwyd, responsible for children’s services. At the time of the panel’s investigation, the Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council was Roger Davies – he had previously been the County Secretary and Solicitor.

Some of the previous internal investigations into child abuse that the panel discovered were an investigation into the employment of David Gillison and Jackie Thomas in Jan 1987 and the establishment of a panel in Dec 1988 by Gledwyn Jones to investigate the sexual assault of a girl at Park House, Prestatyn. This panel included Andrew Loveridge (Assistant County Secretary, Clwyd) and Keith MacKenzie (Assistant Director UK West, National Children’s Homes). They also stumbled across the Cartrefle Report, which alone gave an insight into just how bad the problems in Clwyd were. Cartrefle was a home that was closed in 1993, which employed Stephen Norris as its officer in charge. Norris was convicted in October 1990 and subsequently imprisoned. In July 1990, Norris appeared in Court charged with sexual offences. In August 1990, the Chief Inspector of the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate (SSIW), David Evans, wrote to the Director of Social Services, Gledwyn Jones, requesting details. Yet on 18 Oct 1990, Evans declined a request from Clwyd themselves requesting a Welsh Office inspection, after Norris’s conviction. Instead, a review by the Area Child Protection Committee (ACPC) was ordered. So reports were commissioned from John Banham (who had formerly worked with Cheshire Social Services), Dr Kathleen Dalzell from the District Health Authority and David Lund from Clwyd County Council Education Dept. Their reports formed individual sections of an overarching report from the Cartrefle Panel of Inquiry, which was appointed in June 1991. The members of this panel were: Hywel Ellis Hughes (former County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council and Secretary to North Wales Probation Committee), Susan Mead (Chief Inspector to Social Services Inspection Division of Birmingham City Council), Dr David Roberts (Consultant in Public Health Medicine in Gwynedd Health Authority), Gareth Jones (Head of Ysgol John Bright, Llandudno) and Christopher Allen (Divisional Officer, Dyfed Social Services Dept). Some of these names and the areas from which they hailed rang bells for me. Kathleen Delzell from Clwyd Health Authority – the Health Authority that covered up for Dafydd Alun Jones as he illegally imprisoned people in the North Wales Hospital where they were then abused and sexually exploited. Hywel Ellis Hughes – the crooked solicitor previously featured on this blog (please see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’) who had a hotline to Lucille Hughes and who was prepared to assist people whom he knew were perjuring themselves in Court in order to imprison people who had complained about Gwynedd Social Services and the mental health services. Susan Mead from Birmingham – well there were a few corrupt people in Birmingham doing a few corrupt people in north Wales favours (please see posts ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ and ‘Amber Rudd, The Miners Strike And A Memory Jogged’). Dr David Roberts – his name crops up in my own medical records as someone providing advice regarding the numerous attempts to conceal the wrongdoing in the mental health services and have me imprisoned for crimes that everyone knew that I had not committed. What an excellent choice of people to conduct an investigation into a violent sexual offender who was employed in a children’s home! I wonder how a man like that ever ended up there with those paragons of virtue on hand to proffer advice. As for Gareth Jones – as a headmaster he would I assume know how unacceptable sexually molesting children in your care is. Gareth later became the Plaid AM for Aberconwy – his successful campaign was attributed to him running on an ‘I love the NHS’ ticket – and very recently was appointed as leader of Conwy County Council! Is it not time for you to go public on some of what you knew to be going on in the NHS and social care services Gareth? The Jillings Report mentions that the ACPC itself was ‘marginalised’ – but they were as utterly hopeless and as compromised as everyone else. It is mentioned that the Chair of the ACPC was a Mrs Train, who doubled up as the Director of Public Health Nursing in Clwyd Health Authority – someone else who will have been concealing the activities of Dafydd and his chums in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh! And guess who the Vice-Chair of the ACPC was? None other than the Director of Social Services himself, John Jevons! How marginalised was he? I am wondering whether the Jillings panel’s notion that the ACPC was ‘marginalised’ might have had something to do with the fact that John Banham acted as an advisor to the Jillings panel – John Banham had of course been involved in the ACPC’s report regarding Cartrefle. At the time of the Cartrefle outrages, the ACPC thought that perhaps health and education personnel ‘might have failed to identify abuse’. Er, yes – along with an awful lot of other people, including the ACPC. However I’m glad to note that the ACPC did show at least a bit of nouse on one occasion – Jevons had been Chair of the ACPC and Mrs Train had been the Vice-Chair, but after the shit hit the fan at Cartrefle, Jevons suggested to Mrs Train that perhaps she might like to be Chair for a while because it might look dodgy if the Director of Social Services was Chair of the ACPC. So he was just the Vice-Chair instead.

Clwyd obviously went for the belt and braces approach where Cartrefle and Stephen Norris were concerned – not only did they employ some well-known spineless colluders (or worse) to compile the Carterfle Report, but they then ensured that it wasn’t published or presented in its entirety. The Jillings panel wrote to the Director of Social Services as well as to the County Secretary and Solicitor about this. They received a letter from the County Solicitor and Secretary dated 11 May 1995 explaining that a copy of the Cartrefle Report had been sent to the Council’s insurers (them again!) and that comments were invited pre-publication. The letter states that ‘needless to say this was done with the full knowledge of leading politicians’. So some ‘leading politicians’ knew that children were being sexually assaulted in Clwyd children’s homes in 1990 then. I wonder who those politicians might have been? The County Secretary and Solicitor however maintained that the report wasn’t published lest it prejudice the trial of Stephen Norris. That doesn’t explain why they continued to keep it quiet after Norris was convicted – or why the same insurers did prevent Jillings’s own report from being made public.

The Jillings Report mentions another name that I recognised. It is mentioned that after Norris was convicted, in a meeting of the ACPC in Dec 1990, Superintendent Roberts said that ‘a review of police procedures was difficult to envisage in view of the late stage at which the police were brought in’. Could this be the same Superintendent Roberts that the nurses at the North Wales Hospital documented had cooked up a ‘deal’ with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to illegally detain me? And I’ve heard the phrase ‘at this late stage’ before as well. As everyone flatly refused to investigate the most serious aspects of my complaint against Dafydd, as witness statements from Brown were ‘lost’ (although the letter from Brown that I was told had been lost turned up in my medical records years later with two handwritten unsigned comments on it, namely ‘what shall we do about Dr Brown’s letter?’, ‘do not reply’), I was eventually sent a letter from the dreadful Alun Davies, manager of the Hergest Unit, saying that they really couldn’t investigate my complaint ‘at this late stage’. So that’s how its done – complaints about the most serious criminal activity are ignored for years and then are deemed uninvestigable ‘at this late stage’.

It seems that the toothless, spineless colluders who compiled the Cartrefle Report nonetheless recommended the creation of a senior specialist post at Clwyd HQ leading up children’s services. John Jevons ignored the recommendation. The Jillings team described the existence of the Cartrefle Report as an ‘open secret’ within Clwyd Social Services. A few staff even had a copy, but didn’t even know if they should admit to this. It was unclear which officers of the Social Services, Health and Education Depts had a copy of the full report. Jillings commented on the ‘chaotic management systems’ within the Social Services and noted that although the Health and Education Depts had conducted a review, the North Wales Police hadn’t. Furthermore there was nothing to suggest that the Social Services Committee or the Welsh Office had sought an explanation of why there had been no police input into the Cartrefle Report. A copy of the Cartefle Report was sent to David Evans, the Chief Inspector at the Welsh Office’s SSIW, by the Director of Social Services, along with a covering letter explaining that ‘no-one but yourself’ had a full copy of the Report and that there is no intention to circulate the report to members of the ACPC or members of Clwyd County Council. The Director of Social Services also observed that ‘the sanctions available to the CPS to cover ‘leakage’ and any other form of publication…are really dire for Clwyd County Council and for any individual concerned’. Now there’s a hint! Jillings observes that no direct consultation seems to have taken place between the Inspectorate and the CPS concerning the report or the accompanying letter. Indeed the Welsh Office Inspectorate did not attend the special meeting of the Social Services Committee on 27 Oct 1992 or the ACPC meeting of 10 Sept 1992, at which the synopsis of the Cartrefle recommendations was presented and furthermore the Inspectorate were given virtually no notice of the meeting – but the Welsh Office showed remarkably little concern anyway, which surprised Jillings.

I have previously mentioned Frederick Rutter, who was imprisoned for rape and indecent assaults on a number of young women. Not only was Rutter a former Clwyd employee but he was a foster parent too. In October 1992 John Jevons reported to the Social Services sub-committee on the investigation that had been conducted by Geoff Wyatt, Assistant Director of Social Services, in the wake of Rutter’s conviction. It transpired that there had been an ‘incident’ in 1985 involving Rutter at a holiday camp with children from Park House, the home where Rutter had been ‘officer in charge’. Andrew Loveridge, Assistant County Secretary and Solicitor and a member of the Park House Inquiry Panel, told Wyatt that he was unaware of this incident. Once again this investigation shows how lacklustre and clueless people were. Wyatt had questioned exactly what they do if people make comments such as ‘he gives me the creeps’ and seemed uncertain as to how allegations against staff are recorded on their files. However my experiences with the north Wales mental health services suggest that this sort of confusion has proved to be very useful to them. When I complained repeatedly about Dafydd’s inappropriate attitude and conduct towards me and other female patients, I was consistently told by one Hergest nurse that she too found Dafydd ‘unpleasant and creepy’, but being ‘unpleasant and creepy’ wasn’t a foundation for disciplinary action and that because Dafydd hadn’t ‘touched me’ there was nothing anyone could do. There was a good reason as to why Dafydd hadn’t touched me – I didn’t give him the chance. He had however illegally detained me, threatened me, tried to bribe me and had told Dr Robin Jacobson, a psychiatrist at St Georges Hospital Medical School, that I was ‘attractive and seductive’, causing Jacobson to observe that Dafydd ‘lacked boundaries’. Furthermore Dafydd had cohabited with two female patients at once, constantly sexually harassed the female staff and five female patients had provided statements to MIND saying that they’d had sexual relationships with him. How much evidence did anyone need? Meanwhile over in Clwyd – Dafydd’s powerbase! – Rutter was raping people and he too was framed as being a bit creepy. But Geoff Wyatt had a track record of not dealing with creepy people who were carrying out serious sexual assaults on children – he previously had management oversight of Bryn Estyn, where boys who had run away after being molested by the notorious Peter Howarth were returned by the police, even those boys who had needed hospital treatment. The regime that Wyatt ‘oversaw’ at Bryn Estyn was certainly extraordinary and involved physical brutality resulting in injury and late night pyjama parties in Howarth’s accommodation, where boys were shown porn and molested. It transpired that there were connections between the police and the staff at Bryn Estyn in terms of socialising through the golf and rugby clubs. Bryn Estyn also had some interesting recruitment procedures – at one point that was being done via the rugby club as well. Jillings observed that the police investigation into Bryn Estyn in 1991 should have been a joint one with the Social Services, rather than a police only investigation. I doubt that it would have made any difference – both social services staff and the police knew exactly what was happening to those boys and some of them were joining in with the fun themselves.

Jillings observes that Welsh Office guidance states that the local authority is required to report to the Secretary of State the suffering of serious harm by children accommodated in homes, but that this wasn’t done. But the Secretary of State must have been sound asleep anyway, because there were criminal trials of ‘care workers’ happening resulting in prison sentences for serious sexual offences. And of course Alison Taylor was constantly telling Ministers that a paedophile ring was operating in the children’s homes of north Wales. But the Secretary of State remained in a deep slumber. In fact a number of Secretaries of State did, because this happened over a period of years. Not that it did them any harm, they ended up in the House of Lords… In March 1995, someone finally stirred at the Welsh Office and serious concerns were raised to Clwyd over the case of a girl who had been physically assaulted and raped whilst in their care. Other bizarre things had happened to her as well, like being tied to a mop handle and dumped in a cold bath. The Welsh Office managed to actually attend a meeting about this.

Jillings commented that the role of the Welsh Office in the Cartrefle inquiry merited careful consideration by the Dept of Health, the Welsh Office Social Services Inspectorate and the CPS. Who was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Cartrefle inquiry? David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. Presumably Lord Hunt of I Couldn’t Give a Fuck If Children Are Being Raped – the Welsh Office obviously really came under scrutiny there.

The Welsh Office was described by former Director of Social Services Emlyn Evans as to be rather remote and not fulfilling their roles of examining malpractice or impropriety. Although I very much doubt that Emlyn was too keen for them to do this considering what was happening on his patch. Jillings provides yet more evidence of just how incestuous the system was and how long some of these managers had been around. The names Ray Powell and Janet Handley are supplied as senior managers with responsibility for children in residential care. Powell had previously worked in the old Flintshire Authority, Handley in Denbighshire. The aforementioned Geoff Wyatt who wasn’t very good at dealing with creepy rapists had previously worked for Denbighshire as the Court and Liaison Officer. Wyatt was even the representative on the Children’s Regional Planning Committee, established by the Welsh Office to plan residential child care across Wales, comprising of Directors of Social Services and the Welsh Office Social Work Service. A John Coley was appointed Deputy Director of Social Services in 1980 but in 1984 took up a post with Tayside Social Services. A John Llewellyn-Thomas, a senior children’s service manager, took up a post as Assistant Director in Mid-Glamorgan Social Services Dept.

Geoff Wyatt told the Jillings panel that during the 1980s, the number of people dismissed by Clwyd County Council through it’s disciplinary process was ‘very few and far between’ – those that were dismissed were those who had been prosecuted and imprisoned. The picture that emerges is deeply depressing – a bunch of moribund old farts all scratching each others backs, who had occupied various positions in the region for decades, who had knowingly ignored the violence and serious sexual abuse meted out to children and hadn’t got a clue what to do now that it had all become very public. Above them a Welsh Office who just didn’t give a toss what the sheepshaggers below were doing to each other. What’s even more frightening was that a few of those turning a blind eye to all this serious crime escaped with their poison to other parts of the UK, presumably to stuff up there.

The Jillings Report supplies much other information that confirms just how dysfunctional and clueless Clwyd Social Services were. As the police investigation in the early 1990s into child abuse in Clwyd began, an NSPCC Helpline was established, supposedly to support those former residents of children’s homes – who were now adults – who were giving evidence to the police and in Court. A previous post ‘News Updates, Additional Comments And Observations’ has featured the woman – who is now the Deputy Police and Crime Commissioner for North Wales and has stood as a Plain candidate in two elections – who established this Helpline. She is Ann Griffiths, who was a mental health social worker with one of the teams that was abusing clients and then worked as a manager for Gwynedd Social Services, which had also been host to the paedophile ring and whose Director, Lucille Hughes, was later named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring but not taking any action. Gwynedd sent children on placement to Clwyd and vice versa. So this Helpline was questionable from the outset. The Helpline was funded by Clwyd Social Services and opened on 1 December 1991. The Helpline seemed to be compromised in every way. There was liaison between the NSPCC project leader – who was also a counsellor on the Helpline – and Social Services Officers. The project leader was also the Helpline complaints receiving officer. Supervision was unclear and there was no protocol for confidentiality. Some clients were referred to other agencies but there were no further information regarding this. Gender was taken into consideration – the ex-residents were offered a woman counsellor. I know that gender considerations should be made in such circumstances but the issue of gender where the abuses in north Wales were concerned was tricky. Again and again I saw examples where women were used – with their knowledge – to assist in perpetuating or concealing abuses. A tried and tested technique of the mental health services was to use some female stooge to maintain that they had been assaulted or threatened by a patient – the ‘services’ knew damn well that if they wanted to frame a patient or maintain that a patient was threatening or dangerous, it was far more effective coming from a woman. Particularly one in a stereotypically ‘caring’ role, such as a nurse or a social worker. Furthermore, many of those ‘caring women’ were in relationships with the abusing men or men in senior roles who were concealing the abuses. I note that the Jillings Report mentioned that most of the ‘housemothers’ in the children’s homes were married to the men who were sexually molesting the boys – how could those boys ever have told the housemothers what was happening? Although the housemothers almost certainly knew anyway, everyone else did. Women in such roles knew damn well that they were being used in this way – some were every bit as abusive as their male colleagues and joined in enthusiastically with the lies and perjury, others were bullied into it. Another favourite ploy was indeed to provide a female ‘counsellor’ – who would then pass on the knowledge that they had extracted from the patient in the counselling sessions to the abusive colleagues who would then use that knowledge against the patient. I think it entirely probable that the information gained from the people using this Helpline was fed straight back to the managers of the service – who were only interested in protecting themselves – or even to the abusers themselves, so they would have known exactly who was prepared to give evidence against them, what their allegations were and how near to breaking point they were. Jillings mentions that the counsellor employed on the Helpline had previous experience of mental health work, was a qualified social worker but only had limited experience of working in Court and giving evidence. Which is what the people using the Helpline really needed – they were all giving evidence in Court. This person was not given a job specification or was even interviewed – but it was mentioned that she’d previously worked for Gwynedd County Council, so Clwyd had knowledge of her ‘experience and skills’. I bet they did – she had probably been hand-picked by Lucille Hughes to go next door to Clwyd, work on that Helpline and grass up who was brave enough to give evidence. Although Jillings stated that supervision for the Helpline was unclear, Clwyd  stated that supervision was provided by David Hugh Davies, Child Protection Co-Ordinator – obviously a man who had protected no children at all. It transpired that the only contact that Davies had with the counsellor whom he was alleged to be supervising was regular informal contact through their mutual involvement with Stepping Stones, a Wrexham based charity for females who had been sexually abused. (Jillings noted that there was no service in Clwyd for males who had been sexually abused. Of course there wasn’t, a paedophile ring targeting mostly boys had operated in the area for years, no-one was going to provide help for the victims of that ring.) The North Wales Police – who had very obviously colluded with the abuse for years – helpfully supplied officers to support and transport witnesses to and from Court. Jillings noted that one former resident who had given evidence in Court and who had been ‘supported’ by the Helpline had recently been found hanged. But at least it was stressed that the person who ‘supported’ the dead man was an employee of Clwyd County Council so was covered by the authority’s insurance. Thank goodness for that! It was noted that the involvement of the NHS was unclear, especially with regard to the mental health services and that no special service had been set up. I can tell the Jillings team what the role of the mental health services was. It was to find out from patients what they knew about the abuse and malpractice, who they were telling about it, whether they might be believed and if so to label them ‘deluded’, section them and if possible secure a conviction against them so that everyone could be told that they were a criminal and couldn’t be believed. (And in my case it was also to find out which jobs I was applying for and whether I was going to publish what I knew.) Then if they developed any illness such as depression, to ensure that they did not receive effective treatment. Jillings notes that the former residents of the children’s homes using the Helpline were now adults, so having a Helpline run by a children’s charity was inappropriate. As was having a Helpline set up and run by the abusers themselves. The Jillings Report noted that the Helpline didn’t encourage people to use local resources for mental health problems although those former residents were so traumatised that they were in need of long term mental healthcare. This was no coincidence – they were undoubtedly being left to kill themselves or end up in such a bad way that they wouldn’t make good witnesses in Court. Which, if one now looks back at this history of the north Wales child abuse scandal, is exactly what happened. Jillings remarked that the Home Office and Department of Health were ‘looking at the issue of psychiatric treatment prior to criminal proceedings’ in the case of child sexual abuse – they obviously didn’t look too hard…

The Jillings Report had some an insightful remarks regarding an aggressive male-dominated hierarchy in Clwyd with very few female managers, female staff being sexually harassed and having to seek ‘help’ from male colleagues – or even friends – of the harassers – and female staff being ‘harried and over-ridden’ by a powerful male hierarchy. Now as I have previously mentioned, I noticed exactly the same model in the mental health system – but those women DID have agency and they had a lot more power than the children or mental health patients who were being horribly abused. They were doing the dirty work of patriarchy and they bloody well knew it – they did not HAVE to do it. The ‘services’ in north Wales these days do have women in senior management positions – they are the women who for years colluded with the abuses and they have been well-rewarded. The services are still shite because there are now clueless abusive women running them as well as clueless abusive men. This is no feminist triumph.

Jillings also discovered further evidence of the high levels of protection that abusive staff enjoyed. Not only would no representative from UNISON agree to meet with Jillings and his panel, but there is a reference to a letter dated July 91 to John Jevons from John Cooke of NALGO, requesting that Stephen Norris be granted retirement on the grounds of ill health, enclosing a psychiatrist’s letter of support. Norris was a prolific sex offender who was eventually imprisoned and had been charged by the time that this letter was written. The people who had been abused received no such support from NALGO or a psychiatrist. (I wonder who the psychiatrist who was so helpful to a child abuser was?) But some of the abusers were union reps themselves – in February 1984 Paul Bicker Wilson was appointed a senior steward for NALGO. In August 1987, Clwyd personnel recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – Clwyd had previously tried to resolve the problem that was Wilson by transferring him to the ‘mental handicap’ team, but they didn’t want him and he didn’t want them, so he was transferred back to children’s work. In December 1987 the Director of Social Services recommended that Wilson retire on the grounds of ill health – throughout all this Wilson himself had managed to make a complaint that was dealt with by the County Secretary and Solicitor. Wilson, who had worked at Bryn Estyn, was finally convicted of violent assaults on children at Knutsford Crown Court in 1994 (but only after Chester Crown Court had acquitted him of a few other assaults a few months previously). Wilson had previously work at children’s homes in Leicester and Southwark (please see posts ‘An Expert From England’ and ‘The London Connection’). Sounds like a network to me… Again I witnessed this protection of abusive staff by ‘democratic’ bodies such as unions or professional organisations repeatedly in the mental health services. They have access to unlimited free legal advice in the way that those being abused do not. Jillings mentions that the rights of staff should be equally balanced against the rights of children – the report also mentions that in Clwyd, the rights and needs of the staff were constantly prioritised above those of the children. Like the mental health services, the children’s services were run for the benefit of the staff. Indeed the former Bryn Estyn staff were given a support service and individual counselling was offered to all former Bryn Estyn staff still working for Clwyd. A previous ‘self-help group’ set up by former Bryn Estyn staff met with senior officers and selected Members during the course of the police investigation and trials. So the people who had spent years brutalising and raping children had their emotional needs well attended to… The staff also knew how bad the ‘care’ that they delivered was – the Jillings panel were constantly told by staff that they would never be able to get jobs elsewhere, so toxic was the reputation of Clwyd. Jillings notes that children in Clwyd were sexually exploited under the guise of ‘homosexual equality’. (This was also a problem in the child abuse scandals in inner London – please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jillings notes that there was no effective complaints procedure for children in Clwyd.

So exactly how much interest did the Welsh Office take in this lethal service for which their Social Services Inspectorate were ultimately responsible?  There were no inspections of any residential facilities caring for adults or children in 1991 or 1992 – although the biggest police investigation into child abuse in the UK was taking place in Clwyd at this time. During the years between 1986 and 1992, there were no general inspections of Clwyd at all. Between 1984 and 1990 there were no inspections of Cartrefle and between 1984 and 1993 there was no Welsh Office SSIW inspection of any Clwyd Social Services residential children’s home. There was no evidence of any inspection of Bryn Estyn throughout the period that it was managed by Clwyd. However, following the publication of the Staffordshire ‘Pin Down’ Report and allegations of the widespread abuse of children in Wales, the Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Nicholas Bennett, instructed the Inspectorate to undertake a ‘review’ because it was ‘important to receive an assurance that children’s homes in Wales were providing a high standard of service to the children in them’. This review involved a postal questionnaire sent to the service providers, interviews with managers and staff, interviews with three small groups of children, as well as interviews with staff representatives, the voluntary sector, unions and professional associations. No information was available regarding how those who were interviewed were selected. After this very robust review, published in January 1992, the Welsh Office were able to state that the review did not reveal examples of causes for concern. But they remained on the ball as ever – in Sept 1992 the Secretary of State for Wales – David Hunt – expressed deep concern about the allegations of child abuse in north Wales and it was concluded that a Public Inquiry was needed in view of ‘public disquiet’. However it was stated that this couldn’t happen until the police investigation was complete. The Chair of the Council’s Social Services Committee, Councillor Malcolm King, had constantly raised objections to the North Wales Police being allowed to investigate very serious matters involving their own officers. In the wake of continued concerns being expressed that the North Wales Police were investigating themselves, a letter dated 17 May 1993 from a Mr Lockyer, the Private Secretary to the Home Office, was sent to the County Secretary and Solicitor, stating that Ministers couldn’t intervene in police operational matters and had no powers to direct the Chief Constable to appoint an officer from outside of the force to take over or supervise and that the Chief Constable of North Wales resisted the suggestion of bringing in an outside officer. (The Chief Constable is not named, but it will have been either David Owen or Michael Argent – I note that there is very little information publicly available about the higher echelons of the North Wales Police during this period of time.)Furthermore, it was stated that the proposed public inquiry would take place after the completion of any criminal proceedings and would be concerned with the action of the local authority and would not include a review of the way in which the police conducted their investigation. So the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to co-operate with the Jillings inquiry, refused to hand over an enormous quantity of evidence and their conduct during the criminal investigation was never scrutinised. Nicola Davies QC was appointed by the Welsh Office in May 1995 to review the documentation relating to child abuse in north Wales. On 11 December 1995, William Hague, the Secretary of State for Wales, announced that on the basis of the evidence seen by Nicola Davies a public inquiry could not be justified. (There was of course a change of plan and a public inquiry, Chaired by Sir Ronald Waterhouse, was subsequently held.)

I have previously mentioned that the extensive and very damning report compiled by Jillings and his team was suppressed for years by Clwyd’s insurers, Municipal Mutual (which was subsequently taken over by Zurich Insurance), on the advice of their solicitors, Browne Jacobson. Not only that, but it was recommended that if that troublesome bugger Councillor Malcolm King, the Chair of the Social Services Committee who had raised so many objections to the North Wales Police investigating themselves, insisting on blurting out any of the contents of the Jillings Report that everyone else would rather remained unknown, he should be sacked. Municipal Mutual were also the insurers of the North Wales Police. Immediately after Jillings compiled the report, there was a reorganisation of the local authorities in Wales and Clwyd disappeared. Because the report wasn’t seen by anybody, new arrivals in the wake of the reorganisation had no knowledge at all about what had gone on in Clwyd. So they remained in the dark – but those from the old corrupt regime who were still in place had been afforded protection. When Jillings et al discovered that their report was not going to see the light of day, they made some very pertinent comments. They noted that ‘those advising the insurers’ are raising issues that ‘impinge on the established democratic and constitutional arrangements of England and Wales’. I have obtained the name of one of those who advised the insurers to suppress information regarding the way in which hundreds of children were subjected to horrific cruelty and sexual assault over years and who subverted democracy. It was one Michael Beloff QC. Beloff practices at Blackstone Chambers and like so many others featuring on this blog who have colluded with or concealed the most appalling abuses of vulnerable people, Beloff is a specialist in human rights! But here’s the clincher – Beloff is a friend of Tony and Cherie Blair and was among their guests at Chequers. Researching for this blog has certainly been an Education, Education, Education…

As with other posts, I’ll briefly remind readers of what was happening to me whilst the biggest UK police investigation into child abuse was happening in Clwyd, whilst social care professionals were sentenced to lengthy spells in prison for serious sexual offences against children and whilst the Welsh Office completely ignored what ‘public servants’ in north Wales were concealing. I was being repeatedly dragged through the Courts for very serious offences although there was no evidence at all that I’d ever committed such offences and eminent ‘expert witnesses’ from London such as Professor Nigel Eastman and Dr Paul Bowden, backed up by lesser names such as Dr Robin Jacobson, were declaring me ‘extremely dangerous’ on the basis of conversations that they had held with those closely associated with the services under criminal investigation in north Wales. Oh and Sir Robert Francis QC tried to have me imprisoned – because I wouldn’t stop writing letters maintaining that mental health professionals in north Wales were involved in criminal activity.

So just to remind everyone who was fast asleep in the Welsh Office whilst ‘services’ employing people raping children and terrorising witnesses were left uninspected – despite the regular appearance of some of those employees in Courts charged with serious offences and the deaths of witnesses – and the one external independent investigation into all this was completely suppressed:

Nicholas Edwards, Secretary of State for Wales, 5 May 1979-13 June 1987; Peter Walker, Secretary of State for Wales 13 June 1987 -4 May 1990; David Hunt, Secretary of State for Wales 4 May 1990- 27 May 1993; John Redwood, Secretary of State for Wales 27 May 1993-26 June 1995; David Hunt (again!), Secretary of State for Wales 26 June 1995-5 July 1995; William Hague, Secretary of State for Wales 5 July 1995-3 May 1997. All of these but Redwood ended up in the House of Lords.

What about the Home Secretaries – who watched as the North Wales Police investigated themselves, refused to allow an officer from another force to oversee them and then refused to co-operate with the Jillings team, withholding evidence? They were:

Kenneth Baker, Home Secretary 28 November 1990-10 April 1992; Ken Clarke, Home Secretary 10 April 1992-27 May 1993, Michael Howard, Home Secretary 27 May 1993-2 May 1997. Baker and Howard are now in the House of Lords.

Many of these names cropped up in my previous posts when I detailed the Ministers who ignored the abuses taking place in the north Wales mental health services…

Of course, at the time when I was outraging Sir Robert Francis and St Georges Hospital Medical School I only had evidence relating to the dreadful conduct of the mental health services. However in 1993 I witnessed the child protection services in Gwynedd in action. That will be the subject of a future post.

I began this post with reference to Laura Janner-Klausner, who believes that making allegations of historical child sexual abuse against public figures in order to extract dosh is a pushover. I can’t recommend that Laura accesses the full details of the horror that prevailed in Clwyd children’s homes because even today, there is no version of the Jillings Report that is not heavily redacted available – and even if she was prepared to listen to witness accounts, Laura still wouldn’t hear the full story because most of the witnesses are dead. However Jillings did make a point of commenting that the former residents of Clwyd children’s homes were not motivated by financial recompense or malice, they just wanted to ensure that what happened to them never happened to anyone else. Recent events demonstrate that large scale sexual abuse of children in care is still happening. One reason why still no-one is learning from their experience is that people like Laura use their considerable influence to tell everyone that they’re a load of gold-digging liars. By the way, Laura’s sister Marion styles herself as a ‘mental health campaigner’. She is a regular on the utterly lame Radio 4 ‘All In The Mind’ programme which serves primarily as a PR vehicle for the mental health services. Marion visited the mental health services in north east Wales and remarked on their excellence. The Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board that runs those services is now in special measures – because of institutional abuse in the mental health services. I think the sooner the Janners shut their collective mouths and stop making appearances on the BBC the better – Marion is of course such a delicate flower that she makes a point of insisting that her ’emotional support dog’ accompanies her everywhere. You didn’t get one of them if you were raped in a children’s home in Clwyd, probably because the cost of the breeding and training programme that would have been needed to produce sufficient numbers of Labradors would have been prohibitive. So it’s only Marion who’s secured one. Of course if Laura does ever trouble herself to read about what happened in children’s homes in north Wales over decades, she will notice that despite the huge police investigation, confusion continued to reign and a lot of witness statements somehow never found their way into the hands of the CPS anyway. Despite an acknowledgement that there was child abuse on a massive scale occurring and a paedophile ring in operation, with the exception of Gordon Anglesea, only a small number of social care workers at the bottom of the food chain were ever convicted and imprisoned. Because it’s just so fucking easy isn’t it Laura.

 

 

 

 

Updates, Common Themes and News, May 5 2017

In my post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’ I discussed the case of the Rev Emyr Owen from Tywyn who in 1985 was imprisoned for ‘defiling corpses’ without a scrap of evidence being produced. Lurid allegations were made that Emyr had severed penises from three corpses – no penises were produced or corpses sans penises, although this doesn’t seem to have troubled anyone. As detailed in the post, a few familiar names were central to what looks like the framing of an eccentric, possibly gay, man – the North Wales Police, Caernarfon Crown Court, Chester Crown Court and dear old Huw Daniel. Since I wrote the post I’ve thought about the case a little more and have noticed yet another claim that was made during the trial for which evidence was not and indeed could not be provided, yet no-one pointed this out at the time. As evidence of just how depraved Emyr was, not only was it claimed that he had severed the penises from three corpses, but it was also claimed that he had injected some of the penises with boiling water to cause them to become erect. None of this stands up (so to speak) – the penis become erect through a complex mechanism that involves it becoming engorged with blood. For this mechanism to work, the penis in question needs to be attached to a living body, in possession of a circulatory system which is having blood pumped around it by a heart. Simply injecting a severed penis with water would not achieve the same effect. Injecting it with boiling water would damage the tissues that would need to be intact for an erection to occur anyway, indeed injecting the penis with any water would irreparably damage the tissues because the cells would be destroyed by osmosis. Furthermore, a severed penis would of course consist of dead tissue and dead tissue would be also be far too damaged to sustain an erection. So how exactly did Chester Crown Court swallow this load of hogwash that anyone who’s ever taught biology to secondary school pupils would have seen straight through? Emyr was put on trial in 1984 – I ‘did’ osmosis in 1976 in a class of 14 year olds in Somerset and we certainly were not at the cutting edge of medical science, pushing back frontiers in a way that would have been unknown to Chester Crown Court. And who was the prosecuting barrister presenting this utter horseshit that even a 14 year old could have debunked? Step forward Huw Daniel, now a retired judge and former Lord Lieutenant of Gwynedd! Did HM the Queen realise that he was either Very Dim Indeed or Completely Corrupt when he used to ingratiate himself to her on Royal visits to Wales?

There are clues in the newspaper reports of the time as to what really may have landed Emyr in trouble – it was reported that he shared his house with two gay men, one of whom was employed as clerk to a Court. Emyr himself was the chaplain to the High Sherriff in Caernarfon Crown Court – I speculated previously that in the light of allegations of rampant corruption in the police and legal circles in north Wales at the time that Emyr could well have known a few things about a few other people that those people wouldn’t want publicised and that this could have been the reason for his being framed. So one of Emyr’s housemates also might have known of corruption in the legal services…. During the summing up it at the trial it was reported that the judge said to Emyr that ‘your private homosexual practices became a private perversion’. Was the fact that Emyr was presumed to be gay what really bothered all these people as they dreamt up lurid scenarios of penises being removed from corpses and then forced into erections? Because someone did dream all this up, the allegations made against Emyr were a physiological impossibility. Regular readers will by now have realised that there was a great deal of confusion about sexuality in north Wales at that time, particularly homosexuality – the North Wales Hospital was infamous for treating gay men by ‘aversion therapy’ and seemed to have continued to do this long after it had become completely discredited and stopped elsewhere. Meanwhile, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was literally banging his way around the female patients of the hospital and his mistress – along with a few other people – was facilitating a vicious paedophile ring whose prime target was boys. It is in the fetid atmosphere of such hot and steamy glasshouses that outrages such as the one committed against Emyr occur. It is all rather reminiscent of the book that Python published years ago consisting of the bits that they’d edited out of ‘The Life of Brian’ – there was one scene in which Brian is denouncing ‘those who join false sects’ but a member of the audience mishears and yells out ‘those who enjoy forced sex?’ and thousands of people come running to hear the rest of the sermon. Incidentally, I know someone who spent his youth on the Lyn Peninsula who was still very angry in 1984 that he had not yet seen ‘The Life of Brian’ – it had been banned in Pwhelli…

So what brought Emyr to the attention of DC Gwyn Roberts in the first place? Was Emyr caught cottaging in the public conveniences in Tywyn perhaps? No – it was reported that Emyr had made allegations to DC Gwyn Roberts that local Freemasons were up to no good. In 1985, Freemasonry was still a powerful force in north Wales. There was a Lodge in Bangor University, there was a Lodge in the town of Bangor which numbered policemen and solicitors among its members and there were of course similar Lodges across the whole of north Wales and the wider UK. Stephen Knight’s book ‘The Brotherhood’ which was published in 1984 maintains that at that time, nearly all judges were Freemasons. There have been constant allegations that the north Wales child abuse scandal involved Freemasonry, it is known that a number of key figures in the Waterhouse Tribunal were Freemasons and in 1987 I was told by the one honest employee that MIND had that the corruption and malpractice at the North Wales Hospital was tied up with Freemasonry. (By the way, if readers have time, do read the Stephen Knight book which Knight wrote after persuading various Freemasons throughout the UK to give him interviews. He has had to supply pseudonyms for everyone but in one of the chapters in the edition that I have got, Knight gives an account of the macabre sexual practices and corruption of a doctor whom he alleges was a truly malevolent influence within Freemasonry – the pseudonym that he uses for this man is ‘Dr Denbeigh’. King does not reveal what region of the UK that Dr Denbeigh resided in.)

There are other noticeable details in the news reports about Emyr. It was stated that Emyr was a small man who wore Cuban heels to increase his height – it was also mentioned that when ‘6 ft 4in’ DC Roberts ‘interviewed’ Emyr, Emyr soon ‘crumbled’… It was reported that Roberts was told by senior officers to make sure that he got the right man as this was such a high profile arrest. Well Roberts certainly made sure that he did that – he got a gay clergyman who had complained about Freemasonry and probably had knowledge of wrongdoing in legal circles. Possibly involving DC Roberts and Huw Daniel. I note that further bizarre allegations involving dead bodies and Black Masses were levelled at Emyr by Roberts in 1992 after Emyr’s release, although there is no record of a trial, prosecution or further conviction. Roberts stated that he continued to ‘investigate’ Emyr after Emyr served his sentence because he just knew that something wasn’t right. In 1992, arrests of suspected paedophiles employed in children’s homes in north Wales began happening and allegations of a paedophile ring with links to the police, to politicians and legal professionals had hit the London based media. I cannot understand why DC Roberts did not manage to find incontrovertible evidence that Emyr was cooking and eating babies in between busying himself kissing the Devil’s fundament…

Now for an appeal to readers. A number of readers have been very helpful recently, sending me info and links after reading certain posts. In my post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’ I mentioned a man called Trevor Carrington, who allegedly confessed to starting the fire in 1992 (the same year that DC Roberts found more ‘evidence’ against the Rev Emyr!) in a flat in Brighton which resulted in the deaths of several people who were allegedly victims of the north Wales paedophile ring. Among the very many other worrying details concerning this fire (please see ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’ for more on the story), was the fact that Trevor Carrington was found dead days after allegedly making this ‘confession’ and also was found to have received £20,000 into his bank account although he was unemployed. I can find very few details of who Trevor Carrington actually was, where he came from or how he knew the men then living in Brighton who had grown up in children’s homes in north Wales. But I do know that a lady called Gwenan Carrington was until a few years ago Director of Gwynedd Social Services. (After screwing up big-time in that role, Gwenan stood down and then stepped into a senior role with Anglesey County Council, where, as far as I know, she still is.) Like many of her colleagues, Gwenan had a liberal interpretation of child protection policies. After the continual embarrassment that has been ‘children’s services’ in Wales, a few years ago the Welsh Gov’t introduced a policy of each Social Services in Wales being obliged to provide the name of someone who would act in an ‘independent’ role to ‘safeguard’ children. The ‘independent’ person fulfilling this role for Gwynedd was none other than Gwenan Carrington, the Director of Social Services – I was actually shown a copy of the relevant document signed by Gwenan herself… I am wondering if Trevor Carrington was in any way connected to Gwenan Carrington – if he was, he will not have been a blood relative, Carrington is Gwenan’s married name. She began life as Gwenan Griffiths from Anglesey. Her brother is Aled Griffiths, who until recently lectured in law and social policy at Bangor University, her other brother is also a solicitor and her sister-in-law is Joanna Griffiths, former Director of Conwy Social Services! I understand that this cosy set-up has landed them the moniker of ‘the mafia’. If any readers have any info, please get in touch.

Previous blog posts have mentioned the names of many lawyers and judges who have been involved in what seem to be miscarriages of justice, attempts at producing miscarriages of justice or bizarre and inexplicable decisions resulting in the suffering of vulnerable people who have had the north Wales children’s services or mental health services experience. Posts have also mentioned political figures who seemed to have played a part in concealing the horrors that were happening in the children’s/mental health services. One running theme is the Chester and Wales Circuit. But something else stands out too – an awful lot of the people involved were law graduates of Aberystwyth University. Wales – particularly the north and mid-Wales – does have a lot of Aber graduates employed in the public services or in public life, because Aber and Bangor Universities were for many years the favourite destinations of many Welsh speaking students and when they graduated many of them were committed to remaining in Wales and making a contribution to the nation. But the law angle is particularly interesting – Aberystwyth would not have been the only option for aspiring lawyers from Wales, there were many other law schools to choose from and another one in Wales as well, at Cardiff. But again and again, the biographies of people whose names are cropping up on the blog mention that they studied law at Aber – and many of them then did a stint at Chester College of Law. It is too frequent to just be a reflection of the choices that students from Wales or who subsequently worked in Wales might have made. It is rather a very obvious indication of a network. For example: Elfyn Llwyd – Aberystwyth, Chester; Lord John Morris – Aberystwyth; Sir William Mars-Jones – Aberystwyth; Lord Gwilym Prys-Davies – Aberystwyth. Other people involved studied outside of Wales, but grew up in Wales (frequently north Wales), eg. Huw Daniel, Ieuan Wyn Jones, Sir Ronald Waterhouse, Simon Hughes, Justice Wyn Williams, Greville Janner, Theo Huckle, Sir Malcolm Pill. Some people both grew up in north Wales and read law at Aber, eg. Elfyn Llwyd, William Mars-Jones, Gwilym Prys-Davies.

Then there are a few straggling themes – as did Ieuan Wyn Jones and Paul Flynn (please see posts ‘Further Information On Garth Angharad Hospital’ and ‘More On Those Who Signed That Early Day Motion’), William Mars-Jones stood for election for the constituency of Denbigh, but in a previous era. (It is obvious from his biography that it is highly likely that Mars-Jones would have personally known Gwynne Williams the lobotomist.) There are a few people named on the blog whose education I have not been able to research, because they have not yet reached, or did not ever reach, a sufficiently high profile for that information to be easily discovered. However the crooks working for Gwynedd County Council such as H. Ellis Hughes and Ron Evans will have been very strongly locally networked, as no doubt was the crooked lawyer who worked at the Welsh Office, Andrew Park.

A number of people have also suggested that I should pay a bit of attention to David Jones, the Conservative MP for Clwyd West and former secretary of State for Wales under Cameron. An initial search reveals that Jones also attended the Chester College of Law, as a young solicitor worked with Ieuan Wyn Jones in a practice at Ruthin and also previously worked in the same Bangor practice as an Elwyn Jones – however my co-researcher has now clarified that this Elwyn Jones was actually the son of yet another Elwyn Jones, ie. Sir Elwyn Jones who was for a brief time Labour MP for Conway.

 

Now for election news! The results of the council elections are now known in full – the Tories are crowing, although they didn’t achieve what they’d hoped in Wales and the Labour Party in Wales have today stressed that they are Welsh Labour, a completely different brand to Jeremy Corbyn’s Labour and that they are led by Carwyn not Jeremy. I have been asked if I think that Jeremy knew about the barrel of shit that was the children’s services in Islington (please see post ‘The London Connection’). Jeremy of course sprang from the loins of the Labour Party in Islington himself and still represents a constituency there – but I suspect that unlike the Margarets and the Tessas, Jeremy would not have ignored/denied the presence of a paedophile ring infiltrating children’s services, but I do think that Jeremy probably is so trusting and so ready to see the good in people rather than the bad that he really might have been about the only person who didn’t realise what was going on. I have a friend who lived in Islington and was a community worker there in the late 70s/early 80s and he told me that Jeremy was a really nice helpful bloke – Margaret Hodge however was a very different kettle of fish…. So I’m not sure that it is Jeremy that is the problem with London Labour – but in view of what I published on this blog in my post ‘The London Connection’ I think it’s entirely logical that Carwyn would want to put as much distance as possible between himself and them. Carwyn needs to wake up to just how bad the NHS in north Wales is and take effective action, but I have not yet obtained evidence/information that he has been concealing a murderous paedophile gang – although his Counsel General Theo Huckle certainly ignored an awful lot of evidence of criminal activity that he shouldn’t have. Time to mount an investigation perhaps Carwyn?

In my post discussing the sad death of Matthew Jones (‘Another Death – May 4 2017’) I predicted that now it’s election time, no local politician will breathe a word about this latest Betsi disaster. They haven’t disappointed me – none of them have mentioned it and dear old Hywel Williams (Plaid) has, again as predicted, written yet another piece for a local newspaper on what a brilliant idea it would be to have a medical school in Bangor – staffed and managed by the people whose callousness and stupidity led to Matthew’s death! Nice one Hywel, as ever you’re a real people’s champ. FOOL. Another vile politician who also has a shameful record on a lethal NHS has come to my attention today – Andy Burnham, who has just been elected the City Mayor of Manchester. Andy did of course conceal the Mid-Staffs scandal for a very long time although he was told repeatedly that terrible things were happening there and that the death rates were a statistical outlier. So while patients drank water out of vases, were assessed and triaged by unqualified receptionists, were sworn at and abused by staff, were left lying in their own faeces and urine because the nurses couldn’t be arsed to walk across a ward with a bedpan, were left with broken bones because the staff couldn’t interpret an X ray, while thousands of them died and while the woman who blew the whistle on it all received death threats and had to leave the area, that down to earth man of the people ‘I’m from the north me’ Andy supped with the London elite because he had his eye on becoming leader of the Labour Party or even PM! (I did enjoy his ‘I just can’t believe that this is happening to me’ facial expression when Jeremy was declared winner of the leadership election.) Part of Andy’s remit as Mayor of Manchester will be health and social care. Stand by for death rates to rocket in Manchester…

So Who’s Path Had Susan Brooke Crossed?

This blog has previously covered the sense of desperation that there was in some quarters in north Wales as the closure of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh loomed in the mid-90s. Dr Dafydd Alun Jones was kicking off in the local media constantly, a man with drug problems from Bangor admitted to his foster mother that he had been paid to appear in a TV documentary claiming that he feared for his future if Dafydd retired (the documentary also stated that this young man was homeless which wasn’t true) and a psychiatrist from Ysbyty Gwynedd told me that there was a problem with Denbigh closing because Dafydd had ‘hidden away’ a few difficult patients there and no-one knew what was going to be done with them once Denbigh closed. And there were further attempts to arrest and imprison me.

A few months before Denbigh finally shut it’s doors, a woman called Susan Brooke hit the headlines. Susan Brooke had abducted a new baby from Ysbyty Glan Clwyd. The baby was discovered after 20 hours and the case never gained the UK-wide media attention that other cases of abduction of newborns gained during the late 80s/90s. In most of those cases, women who had abducted babies were given probation or were detained under the Mental Health Act. There was also a growing body of research suggesting that women who abducted new babies did not fit the profiles of ‘thieves’, but were often deeply distressed, had lost babies themselves through miscarriage, stillbirth or cot death and that treating them as wilful criminals was cruel and unproductive. There had been a TV documentary screened in the late 80s that explored the whole syndrome and featured a young woman who had I think miscarried, attempted suicide and then taken a baby from a maternity ward. She had been imprisoned by a judge who told her that she was a ‘wicked woman’. The case caused a furore and various practitioners were wheeled out to explain that this was a serious misjudgement. It was at this point that women who abducted babies began to be treated more humanely.

But not if they lived in north Wales. When Susan Brooke was discovered with the baby, she broke down, becoming incredibly distressed and stating that she only took the baby because she was frightened that her husband was going to leave her. It transpired that she had been in a mess for quite sometime, had been sterilised after having three children but had for some reason faked another pregnancy. It was claimed in Court that she had ‘duped’ her husband with a ‘fantasy pregnancy’ for 14 months no less, who had then demanded that she produce a baby or he would ‘drag’ her up to the hospital himself. At this point she stole the newborn.

The trial of Susan Brooke took place at Chester Crown Court. That’s the Chester Crown Court where I faced trial on charges of numerous breaches of an injunction – which had itself been acquired on the basis of lies told in affidavits – when Gwynedd Social Services attempted to imprison me. The full story of this case – including details of how my barrister was misled, how the statements from witnesses from the Arfon Community Mental Health Team all clashed making it clear that they had lied repeatedly, how hard Lucille Hughes the Director of Gwynedd Social Services at the time had worked (along with two lawyers from Gwynedd County Council namely Ron Evans and H. Ellis Hughes) in an attempt to bring this case against me and how the presiding judge, Justice Roche, offered to give the dishonest witnesses more time to get their stories straight when it became obvious that they’d lied – can be read in my post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’.

All this happened to me in Chester Crown Court in 1990. I now have obtained documents demonstrating that Gwynedd Social Services were working very hard behind the scenes for the next few years to take me back to Court for more alleged breaches of the injunction. So something was going very wrong in Chester Crown Court – indeed on the whole Chester and Wales Circuit – in those days. Susan Brooke faced trial in 1995.

The man who presided over Susan Brooke’s trial was a Justice Scott Baker. After Brooke pleaded guilty to child abduction and bigamy (it was revealed that she had remarried whilst still married to her previous husband), Scott Baker jailed her for three years. It was reported that he said at the trial: ‘You are an accomplished, manipulative and determined liar and somehow succeeded in persuading those close to you that first you were pregnant and then had given birth. I am satisfied that you planned the abduction of this child with some care. You are not mentally ill. You bear complete responsibility for what you did and what you did was both cruel and wicked’.

So who was Scott Baker relying upon for ‘evidence’ as to whether Susan Brooke was mentally ill or was a lying cow who had deceived the world? None other than dear old Bryn Golau ward at Denbigh – that was where she had been sent for ‘assessment’ after her arrest. That’s the same Bryn Golau ward where I had been illegally held and assaulted by staff (please use the search facility on my blog to access the posts covering events at Bryn Golau), where I had encountered a young woman who had been abducted and sexually assaulted by a number of men but had been taken to Bryn Golau rather than being given access to the police (please see post ‘The Distressed Young Woman Who Vanished’) and the same Bryn Golau ward where staff lied about patients’ actions repeatedly in the wake of which untruthful psychiatric reports for Courts were produced. And where no complaints, no matter how serious, were ever investigated. Only Bryn Golau could have asked no questions about the mental state of a woman who had faked a pregnancy whilst she was bigamously married to a man who had demanded a baby and who had subsequently stolen one. Only Bryn Golau could have asked no questions about a husband who claimed to have been ‘duped’ by a woman with a fantasy pregnancy for 14 months – 14 months, how long did that man believe that pregnancy in humans lasts?? And how on earth was this husband ‘duped’ – didn’t he ever notice the cushion stuffed up her jumper or whatever wheeze that she was alleged to be utilising in order to fake a pregnancy? Only Bryn Golau could have asked no questions about a husband who sounded very intimidating who ordered his wife to produce a baby after her 14 month pregnancy. And only a judge on the Chester and North Wales Circuit would have swallowed this load of cobblers and constructed Susan Brooke as a master criminal.

This blog has detailed how people tended to end up in Denbigh if they had complained about the health and welfare services, or had crossed the paths of people who worked in those services or had connections to them. So who had Susan Brooke pissed off? Or indeed what did she know about who?

As for Justice Scott Baker, participating in this charade didn’t do him any harm – he didn’t disappear off the face of the planet as Justice Roche seems to have. Scott Baker went on to great things, becoming a Lord Justice of Appeal. He presided over a number of high profile cases including Jonathan Aitken’s trial for perjury. Scott Baker also became notorious after he ordered that a mentally ill woman ‘with the mind of a child’ should be sterilised against her will – I wonder if that was based on another ‘assessment’ produced by Denbigh. Scott Baker hit the jackpot however when he was appointed the coroner at the final inquests of the Princess of Wales and Dodi Fayed. Readers might remember that – you know, car, tunnel, crash, questions over the alcohol level in the chauffeur’s blood, various allegations that it might not have been an accident at all. According to an article in the Telegraph, Scott Baker was chosen for that role because it was felt that he was one of the few who could take on Michael Mansfield QC, who was acting for Mohammed Fayed. He’s a no nonsense judge! Scott Baker has now retired – I wonder why that might be.

I can see that I’m going to have to keep an eye open for any white Fiat Unos that appear to be driving recklessly in my vicinity.                                    ‘

Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena

My previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ details the massive co-ordinated effort that Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services made to label me ‘dangerous’ on the basis of scare stories and baseless allegations made by themselves and circulated around to people who had often never even met me. I described how although I was working in London during the week I had bought a house near Bethesda and I used to go there at weekends – this piece of personal information about me was documented and circulated around managers and administrators. Once these authorities were aware that I had purchased a property in Gwynedd, they began to correspond with each other about who would ‘treat’ me and indeed section me – obviously it would be required. The services of a tame forensic psychiatrist from Cardiff, a Dr Chris Hunter, were engaged and a ‘case conference’ was held about me without my knowledge to which people who had never met me were invited to give ‘evidence’. Neither had I ever met Chris Hunter – indeed I only became aware of his existence some two weeks ago when these previously unreleased documents were sent to me. Yet Hunter had even offered to prepare a Court report about me if necessary – although I wasn’t facing any charges. At the same time that this was all going on, Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities and Gwynedd Social Services flatly refused to investigate the very serious abuses that were taking place in the mental health services in north Wales and had taken no action against anyone in the wake of my very serious complaints. All this was happening with the knowledge of the Mental Health Act Commission and the advice of legal representatives from the Welsh Office, the British Medical Association and the Medical Defence Union. My blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ takes us up to the end of 1989 with the documents now in my possession showing that without my knowledge, Gwynedd Social Services and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were preparing to secure High Court Injunctions against me to prevent me even communicating with them, so vexed were they at my continued attempts to follow up my complaints and obtain a copy of my medical records.

This blog post takes up the story at the beginning of 1990. The documents reveal that on the 9th Jan 1990, I tried to ring the District General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority and spoke to his secretary, June Roberts. June Roberts noted that I ‘was not rude or threatening’. On the 16 Jan 1990, David Hinchcliffe, an administrator at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, made a ‘note for file’ stating that he had received three telephone calls from me asking why the authorities at Denbigh and Clwyd hadn’t investigated my complaint about Janice Davies [an abusive nurse at Denbigh – my complaint about her was simply ignored] and why they hadn’t taken any action against Dr DA Jones. Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they had ‘fully dealt with’ my complaints (they hadn’t) and that ‘all further appropriate action had been taken’ (no action had been taken against anyone, despite me being illegally held and at one point assaulted by staff). Hinchcliffe notes that I requested a meeting with the two nurses whom I had complained about and that he told me that this was not possible. I had then asked him why my solicitors letters that had been sent to Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities had been ignored – Hinchcliffe notes that he told me that they hadn’t been received (they were probably shredded on receipt). On Jan 17th Dilwyn Griffiths, an administrator at Clwyd Health Authority, made a report describing how I’d phoned him and ‘again raised questions’ regarding what action was going to be taken against Janice Davies and Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Dilwyn notes that he told me that there was nothing further that he could add to correspondence that I’d already received, that I ‘continued to go on about wanting action over [my] complaints’ and he then told me that he was extremely busy and had nothing to say to me, so I then hung up.

On Feb 9, David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths saying ‘as requested I have passed on all the relevant information…All individuals are aware of the need to report to me any future incidents…My only comment regarding the letter from the legal advisor to [me] is that perhaps it could have given blanket cover to both Health Authorities.’ This is obviously referring to one of the many threatening letters that I was sent by Andrew Park, the lawyer from the Welsh Office, but I’m not sure which one it was. Park did send eventually send me a letter ordering me to not to write to or visit the premises of Clwyd Health Authority, but that wasn’t until April. I am wondering whether Park had sent Hinchcliffe a draft or something.

However, Andrew Park and Clwyd and Gwynedd Health Authorities were not the only busy people at the beginning of 1990. Readers following this part of my story will remember that in the autumn of 1989, Lucille Hughes, Director of Gwynedd Social Services, was sending letters to the members of Arfon Community Mental Health Team – most of whom I had never met – encouraging them to gather ‘evidence’ about me in order that they could obtain an injunction. Well, on Feb 21 1990, Keith Fearns, the notoriously abusive ‘team leader’ of the Arfon Team (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for the background on Fearns and his buddies), swore an Affidavit in order to assist Gwynedd County Council in getting an injunction against me. Fearns admitted in this Affidavit that he had never met me but ‘had spoken to me over the telephone’. He stated that I had rung him at his home and made ‘insulting and abusive’ calls to him. I have no memory of these calls and I note that Fearns stated in his Affidavit that he ‘didn’t happen to make a record of them’. Which is odd, because they made a record of everything else, including a number of things that never happened. Fearns stated that his colleague Jackie Brandt (whom I had made a serious complaint about which was never investigated) was in such danger from me that she wasn’t allowed to answer the office phone, or be allowed to be ‘unprotected’ in the office, that they had to ensure that male staff were always on the premises and that on occasions they had to ask Brandt to leave the building to avoid contact with me. Staff had ‘suffered stress’ because of my ‘harassment’, Brandt had ‘suffered severely’ and frequently had to change her workplans because of ‘potential physical attack’. Fearns goes on to explain that they have been ‘trained to deal with people who are mentally ill…are used to dealing with clients who threaten us…but [my harassment] is so distressing and so persistent and is so far above the level which we can be expected to tolerate or cope with…we seek the protection of the Court…I anticipate that the Community Mental Health Centre will become [my] primary target.’ So Fearns had never met me yet made these florid allegations without producing any concrete evidence at all. Indeed at the time that Fearns made this statement, I had only ever met Jackie Brandt about twice and one other member of this team that I was allegedly terrorising once. I didn’t even know that the others existed. I was spending most of my time in London so had hardly ever been to this building that had to batten down the hatches because of my ‘potential physical attacks’. However I was writing them a lot of letters and phoning them in an attempt to get a response to my complaint – this constituted the ‘harassment’. Interestingly enough, the file also contains handwritten notes about me made by the ‘team’ as they logged my reign of terror – the notes are flippant with derogatory comments about me. They do not have the flavour of a group of people living in fear. However, a lot of patients were living in fear of this team – they were known to be highly abusive, women patients feared male members of this team visiting them at home and one patient told me that he’d been threatened with physical assault in his own house by one of them. Many years after all this, the ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that a number of them – including Fearns – had been dismissed for seriously neglecting patients. Brandt also swore an Affidavit on Feb 21 which was remarkably similar to Fearns’s but much shorter – odd, considering that she was alleged to have been the target of my ‘harassment’. So on the basis of no evidence at all and on the statements of a man who had never met me at all and a woman who had met me twice, Gwynedd County Council obtained an ex parte High Court Injunction against me, preventing me from going within 200 yards of the Arfon Team’s office in Bangor and preventing me from communicating from any of them. Now there’s a way to deal with complaints when social workers abuse the Mental Health Act! The man who granted them this injunction and seems to have asked no questions – despite the ‘evidence’ being letters of mine which detailed the law breaking and abuses by the mental health services – was a Justice Kay QC. Justice Kay emanated from Liverpool and did this favour for Gwynedd County Council at a relatively early stage in his career. He eventually became Sir John Kay, the Lord Justice of Appeal, a major figure in British legal circles and died some years ago. His Daily Telegraph obituary paid tribute to his ‘formidable intellect and common sense’ – so one wonders what exactly he thought was going on in north Wales at that time then. This obituary also stated that he was one of the ‘most powerful advocates’ on the Northern Circuit. Read all about his glorious legal career here https://www.theguardian.com/news/2004/jul/07/guardianobituariesWell fancy Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns, living in obscurity in north west Wales, being able to seek him out as a potential ally. The documents relating to this injunction show that the legwork was done by a Mrs Janet Ruth Case and H. Ellis Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd. Frances Jones, solicitor, was involved in preparing some of the exhibits (my letters of complaint).

They were also busy out at Denbigh in February 1990. David Hinchcliffe wrote to Dilwyn Griffiths referring to yet another request from me for a copy of my medical notes, enclosing a copy of a truly splendid letter from Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Once more Jones stresses that I must never be given a copy of my records – on which of course unbeknown to me the nurses had documented Dafydd Alun Jones’s collusion with a corrupt police officer to illegally detain me at Denbigh. Jones makes a reference to my ‘disturbed behaviour’ and states that giving me access to my records will only ‘increase [her] unhappiness’. How touching that Dafydd should be so concerned about my happiness at this point – after illegally imprisoning me in a locked ward where I was assaulted by staff, then threatening me, then trying to bribe me, then trying to have me arrested all over again for a crime that had never happened and then telling everyone that I was phenomenally dangerous and would end up in a ‘ward for the criminally insane’. But he only ever had my happiness at heart… I’m interested in yet another reference to me being ‘disturbed’ as well – Dr X at Ysbyty Gwynedd had used the same phrase. This phrase was very popular in the 80s and 90s with health and welfare staff and it tended to be applied to people who were daring to mention things that a lot of people would rather everyone remained silent about. Famously, when Margaret Hodge was leader of Islington Council in the 80s, there was a paedophile ring operating in the children’s homes run by that Council. One of the children who had been abused wrote to Hodge many years later and she publicly denounced him as a ‘disturbed individual’ (just like Dr X did to me). Hodge was married to a judge by the way, Henry Hodge. So presumably she knew exactly how illegal child molesting is. Hodge has since justified her slur about the man who wrote to her by saying that we ‘didn’t understand’ child abuse back in the 80s. Oh yes we did Margaret, we all knew exactly what child abuse was which was why so many people went to such lengths to prevent people who were being molested from being heard. But there we are, Margaret is now Dame Margaret Hodge  – I bet the kids who were molested in Islington haven’t ended up with a title like that…

Now the documents reveal a little mystery occurring in April 1990. Whilst I was working in London, I had come across an article in the British Journal of Psychiatry in the March 1990 edition, written by a Dr Carl S. Littlejohns, who gave his correspondence address as the North Wales Hospital Denbigh no less. Outraged as I was at yet another person from that institution hiding under the guise of being a competent psychiatrist when he will have known what was going on there, I wrote him a letter. I see that there’s a copy of my letter included in the files – it’s not rude or threatening, but it is reminding Carl Littlejohns of exactly what was going on in that institution at the time. There is also a copy of a letter from Littlejohns, dated 10 April, to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh, saying that he had received a ‘rather strange letter and am not sure what to do with it’ (actually, someone should probably have taken it to the police considering the serious abuses that it was describing). BUT – Littlejohns himself has not signed this letter – it is signed ‘pp Carl Littlejohns’ with an indecipherable signature. Then there’s a copy of a letter dated 11 April from Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) to Laurie Wood saying ‘Please find enclosed the latest epistle from [me]. As it makes reference to an ex-employee of the North Wales Hospital Denbigh, I thought you might be interested to see it. Did you speak to your colleague at St Georges Hospital and if so what was the outcome?’ Handwritten on this letter was a message saying ‘discussed with Alun Davies 12/4/90’. Now, I don’t think Carl Littlejohns himself ever received my letter. I think that he had by then left Denbigh (hence the reference to ‘an ex-employee’ in Davies’s letter), but someone had opened his mail, realised that the letter was from me and wrote a ‘reply’ from Littlejohns to Laurie Wood in preparation, but actually sent my letter to Alun Davies (who was one of the key figures co-ordinating the attempts to have me declared dangerous and locked up). Davies then sent Littlejohns ‘reply’ to Laurie Wood, along with his snotty letter about my ‘epistle’. Readers who remember reading my previous blog post ‘The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter’ will know that by this time I was working at St Georges Hospital in London and that our friends from the north Wales mental health services had not only got one of their contacts at St Georges to trail around after me but had even accessed mail sent to the hospital for me in an attempt to discover my address in London. And now here was Davies asking Laurie for information from one of his mates at St Georges…These people were really anxious about something…

As for Carl Littlejohns, I googled him a few days ago. He works as a psychiatrist in Chester, in a private hospital. Yet another person who will have witnessed what went on at Denbigh but has obviously kept schtum for all these years.

On the 30 April, a letter was sent from the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh. He states that he’s enclosing a copy of the letter that had been sent to me by their legal advisor (Andrew Park from the Welsh Office). Laurie Wood is told that Park has ‘omitted any references to assaults on staff, as, from the information we have provided, there does not seem to be any evidence that actual assaults on staff have taken place’. There is then yet another command for everyone to keep a record of ‘incidents’. There is also a copy of a letter that Park wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd stating that he has written to me but ‘I thought it best to omit the references to assaults since I am not convinced we have evidence of them’.

So there we are, straight from the horse’s mouth. For the last three years, these people had all told each other and numerous other people how dangerous I was, that I’d end up in Broadmoor, that I’d attacked numerous people, that I’d tried to stab them, that I’d throttled a junior doctor, that I’d assaulted Dafydd Alun Jones and so on and so forth. But when they actually had to produce evidence of ‘assaults’ they admitted that they couldn’t – because no assaults had ever taken place. But Park still did his best and wrote to me accusing me of having ‘threatened, harassed, abused’ etc etc – and stated that I was not to enter premises owned by Clwyd Health Authority or communicate or attempt to communicate with any member of Clwyd Health Authority. The only exception was that if I was following up a complaint I could write to the General Manager.

Of course I knew that Park’s letter was legally meaningless and replied to this effect and told him to stop threatening me. I also asked him who I had ‘threatened, harassed and abused’ and when. I reminded him that at the Independent Professional Review into my complaint nearly a year previously, that one of the Assessors, Professor Robert Bluglass, had remarked that Dafydd Alun Jones’s ‘clinical standards’ ‘must be raised’ yet this clearly hadn’t happened. And that my complaint about being assaulted by staff had never been investigated. On the same day, May 1 1990, I also wrote to the General Manager of Clwyd Health Authority, asking why my complaint about the assault on me hadn’t been investigated, why Bluglass’s suggestion that Jones’s clinical standards should be raised had been ignored and whether patients were still being abused and intimidated at Denbigh.

The General Manager (actually an administrator called Dilwyn Griffiths who seemed to handle all the General Manager’s mail, the General Manager – another Dr David Jones – clearly didn’t worry himself about minor matters such as people being illegally imprisoned in Denbigh and assaulted whilst they were in there) then wrote to Andrew Park telling him that he’d received my letter and was enclosing it and ‘would appreciate your advice as to how we should now deal with the matters which she has raised’. (Once more, an investigation into the outstanding issues wasn’t even considered – the response was, as ever, a request for legal advice from the Welsh Office.)

So far, this blog post has been concerned mainly with Gwynedd County Council and Clwyd Health Authority and their attempts to get me into Court. But Gwynedd Health Authority had been busy in this direction too. Gwynedd Health Authority had previously tried to gain an injunction against me in 1989 but their application was refused as they didn’t manage to convince the Court that I was actually doing very much. But they weren’t deterred, they just tried a bit harder. In May, they applied for an injunction against me yet again and I went down to Cardiff for the hearing, in front of a Justice Pill. I was represented by a barrister called Ian Murphy and Gwynedd Health Authority was represented by a barrister called Crispin Masterman.  The Health Authority wanted to get an injunction preventing me from even writing to them. They were unsuccessful because Justice Pill didn’t accept their overblown statements that I was disabling their whole system simply by writing to them.  The case ended by me giving an undertaking to the Court not to threaten or assault members/staff of Gwynedd Health Authority – which I was quite happy to do. Once more, the mass of ‘evidence’ that Gwynedd Health Authority had produced was copies of my letters. Letters that had described, in detail, again and again, just what was going on in Ysbyty Gwynedd and Denbigh – very serious abuses of patients, institutional corruption and law-breaking. Justice Pill, Crispin Masterman and Ian Murphy had all read those letters. They did not behave in Court like the appalling Judge Huw Daniel did (please see blog post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’), but they completely ignored the evidence before their eyes that something terrible was happening in north Wales. Ian Murphy and Crispin Masterman are now both Judges and frequently appear in the press in south Wales when cases that they preside over are reported. Justice Pill became Sir Malcolm Pill and before he retired was a Lord Justice of Appeal. Here he is https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Malcolm_Pill These were not stupid people. What on earth did they think was going on in north Wales? The only one of them who made any reference at all to the serious law-breaking on behalf of the mental health services was Ian Murphy, who did tell me that I could sue Clwyd Health Authority for false imprisonment and trespass to the person. (I did begin to do this but somehow that case just faded away – but not before it had severely antagonised the mental health services, but I’ll be blogging more about that soon.)

After the morning in front of Justice Pill, Andrew Park from the Welsh Office wrote to Mr PM Rees (an administrator in Gwynedd Health Authority) with a blow by blow account of the Court case. But Andrew Park had not been deterred by Pill’s refusal to issue an injunction and neither was Park satisfied with my undertakings. He was already making plans: ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings we shall need to act quickly’. (The phrase ‘if there is to be a breach of her undertakings’ is interesting – one would have expected him to say ‘if she should breach her undertakings’. It would perhaps be overly cynical of me to suggest that Mr Park might have felt that he was in a position to influence whether a breach was going to take place…) Mr Park then unveils a well-thought out plan, involving Gwynedd Health Authority setting up a central record of all approaches made by me, with full details of absolutely everything including any visits to Health Authority premises, any letters, any telephone calls. ‘In short a complete dossier of [my] activities since 24 May 1990 [the date of the Court case in front of Pill] should be available to me at short notice in the event of the Authority wanting to act further against [me].’ He then explains that they would then be in a position to prepare an Affidavit to bring me back in front of the judge again (with the possibility that I would be imprisoned for breaching my undertakings). But Park had also spotted another potential hazard to be dealt with. At the Court case in Cardiff, Justice Pill had mentioned that I could apply for Legal Aid in order to apply for a Court Order to gain access to my records. Park explains to PM Rees that ‘further on into the future, the Authority might well wish to prepare a list of the reasons why it will not disclose voluntarily the notes of [my] treatment to [me]’. Park then notes that he rang Alun Davies (administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd) on the day of the Court case about the outcome of the proceedings, but won’t be writing to him as well.

Just to ensure that everyone involved was kept up to speed regarding the latest Court case against me, On June 13, Alun Davies wrote to Laurie Wood, the manager at Denbigh, sending him copies of Park’s correspondence relating to the case in front of Justice Pill ‘for information’.

Readers might have assumed that after all this, energy – and funds available – for dragging me through various Courts might have been waning a little. Not at all.  Gwynedd County Council, Keith Fearns and Jackie Brandt had been beavering away at their end. On June 26 1990, Both Keith and Jackie swore ‘supplementary Affidavits’. Once more, no real evidence was produced against me. Jackie stated that she had seen me walk past her office and I had waved at her as I walked away – which she stated was ‘intimidating’. In fact me waving as I walked off into the distance was so intimidating that Jackie stressed that Fearns had then walked her to her car ‘as a precaution for her safety’. Fearns’s ‘supplementary Affidavit’ stated that he’d seen me standing outside their building on May 29. I knew nothing about any of this until I was served with papers in London, demanding my presence in Court in Chester in July because Gwynedd County Council were taking me to Court for breaching the injunction and were requesting that I be imprisoned.

I have described this Court hearing in my blog posts ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ and ‘The North Wales Child Abuse Scandal’. I’ll give a quick resume here. Jackie and Fearns were not the only people who turned up to give evidence against me, two other members of the notorious Arfon ‘Team’, Maggie Fookes and Bob Ingham, turned up as well. I had met Ingham once and I had never even heard of Fookes at the time of this Court hearing. I arrived at the Court with my always very supportive solicitor but when I arrived there was a bit of a panic – our barrister hadn’t turned up. She did turn up in the end, literally minutes before the start of the case, very stressed and angry because she had been sent to the wrong Court. The Court venue had been changed just before the hearing and no-one had told her. However, the Arfon Team and their barrister had been told. My barrister said that she had wanted to meet me properly beforehand and go through the case but now we didn’t have time. However she did tell me that the Arfon Team had obviously all lied in their statements – they had all claimed to have seen me outside their offices or witnessed instances when I had ‘harassed’ Brandt, but the times and dates all clashed. Their statements were completely inconsistent. Brandt’s own statement was truly bizarre. As part of her ‘evidence’ as to how dangerous I was, she had stated that she had given her pet dog away in case I hurt it to upset her. I had no idea that she even had a pet dog, so where her fears for this putative dog’s safety came from I do not know. We had a problem though – with the change of Court venue, we had also had a change of judge. My barrister warned us that the judge we were now landed with was notoriously harsh, a Justice Roche. Roche seemed to be in a very bad temper throughout the whole hearing. He became angrier and angrier – not with the lying witnesses, but with my barrister. My barrister was a young woman and obviously fairly inexperienced and Roche did all he could to intimidate her. When she pointed out the inconsistencies in the witness statements, Roche made a generous offer to the Arfon Team liars – he asked them if they’d like some time to rewrite their statements, presumably so that they could co-ordinate their lies. For some reason that I have never fathomed, their barrister then backed off, saying that this case had already cost Gwynedd County Council an awful lot of time and money and that they’d just proceed on the few charges against me (I think it was something like three) concerning the instances where Fearns et al had got their stories straight. So Roche was forced to throw numerous charges against me out of Court (the Arfon liars had maintained that I’d breached the injunction on many occasions). The upshot was that even Roche didn’t manage to imprison me, although I got the impression that he’d very much liked to have. When I told my friend Brown about the change of venue that my barrister didn’t know about and the newly imposed bad tempered judge, Brown observed that he wished he was able to nobble Judges. For years I wondered whether someone had been busy behind the scenes or whether it was all just a dreadful cock-up. But look what I’ve found among all the documents released to me last week. A letter from H. Ellis-Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd, ‘FAO Arfon Community Mental Health Team’. Which was unusual in itself – regular readers of the blog might remember that it was usually H. Ellis-Hughes’s deputy, Ron Evans, who was involved in correspondence about me and who seemed to have a hotline to Lucille Hughes (Dr Dafydd Alun Jones’s ex-partner and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services). But this letter was from Ellis-Hughes himself and had been signed by him. The letter was dated July 2 1990 and stated that he was attaching ‘exhibits’ (letters from me) and tells the Arfon liars to ‘thoroughly familiarise themselves’ with the Affidavits. He goes on to say that their counsel, Mrs Janet Case, has confirmed that she required them to be present in Court on July 10 1990. He continues ‘the Court is situated at 77 Northgate Street, Chester. The time for the hearing is 10-30am…I would be grateful if you could arrive at 9-30am for a conference with Counsel before the hearing. Please let me know immediately if there are any problems regarding your attendance at Court’. However, in the same distinctive handwriting that had signed this letter, presumably H. Ellis-Hughes, in the margin by the instructions as to how to find the Court there is written in brackets ‘See P.S. below’. And below the typed text of the letter is a long hand-written message, again in the same handwriting, saying ‘PS. The venue for this hearing has been changed. The hearing will be held at the Crown Court, The Castle, Chester, same date and time. This is located by the race-course, on the right as you drive into Chester over the bridge, opposite the police headquarters. There is a car park, advise the attendant that you are witnesses. I would suggest that we meet outside the barristers robing room at 9-30 am. A Court Clerk on the door will ask you the name of the case…and will then direct you’.

So more than a week before the case, Ellis-Hughes was sending the Arfon liars precise instructions to ensure that they ended up at the right court. Information that my barrister wasn’t even given on the morning of the case. Yet Ellis-Hughes didn’t have his letter retyped with the instructions regarding the change of venue, although he had plenty of time to do this. He just added an extensive note by hand. So presumably anyone else who might be copied into correspondence or have access to it would also think that the case was going to be heard at 77 Northgate Street. The change of venue was obviously a very closely guarded secret.

I have recently googled Justice Roche and Mrs Janet Case (whose address was given as King’s Street, Chester) to see if they too had reached the dizzy legal heights that some of the other people involved in this skulduggery thirty years ago had. They seem to have disappeared off the face of the earth. No trace of either of them.

Whilst Gwynedd County Council did their best to imprison me, life continued at Clwyd Health Authority and the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept. On the 24 July, David Hinchcliffe (administrator at Denbigh) sent a memo to Dilwyn Griffiths (administrator at Clwyd Health Authority). The memo stated that I had rung a Kay Hemsley at Denbigh ‘threatening Sister Janice Davies’ (Davies was one of the nurses that I had complained about who was never investigated). Mr Park from the Welsh Office was soon onto it. In August he wrote to Dilwyn thanking him for his letter and saying that he was sorry to hear of the threat to Janice Davies and continued ‘Presumably this has been reported to the police. If not I would strongly suggest that it should be. The Authority could ask me to consider civil action in relation to the threat, but the difficulty is to persuade the Court that the threat was actually made or that it was [me] that made it…’ So it’s that hoary old chestnut again that they did keep stumbling across – no bloody evidence at all.

But all hell was soon to be let loose. On 10 September 1990, a memo was sent from Hinchcliffe to Dilwyn Griffiths, apologising ‘for the delay’ and stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. On the 18 September, Dilwyn sent a letter to the Welsh Office’s Legal Dept ‘FAO Mr Park’ stating that on 17 August I had rung Kay Hemsley ‘making allegations of a sexual nature against Dr DA Jones’. Andrew Park remember was a lawyer. So what was his response upon hearing that a former patient had made these allegations against a doctor who had now been successfully sued in a high profile case that had gone before Lord Denning, a doctor working in a hospital with a truly appalling reputation? Did Park suggest an investigation? No. On September 28 Park wrote to Dilwyn at Clwyd Health Authority saying ‘I am sorry to hear that [I am] making a nuisance of herself’. Park then asks for a signed dated note of Hemsley’s account of the conversation ‘which should include some indication’ as to why she knew the caller was me. (There was of course a problem when Kay Hemsley had reported that I’d threatened Janice Davies – there was no evidence that I’d ever done so, as Park had been obliged to point out.)

Kay duly produced the statement as requested. There is a copy of it in the file, dated 11.10.90: ‘I hereby confirm that on the 17th August 1990 I received a telephone call [from me]. She asked me to confirm that Dr DA Jones was continuing to have sexual involvement with his patients and what was I going to do about it. I obviously told her that I was not prepared to comment on her statement in any way but she continued to voice her opinion that he had been having sexual relationships with lady patients and would no doubt be continuing to do so. At some stage she put the phone down…’ Kay remembers Andrew Park’s instructions and also states that she knew it was me calling because I had identified myself to her.

What no-one did at any point was to ask whether my allegations concerning Jones might have been worth investigating.

But Andrew Park was really determined now. On 2 October 1990 he wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor at Gwynedd County Council (the now notorious H. Ellis-Hughes). Park stated that he was acting for Gwynedd Health Authority and enclosed a copy of the Order from Justice Pill made after I’d given my undertakings in May. He also makes a reference to Gwynedd County Council obtaining an injunction against me. Park states that ‘The Health Authority seems to think that the terms of your injunction are more favourable than the one that it has. I shall be grateful if you will let me have a copy of any Order your Counsel has obtained against [me] and indeed to have any background information that you can give concerning your authorities proceedings against her. I would of course be pleased to pass on any information that I could in return.’

So Park had asked those masters in quashing dissent, Gwynedd County Council, for their help and advice in the wake of me raising questions of Dafydd’s sexual misconduct with patients.

So during 1990, a number of leading legal figures in Wales read numerous letters that I had written alleging serious abuses in the north Wales mental health services – mental health services jointly run between Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services and Health Authorities. Some of these people were, to recap – Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy, Justice Roche, Janet Case and Janet Cases’s articled clerk, Mrs J.M. Hughes. Not one of them suggested an investigation into what on earth was happening in north Wales, despite High Court cases being repeatedly brought against me – because I was writing letters of complaint.

What else was happening in north Wales during 1990? Well Mary Wynch had successfully sued Dafydd Alun Jones for falsely imprisoning her in Denbigh for a year, that received a lot of press coverage. But something else happened as well. Yorkshire TV dropped their filming of a documentary about a paedophile ring that was alleged to be operating in children’s homes in north Wales – but young people had started to come forward with allegations that they had been sexually molested whilst in care in the region. In October 1990, just as Andrew Park was asking Gwynedd County Council for their advice on how to obtain an injunction against me and was offering to exchange useful information about me with them, Stephen Norris pleaded guilty to indecency against three boys in his care whilst he was Officer in Charge of a children’s home in Clwyd. The case had been heard at Chester Crown Court. (Regular readers will know that I have been correlating some of the things that happened to me with events resulting from Alison Taylor’s attempts to blow the whistle on the north Wales paedophile ring. I am getting some of my info from this blog https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/  This website mentions that one of the people alleged to have been involved in the paedophile ring was Peter Morrison, who in 1990 was appointed Thatcher’s Parliamentary Private Secretary. Sir Peter Morrison was the MP for Chester.) Legal circles are small and full of gossip. No doubt Sir John Kay, Sir Malcolm Pill, Judge Crispin Masterman, Judge Ian Murphy and many, many other people who read those letters that I was writing were very well aware that the case against Stephen Norris was happening. But as injunctions rained down upon my head and repeated attempts were made to imprison me, not one of them batted an eyelid. In much the same way that no-one in the legal depts of the BMA, MDU or Welsh Office had noticed anything amiss a year earlier. Can I just emphasise that these people were LAWYERS. They were indeed experts with regard to their knowledge of law-breaking….

I have mentioned that whilst all this was happening I was working at St George’s Hospital Medical School in London. Some interesting things were happening down there as well – but that is a story for another blog post…

 

 

 

 

 

The Night of the (Dr Chris) Hunter

My blog post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’ describes how my very serious complaints regarding my unlawful detention at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and the associated abuses in that institution were, after going completely uninvestigated by the hospital itself and the Mental Health Act Commission, eventually ‘investigated’ by an ‘Independent’ Professional Review, led by Professor Robert Bluglass. I described how documents recently released from my lawyers revealed a very cosy relationship between Professor Robert Owen, the man appointed by the Welsh Office to set up the investigation into my complaint and the people that he was supposed to be investigating, with behind the scenes meetings between all of them and much correspondence, some of it submitted by people whom were not even involved in my complaint. There were even letters going to Prof Owen’s home address. After this review, I received brief letters from Clwyd Health Authority telling me that they would be ‘discussing’ some aspects of the report with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and that the file was now closed and a letter from Gwynedd Health Authority saying that Dafydd Alun Jones’s employment contract was held by Clwyd so it was nothing to do with them. No disciplinary action had been taken against anyone and most parts of my complaint had not been addressed at all, particularly those parts involving Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd Social Services.

As well as all the chumminess between Prof Owen and the north Wales mental health services however, in the months leading up to the Review something else was happening behind the scenes that I didn’t know about. Gwynedd Social Services, Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd Health Authority were all making plans to obtain High Court Injunctions against me to prevent me from even corresponding with them, let along telephoning them or visiting their premises in pursuit of my complaints or to try and gain access to my medical records. I presume that the rationale was that once I’d been chewed up and spat out by Robert Bluglass, my complaints file would be closed and I would be prosecuted for breaching an injunction if I tried to pursue my complaints any further. What I had witnessed in Denbigh and indeed what had happened to me at the hands of Jones would never be spoken of again, particularly as by then I had moved away from north Wales. The documents reveal that the ground was being very carefully prepared indeed in the weeks before the Review took place in July 1989.

On 28 April 1989, Alun Davies, an administrator at Ysbyty Gwynedd, wrote a letter to Barry Shingles, a manager at Ysbyty Gwynedd, detailing numerous ‘incidents’ involving me. (The incidents were simply visits that I had made to Ysbyty Gwynedd, or phone calls or letters, asking for my medical records. Davies stated to Shingles that Shingles might have concluded that ‘little or no disruption’ had been caused by me (the incidents were all non-events). But Davies continued that a nursing officer and an administrator had had to leave their work to deal with me – yet the reason for this was because Davies et al had insisted on ‘fast bleeping’ these two people every time I was seen in the hospital. Davies maintained that ‘medical staff’ had ‘informed’ him that I was a ‘serious risk’ to members of staff – I have previously described the process whereby the psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd manufactured scare stories about me without any evidence and then used these stories as ‘evidence’ of the risk that I posed to life and limb. Best of all, Davies stated that ‘a considerable amount of police time is wasted as the police are asked to attend in order to remove her…only to find that she has left the hospital’. This sounds to me as though it was Davies et al wasting police time by needlessly calling them. This letter of Davies’s contained a reference to a letter that Andrew Park, a solicitor from the Welsh Office, had written to me dated 9 February 1989, threatening to take out an injunction against me. Park’s letter to me contained a reference to the ‘assaults’ that I had carried out on staff. I had never assaulted the staff, although in Denbigh staff had assaulted me. Davies’s letter also referred to a request that he had made of Mr P.M. Rees, the District General Administrator of Gwynedd Health Authority, that he should ask Andrew Park to take out an injunction against me ‘with powers of arrest’. There was a hand-written message on the letter from Shingles saying ‘please discuss with Mr Rees and make appropriate arrangements’. This letter was copied to Mr D. Campbell (Deputy Director of Nursing, Ysybyty Gwynedd) a nursing officer, Robyn Williams (administrator), Mrs Julie Evans (a social worker from the Arfon Community Mental Health Team – whom I had not even heard of at the time) and Jackie Brandt, the social worker who had sectioned me in 1987 after I’d asked for a copy of my medical records.

On the 2 May 1989, Dr Dafydd Alun Jones sent a letter to Alun Davies stating that he’d been told that I was ‘in the vicinity’ and demanding that Robyn Williams therefore organise for a ‘security person’ to be on duty in the clinic. This letter is most entertaining as many of Jones’s letters were – although I wasn’t even on the premises Jones waxes lyrical about the threat that I posed to him and how he was feeling unwell so he went home early because the thought of me turning up was just too much. Among the many complaints about Jones at that time were that Jones constantly left NHS clinics early or even didn’t turn up at all because he was busy at private clinics elsewhere. So I presume that it was business as usual for Jones on that day then, but this time I was the excuse for him abandoning his NHS work. In his letter Jones even makes reference to him ‘interviewing a patient in his study’ at home later on the same day.

There was a letter written by Alun Davies in May 1989 to a nursing officer, in which Davies refers to the ‘very limited powers’ that they had to deal with me. Well as I wasn’t breaking any laws despite them constantly reporting me to the police, it is hardly surprising that they found that they had ‘limited powers’. Davies had the answer though – he mentioned that ‘hopefully our colleagues’ were pursuing the matter with the Welsh Office to obtain an injunction against me, preventing me from either visiting the hospital or communicating with staff there. This was of course the same Welsh Office that were providing Gwynedd and Clwyd Health authorities with legal advice as to how to withhold my medical records and defend themselves against my complaint, whilst they were telling me that they were organising an ‘Independent’ review into my complaint.

On the 10 May 1989, Dafydd Alun Jones wrote to one Dr Peter Higson, a manager at Denbigh, and Alun Davies, demanding that there should be ‘positive action to restrain this behaviour’ – the behaviour in question being me telephoning him. Higson had of course been one of the people who had completely failed to deal with my complaint about Jones and Denbigh.

There is a very interesting letter written to Mr PM Rees from Alun Davies sometime in May 1989 (the reproduction is poor and I cannot make out the exact date) telling him that I’m purchasing a property near Bethesda. So this piece of info was worthy of passing on in a formal letter.

Dafydd Alun Jones enters the picture again on May 16, when he writes a letter to Davies accusing me of ‘wasting NHS time and resources’ by telephoning and ‘harassing the receptionists and the secretaries’ ie. asking for my records. This from a man who regularly abandoned his NHS clinics whilst he was being paid to hold them, who colluded with a corrupt police officer to unlawfully detain me in an NHS secure unit and then failed to answer letters from the Mental Health Act Commission or his own managers….

Now for something really fascinating. In a previous blog post ‘A Network Stretching To London?’ I described how, when I was working at St Georges Hospital in London, a junior doctor turned up in my dept saying that he’d heard that there was a girl from Bangor working there and he wanted to meet her because he had connections with Bangor as well. This man was Dr Jimmy Schroff, who it transpired had been a GP trainee at the practice of my former GP Dr DGE Wood. When Jimmy Schroff met me he literally named all the doctors in north Wales whom I had encountered and made complaint about, asking me if I knew them. I have always reserved judgement about this visit from Jimmy Schroff although I was a bit suspicious – he did seem very open and friendly. However, since writing that blog post I have found documents demonstrating that Dr DGE Wood was saying some very poisonous things about me to a lot of people and was being copied into correspondence about me and invited along to meetings where I was being discussed long after I had left Bangor. And look what has turned up in the documents from my lawyers – a letter from Alun Davies to Mr PM Rees, dated 19 May 1989, saying ‘I wish to inform you that [I have] moved from her [Surrey] address and is, I believe, working at St George’s Hospital London. However recent correspondence to the hospital does not indicate her new address’. So Alun Davies knew someone in St George’s who had not only tracked me down there, but who had accessed my mail in an attempt to discover my address and inform Davies. But that’s not all. My blog post ‘A Network Stretching To London?’ described how in a previous bundle of documents I discovered a letter from someone to someone else at Denbigh asking them if the man that they knew at St Georges had found out which dept I was working in yet. Unfortunately, the reproduction on this letter was so poor that neither signature was visible. However, another letter has turned up in the latest bundle. It is from Alun Davies, to Laurie Wood, the manager of Denbigh, dated 11 April 1990 asking ‘Did you speak to your colleague at St Georges and if so what was the outcome?’ There was a hand-written message on the letter noting ‘Discussed with Alun Davies 12/4/90’.

And these people accused me of harassing them….

There’s another corker from Alun Davies, dated 18 July 1989, a ‘note for file’, in which Davies writes that Dafydd Alun Jones ‘informed’ him that at the summing up at the Independent Professional Review, Bluglass had ‘suggested that [I] was a dangerous person and that [I] was possibly suffering from a psychopathic or personality disorder. [I] could very well end up in an institution such as Broadmoor’. Now I have copies of other documents in which Jones alleged that Bluglass made lurid references to me ending up in a ward for the ‘criminally insane’, but Bluglass flatly denied ever saying such things (please see blog post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). To this day I do not know who was telling the truth, although it is clear that neither Bluglass or Jones could be trusted further than one could spit a proverbial rat. But there may very well have been a reason why this bunch of liars and crooks were running around making confident predictions regarding me ending up in some grim institution with a dire diagnosis attached to me – I will return to this later on in this post…

On September 7 1989, Julie Evans, the ‘co-ordinator’ of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, wrote to Lucille Hughes, the Director of Gwynedd Social Services, ‘on behalf of the team’. This was a team most of whose members I had never met. I had met Jackie Brandt once, when she had sectioned me and I had met Bob Ingham, a CPN once and had been grabbed by the arm and dragged along the hall by him. Nonetheless, Evans was demanding that Jackie Brandt be afforded ‘legal protection’ from me – because I had ‘periodically’ telephoned and visited her office seeking to speak to her. Evans states that Gwynedd Health Authority had an Injunction against me prohibiting me from entering Health Authority property (they didn’t – their first application for an injunction was rejected by the Court) and that ‘the team’ were requesting that Gwynedd County Council ‘take every action’ to legally protect Brandt. Evans states that the ‘nature’ of my ‘harassment’ had been ‘extremely stressful’ to the team – the team that I had never met…. Evans’s letter was copied to Mr Brian Jones (County Offices, Caernarfon), Mr Ron Evans (County Secretary, County Offices), Mr Gwilym Roberts (Chairman, Arfon Local Planning).

Lucille Hughes replied to Julie Evans on 12 September, thanking Evans for her letter, telling her that ‘we at Headquarters share your concern and the County Secretary’s Dept, via Mr Ron Evans, Assistant County Secretary, will now seek a relevant injunction…. The County Secretary would have proceeded earlier to seek such an injunction but was under the impression that the matter had been resolved. Please keep Mr Evans and myself informed of any developments’. The letter was copied to ‘Assistant Director (M), Area Officer (Arfon), Mr Ron Evans (Assistant County Secretary)’. I am wondering whether Lucille’s reference to the ‘matter being resolved’ was a reference to the handiwork of the Welsh Office and Professors Bluglass and Owen. I’d been trashed, the file had been closed and I had left the area. But now I was back and was still daring to ask questions.

On Sept 13 1989, Dr X from Ysbyty Gwynedd wrote to Alun Davies discussing the possibilities if I returned to live near Bangor (by this time I was working in London during the week but used to spend weekends at my house near Bethesda). Dr X observed that neither he nor Dafydd Alun Jones would be able to ‘treat’ me, so the Health Authority should make ‘special arrangements’ for me – but as will be explained soon, it seemed that Dr X was busy involving himself in the planning of such special arrangements… In this letter Dr X also mentions that Gwynedd Social Services were about to take out a High Court Injunction against me.

Alun Davies wrote me a letter on 18 September, in reply to a letter and a phone call from me in August, as I continued to ask for my records and to try to follow up my original complaint against Jackie Brandt and Dr Perera (please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’). This complaint had been made at the end of 1987 and still had not been investigated. Davies told me that they would not be releasing my records or corresponding with me further. On the same day, Davies also wrote a letter to Mr PM Rees, asking him if Andrew Park of the Welsh Office had obtained an injunction against me yet.

Dr X continued with what was now obviously his Plan. On October 2 1989 he wrote to the Chairman of the Mental Health Act Commission (who were supposed to have investigated my complaints against Ysbyty Gwynedd and Denbigh but never did. However, like Professor Owen at the Welsh Office, the Mental Health Act Commission turned out to be quite chummy with the people whom they were supposed to be investigating (please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship and Some Serious Smears’). Dr X states that I’m subject to his injunction and to two ‘pending injunctions’ not to ‘molest the staff’ of Gwynedd Social Services or Gwynedd Health Authority. (Is it not poignant that Dr X makes a reference to me ‘molesting’ the staff of Gwynedd Social Services? At the time that Dr X wrote this, there was and indeed had been for years a paedophile ring operating in Gwynedd and Clwyd Social Services.) He notes that I had recently purchased a house and was intending to settle in the area and that the nature of the injunctions might ‘compromise the objectivity of the staff of both Authorities….[there was] more than a possibility that an assessment for a Section under the Mental Health Act might have to be carried out by staff who are part of a potential High Court Injunction…potential complications for the working of the Act….would wish the Commission to be aware of the situation prior to any further episodes…grateful for the Commission’s advice…as to what measures could be taken to ensure objectivity but also to avoid breaking any potential injunctions that might be in force by the two authorities’. This letter was copied to Alun Davies.

I don’t think I need bother to write at length regarding the irony of Dr X desiring to see ‘objectivity’ prevail – the one thing that regular readers will now by now is that Dr X was certainly no stickler for ‘objectivity’. But look what’s happening here – Dr X worked very hard to gain an injunction against me based on allegations of ‘assaults’ and ‘dangerous’ actions that were actually no more than rumours that he spread himself. I had been sectioned by then, but both times it was by Dr X and his colleagues and in both cases the law was broken and the Mental Health Act Commission themselves failed to investigate. Dr X’s colleagues were now taking a leaf out of his book and had persuaded Gwynedd Health Authority and Gwynedd Social Services to raise injunctions against me, again on the basis of assaults and crimes and a level of danger that did not exist. And all this was highly organised, as the numerous letters that were being passed around and copied to numerous people show. So the problems that Dr X was discussing and predicting had been entirely constructed by him and his colleagues. But why did Dr X think that I might ever need to be sectioned again? We shall find out soon….

Between the end of September and the end of October 1989, there was a flurry of memos and letters passed around about me. Every single one referred to nursing officers and administrators being fast-bleeped and the police being called to the hospital – because I had gone there, made another request for my records and for my complaints to be followed up and had then left again of my own accord.

On October 4, two days after Dr X wrote to the Mental Health Act Commission, Bob Ingham from the Arfon Team wrote to Mr D Campbell, Deputy Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd, stating that I was ‘causing concern to both Authorities by her behaviour…. causing disruption and usually necessitating police involvement. Her visits have been spasmodic but….she is living [near Bethesda]… we need an agreed policy for dealing with her…Arfon social workers have been directed by the Authority not to become involved in any matter relating to [my] mental health assessment…the matter is being agendad for the Local Planning Group Meeting on 13 October 1989.’ Ingham then explains that the nurses working for the Arfon team have been ordered to throw me out and call the police if I go to their offices. The letter was copied to Mrs Pauline Dickson, Mr Derlwyn Roberts, Mrs Jan Cowley, Ms Fiona Kerridge, Mr Gwilym Roberts, Mr Tom Harney, Mrs Bridget Lloyd, Mrs Thelma Cockayne, Mrs Rhian Baker. (I had only ever met one of these people. I had not even heard of any of the others.)

Someone else was busy on October 4 as well. PM Rees (General Administrator) wrote to Alun Davies enclosing a letter that he’d received on September 20 from Andrew Park. Andrew Park was asking for ‘more details’ to ‘supplement the information’ that Davies had previously supplied on April 28. Rees continues ‘I appreciate the difficulties but to make progress with the injunction….we are going to have to try. Could you please have another look to see what can be done? Could you also please confirm that you would be willing to swear the Affidavit? I enclose a copy of another letter from Mr Park. It is interesting….that both Clwyd Health Authority and Gwynedd County Council are now contemplating taking out similar injunctions’ (but hardly surprising – they’d all spent months writing letters and having phone conversations to each other urging everyone involved to do this.) I am wondering if Rees’s reference to ‘the difficulties’ might have been a reference to their first unsuccessful attempt to gain an injunction against me because they basically didn’t have any evidence that I was doing any more than writing letters and asking for my records.

A letter from Dr X to Alun Davies dated 18 October 1989 demonstrates that Dr X’s Plan was now well underway. At this time, I was busy working in London during the week. I had not ‘assaulted’ anyone, been arrested or anything dramatic and I had not sought any mental health ‘care’ or ‘assessment’. I had however continued to try to access my records and I continued to maintain that very serious abuses were happening in the north Wales mental health services. So Dr X’s letter was interesting. He stated that ‘Dr Chris Hunter, Director of Forensic Services, Whitchurch Hospital, Cardiff, has kindly agreed to provide us with a second opinion [regarding me]. He is due to visit Garth Angharad to meet Dr DJC Davies on…7 and 8 November. He has kindly agreed to set aside Wednesday afternoon 8 November and Thursday morning 9 November for a case presentation and for examination of the relevant material appertaining to this case. As agreed it would be very useful to a) have the relevant parties concerned…. able to provide information to Dr Hunter…. b) for us to arrive at decisions with regards to future management. It would be helpful perhaps to have a representative of the police force and Mr Park from the Legal Dept’. Dr X goes on to ask for office space and secretarial cover and for people to liaise with Chris Hunter regarding ‘any further needs he may have’. He tells Alun Davies that he is grateful for his help and support and that he is sure that this will be a ‘helpful way of proceeding’ and that Dr Hunter has ‘also kindly agreed to provide a second opinion if necessary, via a Report to the Courts’.

So let’s clarify this. Dr X and his colleagues were all refusing to treat me. Yet they were all attending a ‘case conference’ about me being held without my knowledge, led by a man whom I had never heard of who worked as a ‘Director of Forensic Psychiatry’ hundreds of miles away from where I lived or worked.  Unidentified ‘relevant parties’ were to be invited along to ‘provide information’ to the man that I did not know so they could discuss what they were going to do with me. The police would be in attendance – although every time the mental health services had insisted on involving the police in my life, the police used to stress that they had no problem with me – and the ever-helpful Mr Park from the Welsh Office, who had been advising this lot ever since I had first complained about them but whom had not yet managed to get an injunction against me despite trying very hard, would also be attending. And everyone is going to be very, very nice to Dr Hunter and give him whatever he wants. And although I was not facing any charges at this time, Dr Hunter would be ready with a Report for the Court! So Dr X was obviously expecting a Court to play a part in my life in the near future…. Dr X is also very grateful to Alun Davies for his help – just as Professor Owen was when Davies organised the Independent Professional Review in an ‘excellent’ way.

Readers unfamiliar with north west Wales might be wondering what the reference to Dr Hunter visiting ‘Garth Angharad’ was all about. Garth Angharad was an institution near Dolgellau, described at the time as a hospital for ‘abnormal mentally ill criminals’. I had never heard of Garth Angharad until I read the details of the boys from north Wales who alleged that they’d been abused by the paedophile ring whilst they were ‘in care’. One of them had been sent to Garth Angharad….

So that’s why Dr Dafydd Alun Jones kept telling everyone that I was going to end up in an institution for the criminally insane! They had their very own version here in north Wales – which clearly housed people who had witnessed the worst that the region’s ‘caring professions’ had to offer.

Dr Hunter et al must have been almost at the point of organising the Black Mariah to deliver me to Garth Angharad. On October 20 Dr Devakumar wrote to Alun Davies explaining that Dr X had copied his letter regarding the Plan and that Devakumar ‘strongly supported’ the ‘recommendations’ made by Dr X and asks Davies to ‘work out a practical arrangement to deal with [me] if and when [I] present myself to the hospital’. He states that ‘if Dr Hunter felt that she needs to be under treatment then an arrangement should be made to engage her in that process as it will be for her own benefit’ (just like being illegally incarcerated and assaulted in Denbigh was).

Five days after receiving the letter from Devakumar, Alun Davies wrote to Brandt telling her of the jamboree with Dr Hunter, asking her to inform him if she was unable to attend the meeting. On the same day, Davies sent an identical letter to Keith Fearns (another person whom I had never met). There was a hand-written message on Fearns’s letter, from Fearns, saying ‘Jacky, shall we go together on the 8th?’ Presumably everybody needed to get their stories straight after all this work.

Fearns then wrote a letter to W. Oswyn Rees, the Area Manager at Gwynedd Social Services, saying that he was ‘enclosing a self-explanatory letter’ from Alun Davies and telling W.O. Rees that he hoped he’d be able to attend on the 9th November ‘at least’. Fearns had obviously impressed someone in Gwynedd Social Services with his dedication to duty because by now he had been promoted to ‘Senior Social Worker’. He copied his letter to Mr G. Owen (Deputy Director of Social Services), Mr Rob Evans (Assistant Director of Social Services), Mr Ron Evans (Legal Dept). Fearns also wrote a letter back to Alun Davies asking for a police representative to be present at Hunter’s ‘case conference’ ‘as agreed at the planning meeting’.

Now Dr X needed some evidence. On October 27 1989 Dr X’s wife wrote to Alun Davies telling him that I’d ‘entered the seminar room’ and ‘although [i] did not verbally or physically threaten me I felt frightened by her demeanour. Dr Devakumar, Dr Jay and Dr Raj, two junior doctors and Mrs Sheila Jenkins (social worker) were in the room and they all agreed with me that they found her presence threatening. Those who have seen her before felt that her demeanour was more threatening than before’. Dr X’s wife also noticed that I ‘made a comment’ about Dr Dafydd Alun Jones as I left the room. So although I didn’t threaten anyone in any way, I was still threatening – and I was even more threatening than the last time that I didn’t threaten anyone. Which was obviously why Dr X’s wife’s letter continued to explain that they rang PC Bill Jones who told them that should I be seen in the vicinity again, they were to ring the police station immediately and they will respond to the call as quickly as possible (presumably after the police had finished crying tears of laughter at all these ‘experienced psychiatrists’ ringing them up every time that I didn’t threaten anyone).

But Dr X’s wife needed expert advice now that I hadn’t threatened anyone yet again. On 30 October 1989 she wrote to Dr I.M. Sanderson at the Medical Defence Union. She noted that I’d ‘not paid much attention’ to her and ‘certainly not in any direct way’, but I’d entered their meeting and made references to staff assaulting patients – I had a ‘rolled-up newspaper’ with me and she and her colleagues all thought that I probably was concealing a knife inside it. I was also ‘hurling abuse about Dr DA Jones’. I note that the first time she reported this terrorist attack, Dr X’s wife recorded that I’d merely ‘made a comment’ about Dafydd Alun Jones.

I presume that Dr Hunter’s jolly must have gone ahead as planned on November 8 and 9, although I haven’t found any documents recording what happened there. However on November 10 1989, H. Ellis Hughes, County Secretary and Solicitor, wrote to Keith Fearns, stating that ‘further to the meeting at Ysbyty Gwynedd on Thursday 9 November….if you would provide me with a full and precise statement of any involvement that you have had with [me] and of problems created by her constant harassment of your staff’. H. Ellis Hughes then kindly gives Fearns a list of things that he’d like Fearns to include in this statement and gives instructions regarding the sort of things that are admissible in Court. He asks Fearns if there’s anyone else in the Arfon Team apart from Jackie Brandt who has had ‘direct involvement’ with me and ‘who should make a statement’. Fearns is asked to give the matter his ‘urgent attention’…. So Fearns was preparing to swear an Affidavit about me – someone whom he’d never met.

I was glad to see that the north Wales mental health services ended 1989 in the way that they’d begun it – by complaining about me ‘harassing them’. On December 28, Dafydd Alun Jones rang the police and ‘dictated’ a statement about me over the phone to the Senior Officer at the Police Stations in Denbigh and Bangor. He also read out the statement to Alun Davies and Dr Peter Higson. Jones believed that I was going to gate-crash a New Year’s Eve party that he was going to hold. On the basis of absolutely no evidence at all.

But all the hard work hadn’t been in vain. Dr Hunter had come up with the required judgement – but I only discovered this last week when my lawyer sent me the latest batch of documents (indeed I only learnt of the existence of Dr Hunter last week.) That will be the subject of a future blog post.

There were more surprises in store for me in 1990….

Previous blog posts have noted that odd things happening to me in north Wales were frequently happening in parallel with Alison Taylor trying to raise concerns that there was serious abuse of children happening in north Wales throughout the region’s social services. At the time that Dr X and his colleagues were calling upon the services of Dr Chris Hunter, Yorkshire TV had started filming a programme about child abuse in north Wales, featuring Alison Taylor. All that was happening to me at the time was happening with the full knowledge of lawyers from the Welsh Office, Gwynedd County Council and the Medical Defence Union. Indeed, they were advising these people who were abusing so many – and these lawyers knew that I was alleging abuse and criminal activity in the mental health services because I described what was happening again and again in my letters. Letters that those lawyers – and Dr Hunter – had scoured for ‘evidence’ of my ‘dangerousness’. Just to emphasise – the people reading my letters detailing criminal activity in the mental health services in north Wales were LAWYERS.

 

 

 

 

 

 

THE BLOG POST THAT WAS HACKED CAN NOW BE READ

Last night one of my blog posts was hacked. I have now taken advice and am happy to say that I have reposted the post (below) that was hacked. Many thanks to the concerned readers who e mailed me. This is a message for one of them, Pete, who is currently in India – Pete, I tried to reply to your e mail but the message inexplicably bounced saying that it couldn’t be delivered to your address. Can you e mail me again on a different address so that I can try and reply to that? Or correspond with me via the comments section on the blog? Thanks.

 

 

My previous blog posts ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ and ‘An Expert From England’ describe the flurry of correspondence behind the scenes regarding me that was happening in the wake of my complaints about the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. I was completely unaware of just how frantic this activity had been until last week when my lawyers released files that I had not seen before. Dr James Earp, the ‘independent expert’ from Leicester, had been tasked with writing a report about me for Bangor Magistrates Court after the mental health services in north Wales moved mountains to bring a charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ against me. Earp compiled and submitted his report in the autumn of 1987, by which time I was living in Leicester. I was unable to visit the Bangor area until the court case had been heard because of my bail conditions. (Since moving away from north Wales I had remained a regular visitor because I enjoyed hill walking.) Although I was no longer living in north Wales it seemed that a lot of people in north Wales were still taking a very big interest in me, some of these being people whom I had never heard of, let alone met. The recently released files contain scores of documents compiled by such people, demonstrating just how frenetic the correspondence and meetings about me were. The documents also reveal a degree of collusion between various people and organisations that I had been completely unaware of. Although I didn’t know these people at the time, I do recognise some of their names now – their names have featured in connection with the investigations into the serious abuse of children in care in north Wales. One of these people was Lucille Hughes, then Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Hughes was named in the Waterhouse Report as knowing about the paedophile ring operating in Gwynedd Social Services but failing to act. She ‘retired’ on the eve of the publication of the Waterhouse Report. I was told many years ago that Lucille Hughes was a former partner of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and had remained on good terms with him. She now sits on the Board of Trustees of CAIS, the charity that Jones founded and still chairs. Interestingly enough, despite all these meetings and correspondence about me, the one thing that no-one was doing was attempting to investigate the very serious complaints that I had made about the mental health services in north Wales. Instead it seems that a huge well-oiled machine went into action to ensure that my complaints were never investigated and to paint a picture of me as a phenomenally dangerous nutter. There was a key player involved in this in a way that I had never before realised – Dr X from Ysbyty Gwynedd. (For more background on Dr X please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’. I am not naming him on this blog because he killed himself some four years ago and his widow, who was also a psychiatrist at Ysbyty Gwynedd, is still alive and living in north Wales.)

Whilst I was in Leicester I continued to pursue my complaints about the mental health services. This did not go unnoticed, although no-one was replying to my letters. The files released from my lawyers however have given me some idea of what was going on behind the scenes.

On 7 January 1988, Lucille Hughes wrote to Jackie Brandt and Keith Fearns to inform them that ‘today’ I had made a complaint about Brandt. Brandt had sectioned me in Ysbyty Gwynedd on 17 Sept 1986 and my representations about her gross incompetence were being ignored. (Please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ for details regarding this event.) I was getting nowhere with either Gwynedd Health Authority or the Mental Health Act Commission. So I wrote to Gwynedd Social Services who employed Brandt. Fearns was the co-ordinator of the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, one of Brandt’s colleagues. I had never heard of him at the time that Lucille Hughes wrote this letter to him, but I later did encounter him (please see blog post ‘The Arfon Community Mental Health Team’ for more background on Fearns and his dreadful conduct) and heard many first hand accounts of his intimidating, aggressive, unpleasant behaviour. Fearns survived as a social worker in Gwynedd for decades, but some years ago he and his ‘team’ were finally investigated and I was told that he was dismissed for serious neglect of patients. He now works as a CBT therapist and has even written a book about CBT such is his expertise.

Although Fearns had never met me, on the day that Lucille wrote to him and Brandt notifying them that I’d complained about Brandt, Fearns wrote a letter to Alun Davies (Administrator for the psychiatric services at Ysbyty Gwynedd) telling him that he knew that Davies was ‘collecting examples of [my] behaviour’ and that he hoped that Davies ‘will add these to your list’ (there is no indication in the files as to what these ‘examples’ are). Fearns stated that they wanted a ‘procedure’ to prevent me from entering the building where the Arfon Team were based and that ‘we would of course seek the assistance of the police in exploring any authority policy to preclude her access’. So upon receiving my complaint about Brandt, rather than responding to the complaint, the first reaction of Gwynedd Social Services was to collude with Alun Davies (who had been involved in the sectioning of me by Brandt) and to call for police ‘assistance’.

On January 27 1988 Brandt wrote to Mr W. Oswyn Rees (Area Officer for Arfon Area Office, Gwynedd Social Services) defending her conduct on the day that she sectioned me. Brandt’s letter was also signed by Fearns. This letter was copied to Mr R. Evans (I assume that this is a reference to Rob Evans, Assistant Director, Gwynedd Social Services) and Mr R. Evans (Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Offices).

The files contain a copy of a letter to Alun Davies from H. Ellis Hughes, the County Secretary and Solicitor for Gwynedd County Council, dated 9 February 1988, although this letter contains the instruction to ‘ask for Ron Evans’. The letter is regarding me writing to Brandt and asks Davies for ‘information that you might consider useful’. However there is a handwritten note on this letter saying ‘sent on 22/2/88 R’. Presumably ‘R’ is Ron. But why did Ron not send this letter until 22 February if it was typed up on the 9 February? Here’s a clue. The files contain another document dated 22 February 1988, that is a ‘report’ written by Bob Ingham, a CPN with the Arfon Team. This ‘report’ is Ingham’s version of a visit that I made to the Arfon Team’s offices in an attempt to get some answers from Brandt. I remember the incident well. Ingham wedged himself in the hall to bar my way and at one point grabbed me by the arm and dragged me along for a few yards. I told him that he was assaulting me and he then rang the police to report me for ‘threatening’ them all. When I asked him who he was he refused to tell me but just said ‘I’m in charge here’. The police did not arrest me because they were of the opinion that I hadn’t broken any law. Ingham’s report states that Brandt ‘had been advised’ not to speak to me or answer my letters. Ingham notes that he ‘liased with Ysbyty Gwynedd’ about the incident and that he spoke to Mr Campbell and Dr X about the situation. Mr Campbell was presumably Mr D. Campbell, Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd and Dr X was the psychiatrist who told Brandt to section me on September 17 1986.

On 2 March 1988  Fearns wrote a letter to W. Oswyn Rees (the Arfon Area Officer, Gwynedd Social Services) referring to me having been bound over to keep the peace. (This had been the result of the charge of ‘threatening behaviour’ that the mental health services had brought against me.) Fearns states in his letter to Rees that ‘the staff group here would therefore strongly urge both [Gwynedd] County Council and the area Health Authority to pursue this matter legally as [my] behaviour appears to be in breach [of court orders] and as such may be interpreted as contempt of court…’ Now I do not remember any Court Orders against me at that time that I was breaching by either writing to Brandt or visiting her office. Yet a man who had never met me was urging legal action against me by both Gwynedd Social Services and Gwynedd Health Authority, allegedly at the behest of a ‘staff group’ most of whom I’d also never met except for one whom I’d made a complaint about. Fearns’s letter was copied to Rob Evans (Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services) and Ron Evans (of the Legal Dept, Gwynedd County Council). One week later, on 9 March 1988, Lucille Hughes (Director, Gwynedd Social Services) wrote to the County Secretary and Solicitor, but sent it as FAO Ron Evans of the Legal Dept. Lucille made reference to a copy of a ‘report’ by Fearns of 2 March, regarding me visiting the Arfon Team’s offices on 22 February 1988. (So Fearns had helpfully compiled a ‘report’ about an incident that he did not witness and which occurred when he was not even in the building.) Lucille asks Ron ‘Do you feel that all appropriate steps have now been taken to protect our staff…Can you advise on any aspect of the case which you feel still causes you concern?’ A copy of this letter was sent to W. Oswyn Rees – who of course the week before had been urged by Fearns to prosecute me for contempt of court. And it seems that Ron Evans from Gwynedd County Council’s Legal Dept was right at the centre of all this – and there seemed to be a hotline between Lucille Hughes and Ron.

In June 1988 I was admitted to one of the psychiatric wards in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I was visiting north Wales. For once this was not as a result of unscrupulous people breaking the law, but as a result of a very helpful nursing officer who used to work at Ysbyty Gwynedd (the same nursing officer mentioned in blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’ who, after a junior doctor made a statement to the police maintaining that I had ‘attempted to stab him’ saved my bacon by making a statement saying that he was in the room at the time and I had done no such thing). I was depressed with suicidal feelings and accepted the nursing officer’s offer of a bed on the ward – of course I had no idea at the time what was happening behind the scenes and my perception then was that the main problem in north Wales was Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and his regime at Denbigh and to a lesser extent an incompetent social worker and a number of junior doctors who didn’t know what they were doing. Whilst I was on the ward, the consultant who had been allocated to me on a temporary basis wrote to another consultant who was taking over my care. On 23 June she wrote to a Dr Devakumar stating that ‘[I had] been relatively co-operative whilst on the ward…..she claims and expresses continued paranoid ideas regarding one particular consultant psychiatrist’. I presume that she was referring to Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. This statement is fascinating because the doctor who wrote it used to work at the North Wales Hospital herself and found things there so horrific that she worked very hard to escape to Ysbyty Gwynedd.

Among the documents from the files there is also another letter that seems to have been written in the summer of 1988. This is a letter from Dr X to his solicitor Ann Ball of Hempsons, the lawyers used by the Medical Defence Union. The letter from Dr X indicates that although Ann Ball had advised him to take no further legal action against me he was clearly thinking of asking her to invoke his existing injunction against me. (For the background as to how this injunction was obtained please see blog post ‘A Very Cosy Relationship – and Some Serious Smears’.) This was not the only letter that I have read written by Dr X and his wife demonstrating that they were ignoring their own legal advisors. There were angry letters written by them in previously released files berating their legal advisors for not understanding how ‘dangerous’ I was when Dr X and his wife were being told very frankly by their lawyers that they seemed to be over-reacting.

Dr X was not the only person over-reacting. There is a truly splendid letter written by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) dated 24 June 1988. This letter is Jones’s rather florid account of an encounter that he had with me in an open-plan secretaries office in Ysbyty Gwynedd when I asked him some questions that he didn’t want to answer. He made a fist and raised his arm and I thought that I was about to get thumped – so I told him that it wouldn’t be a good idea to assault me because there were witnesses present (although from what these documents suggest, Jones could have murdered me on the spot and no-one would have remembered seeing a thing). Jones lowered his arm and with a wonderful bit of ham-acting asked one of the secretaries to call someone to ‘accompany Sally back to the ward’. But Jones’s letter tells a somewhat different story. He states that ‘ [I] accosted [him] in a menacing way in the typing pool…she has repeatedly made threats and there is a general feeling among the consultant psychiatrists that she is a potential hazard…it is disturbing that she is able to wander seemingly at will and quite unsupervised…when she is quite obviously a problem of grave concern…’ Jones continues in a similar vein, alleging that Ysbyty Gwynedd is attempting to do a job for which it is not equipped ie. cater for a dangerous nutter like me. There is a letter dated 29 June to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) written by Mr D. Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd) which is clearly a response to the rant that Jones had sent a few days earlier. Mr Campbell refers to a memorandum that Jones had sent Huw Thomas and comments that he is ‘concerned about the second paragraph’ and refers to a conversation with a nursing officer ‘about his remarks to Dr Jones’, so there was obviously some allegations flying around between the staff. Mr Campbell states that I was a voluntary patient ‘and there was no need to confine her to the ward. Indeed any such confinement would have been illegal…supervision was relaxed as she was not seen as being a danger, either to herself or others…she has long-harboured a dislike of Dr Jones. Unfortunately their paths crossed and she took the opportunity to ‘bend his ear’…’ Mr Campbell copied this letter to a Mr J Caddell, Dr DA Jones, Dr X’s wife, Alun Davies and a nursing officer.

Mr Campbell’s letter to Huw Thomas seemed to have tipped Jones over the edge. On 5 July Jones wrote to Huw Thomas ‘I think this patient is potentially dangerous. I speak from extensive experience in working with patients with personality disorder and with the experience probably of more forensic work than many general psychiatrists. You may possibly be aware of occasions when she has seemingly offered menace to other doctors…several members of staff…have been subject to her verbal threats and persistent harassment…at least 5 or 6 names spring to mind as having been given cause for perturbation. The third paragraph of this letter is quite unacceptable. It was well known that she was lying in wait for me at my clinic….To suggest that there was a casual crossing of paths is quite misleading. I do not understand what Mr Campbell wishes to convey by his expression…’bend his ear’. There was certainly a distinct air of menace…This paragraph is distorted to the point of impertinence….This is a grotesque distortion of events….and misses the point of the potential hazard. I wrote to you in grave concern….this young woman may commit grave injury to herself or to some other person. I am sending copies of this correspondence to my consultant colleagues. I think there is danger in this case and I think the tone of this letter is quite unacceptable.’ Jones copied this letter to Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Mr D. Campbell, Alun Davies and a nursing officer. So this was what happened when someone dared challenge Jones, although that person was in a senior role himself – the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd. (It is interesting that Jones relies on his ‘extensive experience’ with ‘personality disorder’ and ‘forensic’ patients to try and pull rank. One reason why Jones had such vast ‘experience’ was that he constantly diagnosed patients as having ‘personality disorders’, denounced them as ‘dangerous’ and had them arrested. Thus he constructed himself as an ‘expert’ in such matters.

It seems that Jones’s tactics had been very effective. Two days later, 7 July 1988, a letter was sent to Alun Davies from Dr X and Dr Devakumar. There was a reference to the correspondence that had been exchanged ‘about the recent upsetting incident involving [me]’ and a meeting was requested ‘between consultant medical staff especially Dr Jones who seems most at risk and the administration possibly with legal advisors also present’. Although this letter was signed by both Dr X and Dr Devakumar, the rest of the letter is written as though it was written by one person only. It continues ‘personally…I feel the only recourse is to law…with her history of assaults and the use of knives could lead to tragedy…Dr DA Jones has expressed his professional opinion that this lady poses a severe threat to him…the fact that she…has recently attempted to assault Dr DA Jones cannot be ignored…all the consultants would wish to see…a definite policy towards her….involve immediate police action…and recourse to an injunction both by the Health Authority and perhaps….through the Medical Defence Union…this lady is in fact a severe danger….it should be remembered that this lady has assaulted medical staff in the past….a tragedy could occur….’

So the Assistant Director of Nursing challenging Jones had resulted in the sending of letters from the consultant psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd stressing how severely dangerous I was, an opinion backed up by references to ‘assaults’ and ‘the use of knives’ – allegations which had previously been made by the psychiatrists at Ysbyty Gwynedd but had been demonstrated to be quite untrue when the police held investigations into these allegations. I note that Mr Campbell’s initial letter in which he was very clear that I was not a danger to anyone which so enraged Jones was not copied to Dr X or Dr Devakumar. Was this why they felt able to subsequently write lurid letters backing up Jones? There was clearly so much gossip and tittle tattle about me circulating around the mental health services that it would have been inconceivable that they hadn’t heard about Mr Campbell’s  letter, but if it hadn’t actually been copied to them they could plead ignorance. But a myth had been born – a myth of serious danger, of assaults and of attacks with knives. On 14 July Huw Thomas wrote to Jones thanking Jones for his letters ‘expressing your concern’ and telling him that Alun Davies was arranging a ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ on 15 July to ‘discuss the problem’. There are no documents in the files revealing who was invited to this ‘multi-disciplinary meeting’ or who said what there – but in my experience when a multi-disciplinary meeting was held in the psychiatry dept at Ysbyty Gwynedd, it meant that social workers were invited too. What’s the betting that Keith Fearns attended this meeting to ‘discuss the problem?’

On 12 August 1988, by which time the multi-disciplinary meeting had presumably taken place, Mr PM Rees, an administrator from Gwynedd Health Authority, wrote me a letter in which he stated once again that they would not release my medical records. This letter makes reference to the letters that I had previously received from Keith Best MP and Mark Robinson (Under-Secretary of State for Wales) outlining the legal position ie. that doctors are usually willing to check the accuracy of records and that decisions as to whether they should be released rests with the doctor with responsibility for the patient’s care but the decision should be made in the patient’s best interests. (Which was very obviously not happening in my case.) The files also contain a copy of a letter from Alun Davies to me written in August 1988 refusing to release my records, again mentioning Mark Robinson and Keith Best.

People were clearly busy in August 1988. The files contain two letters that are both dated 24 August 1988. One was written by Dr X to Huw Thomas (General Manager, Gwynedd Health Authority).  This letter reveals that Dr X had acquired a new status – he signs the letter in his capacity as ‘Secretary to Consultant Psychiatrists’. Dr X refers to enclosing ‘relevant correspondence’ regarding me. He also refers to a letter from Mr Park, acting for AJ Beale, Solicitors to the Welsh Health Authorities, addressed to the District General Administrator, stating ‘it is with the advice of the Welsh Office that disclosure of the notes should only take place in the context of a Court Order under Section 33 or Section 34 of the Supreme Court Act 1981. It was then the Welsh Office had advised no disclosure of these notes together with the Medical Defence Union. It is the opinion of all the psychiatrists and the GP involved that disclosure of these notes would be harmful to the individual concerned…in view of the fact that this individual has a criminal record with two convictions for breach of the peace and assault…’ Dr X then mentions ‘two assaults against junior medical staff and an assault against a consultant psychiatrist recently…’  He then goes on to grumble that they’ve received no ‘legal guidance and protection’ and will therefore seek involvement of BMA representation. This letter which once more makes reference to assaults that never happened also manages to lie about my ‘criminal record’ – a criminal record that was only ever gained in the first place because Dr X and his colleagues insisted on pressing charges against me for ridiculous ‘offences’. This is then used to justify refusing me access to my records – records which we now know contained details of law breaking and the most unscrupulous behaviour by mental health professionals in collusion with numerous other people. Dr X copied this letter to Dr X’s wife, Dr Devakumar, Dr DA Jones, Dr DGE Wood (my former GP, who had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams the lobotomist, but who seemed to be still taking a very big interest me), Dr WB Davies (BMA) and Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority).

The other letter written on the same date was sent to Dr DJC Davies, Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority (who had been copied into Dr X’s letter described above), from Mr AH Chadwick of the BMA. Chadwick’s letter refers to a meeting in Dr DJC Davies’s office on 8 July 1988. This was the day after Dr X and Dr Devakumar sent the florid letter to Alun Davies regarding the danger that I posed to DA Jones, following Jones’s hissy fit when his idiocy had been challenged by the Assistant Director of Nursing. Chadwick writes ‘I expressed extreme concern re the antics of the above named lady. I also registered my concern with the apparent lack of positive involvement by the administrators at Ysbyty Gwynedd. I have today been requested by the four Consultant Psychiatrists for urgent assistance re the ongoing matter….received further alarming reports…informed of incidents of physical violence against both medical staff…there is an urgent need to arrange a meeting…between interested parties…legal representation from the Welsh Office and from the North Wales Constabulary are essential…If we do not receive a positive response to this letter by Friday 9 September we shall not hesitate to vigorously pursue this matter elsewhere.’

So the BMA were enlisted to exert yet more muscle regarding the battle against the ‘dangerous psychiatric patient’ – who happened to have made some very serious complaints about the people who were telling as many people as possible how dangerous she was. And those complaints had still not been investigated.

But the pressure was working. On 2 September Mr PM Rees wrote to Dr X about me. The letter refers to the letter that Dr X wrote to Huw Thomas (General Manager of Gwynedd Health Authority) on 22 August and states that it ‘has been passed to me for my attention’. He continues ‘you will…be aware that Dr Cedric Davies has received a letter…from Mr Chadwick of the BMA. I enclose a copy of a letter I have today sent to Mr Chadwick…I am attempting to arrange a meeting with representatives of the Legal Dept and the North Wales Police as requested’. Mr Rees reiterates that there is ‘no intention’ to disclose my notes to me. This letter was copied to Huw Thomas as well as to the Chief Administrative Legal Officer and Alun Davies.

Mr PM Rees wrote another letter on 14 September, this time to Dr Devakumar, confirming that he had ‘as requested, through the BMA, arranged a meeting with Chief Inspector Parry of North Wales Police to discuss the problems posed by [me]’. Rees states that he hopes that Devakumar attends the meeting on 18 September. He continues ‘I have been in contact with the Authorities Legal Advisor Mr Andrew Park in the Welsh Office…[who] needs further information about [me]…he will be willing to travel to Bangor to discuss matters personally’. This letter was copied to the Chief Administrative Medical Officer, to Alun Davies and to AH Chadwick of the BMA.

All this was not sufficient for Alun Davies however. One of the documents from the files is a note from him dated 30 September in which he makes reference to an article that he has seen in the Times regarding ‘a new criminal offence – poison pen letters which may be appropriate for this particular case’. The files contain another (undated) document compiled by Alun Davies which seems to have been written about this time. This is a letter from Davies to Chief Inspector Parry, North Wales Police, Bangor, stating that he is enclosing ‘a copy of a letter’ from me to Jones. Davies makes reference to Parry ‘advising’ them recently.

 By this time the mental health services in north Wales might have had a reason to have been going into overdrive and working very hard to involve as many people as possible to promote the myth that I was a dangerous nutter who should not be believed at any costs. Because my complaints had not been investigated properly by either the Mental Health Act Commission or Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, I had requested an Independent Professional Review. I’m not sure if this option still exists in the UK NHS complaints procedure, but back then, if a serious complaint had not been resolved to the satisfaction of the patient, one could request an Independent Professional Review, in which the complaint would be reviewed by independent practitioners from outside the geographical area. I think that the granting of such a Review was discretionary – I seem to remember someone telling me that someone must have been very concerned at what had happened to me for me to have been granted an Independent Professional Review. I hoped that finally, some light would be shed on the appalling practices in north Wales. The man appointed to set up the Review was a Professor Robert Owen, a surgeon from Cardiff. I met Professor Owen and he gave me the impression of being someone who was very unhappy with what seemed to have been going on and who was determined to get to the bottom of it. I remember him commenting to me that ‘David Jones [Dafydd Alun Jones’s real name] may run rings around everyone else but he’s not going to run rings around me’. Internally I breathed a sigh of relief. However, something was happening that Brown always told me that he suspected was going on but that I had no evidence of until I read the newly released documents last week. Professor Owen was doing an awful lot of communicating with the people whom he was investigating and their colleagues.

The files reveal that on 28 November 1988 Dr X wrote to Dr DJ Jones, Area General Manager for  Clwyd Health Authority. Dr X makes reference to the fact that the Medical Ombudsman was now involved in my case ‘and that you are due to set up some form of enquiry into her care’. Dr X maintained that ‘consultation should take place between all parties because of the legal ramifications and history of assault…I enclose a summary of this lady’s behaviour up until August 1988. Since then Gwynedd Health Authority have met with Mr Park of the Welsh Office…Police are involved under the Malicious Communications Act…the Medical Defence Union are involved to enforce a High Court injunction’. Dr X expresses ‘concern’ that no contact regarding the enquiry has been made with Ysbyty Gwynedd or Brandt. He continues ‘the clinical notes should not be released to this patient by anybody…based on the advice of the Welsh Office Legal Department…it is felt by medical staff that serious harm might result to the patient and to others if they were released in any form…we would all be grateful for a clarification as to the nature and scope of the enquiry by the Ombudsman…I would be happy to provide any information as I am sure other colleagues would….it is important that he seeks it prior to proceeding any further…’ Dr X then bangs on about the risk that I was to staff. This letter was copied to Dr DJC Davies, Dr DA Jones, Alun Davies, Dr WB Davies (BMA) and the Medical Defence Union. So Dr X, who by now had a track record of making serious allegations about me that everyone, himself included, knew were not true, was offering ‘information’ to the enquiry and indeed stating that the Ombudsman shouldn’t proceed further until he had sought this ‘information’. Dr X introduces in this letter another allegation – that of police involvement under the Malicious Communications Act. I have never been charged with any offence under that Act – presumably my communications were not considered malicious enough. Dr X mentions the involvement of the Medical Defence Union to enforce an injunction – yet I have copies of letters demonstrating that Dr X was ignoring the advice of lawyers from the MDU with regard to this.

 Another document constitutes Gwynedd Health Authority notes made at a meeting held with the Welsh Office Legal Dept on 14 December 1988 regarding me. The following people were present at this meeting: Alun Davies, A Park (solicitor, from the Legal Dept at the Welsh Office), Dr X, Dr X’s wife, Dr DA Jones, Dr DJC Davies (Chief Administrative Medical Officer, Gwynedd Health Authority), Mr G Palmer (Chief Administrative Nursing Officer), Mr D Campbell (Assistant Director of Nursing), a nursing officer, Chief Inspector G Lloyd (North Wales Police), Robin Williams (administrator). Dr X and Dafydd Alun Jones ‘outlined in detail to Mr Park their involvement with [me[‘. Chief Inspector G Lloyd mentioned the Malicious Communications Act and stated that mail from me should be referred to the police ‘with a view to prosecuting [me] under this legislation’. Mr Park advised an injunction.

 So the people whom I had complained about or had vigorously supported those whom I had complained about all had a meeting with the legal representative from the Welsh Office and were offering ‘information’ to the man charged with setting up the investigation into my complaint. Mr Park from the Welsh Office was a lawyer – presumably he was therefore aware of how often the mental health services had broken the law in my case.

 But the mental health services clearly didn’t feel that they’d done quite enough to cover their tracks just yet. On 20 December 1988 Alun Davies wrote to PM Rees stating that he was forwarding my case notes and correspondence to Professor Owen. Davies states in this letter that before I was admitted to Denbigh, Dr DA Jones saw me at Bangor Police Station. This is not true. Jones did not see me or assess me in any way before I was admitted to Denbigh – he only turned up to speak to me several days after I’d been admitted. So Jones did of course break the law – people can only be detained under the Mental Health Act after they have been assessed by the appropriate people. No-one assessed me at all. So Professor Owen was about to be told another whopper.

An internal memorandum from Alun Davies dated 22 December 1988 was sent to the following people: Dr X, Mrs J Evans (who I think was a lawyer), a nursing officer, Dr DGE Wood, Mr PM Rees. Davies states ‘I have been contacted by Professor Owen who has been nominated to chair a Medical Review Enquiry Panel concerning complaints made by [me] to Clwyd Health Authority who in turn referred the matter to the Welsh Office Complaints Dept. Prof Owen believes that it would be helpful to have an informal meeting to discuss [me] and I therefore invite you to a meeting…on 4 Jan 1989….’ Davies notes that if anyone’s unable to attend, another date will be arranged.

So Professor Owen was appointed by the Welsh Office to investigate my complaint – after lawyers employed by the same Welsh Office had spent many, many months providing legal advice to the people that I was complaining about and telling them that under no circumstances should they release my records to me.

But there was someone else who was also keen to speak to Professor Owen. On 29 December 1988, Debra Lewis, secretary to Alun Davies, sent a letter to Professor Owen. In the letter she explained that she had been contacted by Dr DGE Wood, who couldn’t attend the meeting. (Regular readers will remember that it was DGE Wood who effectively started the ball rolling regarding me and the mental health services. Whilst I was still an undergrad, Wood had referred me to Dr T. Gwynne Williams, a retired lobotomist from the North Wales Hospital Denbigh. Wood subsequently told me that I ‘wasn’t allowed’ to complain when I raised extreme dissatisfaction with Williams.) Wood had left a message for Professor Owen telling him that Wood ‘has many details and correspondence he would like to discuss with you’. Wood was so keen to discuss these details and correspondence with Professor Owen that he provided a phone number and details of the morning which he’d left free in his diary in order for Prof Owen to ring him. I noticed something else interesting on this letter, which was sent to Prof Owen’s home address. I had assumed that Prof Owen lived in or near Cardiff. But he didn’t – he lived at Colwyn Bay. Not a million miles away from Denbigh. And in the area that was at that time covered by Clwyd Health Authority. So Professor Owen would have known all about Denbigh and Jones and the horrifying anecdotes doing the rounds locally. He would also have been living in close proximity to all the senior people in Clwyd Health Authority and may well have mixed with them socially.

So clearly the land was being carefully prepared for the ‘Independent’ Professional Review, which took place in March 1989. I shall blog about this soon.

 Previously this blog has discussed the emerging links between the problem of the serious abuse of children in care that was pervasive in north Wales and the problems in the mental health services in the region. Richard Webster wrote a now notorious book ‘The Secret of Bryn Estyn’ some years ago in which he maintained that the ‘secret’ was that there was no paedophile ring at all and that Bryn Estyn was merely another rather mediocre children’s home. Webster died a few years ago, but a blog that he wrote is still available online and is obviously being maintained by someone. This blog’s purpose seems to be to throw mud at Alison Taylor, the Gwynedd social worker who blew the whistle on the abuse that was happening. However, Webster’s blog very helpfully provides a ‘North Wales Timeline’ which lists a series of dates on which various events happened https://secretofbrynestyn.wordpress.com/north-wales-abuse-timeline-2/

It is interesting to compare the dates of certain happenings on Webster’s timeline with happenings in my life at those times. For example, at about the time when Jones was unlawfully banging me up in Denbigh, Alison Taylor was being investigated and was then suspended by her employers, Gwynedd Social Services. At about the same time that Alison Taylor was telling Margaret Thatcher that there was serious abuse happening in children’s services managed by the social services in north Wales, I was writing to Thatcher’s Ministers alleging that serious abuses were happening in the mental health services in north Wales. Alison Taylor was dismissed by Gwynedd County Council just a few weeks before Lucille Hughes busied herself writing letters about me and asking Ron Evans, a lawyer employed by Gwynedd County Council, if he had any ‘advice’ regarding me. At the beginning of 1988 Alison Taylor wrote to Tony Newton, the Health Minister, describing a brutal assault that she’d witnessed. At the beginning of 1988 Lucille Hughes and Keith Fearns started taking a very big interest in gathering ‘information’ about me in partnership with people from the mental health services with a view to bringing the full force of the law down upon my head despite the noticeable lack of serious crimes for which I had been convicted. Webster’s timeline also mentions that in 1988 Gordon Anglesea, the notorious former North Wales police officer who was last year imprisoned for abusing youngsters in care in north Wales but who has since died in prison, was promoted to Superintendent in the North Wales force in Colwyn Bay. The HQ of the North Wales Police was at that time in Colwyn Bay. As was Professor Owen. Webster’s timeline also mentions a man called Frank Beck, and notes that an investigation into Beck’s offending began in March 1989. Beck was a social worker in Leicester who was later convicted of serious offences against children. Allegations of organised child abuse in Leicester were made, involving other people as well as Beck, including Lord Greville Janner, a former Leicester MP. After Beck was convicted, a report was compiled that was highly critical of the management of Leicester Social Services in the 1070s and 80s. Social services work hand in hand with the mental health services in the UK. The first ‘independent expert’ who wrote a court report about me regarding my problems with the mental health services in north Wales who seemed to miss what was staring him in the face was Dr James Earp. Earp worked in Leicester.

I want to relate one more memory here that always troubles me. Readers may remember that some of the correspondence about me detailed in this post was copied to a man called Rob Evans, Assistant Director of Gwynedd Social Services. I met Rob Evans in person many years later when I eventually discovered the extent of Keith Fearns’s intervention in my life and complained about it. It was very obvious to me that Keith Fearns could have had Rob Evans for breakfast. As Rob Evans flailed around trying to find excuses for Fearn’s dreadful behaviour, he gave me a little speech about how practice in social work changes. As an example, Evans told me that when he worked in child ‘protection’, he used to take away the children’s shoes because if he didn’t they’d run away from the children’s home. Much more recently, I was reading the evidence that the people who were abused in children’s homes in north Wales gave at the trials. One man remembered not being able to run away from the home where he was being molested because his shoes had been taken away.