Those Who Are Ready To Serve

Some of my recent posts eg. ‘The Village’ and ‘The Turn Of The Screw’ and additions to my posts by the use of the ‘comments’ facility have mentioned how a number people in Somerset with links to the Tory Party who knew me before I went to UCNW (Bangor University) in 1981 found out about my battles with Dafydd and the sex trafficking gang and put this information to good use, receiving large quantities of dosh from persons unknown in return for their silence in the face of the horrific things which were happening to me and my friends as well as in return for their silence if I went to prison or was found dead.

I continue to receive information about – and yet more names of – those who knew me who decided to take advantage. I did notice at the time that a number of people whom I’d known in Somerset seemed to do spectacularly well for themselves, inexplicably so.  I have been told that less fortunate people who knew Brown and me who drifted into petty crime were paid to smear us and for info, but it was of course those who aspired and with influential connections whom I have been told really spotted the potential.

So let me introduce one of my playmates from when I was about six yrs old, along with some information regarding her later career – Janet Mitchell. Janet was Janet Sims when I knew her and most unusually for a girl in Somerset in those days, Janet became an engineer. Janet’s dad Fred Sims was a lecturer in mechanics at Bridgwater College. Janet wanted to follow in her dad’s footsteps, but had rather more academic aspirations so she aimed for an engineering degree. She didn’t do very well in her A levels, so she didn’t go to university after the sixth form, she took up an apprenticeship and completed academic qualifications when she was a bit older.

In 1982 Janet began working as an engineer at Westland Helicopters in Yeovil. Westland was a company which struggled all the way through the 1970s. It was a major news item on ‘Points West’ if somebody actually bought a helicopter, or even looked as though they might be reaching for their chequebook. In mid-1980s, by the time that Brown and I had begun writing to Ministers and the GMC about the Top Docs et al in north Wales, Westland became world famous as a result of the then Secretary of State for Defence Michael Heseltine’s robust support for the ailing company. People in Somerset thought it entirely reasonable that Heseltine seemed to be staking his career on the future of Westland, but the big wigs in politics and the London-based media ranted on about Heseltine’s inexplicable interest in a ‘small West Country company’.  It was a company which employed my former childhood playmate who’s mum and a few others knew what was happening to me at the hands of a branch of the Westminster Paedophile Ring and that had at some point been brought to Heseltine’s attention. Securing Heseltine’s backing was a real coup for Westland, it ailed no more and Janet’s career soon took off like a meteorite.

 

The Westland Affair involved Thatch and Heseltine going public over a Cabinet dispute with questions raised about whether the conventions of Cabinet Gov’t were being observed and about the integrity of senior politicians.

Westland was Britain’s last helicopter manufacturer and in 1985 was to be the subject of a rescue bid. Heseltine favoured a European solution, integrating Westland with a consortium including British Aerospace (BAe), Italian (Augusta) and French companies, but Thatch and the Trade and Industry Secretary, Leon Brittan, while ostensibly maintaining a neutral stance, wanted to see Westland merge with Sikorsky, an American company.

Heseltine refused to accept Thatcher’s choice and claimed that Thatcher was refusing to allow a free ministerial discussion about the matter, even suggesting she had lied about cancelling a scheduled meeting. When Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for his European consortium, he resigned and walked out of a Cabinet meeting in Jan 1986. Brittan was then forced to resign for having (on the orders of Thatcher’s aides, as he admitted some years later) previously ordered the leaking to the press of a confidential legal letter critical of Heseltine and for his lack of candour to the Commons about his efforts to persuade BAe to withdraw from Heseltine’s consortium. Thatcher’s survival as PM appeared to be in question, although she rode out the crisis. The episode was an embarrassment to Thatch’s Gov’t and undermined her reputation.

Now for the details of the scrap and those involved.

 

The rescue of Westland came as a great relief to the MPs in the area, Westland having previously been in deep trouble and an embarrassment. MPs with an interest included Tom King (Tory, Bridgwater), Paddy Ashdown (Lib Dem, Yeovil); Bob Boscawen (Tory, Somerton and Frome), David Heathcoat-Amory (Tory, Wells) and Jerry Wiggin (Tory, Weston-Super-Mare).

I have mentioned that Tom King was personally known to the people in Somerset who knew me and who received money in return for their silence, but at least one of them knew Jerry Wiggin as well and one of them aspired to get up close and personal with Paddy Ashdown, but I don’t know if that plan succeeded.

 

At the beginning of the Westland crisis Tom King was Secretary of State for Employment and his Minister of State was Sir Peter Morrison, who was abusing kids in north Wales, Cheshire as well as in other locations. On Sept 2, 1985, King was made N Ireland Secretary, where he was involved in concealing the scandal at the Kincora Boys’ Home, which was even worse than, but linked to, Dafydd and the gang in north Wales. On Sept 2, 1985, Peter Morrison was appointed Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan – who was involved in the decisions regarding Westland…

Tom King was given a peerage in 2001, the year after the Waterhouse Report was published, as the voices denouncing it as a whitewash began to fade.

 

Sir Jerry Wiggin was a farmer who was on the right of the Tory Party, a member of the Monday Club and a supporter of Ian Smith in Rhodesia. Wiggin was something of a bon viveur with his own ‘set’, usually high-living and right-wing Sir Bufton Tuftons. I remember well the Sir Buftons from my youth. Wiggin’s judgement was doubted by senior Tories and ‘Private Eye’ called him ‘Junket Jerry’ because of his frequent trips abroad. In 1981 Wiggin became a junior Minister at the Ministry of Defence, covering the armed forces; it was left to him to defend the withdrawal of the naval ice patrol ship Endurance from the South Atlantic, which is often seen as having been the trigger for the Argentine invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Wiggin was dismissed from the post a year later. On the eve of a Gov’t reshuffle in June 1983, Wiggin anticipated a promotion and was surprised to be sacked. Despite his pleading and invocation of his experience as a major in the TA, Thatch was unmoved. It was speculated that she may have heard rumours that Wiggin was something of a ‘chancer’ who had diverted an RAF helicopter to visit a girlfriend. At the time, he and his wife Rosemary Orr had recently divorced and Wiggin claimed massive trauma.

Wiggin’s son from his first marriage, William, the Conservative MP for Leominster from 2001, was a year ahead of David Cameron at Eton and married a former girlfriend of Cameron’s. Wiggin’s son Thomas is an asset manager and his daughter Audrey an ‘executive coach’. Wiggin married for a second time in 1991 when Morella Bulmer – who had previously married into the family of the cider group – became his wife.

After Wiggin’s sacking, he ‘seemed to nourish a grudge’ against Thatch. In 1989 he voted for Sir Anthony Meyer when Meyer made a token challenge for the leadership, an extraordinary step given Wiggin’s political views. I have no idea whether Wiggin was aware of this, but Anthony Meyer knew about the havoc that Dafydd and the gang were causing in north Wales and Meyer not only decided to wound Thatch, but also fought a battle to prevent the toxic Beata Brookes, Dafydd and Lucille’s partner in serious organised crime, from becoming the MP for Clwyd West (see post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’).

Wiggin frequently rebelled in the Commons. In 1996 he defied the Whips over the Firearms Bill, which tightened the use of guns after the massacre of children in Dunblane. His objection was that the proposed level of compensation for those affected by the banning of firearms was inadequate, adding, ‘I am deeply ashamed of my government’. As indeed should he have been, but not for that reason.

Wiggin was knighted in 1993, at about the time (or shortly after) the North Wales Police wound up their investigation into child abuse in north Wales and announced that there was no evidence of a VIP paedophile ring in the region subjected to a high level cover-up. Wiggin retired from Parliament in 1997. Just as the Waterhouse Inquiry got going.

William Rees-Mogg, a former Editor of ‘The Times’, described Wiggin as ‘a shrewd politician — though perhaps closer to the intellectual tone of the rugby XV than of All Souls’. Mystic Mogg lived in Somerset himself whilst all this was going on.

 

I note that Jerry Wiggin was a junior Minister in the MoD at the time of the Falklands conflict. The village in Somerset where the people who knew me and received thousands of pounds in hush money also contained a family with two sons who had both joined the Army after leaving school – they both went to school with me. The older boy joined the Army first and then two years later his younger brother followed. The younger boy alleged the most terrible experiences – what would now be described as very, very serious bullying from NCOs, the sort of thing that was alleged to be happening at Deepcut. This young man was rash enough to try and give back what he was receiving – or at least claimed to be – and he belted an NCO. He was subjected to MoD disciplinary measures, but everything just backfired. He went wild, absolutely beserk, was transferred to what I think must have been a military prison and then there was some sort of Top Doc’s intervention. According to him, he was ferociously beaten constantly, kept naked in cells for days on end, denied contact with anyone etc. Eventually he was discharged and went straight home to his family, which was the first that they knew about it all, because he had not been allowed to communicate with anyone.

This young man’s father was a trade union activist – he was a farm worker who had been involved with the union for years – and he hit the roof when he heard what had happened. He approached the union movement, numerous politicians, lawyers, he really was determined to elicit an investigation into what had happened. He fought for quite a few years and got absolutely nowhere. Meanwhile, his eldest son, who seemed to get on much better in the Army, had been sent to serve in the Falklands conflict. When he returned to Somerset, he was angry and disillusioned with the Army, claiming that the other ranks had been put at risk by the incompetence of the officers and that his mates had died as a result. No-one wanted to hear what he had to say – Somerset was True Blue and nearly everyone supported Thatcher’s adventure in the South Atlantic. This man was viewed not as a voice from the front line but as a wicked traitor.

I don’t know how much substance there was in the allegations made by the two sons of this family, but I imagine that the same politicians who spent years doing the most disgusting deals in order to keep a lid on Dafydd et al crushed these two young men and their family underfoot.

 

Jerry Wiggin was the MP for Weston-super-Mare. Jeffrey Archer grew up there and his mother used to write a column on the ‘Weston Mercury’. When Archer was given a peerage, he became Lord Archer of Weston-super-Mare. I imagine that he will have retained many links with the area, despite being based in Cambridgeshire and London. Archer and his wife had a number of connections with people known to Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends (see post ‘Tuppence And His Fragrant Wife’). Peter Morrison succeeded Tuppence as Deputy Chairman of the Tory Party.

 

Paddy Ashdown, the MP for Yeovil at the time, is a former Royal Marine who was in the SBS and worked as an intelligence officer with MI6. Yeovil was Paddy’s wife Jane’s home town and in 1976 when Paddy was selected as the Liberal Party’s prospective parliamentary candidate for Yeovil, he took a job with Normalair Garrett, then part of the Westland Group. Paddy wasn’t elected until 1983. In 1981 he became a youth worker with Dorset County Council’s Youth Service, working on initiatives to help the young unemployed.

In the early 1980s, Rob Evans, the senior manager in Gwynedd Social Services with responsibility for child protection when the children’s services in Gwynedd hosted a paedophile ring, had been a social work Team Manager in Dorset. In 1992 Evans was given responsibility for managing the community mental health services in Gwynedd. Patients were threatened, assaulted and fitted up for crimes by mental health staff. The area had one of the highest suicide rates in the UK. Complaints were never investigated and even when Evans condescended to meet patients who had the most terrible experiences, Evans simply talked around the subject and nothing was ever resolved (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

 

Paddy Ashdown knew about Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith and the numerous other Parliamentary molesters. He knew about the biggest, most dangerous bag of shit of all, Kincora Boys’ Home in Belfast, as well as much else because of his work with MI6. Paddy was living the high life in Geneva before he rocked up scratching a living in Yeovil. It wasn’t an obvious career move and it is highly probable that Paddy had been deployed to the West Country by the security services because of Thorpe’s shenanigans in north Devon at the time. At the time of Westland, David Steel was leader of the Liberal Party and the Liberals had formed their Alliance with Dr Death’s bunch. David Steel was told about Cyril Smith abusing boys and ignored it and Dr Death was mates with some of the Top Docs in north Wales with whom I was having such terrible problems. Paddy became leader of the newly merged party, the Lib Dems, in 1988 and was always a one for attempting back room deals with the paedophiles’ friends in a desperate attempt to get into Gov’t.

At the time of the Westland Affair, the brother of the former Liberal MP John Pardoe lived in the same village as those receiving the dosh to keep quiet about events in north Wales. John Pardoe had been the MP for North Cornwall who lost his seat in 1979, because, it was perceived, as a result of his strong support for Jeremy Thorpe, who was at the time standing trial at the Old Bailey for conspiracy and incitement to murder Norman Scott (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). In the 1987 General Election campaign, John Pardoe was campaign manager for the SDP-Liberal Alliance. When he was at Cambridge, John Pardoe was in Footlights with Top Tosser Jonathan Miller, who was called upon himself to come to the rescue of the paedophiles’ friends of north Wales (see post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’).

I have not been told that John Pardoe’s brother was involved with those we know and love – Brown and me knew him quite well and liked him, we spent a summer working on his farm, as did friends of ours – but this was such a heap of crap with the security services and others nobbling people who knew Brown and me and either bribing them to shaft us or wrecking the lives of those who stood by us, that I would be very surprised if Robin, John Pardoe’s brother, had not been approached. Furthermore, Robin Pardoe’s son Simon was an Aberystwyth graduate who at that time was working for ILEA, an organisation which was complicit with kids from inner London being sent to children’s homes in north Wales and his daughter Rachel had recently graduated from Sussex University. I really don’t think that Dafydd’s protectors will have been able to resist the opportunity.

 

At about this time, a company which could only be described being run by crooks and spivs, FPS (Financial Planning Services), arrived in Somerset. For a short while one of the Somerset contingent known to me took a job as a ‘financial consultant’ with FPS. She was told at the time that FPS were conmen and after she had spent a few weeks working for them, this became evident. She did eventually wave a fond farewell to them, but not before she found out that one of the leading lights in FPS was a former SBS action man of a Paddy-type. The SBS man was also a complete thug who terrorised everyone and sexually exploited young women. Was he known to you Paddy? Because you were all down there near Yeovil at the same time.

If you were sent to Somerset on Lilibet’s secret service Paddy, you did a bloody awful job. DAFYDD!!?? For God’s sake, was he really worth protecting??

 

Robert Boscawen, Tory MP for Wells, was the fourth son of Evelyn Hugh John Boscawen, 8th Viscount Falmouth. Boscawen’s ancestors included PM Charles Grey, 2nd Earl Grey.

After serving in the British Army during WWII, Boscawen served during 1947-48 in Hamburg, with the British Red Cross civilian relief teams organised by his mother, Lady Falmouth, a Vice-Chairman of the Tory Party. From 1948, Boscawen spent two years with Shell Petroleum before joining the family-owned Cornish china clay business, Goonveen. He became a Lloyd’s underwriter in 1952. Boscawen’s political career began in 1948 when he joined the Young Conservatives.

Boscawen was a member of the Monday Club and was MP for Wells, 1970-83 and then, as the result of boundary changes, he moved over to the nearby constituency Somerton and Frome. Boscawen supported the restoration of capital punishment, drastic cuts in the welfare state and student grants, but opposed abortion. He also became a leading supporter of Ian Smith after Rhodesia’s Unilateral Declaration of Independence.

Boscawen was interested in the NHS and sat on its London Executive Council, 1954-65. He was on the backbenchers’ Health Services Committee and Vice-Chairman, 1974-79. So it wouldn’t have been too difficult for leading Tories to lean on Boscawen if they thought that Dafydd et al were about to be exposed.

Boscawen served as a Lord Commissioner of the Treasury from 1981. Peter Morrison had been Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1979-81, during which time Boscawen had been an Assistant Gov’t Whip.

Boscawen was Vice-Chamberlain of Her Majesty’s Household 1983-86 and Comptroller of the Royal Household until 1988. Peter Morrison’s sister Dame Mary Morrison spent most of her life as Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Lilibet.

Boscawen became a member of the Privy Council in 1992, the same year that he retired from the Commons. Days after his retirement, the Brighton firebomb killed the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal (see post ‘The Silence Of The Welsh Lambs’).

Boscawen married Mary Codrington in 1949 and they had two daughters and one son, who followed him into the Coldstream Guards. Boscawen was a rower and yachtsman. He stroked the Trinity boat and rowed in the University trial eights. He was a member of the Royal Yacht Squadron and regularly sailed in international races, including the Fastnet.

 

Now here’s a funny thing. The MP who succeeded Boscawen in 1992, days before that firebomb did its best, was Mark Robinson. Mark Robinson was the man who wrote to me when I first raised concerns about Tony Francis, Dr D.G.E. Wood and Gwynne the lobotomist witholding my medical records from me and in the case of Gwynne, altering them. At the time, Robinson was the Tory MP for usually safe Labour seat of Newport West. He ended up writing to me because in 1985 Robinson was appointed a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, under Secretary of State Nicholas Edwards and it was Robinson who wrote to me after I paid a visit to Keith Best, the Tory MP for Ynys Mon, who was not only my constituency MP, but also a Minister in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’). I had no idea at the time that Best was a crooked barrister who had previously lived in the Brighton area, had served as a Brighton Councillor when John Allen was trafficking kids in care in north Wales to brothels owned by Allen in Brighton and from the moment that Best arrived in north Wales concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang. Indeed I expect that’s why Best was sent to Ynys Mon as part of the reinforcements to assist the paedophiles’ friends.

Nicholas Edwards was still Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the Westland Affair (see posts ‘The Cradle Of Filth’ and ‘Old Nick Bites The Dust’).

Mark Robinson was born in Bristol to John Foster Robinson and Margaret, née Paterson. Mark Robinson’s father was High Sheriff of Avon in 1975, so he almost certainly knew Brown’s dad.

Dr D.G.E. Wood’s family came from Bristol, where his father worked as a Top Doctor. Wood went to medical school in Bristol. Lord David Hunt, who has spent most of his career concealing and colluding with Dafydd and the gang, did his degree in law at Bristol University and then in 1970 unsuccessfully contested Bristol South for the Tories. For some unfathomable reason, in the 1973 Birthday Honours Hunt was awarded an MBE for ‘political services in the west of England’. After unsuccessfully contesting Kingswood in 1974, Hunt was sent to contest the Wirral in a by-election in 1976 to provide back-up for Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Hunt subsequently provided the best of services to the paedophiles’ friends for decades, in his various roles at the Welsh Office and in his capacity as an international lawyer acting for the MDU and others.

By the mid-1970s, John Allen and others were flocking into north Wales purchasing isolated old buildings which were converted into children’s homes or residential schools. Nearly all of these establishments were part of the same paedophile ring. After the Children Act 1975, business really boomed. The Children Act 1975 was the work of Leo Abse who skilfully bullied and manipulated others into getting it onto the statute books. It was Dr Death who was roped into doing the crucial bit, introducing the private member’s bill that was necessary. See posts ‘Cry, The Beloved Country’ and ‘The History, Boys…’. Just before the Act was passed, Peter Morrison was selected as the Tory candidate for Chester, was then elected and a local authority reorganisation resulted in the creation of Gwynedd and Clwyd County Councils, which kicked off with Chief Executives David Alun Jones and T.M. Hadyn Rees respectively (see posts ‘I Know Nuzzing…’ and ‘Ain’t Nothing Clean – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists’). North Wales had opened for business as a production line for trafficked young people.

 

John Robinson’s family ran ES & A Robinson, the paper and packaging conglomerate that later became Dickinson Robinson Group. Apart from paper, the Robinsons were famous for cricket: Mark Robinson’s grandfather, Sir Foster Robinson, was captain of Gloucester; other members of the family played for, and captained, Gloucestershire. Mark Robinson was educated at Harrow and Christ Church, Oxford, where he read Modern History.

Mark Robinson spent six years at the UN: at the UN Relief Operation to Bangladesh; in the Office of the Under-Secretary General; and in the Office of the Secretary General, Kurt Waldheim. From 1977–83 Robinson was Assistant Director in the Office of the Commonwealth Secretary-General, who was then Sir Shridath Ramphal.

 

‘Sonny’ Ramphal was born in British Guiana. After attending schools in Georgetown, Ramphal studied law at King’s College London and was called to the bar at Gray’s Inn in 1951. So Sonny will have known Sir William Mars-Jones, who grew up in Denbighshire, a leading light at Gray’s Inn who was a mate of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse and President of UCNW. Mars-Jones and his family in north Wales provided years of protection for Dafydd et al.

As a pupil barrister Ramphal worked with the British politician and lawyer Dingle Foot. Sir Dingle Foot was born in Plymouth and was Liberal MP for Dundee, 1931-45. He joined the Labour Party in 1956 and was the Labour MP for Ipswich, 1957-70. John Allen came from Ipswich before arriving in north Wales in the late 1960s and opening the Bryn Alyn Community. Ipswich was also the base of Dr John W. Paulley and his wife. Paulley carried out harmful experimentation on his patients and Paulley’s wife ran a counselling and family therapy centre, which I suspect concealed organised abuse. Paulley was involved with the establishment of the University of Buckingham. See post ‘The International Language Of Screaming’ for further information on Paulley and his network.

Dingle Foot was Solicitor General, 1964-67, in Harold Wilson’s Gov’t. Wilson’s Gov’t concealed the abuse and criminality in north Wales and of course the sexual offences of George Thomas, who got on very well with Harold Wilson. Thomas was a junior Minister in the Welsh Office whilst Dingle was Solicitor General. The Secretary of State for Wales above Thomas was Lord Cledwyn, Labour MP for Anglesey, 1951-79 and friend of the Windbag and his extended family (see post ‘The Cradle Of Filth’).

Dingle Foot was the eldest son of Isaac Foot, solicitor and founder of the Plymouth law firm, Foot and Bowden. Isaac was Liberal MP for Bodmin, 1922-24 and again from 1929-35 and also a Lord Mayor of Plymouth. Dingle’s brother was Michael Foot, who concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang and of course of George Thomas (see post ‘Oh, No! It’s The Pathetic Sharks…’). Another brother was Lord John Foot, a Liberal politician; another was Hugh, Lord Caradon, Governor of Cyprus and British Ambassador to the UN and yet another brother was Christopher, a solicitor who joined the family firm. Dingle also had two sisters. His nephew, Hugh’s son, was the journalist Paul Foot. Who campaigned on behalf of many people experiencing injustices but not anyone who was the victim of the crimes of Dafydd and the paedophiles or their friends.

Dingle Foot died on 18 June 1978 in a hotel in Hong Kong, after choking on a bone in a chicken sandwich. I don’t know if anyone actually witnessed his death. Peter Morrison, who had been the Tory MP for Chester since 1974 and who was looking forward to a Cabinet career when his mate Thatch became PM, must have been quite relieved when old Dingle pegged out. As must have been a great many other people, who weren’t Labour supporting paedophiles like George Thomas, but were paedophiles who supported the Tories. Croesor in north Wales was a village where many radicals and activists on the left spent the summer and they knew about Dafydd and the gang (see post ‘The Village’). Bertrand Russell, who lived in nearby Penrhyndeudraeth, was friends with some of this crowd and he knew about Dafydd et al as well. I suspect that Dafydd proved quite useful to Russell. Many of the Croesor contingent were lefties who knew Michael Foot and would have been delighted to bring Thatcher down, but the problem was that many people on the left were colluding with the sexual exploitation of young people as well.

 

Dingle’s pupil barrister Ramphal also studied law at Harvard. Ramphal started his legal career as a Crown Counsel in the Attorney-General’s Office in 1953, becoming Solicitor-General and then Assistant Attorney-General of the short-lived West Indies Federation. After a period in private practice in Jamaica he returned to Guyana in 1965 to be the Attorney General. Two years later Ramphal was also appointed Minister of State in the Ministry of External Affairs, later becoming Minister of Justice (from 1973) and Minister of Foreign Affairs (from 1972). In 1975 he left Guyana to be Commonwealth Secretary-General.

Ramphal served as the Chancellor of the University of Warwick, 1989-02, was at the University of the West Indies until 2003 and was then Chancellor of the University of Guyana. In 1995, along with Swedish PM Ingvar Carlsson – who became PM after the assassination of Olof Palme in 1986 – Ramphal was one of the co-chairs of the Commission on Global Governance. In the same year, the Commission on Global Governance produced a controversial report, ‘Our Global Neighbourhood’. The report was attacked because it calling for UN reforms that would increase the UN’s power. It was also criticised for the use of the term ‘global governance’ rather than ‘world federalism’.

The Commission on Global Governance was established in 1992 with the full support of the UN Secretary-General Boutros Boutros-Ghali, who oversaw the UN at a time when it dealt with several world crises, including the breakup of Yugoslavia and the Rwandan genocide. Neither of which were the UN’s finest hour.

 

Mark Robinson’s background at the UN and Commonwealth resulted in his appointment to the Foreign Affairs Select Committee after his election for Newport West in 1983, a position he held until in 1985 when Thatch transferred him to the Welsh Office. By 1985, I had already written to the GMC about Gwynne and raised concerns with UCNW (Bangor University) regarding his presence in the Student Health Centre. By that time Mary Wynch had been given leave by the Master of the Rolls Lord Donaldson to sue Dafydd et al after she was unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre and then in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and Alison Taylor had raised concerns about the abuse of children in care in north Wales.

At the time of the Westland Affair, Mark Robinson was still a Minister in the Welsh Office, colluding with Dafydd and the gang.

Robinson lost his seat at the 1987 General Election and was re-elected in 1992 for Somerton and Frome. By that time I and my two friends who worked in the media had been hounded out of our jobs (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). Robinson was appointed PPS to the Minister for Overseas Development, Baroness Lynda Chalker and the Foreign and Commonwealth Secretary, Douglas Hurd. Robinson has since served as a Commonwealth election observer.

 

Lynda Chalker was Tory MP for Wallasey, 1974-92. Wallasey is a constituency in Dafydd’s Merseyside arm. Chalker was educated at Roedean, Heidelberg University, Queen Mary University of London and the Poly of Central London (now the University of Westminster). She worked as a statistician and market researcher, including a spell with Shell-Mex, before entering the Commons. Chalker held a number of Gov’t posts, including spell at the DHSS, 1979–82. Being a statistician, Chalker would have noticed the very high suicide rate in north Wales, the high number of deaths at Risley Remand Centre, the fact that Dafydd had more patients on 12 month sections than any other Top Doc in the UK and the enormous number of children in care from right across the UK who had been placed in the numerous children’s homes in north Wales. Chalker would have noticed the dire state of the finances at Gwynedd Health Authority and Clwyd County Council. She’d have known about Mary Wynch’s case as well because the shit hit the fan as a result of that in 1979-80.

Chalker served as a junior Minister at the Dept of Transport, 1982–83. In 1983 she became Minister of State at Transport and she was Minister for Europe, 1986-89. Professor Oliver Brooke of St George’s Hospital Medical School was jailed for the possession of child porn in Dec 1986. Brooke was a key figure in a pan-European paedophile ring and was involved in an international trade in child porn. Brooke’s colleagues at St George’s continued to facilitate and collude with Dafydd et al in north Wales and a paedophile ring in south London. John Allen owned a villa in the south of France where he took kids in care ‘for holidays’ and Dafydd ‘held clinics’ in France.

Chalker was Minister for Overseas Development and Africa, 1989-97.

In June 1974, Chalker was awarded an Honorary Citizenship from President Guebuza for services to Mozambique.

Chalker was given a peerage in 1992, after losing her seat in the General Election, days before that Brighton firebomb.

Chalker is the Founder and President of Africa Matters Limited, an ‘independent consultancy providing advice and assistance to companies initiating, developing or growing their activities in Africa’. She is a member of the international advisory board of Lafarge, a French company which produces cement, aggregates and concrete. The victims of Dafydd probably end up in their products as parts of flyovers. Chalker sits on the Board of Trustees of the Investment Climate Facility for Africa. She is a Consultant for Uganda’s Presidential Investors Roundtable (PIRT) that advises the President Yoweri Museveni of Uganda, on ways to improve Uganda’s investment climate and competitiveness.

Chalker is a founding Member of the Global Leadership Foundation, an organisation which works to ‘support democratic leadership, prevent and resolve conflict through mediation and promote good governance’ in the form of democratic institutions, open markets, human rights and the rule of law. Chalker’s having great success on that front then. The Global Leadership Foundation achieves its aims ‘by making available, discreetly and in confidence, the experience of former leaders to today’s national leaders’. Is Blair involved? It sounds like the sort of thing that would appeal to him. The Global Leadership Foundation ‘is a not-for-profit organisation composed of former heads of government, senior governmental and international organisation officials who work closely with heads of government on governance-related issues of concern to them.’

Chalker is a Member of the Board of Trustees of Sentebale, a ‘charity set-up to reach Lesotho’s neediest children, many of whom are the victims of extreme poverty and the HIV/AIDS epidemic of that area’. Chalker founded the Chalker Foundation, which seeks to support the improvement of healthcare in Africa. Somehow I doubt that the needy children of Africa are going to benefit from Lynda’s largesse.

Chalker held the position of Non-Executive Director and Chairman of the Corporate Responsibility and Reputation Committee for Unilever, retiring in May 2007 having served three terms of three years. She joined the Board of Unilever as an Advisory Director in 1998, becoming a Non-Executive Director in 2004.

Professor Fergus Lowe’s empire at the School of Psychology at Bangor University was built on the back of huge grants from the ESRC and Unilever in 1992 (see post ‘Feet In Chains’). Fungus created his empire by overthrowing Dafydd’s influence in the School and then holding everyone who had colluded with or concealed Dafydd’s crimes over a barrel. Including Liverpool University, Dafydd’s alma mater, which employed – and continues to employ – many of Dafydd’s friends and associates. Philip Lever – Lord Leverhulme – was an advisory Director of Unilever  and was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1980-93 (see post ‘Heart of Darkness’).

Dr Death was MP for Plymouth Sutton and Plymouth Devonport, 1966-92 and was friends with some of the Top Docs associated with Dafydd and the north Wales gang. The Foot family were still very much a presence in Plymouth when Dr Death was the MP down there. Dr Death was Chancellor of Liverpool University, 1996-09.

 

Lynda Chalker has served on the Africa Advisory Board of Renaissance Capital. She is a former Chairman of the Medicines for Malaria Venture and a former Non-Executive Director of Group Five. Chalker was shortlisted for the Grassroot Diplomat Initiative Award in 2015 for her work with ‘Africa Matters’.

In 2018, it was announced that Chalker would take over as President of the Royal Geographical Society.

Here she is, lest any disadvantaged children encounter her and need to run for their lives:

Official portrait of Baroness Chalker of Wallasey crop 2.jpg

 

Lynda Chalker holds the 20th-century record for continuous Gov’t service, along with Kenneth Clarke, Malcolm Rifkind, Tony Newton and Patrick Mayhew, as she held office for the entire duration of the Conservatives’ 18 years in power. Clarke, Newton and Mayhew knew about the criminality of Dafydd and the paedophiles in north Wales and elsewhere, saw mountains of documentary evidence and actively concealed everything for years.

 

Chalker succeeded Ernest Marples as MP for Wallasey. Ernest Marples was a Minister under Macmillan and Douglas-Home throughout the Tory Gov’t, 1957-64. Marples was embroiled in much controversy throughout his political career, as a result of allegations of conflict of interest and dodgy financial deals, often involving companies which had been given Gov’t contracts.

In the late 1940s Marples was a director of a company called Kirk & Kirk, which was a contractor in the construction of Brunswick Wharf Power Station. Marples met civil engineer Reginald Ridgway, who was working as a contractor for Kirk & Kirk. In 1948 the two men founded Marples Ridgway and Partners, a civil engineering company. The new partnership took over Kirk & Kirk’s contract at Brunswick Wharf and in 1950 Marples severed his links with Kirk & Kirk. Marples Ridgway’s subsequent contracts included building power stations in England, the Allt na Lairige dam in Scotland, roads in Ethiopia and (significantly) England as well as a port in Jamaica. The Bath and Portland Group took over Marples Ridgway in 1964. Brunswick Wharf Power Station (also known as Blackwall) was built by Poplar Borough Council after WW II. Poplar was a borough where the organised abuse of children had existed for generations – by the 1970s, those children were being sent to children’s homes in north Wales.  By the 1990s, the stench of the scandal was so bad that people in north Wales and very rich high places in London were busy scratching each others backs to ensure that the truth never emerged (see posts ‘Apocalypse Now’ and ‘The Bodies Beneath Canary Wharf’).

Blackwall Power Station was built for the BEC (British Electricity Company), the predecessor of the CEGB. Walter McLennan Citrine, 1st Baron Citrine was Chairman of BEC/CEB (Central Electricity Board), 1947-57. Citrine was a leading British and international trade unionist. He was General Secretary of the TUC, 1926-46 and helped transform the Labour Party into a substantial force for government from 1939. Citrine was also President of the then influential International Federation of Trade Unions (IFTU), 1928-45. He was joint Secretary of the key TUC/Labour Party National Joint Council from 1931 and a Director of the UK ‘Daily Herald’, 1929-46, a mass circulation Labour paper.

Citrine was highly influential in the Labour movement. His involvement helped secure its recovery after the crushing defeat which followed the fall of the British Labour Gov’t in 1931. Citrine played a key role from the mid-1930s in reshaping Labour’s foreign policy, especially as regards re-armament and through the all-party anti-Nazi Council in which he worked with Churchill.

Citrine strengthened the TUC’s influence over the Labour Party. After Ramsay MacDonald formed a coalition with the Tories to force his policies through, Citrine led the campaign to have MacDonald expelled from the party. Citrine later supported the Attlee Gov’ts policy of nationalisation and served on the National Coal Board as well as Chairman of the CEB.

Citrine was in Liverpool and left school at the age of 12. He was a member of the ILP from 1906 and joined the Electrical Trades Union (ETU) in 1911. He was soon the leading activist for the ETU in Merseyside, the first full-time District Secretary in 1914, a post he served in until 1920, gaining much experience negotiating with major employers all round Birkenhead docks, as well as with electrical contractors in the area. Citrine became Secretary of the regional Federation of Engineering and Shipbuilding Trades (FEST) in 1919 and was elected Assistant General Secretary of the ETU in 1920. In 1924, he was appointed Assistant General Secretary of the TUC. Citrine was an enthusiastic acting General Secretary of the TUC during the General Strike of 1926 and was confirmed in that position afterwards.

With other leading figures, such as Ernest Bevin, Citrine helped change the face of British trade unionism. They took the unions from class conflict rhetoric to co-operation with employers and Gov’t in return for union recognition and industrial advances, ie. ‘from Trafalgar Square to Whitehall’.

Citrine accepted the position of Privy Councillor and this gave him total access to Churchill, the then Prime Minister and considerable influence with all Ministers on behalf of the TUC throughout WW II. Who’d have thought that Walter Citrine, born into the working classes on Merseyside and who left school at 12 would be sitting there drinking Chateau de Chasselas…

Citrine acted as an envoy for Churchill with the U.S and Soviet trade unions. This strengthened the position of the Labour ministers in Churchill’s Gov’t of 1940-45 which greatly assisted Labour’s election in 1945.

Citrine’s battled with the Communist International (the Comintern) after the General Strike. The Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) and its front organisation in the unions, the Red International of Labour Unions (RILU)/later the Minority Movement, blamed the TUC leadership for the defeat of the strike. Citrine exposed this attempt by the Comintern to subvert the leaders of the British trade unions and this helped isolate British communists in the trade unions and Labour Party.

Many of the summer visitors to Croesor in north Wales during the middle years of the 20th century and their friends and colleagues who knew what Dafydd et al were up to (see post ‘The Village’) were members of the Communist Party of Great Britain and will have known about Walter Citrine and his battles. Such as Ed and David’s dad Ralph Miliband.

Citrine had originally been a keen supporter of the Russian Revolution and trade with the Soviet Union. He was one of the first to visit the Soviet Union in 1925 and did so again in 1935, 1941, 1943 and 1956. However, as President of the IFTU, based in Berlin from 1931-6, Citrine saw the rise of Hitler and the destruction of the huge German trade union and labour movement as partly the fault of the communists’ divisive tactics. He and Bevin were determined to prevent such an occurrence in Britain and this perhaps gave them a heightened sense of communist conspiracy in their dealings with internal opposition within the unions and the Labour Party. This caused much hostility to him amongst minority Left forces, such as the Socialist League, which would colour the attitude of many on the Left to him thereafter. Michael Foot’s biography of Nye Bevan is indicative of this.

In April 1940 Citrine and his colleagues in the TUC sued the ‘Daily Worker’ (which later became the ‘Morning Star’) for libel. Mr Justice Stable found for Citrine and the TUC. Sir Ronnie Waterhouse was friends with Justice Owen Stable’s son Philip. Citrine and his colleagues were awarded substantial damages and costs, but these were never paid, as the ‘Daily Worker’ changed publishers two days after the judgement. The TUC subsequently published the full judgement in a pamphlet by Citrine entitled ‘Citrine and others v Pountney: The Daily Worker Libel Case 1940’.

Citrine visited Finland in Jan 1940, at the height of its Winter War against the Soviet Union. In Oct 1941, a TUC delegation under Citrine’s leadership travelled to the Soviet Union as part of Churchill’s diplomatic efforts following the German invasion of Russia to bring the Soviet Union into the alliance against Germany.

It was at the invitation of the Minister of Fuel and Power, Manny Shinwell MP, that in 1946 Citrine was invited to join the newly nationalised NCB and given a welfare role for its then 700,000 or so miners (pithead baths, Summer Schools and machinery for joint consultation). Citrine served for a year until Shinwell again recommended his appointment as Chairman of the BEC (from 1955 the Central Electricity Authority) and in 1947, PM Attlee confirmed this appointment. Citrine served in this capacity for ten years, then remaining on the Board until 1962 in a part-time capacity.

Walter Citrine was given a peerage in 1946 and was an active attender of debates in the Lords in the 1960s.

 

In his capacity as Chair of the BEC/CEA, Walter Citrine will have been involved with Windscale Power Station. It is possible that Windscale was built by Marples Ridgway, but I haven’t been able to confirm this. On 10 Oct 1957 a fire at Windscale led to Britain’s worst nuclear accident. The reactors at Windscale had been built as part of the British post-war atomic bomb project. Windscale Pile No. 1 was operational in Oct 1950 followed by Pile No. 2 in June 1951. The 1957 fire burned for three days and there was a release of radioactive contamination that spread across the UK and Europe. On the morning of 11 Oct 1957, when the fire was at its worst, eleven tons of uranium were ablaze. Temperatures became extreme (one thermocouple registered 1,300 °C) and the biological shield around the stricken reactor was in severe danger of collapse.

The fire released an estimated 740 terabecqueres (20,000 curies) of iodine -131, as well as 22 TBq (594 curies) of caesium-137 and 12,000 TBq (324,000 curies) of xenon-133, among other radionuclides. Later reworking of contamination data has shown national and international contamination may have been higher than previously estimated. The Three Mile Island accident in 1979 released 25 times more xenon-135 than Windscale, but much less iodine, caesium and strontium. Estimates by the Norwegian Institute of Air Research indicate that atmospheric releases of xenon-133 by the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear disaster were broadly similar to those released at Chernobyl and thus well above the Windscale fire releases.

Radioactive releases compared (TBq)
Material Half life Windscale Three Mile Island (compared to Windscale) Chernobyl Fukushima Daiichi
(atmospheric)
Iodine-131 8.0197 days 740 much less 1,760,000 130,000
Caesium-137 30.17 years 22 much less 79,500 35,000
Xenon-133 5.243 days 12,000 6,500,000 17,000,000
Xenon-135 9.2 hours 25 × Windscale
Strontium-90 28.79 years much less 80,000
Plutonium 6,100

 

The presence of the chimney scrubbers at Windscale was credited with maintaining partial containment and thus minimising the radioactive content of the smoke that poured from the chimney during the fire. These scrubbers were installed at great expense on the insistence of John Cockcroft and were known as Cockcroft’s Folly until the 1957 fire.

In 2007, tapes released to the BBC revealed that there had been a major cover-up regarding the Windscale fire and the reasons why this was. Scientists had been warning about the dangers of an accident for some time and the safety margins of the radioactive materials inside the reactor were being further and further eroded. Physicists at the Nuclear Research Laboratory in Harwell, Oxfordshire, were among those highlighting the potential dangers. However politicians and the military ignored the warnings; instead they increased demands on Windscale to produce material for an H-bomb. A succession of British PMs since WW II had been determined to persuade the Americans to share the secrets of their nuclear weapons with Britain. Harold Macmillan believed that if Britain could develop an H-bomb on the scale of the Americans, Britain would be treated as a nuclear equal and an alliance would be formed. At the very time that the fire at Windscale was being fought, with everyone involved unsure of whether they’d be able to bring the incident under control, Macmillan was arranging a summit in Washington. It laid the foundation of Britain’s ‘special relationship’ with the US.

Macmillan realised that if the American Congress knew that the fire at Windscale had been the result of reckless decisions taken in an attempt to produce an H-bomb, they might veto Macmillan’s and Eisenhower’s plans. Thus Macmillan covered up the true cause of the fire and issued a report saying that the accident had been caused by an ‘error of judgement’ by the Windscale workers. For 50 yrs, the official record on the accident was that the men who had in fact averted a potentially devastating accident were to blame for causing it. A subsequent inquiry cleared the Windscale workers.

 

Gov’t lies about the cause of the fire at Windscale might explain the roots of one of the many mysteries in which I have taken an interest. It does of course concern Dafydd. Before Dafydd embarked upon his glorious career in medicine at Liverpool University, in the early 1950s, he had already been thrown out of another degree course – I think that it was chemistry – at another university. Dafydd had been given a prestigious scholarship and the world was very angry when the Bethesda boy who had been given such an opportunity screwed it up. I don’t know why Dafydd was kicked out, but I expect that the wrongdoing involved will have been substantial, Dafydd doesn’t do things by halves. Yet somehow, after this huge disgrace that was very well-known and on his record, Dafydd subsequently bagged a place to do medicine at Liverpool – and the money to support himself while he did it. Back in Dafydd’s day, places at medical school weren’t as precious as they are now and medicine was not such a prestigious subject academically, but if one had previously buggered up a university place, one did not get another chance.

So how did Dafydd get through the doors of Liverpool University? It will have been nepotism because Dafydd and Liverpool Medical School only operate on nepotism, but knowing Dafydd, it won’t have been based on the nepotistic kindness of someone thought that he was a lovely young man who would make a good doctor. Dafydd will have had shit on someone so great that arms were twisted.

Before Dafydd went to Liverpool University, he worked at Windscale. The Legend of Dr DA that has been handed down through the Welsh mists tells us that it was whilst he was working as ‘an atomic scientist at Windscale’ that Dafydd decided that his future lay in medicine. Dafydd won’t have been an atomic scientist, but he was doing something at Windscale. Being Dafydd, if he was just cleaning the loos he’d have been creeping around variously ingratiating himself to or threatening people. Dafydd found something out whilst he was working at Windscale, which must have been very soon after Windscale opened, that had people jumping when he told them to jump for the rest of his life…

Dafydd’s adventures at Windscale might also explain why Gov’ts of all hues appointed nuclear physicists to preside over Top Docs when the Top Docs became even more uncontrollable than usual. Nuclear physicist Sir Alec Merrison Chaired an Inquiry regarding the pay and conditions of the Top Docs set up by Keith Joseph in 1973 (which reported in 1975) as well as the Royal Commission on the NHS, set up in 1976 by Barbara Castle, which reported in 1979. Barbara Castle as Secretary of State, along with her Health Minister Dr Death, allegedly chose Merrison to Chair the Royal Commission because he was a supporter of the NHS (see post ‘The History, Boys…’). It was of course nuclear physicist Lord Brian Flowers of Imperial College who was given domain over the Top Docs of London University whilst they committed huge research frauds and colluded with Dafydd’s sex trafficking gang.

Merrison and Flowers both had years of experience in the nuclear industry. Merrison had worked at the Atomic Energy Research Establishment Harwell, 1946-51. It was the physicists at Harwell who raised concerns about the dangerous design of/practices at Windscale. Merrison left Harwell for a post at the University of Liverpool. He was in that post when Dafydd was given a place to study medicine at Liverpool. Sir Alec Merrison remained at Liverpool until 1969, when he became VC of Bristol University. Dr D.G.E. Wood studied medicine at Bristol in the late 1960s and of course David Hunt had an association with Bristol University. Somehow I don’t think that Merrison being a supporter of the NHS will have been the driver behind him Chairing Royal Commissions concerning that organisation.

Even if Dafydd didn’t find out about the cause of the fire at Windscale, he probably did know that there had been some sort of cover-up. Dafydd would have also known something else that would have given him great blackmailing potential and ideas for his future business. That Ernest Marples, the MP for Wallasey, Minister in Macmillan’s Gov’t and the Director of the company that was building power stations and many other major infrastructure projects for the Gov’t, was using prostitutes. As of course were Harold Macmillan’s friends and Ministers (see post ‘In Memoriam – Bronwen, Lady Astor’). Macmillan’s wife was enjoying herself with various people as well, including the Conservative politician Lord Bob Boothby, who was bisexual and hanging out with gangsters, including the Krays (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’).

 

When Lord Denning conducted his 1963 investigation into the security aspects of the Profumo Affair and the rumoured affair between the Minister of Defence Duncan Sandys and the Duchess of Argyll, Denning confirmed to Macmillan that the rumour that Marples regularly used prostitutes was true. The story was suppressed and did not appear in Denning’s final report. By that time, Dafydd was working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and had been put in charge of the women’s wing. Nine hundred women, virtually all of them banged up because they had pregnancies which were inconvenient to other people or were saying things that might cause embarrassment to other people. For example that certain people were having sex with them or others when those certain people really didn’t want anyone to know that. Furthermore, not so far away from Denbigh, in Croesor were Sir Clough Williams-Ellis and his wife Amabel, who was a member of the Strachey family of ‘Bloomsbury set’ fame. Then there were all Clough’s friends who visited him or rented cottages on his estate, an assortment of alternatives and radicals. Including Bertrand Russell, who was highly sexually exploitative and had a few members of his family banged up on the grounds that they were insane as evidenced by their outrageous allegations about him (see post ‘So Who Was Angry About What?’).

 

Ernest Marples was given a peerage in 1974, but then in early 1975 suddenly fled to Monte Carlo, just before the end of the tax year, fearing that he would otherwise be liable for a substantial tax bill.

The flight came at a time when Marples was facing problems on several fronts. Tenants of his block of flats in Harwood Court, Upper Richmond Road, Putney, were demanding that he repair serious structural faults and had threatened legal action. Marples was being sued for £145,000 by the Bankers Trust merchant bank in relation to an agreement made with the French company Ernest Marples et Cie. He was also being sued by John Holmes, the chartered surveyor and Director of Marples’ property company Ecclestone Enterprises, for wrongful dismissal and who was claiming £70,000 in damages. The Inland Revenue was demanding that he pay nearly 30 years back taxes on his residence in Eccleston Street, Belgravia, London, as well as capital gains tax on his properties in Kensington. In addition, in 1974, Marples had lost 130 cases of wine to a fire in a store he owned under a railway line in Brixton and he had been convicted of drinking and driving for which he received a one-year ban and a £45 fine.

Marples’s departure came in the wake of the failure of a plan to avoid paying tax on his properties by involving a Liechtenstein-based company with which he had been involved for more than ten years. He was to sell his Harwood Court block of flats for £500,000 to Vin International which would refurbish and sell them for between £2.25 million and £2.5 million. Marples would only be liable for capital gains tax at 30% on the transfer to Vin which, as an offshore company, would only be liable for stamp duty at 2%. The plan failed following the change of Gov’t in 1974. After reports of this plan were published in the ‘Daily Mirror’, the Treasury froze Marples’ assets in Britain. In Nov 1977, he paid £7,600 to the British government in settlement of his breach of exchange control regulations, following which Marples made a return to London.

Marples’ final years were spent on his 45-acre vineyard estate in Fleurie, France. He died in a Monte Carlo hospital on 6 July 1978.

 

It is only since researching for this blog post that I have found out who Marples was and the extent of his wrongdoing. But there is someone in north Wales who knew of Marples – the Hergest patient, F, whom I discussed in my posts ‘Killing Floor – I Know Cos I Was There!’ and ‘An Appalling Vista’.  F is the man who claimed to have detailed information about the death of Jimi Hendrix and F alleged medical negligence; it was F who was fitted up for drugs and violently assaulted by the North Wales Police and who then experienced a psychotic episode as a result and set fire to his house after being refused help by Til, the thuggish neighbour in Carneddi who worked for S4C; F who was then arrested by the officers who had fitted him up and was detained in Risley Remand Centre where he heard the other inmates screaming as the screws beat them up; F who was then sent into the care of Dafydd at Denbigh although by that time he was no longer psychotic, but was given amphetamines by one of Dafydd’s drugs patients and was then kept in Denbigh for a year. There was never any investigation into any part of this. F disappeared within the psychiatric system and was forever after dismissed as a ‘chronic schizophrenic’.

F however had a sense of humour and thought that Dafydd was ‘a bit of a twat’. F knew that Dafydd was sexually exploiting female patients and F also knew that Mary Wynch’s mother died in questionable circumstances in one of Dafydd’s ‘nursing homes’. So F used to take the piss out of Dafydd. It was F who said to Dafydd after Dafydd accused him of lying, ‘I lied, you murdered’.

F used to talk about the Minster for Transport Marples a great deal, although for some reason F confused Ernest Marples with his wife, Lady Marples. But the reason why F made frequent references to ‘Mrs Marples’ was that F’s mother, a middle class business woman in Surrey, took part in a campaign to have Marples removed as a Minister back in the 1950s. F’s mother had attended an angry meeting of concerned people who confronted Marples and she lost her temper and hit Marples with a placard that read ‘Marples Must Go’. F’s mum then rushed back to the family home and there was concern that she might be arrested, but she wasn’t. F told everyone he knew about the day that his mother ‘hit Mrs Marples over the head with a placard and nearly got arrested’.

The game that the Angels played in north Wales was to maintain that the patients were all completely mad and could not be believed. However, if a high profile name was mentioned, or a mention of an influential friend or relative, those Angels clocked it, noted it and it was conveyed back to Dafydd Central. On every occasion. Even if F had never mentioned ‘Mrs Marples’ in front of Dafydd or an Angel – which he almost certainly had – F sat in my house and told me about it, several times and he told Brown as well. We now know that the security services had us under surveillance and had been bugging us and just about everyone else back as far as at least the early 1980s. They will have known about F’s mum and Ernest Marples and they were using all info gathered to protect Dafydd and the paedophile gang, not us.

The mountain of manure which was being concealed became ever higher with every minute that passed.

 

Now to return to Mark Robinson, the junior Minister who was the first umbrella of Dafydd’s to write to me and who subsequently found himself as the MP for a constituency near many people from my days in Somerset who were paid to keep quiet about what was happening to me.

Mark Robinson’s boss after Lynda Chalker was Foreign Secretary Douglas Hurd. Hurd’s stint as Foreign Secretary, 1989-95, followed his time as Home Secretary, 1985-89. It was while Hurd was Home Secretary that Dafydd and the paedophile gang fitted people – including me – up with the assistance of the Home Office and corrupt police officers. Kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales were the victims of serious crimes on the part of the paedophile gang and their associates, but there were no investigations. Documentation was forged and this was happening in the Home Office as well. Hurd was the nephew of the botanist Prof Edred Henry Corner, who was known to some of the botanists at Bangor University who were colluding with Dafydd and the gang, one of whom was Dr D.G.E. Wood’s wife. For further details see posts ‘Security, Security’ and ‘Additional Security Measures’.

Hurd had been a favourite pupil of Baroness Jean Trumpington’s husband Alan Barker when Hurd was at Eton and in her autobiography Trumpers boasts that it was Hurd who, at the request of Barker, in 1979 secured her the position of UK delegate to the UN Commission on the Status of Women, in which role Trumpers managed to cause a few diplomatic incidents. In 1980 Thatch made Trumpers a Baroness and before long a junior Health Minister and it was in this capacity that Trumpers appointed Jimmy Savile to the management of Broadmoor Hospital – where some of the victims of Dafydd and the gang were ending up (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’). Savile visited Bryn Estyn on one occasion and a former resident of Bryn Estyn alleged that Savile witnessed him being sexually assaulted by a group of men.

Hurd also knew that kids in care were being found dead in Risley Remand Centre and that a visiting clap clinic was deemed necessary for the ‘medical wing’ – which was full of Dafydd’s patients. It was Hurd who was Home Secretary when Risley finally erupted into an uncontrollable riot in 1989. For details of the shameful state of Risley under Home Secretary Hurd, see post ‘Include Me Out’.

 

David Heathcoat-Amory, the Tory MP for Wells, 1983-2010, was another Somerset MP who would have had an interest in Westland. Heathcoat-Amory is the son of Brigadier Roderick Heathcoat-Amory and the nephew of Harold Macmillan’s Chancellor of the Exchequer, Derick Heathcoat-Amory.

David Heathcoat-Amory was educated at Eton and Christ Church, Oxford. He was President of the Oxford University Conservative Association and was a contemporary of John Redwood, William Waldegrave, Edwina Currie and Gyles Brandreth. Redwood was Secretary of State for Wales, 1993-95, when Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends made repeated attempts to have me imprisoned on the basis of their perjury. By that time, the dosh was certainly rolling into the pockets of people in Somerset. Waldegrave was Health Secretary, 1990-92, so his term of office covered the stuffing over of me at St George’s Hospital Medical School and my friends at that the Royal Television Society and the BBC (see post ‘The Turn Of The Screw’). It was in about 1990 that the fortunes of the Somerset contingent seemed to take an inexplicable upward turn. Edwina was a junior Minister in Health at the same time as Trumpers and Trumpers allowed Edwina to take the blame for Savile being let loose in Broadmoor. Edwina admitted in 1990 in her ‘Diaries’ that it was widely known that Peter Morrison was molesting children and such was the panic in the Tory Party that she feared what people would do to conceal this.

Well now you know Edwina, they tried to murder my friends and I and had already succeeded in killing one of us by the time that you wrote that entry.

Gyles Brandreth succeeded Morrison as the MP for Chester. He discusses in his autobiography how local people and members of the constituency association openly shuddered at the recent memories of Morrison molesting ‘little boys’. See posts ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’ and ‘It’s The Sun Wot Won It’.

Heathcoat-Amory qualified as an accountant in 1974 and joined Price Waterhouse. In 1980, he was appointed as the assistant finance director of the British Technology Group (BTG) where he remained until he was elected as MP in 1983. He is also a farmer with employees. Heathcoat-Amory’s various positions in Parliament included PPS to John Moore in 1985, when Moore was Financial Secretary to the Treasury. Moore was Secretary of State for Social Services/Social Security, 1987-89, in which capacity he concealed the crimes of Dafydd et al. Heathcoat-Amory was PPS to Douglas Hurd, 1987-88, when Hurd was Home Secretary. Heathcoat-Amory was Minister of State for Europe, 1993-94.

Heathcoat-Amory’s younger son, Matthew, committed suicide in 2001. His nephew Edward Heathcoat-Amory used to write for the ‘Daily Mail’ and has written for ‘The Spectator’. Paul Johnson, who was a youthful Labour supporter and mates with Sir Ronnie Waterhouse but then evolved into a right wing journalist involved with ‘The Spectator’, purchased an estate at Over Stowey in Somerset in approx the late 1970s. Johnson’s son Cosmo was friendly with at least one of those known to me who found themselves in receipt of so much money. Johnson’s wife is psychotherapist and former Labour parliamentary candidate Marigold Hunt, daughter of Dr Thomas Hunt who was physician to Churchill, Attlee and Eden. Johnson’s son Luke is the former Chairman of Channel 4. Marigold’s niece is Celia Walden, who is married to Piers Morgan.

 

There was another politician whom I believe played a major role in the good fortune of some of those who knew what was happening to me in north Wales – in particular Janet Mitchell – and that was Graham Watson, the Lib Dem MEP for Somerset and North Devon, Somerset and North Devon, 1994-99 and for South West England, 1999-14. Graham Watson might not have been a player at the time of the Westland Affair, but he certainly proved useful a few years down the line.

Watson was born on the Isle of Bute. His father was an officer in the Royal Navy and his mother a teacher. Watson was educated at the City of Bath Boys’ School and attended Heriot-Watt University where he studied languages.  He worked as an administrator at Paisley College of Technology (1980-83). He now speaks four European languages.

Watson had begun his political activity in the National League of Young Liberals in 1972. As international officer of the Scottish Young Liberals he became involved in the International Federation of Liberal Youth, becoming a Vice-President (1977) then General Secretary (1979) of the organisation. Watson was a founder of the European Communities’ Youth Forum. He served as a Council member of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party, 1983-93. Between 1983-87 Watson also served as head of the private office of then leader of the Liberals, Sir David Steel. 

Jeremy Thorpe, Cyril Smith, Paddy Pantsdown, Dr Death… I need not continue. Graham had accumulated dynamite on a great many people.

In 1988 Graham Watson began work for HSBC in London and Hong Kong. His work there included three months with the European Bank for Reconstruction and Development and gave him an interest in the Far East. He is now an adviser to the Asia Pacific Public Affairs Forum and is learning Mandarin Chinese.

Watson was Leader of the European Liberal Democrat and Reform Party in the European Parliament, 2002-04. He was Leader of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe in the European Parliament, 2004-09 and President of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party, 2011-15. Watson is a supporter of the Campaign for the Establishment of a United Nations Parliamentary Assembly, an organisation which advocates for democratic reformation of the United Nations. Obviously, Watson will want to be their leader.

Watson and his wife lived in Langport for years, but they now live in Brussels and Edinburgh, having extracted every drop of capital possible from the victims of a vicious paedophile gang and having found that they have bled Somerset and its opportunities dry.

 

The Westland Affair originated with Alan Bristow’s £89 million bid for the company in April 1985. Thatcher’s Gov’t forced the Westland Board to accept the bid from Bristow Rotorcraft. By June, Bristow was threatened to pull out unless the Gov’t assured him that there would be future orders for the company from the MoD and that the repayment of over £40 million of launch aid for Westland’s newest helicopter from the DTI was waived.

 

Alan Bristow was born in south London and after serving in WW II, he joined Westland as its first helicopter test pilot but was sacked after attacking the company’s sales manager. Bristow worked as a freelance helicopter pilot and then started his own helicopter trading and operating company in 1949. Bristow then provided helicopter spotting services for Aristotle Onassis’s pirate whaling fleet in the Antarctic. Bristow started operating flights in aid of oil exploration in the Persian Gulf. Bristow Helicopters Ltd eventually expanded to cover most of the globe outside Russia and Alaska, with notable profit centres in the British North Sea, Nigeria, Iran, Australia, Malaysia and Indonesia.

In 1968, Bristow took over from Freddie Laker as the Chairman of British United Airways. After leading the 1970 merger with Caledonian Airways to form British Caledonia, Bristow then returned to Chair Bristow Helicopters.

 

Bristow’s reign over the British helicopter sector came to an end in 1985 after he fell out with Lord Cayzer, whose family holding company British & Commonwealth was one of the shareholders brought in by Freddie Laker. Bought out by the Cayzers, Bristow retired and the company’s fortunes declined with the North Sea oil industry.

A keen equestrian, Bristow represented Great Britain at four-in-hand carriage driving with Phil the Greek.

Bristow claimed to have been offered a knighthood if he would return to the negotiating table to help Thatcher’s Gov’t out of its embarrassment re Westland.

 

Defence Secretary Heseltine was uninterested in Westland helicopters when initially approached by Tebbit, the then Trade and Industry Secretary, because plenty of American helicopters were available to meet Britain’s defence requirements. Heseltine attended two meetings about Westland’s future in June 1985, Chaired by Thatch. It was decided that Tebbit should persuade the Bank of England to co-operate with the main creditors in the hope that a recovery plan and new management would end the threat of receivership.

Brown and I had raised serious concerns with the Top Docs and Bangor University about Gwynne the lobotomist in the summer of 1984, after which Brown and I were threatened several times by Dr D.G.E. Wood. I also wrote to the GMC. It was in approx June 1985 that I also raised concerns about Dr Tony Francis. Francis had lied to me, denied that he had lied and was unlawfully witholding my medical records. For a long time I thought that perhaps Francis had simply made a mistake, not felt able to admit to it and the situation escalated unnecessarily. It was only relatively recently that I have discovered that Francis was actually fully on board with Dafydd, Gwynne and the paedophiles, was doing some pretty terrible things to patients without their knowledge and was probably far more dangerous than Dafydd and Gwynne because he wasn’t obviously identifiably mad to anyone within five minutes of meeting him. However, everybody who worked with Tony Francis did know that he was a troubled and dangerous doctor. No-one was warned. Patients remained on his list, were told by Angels that he was doing his best for them and were urged to return for more appointments  if they said that they didn’t want any more ‘services’ and new patients were referred to Francis as well.

 

Bristow withdrew his bid and in late June Sir – later Lord – John Cuckney was brought in as Chairman of Westland. Cuckney was educated at Shrewsbury School and then read medicine at the University of St Andrews, returning to the University after service with the Royal Northumberland Fusiliers and the King’s African Rifles during WWII to study history and economics. He was recruited by MI5 ‘with whom he served until 1959’. Although I doubt if he stopped serving then. ‘No-one leaves the Mafia’ after all. Particularly if there are lefties and service users Who Know to be dealt with and a load of greedy bastards from Somerset.

 

Cuckney’s time in MI5 featured in Peter Wright’s book ‘Spycatcher’ where Wright described him as ‘a tough, no-nonsense’ officer. After leaving MI5, Cuckney worked in the City at stockbrokers Standard Industrial Group, before joining merchant bank Lazards, where he became the first Director to resign in over 100 years. Cuckney then established Anglo-Eastern Bank with Sir David Alliance, specialising in trade finance between Britain and the Middle East.

Cuckney was appointed Chairman of the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board in 1970. He left in 1972 to become the first Chief Executive of the Property Services Agency to set up to manage the Gov’ts property estate. In 1974 Cuckney moved to the Crown Agents, which was in financial difficulty. He joined as Chairman and separated out the military sales arm as International Military Services (an MoD company), which he also became Chairman of and served until 1985. He left the Crown Agents in 1978, and briefly joined the Port of London Authority.

Cuckney subsequently became Director and/or Chairman of various companies, including travel company Thomas Cook, Midland Bank, tea company Brooke Bond, engineering firm John Brown, Westland, Royal Insurance, Investors in Industry (later 3i), Glaxo and Orion Publishing Group.

Cuckney had gained a reputation as a ‘the company doctor who never lost a patient’ following his involvement with the Mersey Docks and Harbour Board, Crown Agents, and John Brown. As Chairman of Westland, Cuckney’s favoured option of Sikorsky merging with Westland prevailed. You might not have lost your patient Westland Lord Cuckney, but a great many patients in north Wales died.

Following the Westland Affair, in 1992 Cuckney was appointed as an adviser to Peter Lilley, Secretary of State for Social Services – who also concealed the crimes of Dafydd and the gang – following the death of Cap’n Bob and the discovery that the Cap’n had stolen hundreds of millions of pounds from his companies’ pension funds. Cuckney headed the Maxwell Pensioners’ Trust and in 1995, brokered a £276 million out-of-court settlement, known as the Major Settlement, between the pension schemes and those institutions against which the schemes had potential legal claims.

So Cuckney sorted out the mess left behind by Cap’n Bob, but Dafydd was too much for him. If your mates from MI5 had helped extract my medical records for me Lord Cuckney, I could have published an insider’s account of the Top Docs’ criminality for you all years ago. You wouldn’t have had to keep paying the BMA whatever they demanded and Blair would never have become PM on the basis of his knowledge of the sordid business involved in concealing the Westminster Paedophile Ring and then caused a few more hundred layers of problems.

John Cuckney was given a peerage in 1995. When the world was told lies about Dafydd retiring, about the North Wales Hospital closing down, about there being no paedophile ring in north Wales, oh you all get the picture. John Cuckney sleeps in the Lords as a Conservative. Don’t bother to wake him up, he couldn’t stop a firebomb being thrown into a building with five key witnesses in there when his MI5 colleagues had every hospital, docs surgery, university, phone line and even the houses of targets bugged, whatever would he be able to contribute to the the Lords.

 

Re Westland, Cuckney proposed that a new minority shareholder of 29.9% be introduced. No British firm was willing, but Sikorsky was interested. Cuckney proposed that Westland merge with United Technologies Corporation, of which the US company Sikorsky was a subsidiary. Heseltine opposed this plan after realising that Westland would probably become responsible for assembling the Sikorsky UH-60 Black Hawk, which the Ministry of Defence would then be under great pressure to buy, whereas he preferred Westland to go into receivership so that British companies GEC and BAe could buy the viable parts of the business.

In mid-Oct 1985 Heseltine suggested a European consortium which would include French Aerospatiale, German MBB and Italian Agusta (Sikorsky was now negotiating a strategic linkup with Italian Fiat). Leon Brittan, who had replaced Tebbit as Trade and Industry Secretary in Sept 1985, at first urged Thatcher to consider a European option (Heseltine later claimed Brittan preferred this option, although Brittan denied this).

By mid-Oct 1985 I had contacted MPs, Ministers and the GMC about the mental health services in north Wales. People in Somerset knew that I was encountering very serious problems in north Wales. The security services had placed Brown and me under surveillance and we had already had extraordinary and upsetting encounters with two people whom we now know were working for the security services, a man called Leslie Gore, who was a psychotherapist working at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’ and ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’) and a Jewish teacher from Stoke Newington, Naomi Grunfeld (see post ‘Anthem For Doomed Youth’).

Leon Brittan knew all about the criminality in north Wales, as well as about the other sex trafficking rings across the UK with which the north Wales gang was linked, because Brittan had been Home Secretary, 1983-85 and was one of those concealing what was happening. It was Leon Brittan who as Home Secretary ‘lost’ files naming Westminster figures who were alleged to be abusing children and it was on Brittan’s watch that the Home Office gave a grant to an organisation campaigning on behalf of paedophiles’ rights.

By mid-Oct 1985, Alison Taylor had told the North Wales Police about the abuse of children in care in north Wales which she had witnessed. She was accused of lying and malice.

On 2 Sep 1985, Peter Morrison was moved from his position as a Minister for Employment, where his boss had been Tom King, to the role of Minister of State for Trade and Industry, under Secretary of State Leon Brittan, who was at the centre of the Westland Affair.

 

Two other people who played a major role in enabling the abuse and crime in north Wales to continue unchecked also lived in Somerset at the time of Westland. Clifford Graham, who in the late 1980s and the early 1990s was the Dept of Health’s mandarin responsible for mental health as well as much else, lived in Somerset. My post ‘The Old Devils’ discusses how Cliff Graham not only presided over a totally corrupt Dept, but how everything that Cliff Graham did ensured that the abuse of patients continued to be embedded deeper and deeper into the mental health system. Graham was at the highest level of the DoH when patients were murdered in Ashworth and Broadmoor and while Savile was dropping into secure hospitals raping whichever patient he felt like. Ian Dunlop, the tame Prison Service Governor whom Hurd appointed to conduct the Inquiry after the 1989 Risley Remand Centre riots, also lived in Somerset (see post ‘Include Me Out’).

 

The Gov’t was officially neutral regarding the deals involving Westland (ie. arguing that it was a matter for Westland directors and shareholders) but by Nov 1985, Heseltine was lobbying hard for the European option. In late November Peter Levene, Chief of Procurement at the Ministry of Defence, had a meeting at the Ministry with his French, West German and Italian counterparts (the National Armaments Directors or NADs) and the representatives of the consortium, and agreed to ‘buy European’ for certain classes of helicopters. If Westland went ahead with Sikorsky, then its helicopters, under this new agreement, would be unable to be bought by the four governments. The meeting was later praised by the House of Commons Defence Select Committee. Thatcher, who only learned of the meeting through Cuckney, was displeased, as were Brittan and the Treasury, who thought the US option might be cheaper, although Thatcher and Leon Brittan kept to their official pretence of neutrality.

In Nov 1985, Sikorsky made an offer which was favourable to Westland’s management.

On 5 and 6 Dec 1985 Thatcher had two ad hoc meetings with Heseltine, Brittan, Tebbit, Willie Whitelaw (Deputy PM), Geoffrey Howe (Foreign Secretary) and Nigel Lawson (Chancellor of the Exchequer).

All of the above people knew about the crimes of Dafydd et al in north Wales. Willie Whitelaw had concealed them in numerous different roles, most obviously as Home Secretary, 1979-83, but also in his capacity as Lord President of the Council, 1983-88, which gave Whitelaw the role of visitor for the University of Wales. At the time, Wood, Dafydd, Gwynne and many others in UCNW were facilitating the trafficking ring. Carlo was Chancellor of UCNW and the sister of Peter Morrison who was a member of the sex ring was of course Woman-of-the-Bedchamber to Carlo’s mum.

Geoffrey Howe, a good friend of Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, had worked for years as a lawyer on the corrupt Chester and Wales circuit and was Solicitor General under Heath. Howe was Lord President of the Council, 1989-90. It was of course Geoffrey Howe who put the fatal boot into Thatcher towards the end of 1990 for which many people were grateful, but it really was too little too late, look at the scale of the problem.

Nigel Lawson also damaged Thatcher and got rid of the idiot Alan Walters, but again, huge damage had already been done. Lawson’s constituency was in Leicestershire, bang in the middle of the paedophile gang of which Frank Beck and Greville Janner were part, which was being concealed by Top Doctors who also colluded with Dafydd (see post ‘An Expert From England’), as well as scores of people in Leicester University (see posts ‘Radical Leicester And Some More Free Radicals’ and ‘Gwlad y Menig Gwynion’), local lawyers and judges as well as Leicester City Council. And Keith Vaz of course. After Beck was jailed, the Kirkwood Report admitted that the degree of negligence on the part of the police was inexplicable. Although Kirkwood himself forgot to mention a few salient facts regarding Greville Janner.

Nigel’s daughter Nigella had been friends with some of the members of the Dangerous Sports Club when she was at Oxford. Some members of the DSC were personal friends of one of those in Somerset who bagged all that dosh (see post ‘The Village’).

Tebbit, like Whitelaw, concealed the criminality in north Wales in every way that he could. Tebbit was Chairman of the Tory Party whilst Peter Morrison was Deputy Chairman, Sept 1986-June 87 and has latterly admitted that perhaps there was a little bit of a sort of cover-up of Morrison’s  crimes.

 

Regarding the possibilities for rescuing Westland. Brittan argued that the NADs’ opposition should be set aside, but Howe and Tebbit were not unsympathetic to Heseltine’s proposed consortium, and the decision was deferred to the Cabinet Economic Affairs Committee (E(A)) on Monday 9 Dec 1985. Cuckney and a Westland financial adviser were invited to attend the E(A) meeting. Cuckney said that it was the management’s view that the Sikorsky option was the best one. A majority of the E(A) meeting agreed to dismiss the NADs’ opposition. Thatcher, who complained that three hours had been spent discussing a company with a market capitalisation of only £30m (a tiny amount in Gov’t terms), allowed Heseltine until 4 pm on Friday 13 Dec to submit a viable proposal for a European deal. He did (with BAe and GEC now part of his consortium), but Westland’s Directors rejected it and chose Sikorsky.

Heseltine had expected that there would be a second meeting of E(A) to discuss his consortium, but no such meeting was called; Thatcher later claimed that the Monday meeting had agreed to leave the decision to Westland to take, but it later emerged that Nicholas Ridley and Lord Young had placed such a meeting in their diaries and had been told by No 10 that it had been cancelled. Heseltine threatened resignation for the first time.

At Cabinet on Thurs 12 Dec 1985 Heseltine had an angry exchange with Thatcher about the allegedly cancelled meeting (Thatcher claimed that no such meeting had ever been scheduled). Westland was not on the Cabinet agenda that day and Thatcher refused to permit a discussion on the matter, arguing that Cabinet could not do so without the necessary papers. Heseltine asked for his dissent to be minuted and this was not done, although Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong claimed that this had been an error and added it himself.

 

Robert Armstrong was Principal Private Secretary to Ted Heath, 1970-75. Between 1979-87 he was Secretary to the Cabinet under Margaret Thatcher. He was elevated to the peerage in 1988 and sits as a crossbencher. It was Robert Armstrong who, in 1986, coined the phrase ‘economical with the truth’ when he was giving evidence in the Spycatcher trial. Armstrong was a key witness for the British Gov’t, which sought to suppress the publication of the book written by Peter Wright, a former senior member of MI5. Wright’s lawyer at the time was Malcolm Turnbull, who later became the PM of Australia. The British Gov’t were ultimately unsuccessful and Spycatcher was published.

Armstrong was Chancellor of the University of Hull, 1994-2006 and until 2013, the Chairman of the Sir Edward Heath Charitable Fund.

Armstrong has admitted that he knew about the paedophilia of Sir Peter Hayman, the British diplomat who was a member of PIE. Armstrong stated: ‘I was aware of it at the time but I was not concerned with the personal aspect of it’. It was Armstrong who gave Thatcher a veiled warning not to give Jimmy Savile a knighthood because of the allegations of child sexual abuse swirling around him – advice that Thatcher ignored.

It July 2015, the ‘Mail Online’ reported that in 1986, the then head of MI5 Sir Antony Duff wrote to Armstrong and told him that an MP had a ‘penchant for small boys’. Armstrong’s response was that ‘at the present stage…the risks of political embarrassment to the Government is rather greater than the security danger’.

In 2015 Armstrong told the ‘Mail Online’ that ‘if there is evidence it would have been properly examined at the time. I don’t think this is a matter of important people being protected. You  can’t pursue inquiries unless you have evidence on which you can base the enquiry’.

See post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’ for more background on Armstrong.

 

On Mon 16 Dec 1985 Brittan told the Commons that the decision was up to Westland; on Wed 18 Dec Heseltine won the backing of the Commons Defence Committee for the European Consortium’s latest bid. On Thurs 19 Dec the matter was discussed at Cabinet for ten minutes: Cabinet approved leaving the decision to Westland and Heseltine was ordered to cease campaigning for the European option.

Over Christmas, Thatcher discussed with close colleagues the option of sacking Heseltine, as Brittan had urged her to do so, but Chief Whip John Wakeham cautioned against. Thatch later admitted in her memoirs that she shrank from sacking Heseltine as he was too popular and weighty a political figure.

Wakeham would later become Lord President of the Council, 1988-89 and following that, he was Peter Morrison’s boss at the Dept for Energy, when Morrison served as Minister of State in that Dept (see post ‘These Sharks Are Crap As Well’).

 

Thatcher and ministerial colleagues spent two and a half hours writing three successive drafts of a letter threatening Heseltine with the sack, but did not send it as her Press Adviser Bernard Ingham advised that Heseltine might use it an excuse to resign.

By now the political row was being discussed in the media, ‘partly because of the lack of other news in Dec 1985′. There was plenty of news worth reporting in north Wales but no-one actually gave a stuff because the victims of the serious organised crime prevailing were kids in care and psych patients.

John Cuckney wrote to Thatcher, at her behest, asking for reassurance that the Sikorsky deal would not damage Westland’s business prospects in Europe. Heseltine was not satisfied with Thatcher’s draft reply when he saw it and consulted Sir Patrick Mayhew (Solicitor-General and acting Attorney-General as Sir Michael Havers was ill) on the grounds that the Gov’t might be legally liable for any incorrect advice.

Patrick Mayhew, in his capacity as Attorney-General, 1987-92, authorised a number of prosecutions of me for contempt of court – my imprisonment was sought on each occasion – on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and Gwynedd Social Services. Forged documents were also involved. The MDU lawyers acting from Tony and Sadie Francis admitted that there was not the evidence for the claims that were being made about me in Court. Andrew Park, the crooked lawyer who was employed by the Welsh Office, also admitted in writing that the evidence for claims being made about me on oath did not exist.

Mayhew was N Ireland Secretary, 1992-97. While in office, Sein Fenn accused Mayhew of using forged documents. Now there’s a surprise.

Mayhew’s assistance to Top Docs abusing vulnerable people went back a long way. It was Mayhew who was the QC at the 1970s GMC’s fitness to practice hearing involving Dr Morris Fraser, a Top Doctor (child psychiatrist) from Belfast who had been convicted of sexually abusing a child. Fraser was allowed to continue practising and subsequently worked at St George’s/Springfield and UCH. Fraser had been involved with the Kincora Boys’ Home.

 

Heseltine supplied extra material about the risk of Westland losing European business, which Thatcher did not include in her reply to Cuckney. Thatcher replied to Cuckney to the effect that the British Gov’t would continue to support Westland in gaining orders in Europe.

In early Jan 1986, Heseltine wrote to David Horne of Lloyds Merchant Bank, who was advising the European consortium (in reply to planted questions from Horne which had been dictated to him over the phone by one of Heseltine’s staff), giving him the advice which Thatcher had declined to include in her letter to Cuckney. Contradicting Thatcher’s reassurances to Cuckney, Heseltine claimed that the Sikorsky deal would be ‘incompatible with participation’ in European helicopter projects. Heseltine’s letter was leaked to ‘The Times’. This was a blatant challenge to Thatcher’s authority as Heseltine had not consulted Downing Street, the DTI or Mayhew before writing to Horne.

Heseltine’s letter to Horne, on Thatcher’s request, was referred to the Solicitor-General, Patrick Mayhew. Mayhew sent a reply to Heseltine, noting ‘material inaccuracies’ in Heseltine’s letter, and asking Heseltine to write to Horne again, correcting them. Mayhew’s letter of rebuke to Heseltine – marked ‘Confidential’ – reached Heseltine at lunchtime on Mon 6 Jan and was immediately and selectively leaked to the Press Association by Colette Bowe, Chief Information Officer at the DTI, at Brittan’s request.

Bowe’s leaked letter led to the resignations of both Heseltine and Brittan, for which someone must have been grateful because Colette Bowe is now Dame Colette.

Bowe was Chairman of Ofcom, 2009-14, Chairman of Electra Private Equity plc, 2010–14 and Chairman of the Council of Queen Mary University of London, 2004–09. She has also served on the boards of Thames Water Utilities, London and Continental Railways, Axa IM, Morgan Stanley and the Yorkshire Building Society. She founded and was first Chairman of the Telecoms Ombudsman Service (now Ombudsman Services) in 2002–3. She was the first Chairman of the Ofcom Consumer Panel (2003–08) and has worked as the Executive Chairman of the distribution arm of Fleming Asset Management.

Bowe is the Chairman of the Banking Standards Board and the Associated Board of the Royal Schools of Music. She is the President of the Voice of the Listener and Viewer, a Trustee of The Tablet and of the Nuffield Foundation. Bowe is also a visiting fellow of Nuffield College. She is also a Board member of the UK Statistics Authority and a non-executive Director of the Dept for Transport.

An extra safe pair of hands is clearly possessed by Colette.

There was controversy over whose orders Colette Bowe was following when she dropped the clanger. The Attorney-General, Sir Michael Havers, ‘took a stern view of leaks’, especially of confidential legal advice and threatened to resign if an official inquiry was not set up to look into it. Thatcher agreed to do this.

It was Michael Havers who in his capacity as Attorney-General blocked the prosecution of a number of VIP child sex offenders, including the diplomat Sir Peter Hayman. Michael Havers was the Tory MP for Winbledon, 1970-87. A lot of Top Doctors from St George’s lived at Wimbledon, including Prof Geoffrey Chamberlain. Chamberlain was a friend of Prof Oliver Brooke, who was jailed for child porn offences in Dec 1986. Havers was Lord Chancellor, 13 June 1987-26 Oct 1987. Oliver Brooke was released on appeal in June 1987, after Lord Chief Justice Geoffrey Lane heard the appeal in May 1987. Lane compared Brooke’s enormous collection of kiddie porn – Brooke was a major figure in a pan-European paedophile ring – to a collection of cigarette cards.

I was illegally arrested and imprisoned in Denbigh by Dafydd in the same month that Oliver Brooke was jailed. Alison Taylor was suspended from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council in the same month.

Havers’s sister was Lord Elizabeth Butler-Sloss, who Chaired the Inquiry into the havoc that Dafydd’s mates caused which resulted in the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal and utterly failed to grasp the enormity of what was happening (see post ‘Twas The Night Before Christmas And The Culprits Were Named’).

Cabinet met on the morning of Thurs 9 Jan 1986, with Thatcher already having agreed her position with close colleagues at Chequers that weekend and arranged that Scottish Secretary George Younger should take over as Defence Secretary if Heseltine resigned. Westland was first on the agenda, and Heseltine and Brittan were permitted to put their cases. Heseltine had won the moral high ground over the leaking saga, but Nigel Lawson recorded that he seemed obsessive at Cabinet and attracted little sympathy. Thatcher reiterated her position, which had already been endorsed by the Cabinet, that Westland’s future was a matter for Westland to decide and announced that as this was a time of business negotiations, all answers to questions about Westland must be cleared through the Cabinet Office. Heseltine agreed. In response to a question by Nicholas Ridley, Thatch then confirmed that this also applied to statements which had already been made. Heseltine argued that he should be allowed to reaffirm statements he had already made but Thatcher disagreed, arguing that Cabinet collective responsibility should be observed. Heseltine protested that there had been no collective responsibility, gathered up his papers and left.

Although eyewitness accounts differ as to the exact details, Peter Jenkins claimed that Heseltine lost his cool and proclaimed ‘I can no longer be a member of this Cabinet’. Heseltine then walked out of Downing Street and announced his resignation to the assembled media.

Thatcher then adjourned the Cabinet for a brief break. George Younger was then offered and accepted the office of Secretary of State for Defence, which Heseltine had just relinquished. The Prime Minister’s office then requested Malcolm Rifkind to take up Younger’s previous job, Secretary of State for Scotland, which he accepted. Cabinet then resumed.

At 4 pm that day – 9 Jan 1986 – at the Ministry of Defence (rather than waiting to make a statement to the Commons when it resumed four days later) Heseltine delivered a 22 minute resignation statement detailing his grievances. He blamed Thatcher’s intransigence, saying his views were ignored. He may well have prepared this earlier, although his Private Secretary Richard Mottram says not. To Thatcher’s fury, Defence officials had helped him throughout the crisis and in preparing this document. Thatcher sent a letter to Heseltine, as is customary on these occasions.

Sir Richard Mottram  entered the civil service in 1968 aged 22 after graduating from Keele University. At that time -and indeed since – Keele employed a number of people who were either paedophiles’ themselves, such as social work academic Peter Righton, or concealed and colluded with organised abuse.

Mottram served in the Defence and Overseas Secretariat of the Cabinet Office, 1975-77. He was then the Secretary of two study groups on the rationale for and system options for a successor to the UK’s strategic nuclear deterrent which led subsequently to the decision to adopt Trident. Mottram was then appointed Private Secretary to the Permanent Under Secretary, of the MoD, Sir Frank Cooper. From 1982-1986, Mottram was Private Secretary to a succession of Secretaries of State for Defence – John Nott, Heseltine and George Younger.

In 1985, as Private Secretary to Heseltine as Secretary of State for Defence, Mottram was a witness for the prosecution in the trial of Clive Ponting who was later acquitted of an offence under the Official Secrets Act for passing information to Labour MP Tam Dalyell regarding the sinking of the Belgrano. When Mottram was asked whether answers to parliamentary questions should be truthful and not deliberately ambiguous or misleading, there was a long silence before he replied: ‘In highly charged political matters, one person’s ambiguity may be another person’s truth’.

Mottram: they were trying to kill us and they did kill other people. There is no ambiguity in that.

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From 1986-89, Sir Richard Mottram was the Under-Secretary responsible for the defence programme and from 1989-92, the Deputy Secretary with responsibilities for UK defence policy and strategy and defence relations with other countries at the time of the end of the Cold War.

Mottram retired in 2007 from his most recent senior post as Permanent Secretary, Intelligence, Security and Resilience in the Cabinet Office.

This lot were so resilient that they couldn’t even deal with Dafydd.

Mottram serves on the Board of a number of private and public sector organisations, including Chairing the board of Amey PLC. He is a Visiting Professor at the LSE and member of the Advisory Board of LSE IDEAS. Mottram is a Trustee of the Royal Anniversary Trust, which oversees The Queen’s Anniversary Prizes for Higher and Further Education.

 

As a fairly high ranking British Army officer who lived in Somerset at the time, Brown’s dad will have known a number of the people involved in all of this.

On 13 Jan 1986, Thatcher held a meeting with Whitelaw, Brittan, George Younger and John Wakeham to decide what should happen. The conclusion was that Brittan, rather than the PM, should reply to Heseltine’s statement on that day.

In his resignation statement in the House of Commons Heseltine accused Brittan of pressuring Sir Raymond Lygo, CEO of British Aerospace, to withdraw from the European Consortium. In response to questions in the House from Heseltine, Brittan denied that he had received a letter from Lygo, but later had to admit that he had received a letter from Sir Austin Pearce, Chairman of British Aerospace; he had not disclosed it, he claimed, because it was marked Private and Strictly Confidential. He was forced to return to the House a few hours later to apologise.

Admiral Sir Raymond Lygo joined the Royal Navy in 1942 during WW II. He was appointed the commanding officer of the frigate Lowestoft in 1961, the frigate Juno in 1967 and the aircraft carrier Ark Royal in 1969. Lygo was Director General, Naval Manpower and Training,  Feb 1974-June 1975. He went on to be Vice Chief if the Naval Staff in 1975 and retired in 1978.

After retirement, Lygo joined British Aerospace, becoming Chief Executive in 1986.

Lygo will have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley and all the other senior figures in the Royal Navy and Admiralty who concealed the organised sexual abuse of young people or who were alleged to have been abusing underaged children themselves, such as Lord Louis Mountbatten (see post ‘The Defence Of The Realm’).

Sir Raymond Lygo
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Juno
Goddess of marriage and childbirth
So that is why there is so much child abuse, sexual exploitation and repressed homosexuality in this sorry tale!
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Raymond Lygo was also Chairman of the Rutland Trust in 1991, Chairman of TNT (Express) UK Ltd in 1992 and Chairman of the Liontrust First UK Investment Trust in 1997. He was Patron of the Fleet Air Arm Association.

 

Sir Austin Pearce, was Chairman of British Aerospace, 1980-87 and steered the company through its privatisation by Margaret Thatcher’s Gov’t. Although Pearce had spent his entire working life with Esso, of which he had been Chairman and Chief Executive for eight years, he had some experience of the aerospace industry: in 1976 he had been appointed to the organising committee for the nationalisation of the industry and the formation of British Aerospace.

The Gov’t sold 52 per cent of BAe in 1981. Four years later it decided to sell the remaining 48 per cent, Pearce arguing successfully for a price of 375p, rather than the 400p which the government originally wanted.

Known to his colleagues as ‘Tin’, Pearce faced a number of problems at BAe, including inefficiency and over-staffing. During his tenure there were unsuccessful attempts by Thorn EMI and GEC to take over the company. Also, the Nimrod Airborne Early Warning programme was running four years late and substantially over budget; eventually the Gov’t cancelled the programme.

Pearce also faced difficulties over BAe’s involvement in the project to build the Airbus. At first the British Gov’t refused to support the BAe application for aid for the A 320 aircraft. The other partners in Airbus – the French, Germans and Spanish – already had their Gov’ts’ approval and would be happy to take over BAe’s work on the wings. Without financial help, Pearce knew that BAe would be out of Airbus and would consequently be faced with massive redundancies. Without telling either his colleagues or the DTI, he asked for a personal meeting with Thatch. He got the money. During the Westland affair, because BAe hoped to become a partner in a European consortium it aligned itself with Heseltine against Thatch. At one stage, at a meeting with the MoD, Pearce was asked if BAe would take over Westland, but he refused on the ground that BAe had enough spare capacity to take on Westland’s entire workload without assimilating more than a few of its employees.

Austin Pearce was born in Plymouth in 1921. He was educated at Devonport High School for Boys and then went to Birmingham University. As a member of the University Senior Training Corps of Royal Engineers, Pearce was assigned to the Petroleum Warfare Department, working on flame-thrower fuels and incendiary bombs. At the same time he completed a PhD in Chemical Engineering.

In Sept 1945 Pearce joined the AGWI (later the Esso) refinery at Fawley as a junior engineer. In 1950 he was promoted to process superintendent, in charge of the running of all the refinery units. In 1956 Pearce became general manager (refining) for Esso in the UK. In 1963 he joined the Esso Board, with responsibility for the marine and pipelines systems; this included taking charge of the tanker fleet and overseeing the building of the pipeline from Milford Haven to the Midlands and Manchester. In 1968 he was appointed Managing Director and 1972 Chairman and Chief Executive of Esso UK.

Austin Pearce was the first President of the UK Petroleum Industry Association and as Esso’s representative, participated in the negotiations with the Department of Energy, British National Oil Company and Shell on the North Sea participation agreements.

In 1973 Pearce joined the board of Williams and Glyn’s Bank, becoming its last Chairman before it was incorporated into the Royal Bank of Scotland, of which he was appointed a Vice-Chairman.

In 1985 Austin Pearce was appointed Chairman of the Trustees of the Science Museum. He Chaired the meeting that introduced entrance charges; this helped the museum to improve and create new galleries and to rebuild the Railway Museum at York.

Pearce served on the Council of Surrey University, the site of so much skulduggery when I worked there in 1988. He was a Director of Jaguar, Smiths Industries, Pearl Assurance and was Chairman of Oxford Instruments.

Austin Pearce was married first to Maglona Twinn and then to Dr Patricia Grice.

On 15 Jan 1986 there was a debate on Westland in the Commons in which Thatcher replied to the Windbag. Thatcher listed all the ministerial, committee and Cabinet meetings on Westland. Heseltine then made a speech criticising the way collective responsibility had been damaged over Westland.

Sir Robert Armstrong, the Cabinet Secretary, held an inquiry into the leaking of Mayhew’s letter and reported his findings to Thatch on 21 Jan 1986. Armstrong concluded that Brittan had told Colette Bowe to leak Mayhew’s letter through a telephone conversation to Roger Mogg, Brittan’s Private Secretary. Thatcher is said to have asked Brittan four times: ‘Leon, why didn’t you tell me.’ Havers, who demanded the inquiry, later claimed: ‘Unless the PM is the most marvellous actress I’ve ever seen in my life she was as shocked as anybody that in fact it was on Leon Brittan’s instructions.’ At the time Brittan claimed he had misunderstood Thatcher’s wishes but later (on the TV programme The Thatcher Factor on 7 April 1989) admitted that he had acted on the ‘express’ instructions of Charles Powell and Bernard Ingham, Thatcher’s two senior advisers. On 23 Jan 1986, Thatcher had to make a speech to the Commons on Armstrong’s inquiry.

Brittan was being heavily criticised because of the fallout from the leak of the Mayhew letter and because of his lack of candour about the letter from British Aerospace. At a meeting of the 1922 Committee, Conservative back-benchers, demanded Brittan’s resignation. The Chairman of the 1922 Committee at the time was Cranley Onslow, a former MI6 agent who was forced to stand down as Chairman in 1992 by Thatcher’s old mates, who partly blamed him for her previous departure. On 24 Jan 1986 Brittan resigned, because ‘it has become clear to me that I no longer command the full confidence of my colleagues’.

On 27 Jan 1986, Labour set down an adjournment motion. Whitelaw, Howe, Wakeham, John Biffen and Douglas Hurd helped Thatcher draft her speech for this occasion.

In Jan 1986 John Biffen was Lord Privy Seal. John Biffen grew up on a farm about three miles away from where I lived in Somerset. Biffen went to Dr Morgan’s School in Bridgwater along with my father and many others who remained in Somerset. Biffen’s parents remained living at their farm in Combwich and occasionally made trips to London to marvel at their famous son and his associates. John Biffen was a swotty kid who was badly bullied by the locals and he didn’t waste his time with his former tormentors and he did fall out with Thatcher eventually. However, I can’t imagine that he will have resisted if pressurised over all this, there will just have been far too many careers of ruthless dangerous nutters at stake.

Biffen was MP for Oswestry and then North Shropshire. John Allen had a children’s home in Shropshire, there was an abuse ring in operation in the region and many children’s home staff migrated between Bryn Estyn and Shropshire. The family seat of the unfortunate Ormsby-Gores was at Oswestry and David Ormsby-Gore aka Lord Harlech preceded John Biffen as MP for Oswestry. Ever since Lord Harlech served at US Ambassador during JFK’s Presidency, the Ormsby-Gores have had a penchant for dying young and in unfortunate circumstances. The biography of Francis Ormsby-Gore, who farmed near Harlech and was found dead at his home relatively recently, had all the signs of one of someone who was under sustained attack by the paedophiles’ friends (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’).

Douglas Hurd was Home Secretary, presiding over the carnage in north Wales.

Ronald Miller, one of Thatch’s friends, was asked to help revise the speech and Thatcher remarked to him that she might not be PM by six o’clock that evening if things went badly.

The Windbag, who knew Tony Francis from their days as students in Cardiff, was generally thought to have made a poor opening speech.

Heseltine was frustrated at the Windbag’s failure to exploit the moment and claimed that Thatcher’s statement brought ‘the politics of the matter to an end’ and that he would support the Gov’t in the lobby.

Sikorsky then bought Westland, aided by mysterious prior purchases by mystery buyers, suspected by Cuckney and others, although without clear proof, of being an illegal concert party.

 

Westland damaged Thatcher’s credibility and made her look anti-European for the first time. It has been suggested that Thatcher’s keenness on American control of Westland may have been linked to the Al-Yamamah arms deal which was mired in allegations of corruption, or that the US might have wanted Westland to sell Black Hawk helicopters to Saudi Arabia in circumvention of Congressional rules which prevented US arms sales to that country at the time.

Leon Brittan’s behaviour was thought in part to have been motivated by resentment at his demotion from Home Secretary to the Secretary for DTI in Sept 1985. He also thought Heseltine’s mooted European consortium to be monopolistic and anti-competitive.

Apart from his clash of personalities with Thatcher, it was thought that Heseltine, concerned at having to take responsibility for Defence cuts which had been put back until 1986 and worried that Thatcher was unlikely to promote him further, was looking for an excuse to resign. Resigning would put him in good stead to be elected Party leader after, as seemed likely at the time, the Conservatives lost the next election, due by summer 1988.

Heseltine retired to the back benches and spent nearly five years conducting an undeclared campaign for the Party leadership. Although the Thatcher Gov’t was re-elected in 1987, Heseltine eventually challenged her in Nov 1990, polling well enough to hasten her resignation.

Three months after Heseltine ‘resigned from the Cabinet as a matter of honour’, my close friend and house mate on Anglesey was killed in a head-on collision with another car. Our friend Geoff Johnson was a passenger and was left severely brain-damaged. The young man who drove the TR7 straight into Anne somehow only walked away with a broken arm. It was acknowledged that Anne had not been at fault – the other car had been driving on Anne’s side of the road at high speed – but there was no investigation and no prosecution. Anne knew everything that was happening to me at the hands of the Top Docs. Weeks before she was killed, D.G.E. Wood remarked that he always knew when Anne drove past his house – he lived in the same village as us – because he could recognise her car.

Two days after Anne was killed, Liz Stables, the Angel who worked in the UCNW Student Health Centre, took Anne’s file out of a locker and wrote ‘DEAD’ in capital letters across it in front of me. Liz then said that I couldn’t hang around mourning, there were things to do. Some two weeks later Wood yelled at me to ‘forget about everything that has happened here and go away and make a new life for yourself’. Presumably so Wood’s accomplices could kill the rest of us off miles away from Bangor to avoid the fickle finger of suspicion ever being pointed at them.

Heseltine, the man who would do anything, anything at all to become PM, came from Swansea. Heseltine never became PM. Another procession of empty headed narcissistic oafs did instead.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

All together now -‘I’m ready to serve’.

Lord Heseltine (6969083278).jpg

 

Now for a bit more info on the lady who worked in a junior capacity at Westland when the almighty ding dong broke out and who – along with a few others – did very nicely out of it all. This blog post is already quite long, so I won’t dissect Janet’s career bit by bit, highlighting who assisted her and when they did so, I’ll leave it up to readers to make the links to police investigations, the Waterhouse Inquiry etc. Regular readers will by now be familiar with the skulduggery and those involved.
 Janet Mitchell, CEng FRAeS:
Janet worked as a Stress Engineer, Westland Helicopters, Product Support Division, 1982-87.

Then Janet was Future Projects Engineer, Airbus, 1987-89: Reporting to Head of Future Projects for BAE Commercial Aircraft Division.

Janet was Stress Engineer, Stresswork Ltd, 1989-91.

supported the Aerospace, Automotive and Civil Engineering Industries. It also covered Nuclear Power, Engineering Design of a Composite Commercial Vehicle Chassis and engineering project management of the structural certification for the A340 Wing Composite Components.
From 1993-94, Janet was Senior Principal Engineer on the Future Large Aircraft Composite Wing Study for BAE Systems.
Between 1994-95, Janet worked on the Airbus Composite Wing Strategy for BAE Systems. She was:

‘Accountable for leading and delivering the BAE/AIRBUS Composite Wing Strategy, this was a significant business transformation programme, I successfully led all business functional specialists to deliver a Strategy for acquiring the Composite Capability for Airbus Wing Business including programme plans and costs of the Technology Development programme. This was delivered to the Airbus Senior Management Board at AUK and BAE SYSTEMS Head Quarters – Directorate for Engineering.’

From 1995-99, Janet was Project Manager of the Low Cost Composite Technology Research for the Airbus Group. She was: ‘Accountable for developing the capability in low cost, low weight Composite Technologies for Airbus UK Wing Technology including materials, manufacturing processes, design and analytical methods and assembly technology. Successfully delivering the bid content for the wing contribution to the 83 million euro EC Framework 5 “TANGO” programme, the DTI funded AMCAPSII programme, private venture, national collaborative projects with research institutes, universities and national industries. Development of specific research project management and financial management processes and the Composite Strategy in line with business objectives’.

Between 1999-02, Janet was Head of Research and Technology Programme, Airbus UK Airbus Group. She was the: ‘Executive accountable for all Airbus UK Research and Technology Projects in Composites, Metallic’s Systems and Advanced Wing Technologies ( including Aerodynamics,Structures, Manufacturing, Assembly Technology and Wing Integration). This team was in excess of 250 people and an annual budget in excess of 100 million euros. Accountabilities included the R & T Operational Business Plan for the UK, contribution to the Airbus Technology Strategy, Technology Plan for UK, Primary interface for Airbus UK into the DTI and European Commission (EC) and Academia for technology projects. Project management of the Airbus Composite Wing technology programme which was funded by the EC and called TANGO’.
Between Oct 2002-06, Janet was head of A400 Military Transport Aircraft Wing Programme for Airbus.

In Jan 2007 Janet Mitchell set up her own consultancy, McSquared Consultants Ltd, of which she has been the CEO since its foundation

When we were kids, everyone had great difficulties playing with Janet although she was a good laugh, because she used to cheat in all the games. Everybody’s mother used to say ‘ooh it’s because Janet’s an only child, she’s not used to playing with others or sharing’. That may well have been the case when we were seven Janet, but I’m not sure that’s an excuse for the last 30 years.

Janet’s family were unusual among the people whom I knew when I was young in that they were not from Somerset. They were from Chorley and Janet’s entire extended family, to whom she and her parents were still close, all lived in Chorley. She was also much doted upon by the Chorley clan because she was the only grandchild of a big family. Chorley is an area which suffered badly in the 20th century post-industrial decline. There were two main employers in the area until recently – Leyland Trucks and BAE Systems. BAE systems closed its doors in 2008. That was OK though, Janet had set up her own consultancy by then and all her elderly relatives whom I remember who always batted so hard for Janet will have died by 2008.

I receive more names every day of those in Somerset whom I am told maxed out on their knowledge of what happened to me. I’m not putting them all up here, because I’m loathe to do so without a degree of evidence, at least circumstantial. However I have been told to enquire into the means by which a farming family by the name of Hill near Fiddington transformed their farm into a premier equestrian centre, Stockland Lovell Manor. The Hills were never at all horsey, but at the height of my difficulties with those we known and love, they raised an enormous sum of money and came up with very flash equestrian centre. Neighbouring farmers could not work out how the Hills had persuaded an investor to part with so much money, even if the farm had been used as security. The Hills had a daughter whom they told everyone was ‘working in the financial services’ in Europe, but she wasn’t a trader or a banker, didn’t possess professional qualifications and from what I was told it sounded as though she was actually a PA. Another daughter was a midwife – in Nottingham. Where I used to work and where a big research fraud between the Cancer Research Campaign and an American drug company was taking place in labs located at Nottingham University (see post ‘Oh Lordy, It’s CR UK’). The Hills also had a son, whom I am told now works for Somerset County Council Social Services, with disadvantaged youngsters.

The Hills used to give one of those who received money in return for their silence about what was happening to me a lift to Fiddington Church every Sunday. Mr Michael Hill was a churchwarden and a leading light in Somerset Cricket Club, so there’ll have been a few hobnobbing opportunities there. Ah the good old days, when stars like Ian Botham and Viv Richards played for Somerset, who would get pissed down the Anchor Inn in Combwich, in the company of the man who suddenly found himself with so many celebrity friends and so much money from about 1990 onward…

I think that Michael Hill and his wife Lavinia have both died now, so perhaps their offspring Diane, Jenny and Martin could explain how the family laid their hands on such a huge amount of dosh. Jenny Hill is probably the person to ask.

Series titles over a docklands terrace street

Two other Top Tossers who were tripping over themselves in the 1990s to make unlikely friendships with people in Somerset who knew what was happening in north Wales were Dangerous Sports Club members Ding Boston and Martin Lyster. Boston and Lyster are both veterans of pointless dangerous activities dressed up as ‘extreme sports’ in which people sustain injuries or even die (only a prosecution for manslaughter, not murder and even then that nice lady judge at Bristol Crown Court directed the jury to acquit!). The dear old Dangerous Sports Club had the wind taken out of its sails some years ago, what with its founder the conman David Kirke going to prison and then the death of that Bulgarian student, but I note that Ding now describes himself as ‘Co-Ordinator, Oxford Universities Motorsport’. Don’t ask me what Ding’s real name is, he refuses to give it, even in toadying media profiles. ‘Dickhead’ will suffice.

Ding’s mate Martin Lyster did a first degree and then a PhD in physics at Oxford in the 1980s and then years later a Masters at Loughborough University in Renewable Energy. His Linked In profile describes his present position as an R&D Project Manager for SSE Power Distribution.

So who with links to Thatcher/Major – apart from Tommy Leigh-Pemberton’s father obviously – was the source of all the dosh then Ding and Martin?

When I was discussing all this with Brown, he remarked that the emissaries of Thatcher’s and Major’s Gov’ts will have seen me as doubly dangerous. Not only had I gathered huge amounts of crap on Dafydd and related sex trafficking rings in other parts of the country with links to Tory Ministers, but coming from Tory stock myself I’ll have been seen as a renegade who really had to be stopped. Brown commented that while we were having our friends murdered and our careers destroyed, a lot of older people in Somerset would have been able to remember my grandfather, who was the leading campaigner for Sir Gerald Wills, the Tory MP for Bridgwater, 1950-69. Indeed. The vacuous shite Tom King built on the solid Tory support that had accumulated in Bridgwater.
I reminded Brown that I think that Tom et al will have seen me as far more than doubly dangerous. My grandpa was a high Tory who hung out with the Sir Bufton Tuftons, but he did a few things that pissed people like Tom King off. Such as: denouncing Edward du Cann as a crook (du Cann was later demonstrated to be, er, a crook); turning down a knighthood – Lord King and Lady Jane would never have found it within themselves to do that; refusing an invitation to a Buck House garden party; taking the piss out of the Freemasons and, I understand, the Water Buffaloes as well.
In 1979, one day at school I and my friends were in the library reading the ‘Bridgwater Mercury’ and we happened upon the ’25 years ago today’ column. Everyone howled with laughter, because the snippet chosen was a speech that my grandfather had made to the Somerset Tories, in which he had said that ‘the Conservative Party today is not what it used to be’. Well it certainly wasn’t by the late 1980s, it was trying to murder his granddaughter because she’d stumbled across the Westminster Paedophile Ring.
Anyone for a Buck House garden party?
Charles Prince of Wales.jpg

Additional Security Measures

The last couple of days has seen a flurry of excitement after the release of some Gov’t papers from the National Archives. Being a nerd I really enjoy such things, so I caught up with as many of the stories as I could.

It was revealed that in 1992  Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, the Permanent Secretary in the Welsh Office, wanted John Major to hold a Cabinet meeting in Wales and wrote a letter suggesting this to Andrew Turnbull, Principal Private Secretary to Major, explaining that there were two buildings in Cardiff which were grand enough to host the Cabinet.  Andrew – now Lord – Turnbull told Richard Lloyd-Jones to speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary. The request was refused.

Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones was Permanent Secretary at the Welsh Office, 1985-93. So Sir Richard was the most senior civil servant there whilst children in care in north Wales were raped, buggered, beaten, starved, forced to labour in local businesses for no pay, trafficked to London and Brighton as well as to locations in Europe to work in the porn and sex trade and were found dead in questionable circumstances. Sir Richard was in post whilst care workers from north Wales were appearing in Court charged with physical and sexual assaults on children yet whilst the Welsh Office’s Social Services Inspectorate failed to inspect some of the children’s homes at all over a period of years and only undertook the most cursory inspections of others. Sir Richard was at the helm when serious complaints about the social services and mental health services in north Wales were either ignored or dismissed out of hand. He was in post when I – as well as other people – were unlawfully arrested and incarcerated in the psychiatric wards of Ysbyty Gwynedd and the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dr Dafydd Alun Jones, Dr Tony Francis (Dr X) and the staff of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office whilst it employed the corrupt lawyer Andrew Park, who held in-depth discussions with and advised the mental health services as to how to gain a High Court injunction against me and then subsequently prosecute me for allegedly breaching that injunction, although Park himself acknowledged that they were perjuring themselves because I had not committed the offences as accused. Sir Richard ran the Welsh Office when it employed Professor Robert Owen as its Medical Ombudsman. Robert Owen was appointed to investigate my complaints about the mental health services and then collaborated and colluded with Alun Davies (the manager of the Gwynedd mental health services), Dr D.G.E. Wood (the corrupt GP who had initially referred me to the mental health services) and others from Gwynedd Health Authority without my knowledge – some of the phone calls and correspondence were taken at and sent to Owen’s home at Colwyn Bay. Owen then asked Professor Robert Bluglass and Dr Colin Berry to investigate my complaint – every part of my complaint involving Tony Francis and Gwynedd Social Services went uninvestigated, Dafydd went unchallenged despite telling bare-faced lies at the inquiry and Bluglass could not bring himself to admit that Dafydd had broken the law repeatedly, although Bluglass received oral and written evidence from staff at the North Wales Hospital testifying that he had (see post ‘Enter Professor Robert Bluglass CBE’). No action of any sort was taken against Dafydd although a ‘discussion’ was held with him. I later found out that Bluglass had worked and co-authored with close colleagues of Francis and Dafydd.

At the time that I complained about Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities, the Welsh Office – under Sir Richard – had sent in a management team to Gwynedd Health Authority as a result of the serious mismanagement and dire financial situation that prevailed. The chaos was such that it was discussed in the Commons (see post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’).

Lloyd-Jones ran the Welsh Office whilst Alison Taylor repeatedly blew the whistle on the abuse of children in care in north Wales and was dismissed from her job as a social worker by Gwynedd County Council. He ran the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch won leave to sue Dafydd, Clwyd Health Authority and Risley Remand Centre and was in post when they fessed up and agreed to pay Mary compensation (see post ‘The Mary Wynch Case – Details’). Sir Richard was still in post when they all then refused to stump up the compensation as agreed.

This civil service mandarin spent years concealing the most serious criminality. He stepped down the year after five witnesss to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in a firebomb attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’) and after allegations of a paedophile ring operating in the north Wales children’s homes involving politicians, civil servants, members of the security services, police officers, doctors, lawyers and others had appeared in the London-based media. In the year that Sir Richard stepped down, the North Wales Police – who conducted the investigation into the abuse despite allegations that some of their own officers had been involved – concluded that there was no evidence of a paedophile ring in north Wales/Cheshire. In the same year the demands for a Public Inquiry into events in north Wales grew and in the following year the Jillings Investigation into the abuse of children in care -but only in Clwyd – since 1974 began.

Lloyd-Jones had been concealing crime at Welsh Office level long before he became Permanent Secretary. He joined the Welsh Office as Under-Secretary in 1974 and remained in that role until 1978. He was then Deputy Secretary until 1985. So Sir Richard was in one of the most senior positions at the Welsh Office when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, imprisoned and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and his partners in crime at Risley Remand Centre. He will have been involved in the earlier cover-ups regarding the abuse of children in care and patients at the North Wales Hospital under the Secretary of State in Wilson’s and Callaghan’s Govt’s ie. John Morris. Lloyd-Jones then continued the cover-up under Thatcher’s Secretaries of State ie. Nicholas Edwardes, Peter Walker and David Hunt.

Sir Richard, like Dafydd, is now elderly but he is still with us. Sir Richard – can you tell us anything about the lobotomies, the deaths, the abductions and the underground chamber where patients were confined at the North Wales Hospital? Like me, you will have known about it all.

Richard Lloyd-Jones began his career in the civil service in 1957 when he entered the Admiralty. He was Assistant Private Secretary to the First Lord of the Admiralty, 1959-62 -Lord Carrington. Richard Lloyd-Jones will therefore have known Admiral Sir Alec Bingley.

Sir Alec had a long and distinguished career in the Royal Navy. During World War II he was Commander-In-Chief of the home fleet. Subsequently Bingley was appointed Fifth Sea Lord and in 1954 Deputy Chief of Naval Staff (Air). In 1958 he became Flag Officer, Aircraft Carriers and in 1959 was appointed Commander-In-Chief, Mediterranean Fleet and Naval Commander of the Allied Forces in the Mediterranean in 1959. In 1961 Bingley became the Commander-In-Chief of Portsmouth and Allied Commander-In-Chief. He retired in 1963. Sir Alec’s wife Lady Juliet was the daughter of a Top Doctor and became a medical social worker. In 1972 Lady Juliet became involved with the National Association of Mental Health (MIND) and was appointed Chair in 1979. Sir Alec and Lady Juliet’s son William concealed the criminal activities of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones et al in north Wales as well as the serious abuse of patients in Moss Side/Park Lane/Ashworth Hospitals for many years from the early 1980s onwards whilst he was legal officer and then legal director of MIND and continued to conceal the criminality when he was Chief Executive of the Mental Health Act Commission (see post ‘Security, Security’).

Dr T. Gwynne Williams, the lobotomist at the North Wales Hospital and Dafydd’s partner in crime, spent years as a surgeon in the Royal Navy whilst Sir Alec occupied very senior roles in the service. Jim Callaghan, whose Gov’t concealed the wrongdoing of Dafydd and Gwynne by utilising the talents of Sir Richard Lloyd-Jones, also liked to flag up his Royal Navy credentials. Callaghan joined the Royal Navy in 1942 but in 1944 was hospitalised with TB in the Royal Naval Hospital Haslar, near Portsmouth. He was discharged from the Navy and assigned to duties in the Admiralty in Whitehall no less. Whilst he was on leave, Callaghan was selected as the Parliamentary candidate for the Labour Party for Cardiff South – Callaghan beat the future Speaker of the House child molester George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy to win the nomination. In 1945 Callaghan then did a brief stint with the East Indies Fleet and after VE day returned to the UK and won a landslide victory in Cardiff South in the 1945 General Election.

Callaghan’s wiki entry states that he was the last Prime Minister to be an armed forces veteran and the only PM ever to have served in the Navy. Although it sounds as though Callaghan didn’t actually see much active service – he was in hospital or in Whitehall ingratiating himself to influential folk in the Admiralty for much of the time and when he did see active service he seems to have carefully kept himself out of danger. Which is exactly what he did throughout his political career. Could it possibly have been the case that old Callaghan was one of those with connections to MI5 or MI6 who was under suspicion of using those connections to conceal the paedophile ring in north Wales/Chester and the links to the Westminster Paedophile Ring?

Between 1969-70 Richard Lloyd-Jones was Private Secretary to Harold Wilson’s Cabinet Secretary, Burke Trend. Burke was an alumnus of Merton College, Oxford and after graduation joined the civil service. For most of his career Burke served in the Treasury, but he was Cabinet Secretary under Harold Wilson and then Ted Heath, 1963-73. Burke received a peerage in 1974 and also became Rector of Lincoln College, Oxford.

In the 1970s Burke led an investigation into allegations of penetration into the British security services from before World War II to the 1960s. Burke concluded that there was insufficient evidence to support the allegations. Thank goodness for that, it’s not as if we would ever want irresponsible people concealing criminal behaviour or even the murders of the victims of a paedophile gang working in the security services.

Burke’s son Michael Trend was educated at Westminster School and Oriel College, Oxford. He worked as a journalist for the Times Literary Supplement, History Today, the Spectator and was the chief leader writer for the Daily Telegraph, 1990-92.

Trend was Tory MP for Maidstone and Windsor, 1992-97 and then for Windsor (after the constituency was renamed and reconfigured), 1997-2005. Michael was elected in the General Election of 1992 – which saw the retirement of Sir Peter Morrison who had been the Tory MP for Chester and who was abusing kids in care from north Wales as well as elsewhere. 1992 saw the distributing of peerages to many who had concealed organised child abuse. Just days after Michael was elected, the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were murdered by that firebomb.

Michael Trend was Deputy Chairman and Chief Executive of the Conservative Party until 2000. He was Chair of the party’s International Office until Sept 2005. Trend is said to have participated in ‘extensive democracy building work with in the former Soviet Union and in Africa’.

In Dec 2002 Michael Trend agreed to repay £90k to the Commons after wrongfully claiming. In Feb 2003 he was found guilty of abusing the allowances system. Trend was briefly suspended from Parliament and did not stand for election again.

Lloyd-Jones was Assistant Secretary at the Ministry of Defence, 1970-74. The Secretary of State for Defence was one Lord Carrington. At the time, the British Army had been sent into N Ireland and the troubles were well underway – as was the concealing of the abuse of children in the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast, allegedly by Whitehall civil servants, Army Officers and others. The Secretaries of State for N Ireland during those years were Willie Whitelaw and Francis Pym. Whitelaw concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales for years in his capacity as Deputy Leader of the Conservative Party and as Chair of the Tory Party as well as in numerous other roles and he concealed the abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast. In July 1972 Whitelaw met an IRA leader in Minister of State Paul Channon’s house in Chelsea for discussions (see post ‘Is The Party Over Yet?’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Chairman of the Civil Service Benevolent Fund, 1987-93 and a Trustee between 1993-2000. He sat on the Advisory Committee on Local Gov’t Staff Transfers (Wales), 1993-94 and on the Local Gov’t Staff Committee for Wales, 1994-97. Lloyd-Jones was a member of the BBC General Advisory Council, 1994-96 and of the Commission for Local Democracy, 1994-95. He was Chairman of Age Concern Cymru, 1999-05 and President, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was involved with Age Concern England from 2000 until either the present day or very recently.

Margaret Hanson, the Vice-Chairman of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board was Chief Executive of Age Concern for North East Wales, 2004-14. Hanson previously worked as a social worker for children and families in Cheshire, whilst the paedophile gang that also operated in north Wales was active in Cheshire. Hanson was also a Councillor in Cheshire and Mayor of a Cheshire town. Hanson’s husband David Hanson is MP for Delyn and was also a Councillor in Cheshire whilst the paedophile gang was busy. David Hanson was PPS to Tony Blair from 2001 whilst the surviving witnesses to the wrongdoing in north Wales were threatened, harasssed and prosecuted on the basis of the paedophiles’ friends perjuring themselves (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II’).

Richard Lloyd-Jones was Vice-Chairman of the Prince of Wales Committee, 1993-96 and was a member of the Prince’s Trust, 1996-99. He was a member of the Court of the University of Wales, 1995-2000 and the National Museum of Wales, 1996-99. Lloyd-Jones was appointed a member of the Court and Council of Cardiff University in 2004 and is either still there or was until very recently and was Vice-President of the University of Wales Cardiff, 1993-04.

Lloyd-Jones was a member of Groundworks Methyr and Rhondda Cynon Taff, 1996-present day (or until very recently) and has been President of Welsh Council of the Ramblers Association, 1993-2011. Sir Richard’s wife Helen is Chair of the Ramblers Association and was previously a member of the Countryside Council for Wales.

Between 1999-2005 Sir Richard was Chairman of the Fishguard International Music Festival. At one point Lloyd-Jones made a formal complaint to the Press Complaints Commission when The Times erroneously stated that ‘Folk at the Fish’ was part of the Fishguard Festival. The Times amended its records accordingly after Sir Richard made representation. What a pity that Sir Richard did not show as much concern about a vicious paedophile gang with links to organised crime which imprisoned and murdered its victims whilst it operated within the services for which he was responsible.

Sir Richard was Chairman of the Arts Council of Wales, 1994-97.

Richard Lloyd-Jones went to Balliol College, Oxford. As did a few others who have been outed on this blog.

 

The man to whom Sir Richard wrote to suggest a Cabinet meeting in Wales was Andrew Turnbull, who in 1992 was Principal Private Secretary to John Major. Turnbull was appointed Principal Private Secretary to the PM in 1988 and initially served under Thatcher. Turnbull will have known about Sir Peter Morrison’s activities and a great deal else. He was in post when Morrison was Deputy Chair of the Conservative Party and whilst Morrison organised Thatcher’s failed leadership campaign before she resigned in Nov 1990.

Turnbull was educated at Enfield Grammar and Christ’s College, Cambridge. After working as Principal Private Secretary to the PM Turnbull was appointed Permanent Secretary at DEFRA. He then occupied the second highest ranking civil service post in Gov’t, Permanent Secretary to the Treasury, 1998-02. Turnbull was then appointed Cabinet Secretary and Head of the Home Civil Service, a post which he held until 2005, whilst Blair was PM.

In recent decades the two most senior civil service posts in Gov’t – Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service – have been filled by the same person. Turnbull filled both roles, as did his successor Gus O’Donnell. The role of Cabinet Secretary was created in 1916 by David Lloyd George and it was a controversial move at the time. The Cabinet Secretary is responsible for the organisation of the Cabinet Office and for providing support to the PM and Gov’t as a whole. When Turnbull succeeded to the dual role in Sept 2002 Blair asked him to focus on the management of the civil service. Tom Bower’s book ‘Broken Vows’ discusses Blair’s lack of understanding of the machinery of Gov’t and his desire to basically exclude the civil service from the process of Gov’t in some detail.

In Feb 2004 Turnbull wrote to ex-Minister Clare Short admonishing her for her media statements alleging that British intelligence had intercepted communications from others, including the Secretary General of the UN Kofi Annan. Short made Turnbull’s confidential letter public and rebuked Turnbull for allegedly allowing the Gov’t decision-making machinery to crumble during the run-up to the 2003 Iraq War. Short suggested that the Attorney General Lord Goldsmith had been ‘leant on’ to provide advice that the war would be legal. Short also alleged that Turnbull was responsible for the inadequate Cabinet scrutiny of Goldsmith’s legal advice. In March 2005 Turnbull revealed that Goldsmith’s opinion re the legality or otherwise of the Iraq War was one page long.

Turnbull received a peerage in 2005.

Turnbull gave evidence to the Iraq Inquiry in Jan 2010.

In 2006 Turnbull was appointed Chair of Zambia Orphans Aid UK and in 2007 he became a Senior Executive Advisor with Booz Allen Hamilton. Turnbull is a Trustee of the Global Warming Policy Foundation. In 2011 the Foundation issued a report in Turnbull’s name claiming that global temperatures were ‘on a plateau’ and which called for more scepticism on global warming.

Turnbull is a Governor of Dulwich College and has been Chair of the Board of Governors since 2009.

Turnbull was succeeded  at the Treasury and then as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service by Sir Gus O’Donnell.

When Lloyd-Jones wrote to Turnbull suggesting a Cabinet meeting in Wales, Andrew Turnbull suggested that he should speak to Sir Robin Butler, the Cabinet Secretary.

Robin Butler was the Mr Big of the mandarins who concealed serious crime. Butler went to Harrow School, spent a year teaching at St Dunstan’s in Burnham-on-Sea and then went to University College, Oxford. Butler joined the Treasury in 1961 and remained there until 1969. He held a succession of senior roles and in 1969 was seconded to the Bank of England and several City institutions.

Butler was Private Secretary to Heath (1972-74) and Wilson (1974-75), Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher (1982-85) and Private Secretary to Major and Blair. He does not seem to have been Private Secretary to Callaghan – there will have been a reason for that but I haven’t yet found out what it was. Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Home Civil Service, 1988-98, whilst both Major and Blair were PM. It is obvious from Butler’s CV that he will have known all about Sir Peter Morrison – Morrison was a Minister whilst Butler was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher – and the associated chaos in north Wales. Documents also show that Butler and Margaret Thatcher knew about the allegations that Cyril Smith was sexually abusing children. Butler knew about Jimmy Savile as well because Thatcher was warned by civil servants that giving Jimmy Savile a knighthood could backfire very badly as a result of aspects of his ‘private life’ – Thatch continued to lobby vigorously for Savile to be knighted and in 1990 it happened.

Whilst Butler was Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service, the constant cover-ups into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal took place, including the Waterhouse Inquiry, as well as the murders of the five witnesses days after the 1992 General Election. Butler presided over the civil service whilst the Department of Health allowed chaos and criminality to reign in the NHS in order to conceal organised child abuse as well as the associated abuse of mental health patients and whilst the DoH also ignored endemic research fraud and misconduct. No-one has ever admitted what was going on in the NHS whilst Butler was at the top of the Civil Service, but the rotten culture which Butler was clearly part of became evident as a result of other matters.

An article in the Independent in July 2004 written by Paul Vallely discussed a few of Butler’s high points. Vallely reminded readers that during the Scott Inquiry into the covert sales of arms to Iraq by the British Gov’t, Butler had confirmed that he found it acceptable for Ministers to be ‘selective about the facts’ and to give ‘an answer that is not the whole truth’. In 1994 Robin Butler was appointed to investigate Neil Hamilton and others regarding the business of the cash in brown envelopes from Al Fayed – Butler cleared Hamilton. Hamilton was then foolish enough to sue the Guardian over the allegations that he’d accepted cash in return for questions – Hamilton lost the case, he was declared bankrupt and subsequently lost his seat. Hamilton was the Tory MP for Tatton, the neighbouring constituency to Sir Peter Morrison’s and Neil and Christine Hamilton attended social events with Morrison and members of his constituency association. Morrison’s abuse of under-aged boys was openly discussed by members of the association and by constituents (see post ‘I Want Serious Money Now Please’), so it is very unlikely that the Hamiltons had not heard about it. Neil Hamilton was not the only Tory MP caught up in the cash for questions scandal. The others involved were Tim Smith (who resigned after admitting that he had been bribed), Sir Michael Grylls, Michael Brown – and Sir Peter Morrison.

Robin Butler was given the task of investigating the allegations that Jonathan Aitken had received a bribe in the form of payment for his stay at the Paris Ritz by the Saudis whilst he held secret meetings with Saudi arms dealers regarding commissions. Butler cleared Aitken and Aitken returned to the Commons boasting that Butler had cleared him. Aitken then launched an ill-judged libel action against the Guardian which resulted in Aitken being jailed for perjury – because he had lied about funding of his stay at the Ritz. His bills had indeed been paid for by someone else. People who were Saudis.

Butler himself described the Scott Inquiry 1992-96 as a ‘long nightmare’ but explained that as a civil servant ‘you just do not give the full information…It was half an answer. Half the picture can be true’. It was obviously such rationale that allowed Butler to fail to admit that a vicious paedophile ring was on the loose in north Wales, that witnesses were being framed and imprisoned by Top Doctors and in some cases murdered by persons unknown and that the whole machinery of Gov’t was utilised to keep a lid on this.

Butler was so close to Harold Wilson that Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender – who famously had an unfathomably complex relationship with Wilson that was subject to much speculation – tried to have him sacked. Butler was also very close to John Major, particularly in the last few months of his premiership – when Major’s Secretary of State for Wales William Hague was setting up the Waterhouse Inquiry. Sir Peter Morrison had been found safely dead in his house having ‘fallen down the stairs’ some months previously.

Robin Butler guided Blair into Number 10 regarding Whitehall protocol and initially was a big mate of key figures in New Labour. Butler was such good mates with Mandelson that in the summer following the May that Blair was elected Butler gave Mandy a bottle of peach champagne. The honeymoon didn’t last long – which was hardly surprising with the marriage being between Grade A bastards who had all put their heads together to conceal corruption in high places, serious sex offending and murder – and within eighteen months Blair had fallen out with the civil service.

Butler told his friends that his key mistake in the first year of Blair’s Gov’t was to sign Orders in Council allowing Jonathan Powell (Blair’s Chief of Staff) and Alastair Campbell (Blair’s Press Secretary) to give orders to civil servants despite being political appointees. This violated the line between elected politicians and impartial civil service – as much as one can be called impartial when a key priority is to conceal the deaths of people whom if they had lived and been listened to could have put a lot of people (including a few politicians) in prison for a long time. Butler’s Orders in Council permitted Alastair Campbell to Chair a planning meeting with civil servants and intelligence chiefs over the ’45 minute’ dossier – famously sexed up by Alastair – which led Britain into the war with Iraq.

After Butler retired in 1998 he was given a peerage – he sits as a cross bencher.

Butler was the Master of University College, Oxford, 1998-08.  He was a non-executive director of the HSBC Group, 1998-08 and Chair of the HSBC Global Education Trust.

In 2004 Butler Chaired the Review of Intelligence on Weapons of Mass Destruction, the Butler Review – the review of the use of intelligence in the lead up to the 2003 Iraq War. Butler concluded that some of the intelligence re WMD was ‘seriously flawed’.

As befits someone who has done so many favours for so many scumbags in high office, Robin Butler clocked up a great many gongs. The one that I noticed first was Knight Commander of the Order of the Bath (KCB), awarded in the New Years Honours of 1988. Gwynedd social worker Alison Taylor contacted Thatcher herself on 17 Jan 1987 and told her of the abuse of children in north Wales. Alison was suspended later on in that year and on 3 Nov 1987 was sacked by Gwynedd County Council. Butler was in line for another prize before too long. He was awarded the Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath (GCB) in the 1992 Birthday Honours. The lucky winners of the  1992 Birthday Honours were announced on 13 June 1992. By that time my career had been destroyed, as had the media careers of two close friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales, my housemate had been killed in a car crash which had left her boyfriend – another one of my friends Who Knew brain damaged and paralysed – but most importantly of all from the point of the paedophile gang those five other pesky witnesses had been murdered by the firebomb. In April, which will have been just about when the list of those to be honoured was set in concrete. Unfortunately for the paedophiles’ friends, one of those in the building which was firebombed survived the blaze and voiced his belief that witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were being murdered. He was found dead in suspicious circumstances some time later after having given evidence against John Allen, the sex offender who owned and managed the Bryn Alyn Community, days before he was due to receive a payment from the Criminal Injuries Compensation Board.

Butler picked up his peerage in Feb 1998 – Sir Ronald Waterhouse had heard evidence from the few survivors of the north Wales children’s homes by then and had trashed all of them. Some people had collapsed whilst giving evidence, others had developed mental health problems and yet others had been unable to walk out of the hearing unaided. No wonder Ronnie maintained that they couldn’t be believed.

On 23 April 2003 Robin Butler was awarded the Knight Companion of the Order of the Garter (KG) and in 2004 he became a member of the Privy Council. By April 2003 the mental health services in north Wales were at an advanced stage in their plans to fit me up for ‘threatening to kill’ Alun Davies, the manager of the Hergest Unit. Numerous Angels had lied in statements to the police and the corrupt judge Huw Daniel was ready with the planned hefty prison sentence – I’d been warned by the police and solicitors to expect seven years. When I returned for the next hearing the charge of threatening to kill was withdrawn – Huw Daniel obviously wasn’t expecting this and became very irate indeed. I was instead charged with a Public Order Offence for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot – which I did do and had always been happy to admit to having done. I was later told that the charge of threats to kill had been withdrawn after a member of staff at the Hergest Unit had contacted someone – presumably the police or the Court – and told them that they had witnessed the discussions held at Ysbyty Gwynedd amongst the Top Doctors, nurses and managers ie. the fat idiots, re the plan to frame me and had stated that they would go public on the abuses taking place in that hospital if I was charged. See post ‘Interesting Happenings In The Legal System’ for the details of the bizarre sequence of events and happenings in Court.

Last summer I discovered that just after the date in 2004 on which I was pleaded guilty and was sentenced under the Public Order Act for telling Alun Davies’s secretary that he was a fat idiot, someone had illegally amended the PNC so that it showed a conviction for ‘violent disorder’ on my record and somebody in Chester Court had forged a certificate of indictment stating that I had been convicted of ‘violent disorder’. I contacted the legal division of the North Wales Police about this matter months ago but I have heard nothing. See posts ‘Even More Confusion Regarding Those Legal Conundrums’ and ‘An Update On Those Legal Conundrums’ for details.

Oh well, what does it matter – perjury, perverting the course of justice, misconduct in public office, mass murder, what does it matter as long as Lord Butler of Serious Crime in High Places has bagged his place on the Privy Council.

A Feb 2004 article in the Guardian stated that Butler ‘consistently showed deference to those in power’. And to a gang of paedophiles as well.

I’ll leave the last quote about Robin Butler to Lord Peter Hennessey, the ‘constitutional expert’: ‘Robin Butler is a crown servant who knows the importance of keeping a proper demarcation between ministers, career civil servants and special advisors’.

Robin Butler is a member of the Anglo-Belgian Club, of Brooks, of Beefsteak and of the Athenaeum, a club popular with Top Doctors. Jimmy Savile was a member of the Athenaeum, he was introduced to the club by Cardinal Basil Hume.

Butler’s boss John Major knew a great deal about the wrongdoing in north Wales and organised child abuse. Major had been a Councillor in Lambeth before becoming an MP, whilst Lambeth had a huge problem with the abuse of children in care and Major had also been a junior minister in the Department of Health.

 

Robin Butler was succeeded as Cabinet Secretary and head of the Civil Service by Sir Richard Wilson – his name is not widely known among laypeople, unlike Cabinet Secretaries Robert Armstrong (see post’Lord Robert Armstrong’), Butler and Gus O’Donnell. Richard Wilson was Secretary to the Cabinet and head of the Home Civil Service from Jan 1998-2000.

Richard Wilson was born in Glamorgan, attended Radley College, 1956-60 (he is now head of the Governors at Radley) and then read law at Clare College, Cambridge, 1961-65. Wilson was called to the Bar but entered the civil service rather than practice as a barrister. His first post in the civil service was Assistant Principal in the Board of Trade in 1966. Wilson served in a number of departments, spending 12 years in the Dept of Energy where his responsibilities included nuclear power, the privatisation of Britoil, personnel and finance. He headed the Economic Secretariat in the Cabinet Office under Thatcher, 1987-90 and after two years in the Treasury was appointed Permanent Secretary in the Department of Environment in 1992.

Wilson was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, 1994-97. So he was in post when the attempt by the mental health services to fit me up on the basis of the perjury of an Angel – Bridget Lloyd – occurred and he was also in post when Michael Howard ruined Mary Wynch.

Richard Wilson received a peerage in 2002.

In Sept 2002 Wilson became Master of Emmanuel College, Cambridge. He has been a non-executive director of the British Sky Broadcasting Group plc, was or still is Chair of C. Hoare and Co, was or still is a non-executive director of Xansa plc and was or still is Chair of the Board of Patrons of the Wilberforce Society.

As well as a peerage, like all the most effective concealers of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends, Sir Richard Wilson has clocked up the requisite gongs. He received: a CB (Companion of the Order of the Bath) in the New Years Honours of 1991 – by which time I had been charged with serious offences on the basis of the perjury of the Top Doctors and was well on the way to being hounded out of my job as was my friend who worked at the Royal Television Society and who had wanted to make a documentary about matters in north Wales; a KCB (Knight Commander) in the New Years Honours of 1997 – the cover-up which was Waterhouse had been orchestrated and was underway; and a GCB (Knight Grand Cross) in the New Years Honours of 2001 – the Waterhouse Report had been published and the protesting voices yelling ‘massive cover-up’ had been ignored.

 

Richard Wilson concealed considerable wrongdoing whilst he was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office, but the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office who preceded him and who was in post between 1988-94, Sir Clive Whitmore, has even more explaining to do.

Before Whitmore was Permanent Secretary at the Home Office he had served as Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1979-82. So he too would have known about Jimmy Savile and about Peter Morrison – who was Lord Commissioner of the Treasury whilst Whitmore was Principal Private Secretary to Thatcher.

Whitmore was Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary whilst Thatcher was bullying and falling out with her Cabinet – as detailed in Charles Moore’s  account in his biography of Thatcher concerning the Argentinian invasion of the Falklands. Charles Moore maintained in his book that on one occasion Lord Carrington turned to Sir Clive Whitmore and said ‘if I have any more trouble with this fucking stupid petit bourgeois woman I’m going to go’. Which was probably a most accurate summary of the essence of Thatcher. Carrington did of course resign from Thatcher’s Cabinet after the invasion of the Falklands in 1982. Although Thatcher made enough political capital out of the war with Argentina to win the next election, it was acknowledged at the time that the Argentinians had given a number of warnings that they were going to invade the Falklands but the Gov’t failed to respond. In 1980 Nicholas Ridley, the Minister of State for the Foreign and Commonwealth Office with responsibility for the Falkland Islands, had told Commodore Cavandoli that Britain had little interest in the Falkland Islands because they were not a wine-growing region like Bordeaux. Ridley did have a reputation for putting his foot in his mouth – after the sinking of the Herald of Free Enterprise, he made a comment in the Commons about implementing policy with its bow doors open (the Herald of Free Enterprise sunk which resulted in loss of life because it set sail with its bow doors open). Ridley had to resign from his position as Secretary of State for Trade and Industry in 1990 after he made comments about the EU being a ‘German racket designed to take over the whole of Europe’ and followed this up with a reference to Hitler.

Whitmore was then the Permanent Secretary at the Ministry of Defence until 1988.

Whilst Whitmore led the Home Office he presided over a great many dreadful things. In north Wales the framing and wrongful imprisonment of the former children in care and mental health patients – including me – as a result of corruption on the part of the police, Risley Remand Centre, the north Wales mental health services and the high security hospitals as described in my post ‘Security, Security’ was happening. Former kids in care were being found dead on a regular basis and complaints of abuse usually went uninvestigated.

On 15 March 1992 the North Wales Police carried out dawn raids in and around Wrexham. Sixteen men and one woman were held – all but one person had worked at Bryn Estyn. The police stated that no child porn was found and no evidence of a paedophile ring. By the end of the day the police had released 12 of the 16 people who had been held. They were all released without charge. Of the four others, only one person made any admissions. This triumph happened three weeks or so before the General Election.

In other regions of the the UK, things were going badly wrong as well. The allegations of the serious abuse of children in care by the Leicestershire social worker Frank Beck had finally been investigated (Beck was imprisoned) but somehow the allegations against Greville Janner went nowhere, although Janner was interviewed by the police in the early 1990s and a file was sent to the DPP. Janner was interviewed in the presence of his solicitor Sir David Napley and Napley was so certain that Janner would be charged that he had already retained George Carman QC. After the imprisonment of Frank Beck it was admitted that the response of the police to the complaints against Beck had been negligent and wholly inadequate. I will be writing more about the Frank Beck case in another post soon.

One thing that the Home Office had to handle whilst Whitmore was Permanent Secretary was the Hillsborough Disaster on the 15 April 1989 and the aftermath. It has finally recently been admitted that at Hillsborough it was the police who were largely responsible for the deaths of many people, that the police systematically lied about the behaviour of the football fans, that lies were told to the media in order to smear the fans – including those who had died – and that the media faithfully published those lies (most famously Kelvin McKenzie at the Sun). Just to ensure that everyone got the right message the police then fabricated witness statements and perjured themselves. It has taken nearly 30 years for the truth to be admitted regarding events at Hillsborough.

So I was most interested to find in the archive of the Hillsborough Independent Panel – Disclosed Material and Report, a copy of a note written by Sir Clive Whitmore dated 7 July 1989. The file states that this note was sent to the Secretary of State – which at the time was Douglas Hurd – regarding the progress of the [Lord Justice Peter] Taylor Inquiry [on Hillsborough] and when it was expected to be completed. The file records that Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report was published in Aug 1989.

In the note Whitmore documented that he had spoken to Lord Justice Taylor and a Mr Whalley on 4 July about the progress on the Inquiry and that Taylor had told him that the Report might not be ready until early August.  Whitmore went on to note that Taylor had confirmed that the Report wasn’t going to say anything concerning the arguments for or against identity cards for football supporters. He reported that he was fairly certain that none of Taylor’s recommendations will be of a kind which would require physical work at grounds before the start of the next football season. Whitmore stated that Taylor expects the interim findings to deal with matters such as crowd control and the content of safety certificates. Sir Clive observes that there is no pressing need for a statement to the House and that there may be an advantage in a low key reception involving simply a press statement. Whitmore noted that Taylor did warn him that the interim report is likely to be critical of the South Yorkshire Police and to a lesser extent the football club. Whitmore ends by saying ‘we will need to consider carefully what we should say on this aspect once we have the text of the report’.

The following words/phrases were underlined: ‘early August’, ‘identity cards’, ‘crowd control’, ‘critical of South Yorkshire Police’ and ‘to a lesser extent’.

Although the note is dated 7 July 1989, the official stamp showing receipt of the letter is dated 10 July 1989. The note was sent to: Lord Ferrers, Mr Chilcot [this name is highlighted], Mr Moriarty, Mr Boys Smith, Mr Turney, HMCIFS, Mr Mower, Mr Goddard, Mr Watts, Mr Lidington.

There is a copy of Lord Justice Taylor’s Interim Report in the archived file. It is addressed to Douglas Hurd who was Home Secretary at the time. The Report is dated 1 August 1989 and it has Peter Taylor’s name on it – but not Peter Taylor’s signature. There is just ‘Peter Taylor’ typed next to the date. Every Inquiry that I have seen has the signature of the Chair and the Panel on it next to the date.

It is crystal clear from Whitmore’s note that Peter Taylor didn’t expect to have his report written until early August – so it would not have been ready for submission on 1 Aug 1989. It is also clear from Whitmore’s note and the phrases that were underlined that Taylor was going to mention a few things in that report that Whitmore seemed rather sensitive about – so senstive that people were going to have to consider their public response once they had the text of the Report.

I think that the reason why Peter Taylor didn’t sign that Report in the archive was that Peter Taylor hadn’t actually written it. It seems to me that the Home Office under Douglas Hurd were conducting business the Gwynedd Health Authority and expert medical witness way – they had commissioned a report and publicised that, they knew what they wanted in the Report so before Peter Taylor had submitted it they wrote one of their own. Perhaps they amended it once Taylor had sent them his Report – who knows, because there is no signature on the Report there is no certainly as to who wrote which bits or when.

There are people who can tell us what went on, even if Douglas maintains that he knows nuzzing – Sir Clive Whitmore obviously. But one of the people to whom Sir Clive sent his note will know who drafted Taylor’s Report for him – Mr Lidington.

Mr Lidington is David Lidington, who is currently sitting in Theresa May’s Gov’t as the Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Between 1987-89 Lidington was a special advisor to Douglas Hurd in the Home Office and when Hurd became Foreign Secretary in 1989 Lidington moved with him to the Foreign and Commonwealth Office.

So David Lidington was the gofer at the Home Office when Dafydd, Tony Francis, two junior doctors at Ysbyty Gwynedd, someone at Risley Remand Centre and the Mental Health Act Commission all had a little plan to frame me for attempting to stab a doctor – which unravelled because a nurse who was sitting in the room as I carried out this murderous attack made a statement to the police admitting that I hadn’t tried to stab anyone. Risley Remand Centre was under the domain of Douglas Hurd. There were constant allegations of brutality towards inmates and even inmates dying because no-one had answered bells when they had rung for assistance. The Waterhouse Report details how the Waterhouse Inquiry had sight of a letter sent from Risley Remand Centre in support of Nefyn and June Dodd, the managers of Ty’r Felin children’s home in Bangor – who were under investigation for child abuse – allegedly written by a former resident of Ty’r Felin which had been sent to Lucille Hughes, Dafydd’s mistress and the Director of Gwynedd Social Services. Sir Ronald Waterhouse confirmed that the letter had not been written or sent by the former resident of Ty’r Felin as purported.

So as well as beating up the inmates and leaving them to die by witholding medical attention, someone in Risley Remand Centre – under the control of the Home Office – was forging documents and colluding in elaborate plans with Top Doctors to frame people who had complained about them. And someone in the Home Office was forging Reports from Lord Chief Justices. And David Lidington knows something about it.

You are the Secretary of State for Justice Lidington. You do know how illegal these matters are. Furthermore, Nefyn Dodd was not only abusing the kids in Ty’r Felin himself but he was trafficking them down to London to be used for prostitution – one boy from Ty’r Felin turned up in the now infamous Dolphin Square (see post ‘Are You Local?’).

David Lidington is the Tory MP for Aylesbury – he was elected at the 1992 General Election. Days before the five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed by that firebomb.

In 1994 Lidington was appointed PPS to Michael Howard. Just as Howard stuffed over Mary Wynch leaving her ruined. In 1994 there was yet another attempt to fit me up and imprison me – Bridget Lloyd, an Angel with the Arfon Community Mental Health Team, alleged that I had made threatening phone calls to her and made a statement claiming to be so frightened of me that the Health Authority had given her a personal alarm to carry with her at all times lest I murder her in cold blood. The Court was also told that I was a danger to her young children. I didn’t know that Bridget Lloyd had young children. Bridget knew that I didn’t know that as well – just before making the statement to police that she was in fear of her life from me, Lloyd sent a memo to the Top Doctors and managers at Ysbyty Gwynedd stating that she’d only ever met me once, many years ago and that I wouldn’t recognise her if I saw her.

Tony Francis wrote a report for the Court – for their consideration for WHEN I was found guilty, stating that I should be transferred to a forensic team with a view to being placed in a secure unit.

I was acquitted. There were no apologies and no investigation into the perjury.

In June 1997 Lidington was appointed PPS to William Hague, the leader of the Opposition. Months previously William Hague had organised the whitewash that was the Waterhouse Inquiry.

In June 1999 Lidington became the Shadow Home Affairs Minister, Deputy to Ann Widdecombe. Widdecombe has connections to the Tory Party in Wales, in particular the Anglesey Constituency Conservative Party – which contains a number of Top Doctors (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’). In Sept 2001 Lidington was appointed Shadow Finance Secretary to the Treasury and in May 2002 Shadow Minister at MAFF. When Michael Howard became leader of the Tory Party Lidington was appointed Shadow Secretary of State for N Ireland. Lidington didn’t thrive under Cameron at first and in July 2007 was demoted. However after the General Election of 2010 Lidington became Minister for Europe. In Aug 2016 Lidington was awarded a CBE in Cameron’s resignation honours – for his services ‘to Europe’. Well the paedophile gang in north Wales were trafficking the kids to Amsterdam and the south of France as well…

When Honest Vicar’s Daughter Theresa became leader she made Lidington Leader of the Commons and on 11 June appointed him Justice Secretary and Lord Chancellor. Well with a track record like David Lidington’s in what other post could he possibly be more useful in the face of all these allegations of paedophiles in high places and the Independent Inquiry Into Child Sexual Abuse falling apart?

David’s a greedy sod as well. In May 2009 the Daily Telegraph revealed that Lidington claimed nearly £1,300 for his dry cleaning and claimed for toothpaste, shower gel, body spray and vitamin supplements on his second home allowance.

On one occasion Lidington’s local paper the Bucks Herald criticised him for claiming £115,891 in expenses – approx double his salary.

Lidington’s shameful CV starts from the very beginning. He went to Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and whilst there was Chair of the Cambridge University Conservative Association which, in the previous generation, had supplied Thatcher with her Cabinet – who concealed Peter Morrison’s abuse of children in care in north Wales – including Ken Clarke, John Selwyn Gummer, Michael Howard and Norman Lamont. So Lidington was following in the footsteps of the Greats. Did you perhaps get to know some of them whilst you were at Cambridge David? I’m sure that the corrupt old bastards who were prepared to ignore suspicious deaths for the sake of Peter Morrison’s continued participation in sex parties with kids in care were invited back to their Alma Mater to dispense their wisdom and recruit the next generation of complete scumbags. Lidington was Deputy President of the Cambridge University Students Union and before doing some very dirty deeds at the Home Office for Douglas Hurd, he worked for BP and Rio Tinto.

Douglas Hurd was Tory MP for Mid-Oxfordshire, 1974-83, then for the same constituency when it was revamped as Witney (Cameron’s future constituency), 1983-97. He was a key member of Thatcher’s and Major’s Cabinet and is Patron of the Tory Reform Group.

Hurd’s father Lord Anthony Hurd was the Tory MP for Newbury, 1945-64. His grandather, Sir Percy Hurd, was the Coalition Conservative MP for Frome, 1918-23 (part of Lloyd George’s Lib-Con Gov’t) and then Tory MP for Devizes, 1923-45). Hurd’s son Nick has been Tory MP for Ruislip-Northwood and Pinner since 2005 and in 2010 became Minister for Civil Society. Another son Thomas works in the Diplomatic Service.

Hurd went to Eton and then Trinity College, Cambridge where he was President of the Cambridge Union Society.

In 1952 Hurd entered the Diplomatic Service and in 1966 began his political career. He became Principal Private Secretary to Edward Heath – a civil service position rather than a political appointment.

In 1979 after Thatcher won the General Election Hurd was appointed Minister of State in the Foreign and Commonwealth Office. Following the 1983 General Election Hurd was moved to the Home Office, where Willie Whitelaw was Home Secretary until June 1983 and then Leon Brittan succeeded  him. Between 1984 and 1985 Hurd was Secretary of State for N Ireland. We are told that Hurd’s diplomatic skills paved the way for the signing of the Anglo-Irish agreement, although Hurd left the post one month before the agreement was signed. In the light of what was going on at the Home Office when Hurd was Home Secretary and Lidington was his minion – forged documents, the fitting up of innocent people who had dared raise concerns about the movers and shakers behind the Westminster Paedophile Ring – one can only imagine how Hurd used his ‘diplomatic skills’ in N Ireland. There’ll have been all those murders that Hurd will have used in his bargaining and the kids in the Kincora Boys Home as well who were being abused by Whitehall figures and members of the British Army. Peace in our time then Douglas?

After ensuring that the truth about various murders and terrorist atrocities as well as the child abuse at Kincora was never to be told, Hurd was appointed Home Secretary in Sep 1985 in the wake of Leon Brittan’s demotion to the DTI. Meanwhile the Birmingham Six, Guildford Four and Macguire Seven and God knows how many other innocent people sat in prisons because Douggie and his mates didn’t dare let on what they had all been up to at the Home Office for many years. In 1987 a Home Office memo acknowledged that the Guildford Four were unlikely to have been terrorists but stated that was not sufficient grounds for an appeal.

Hurd was seen as a ‘safe pair of hands’ at the Home Office and his tenure there was considered ‘uncontroversial’. That judgement might change if anyone takes a close look at the paperwork concerning Peter Taylor’s Interim Report which was written by someone who wasn’t Peter Taylor. Hurd himself expressed concerns that the Prison Service wasn’t working effectively – well somewhere along the line the plan to have me banged up in Risley went pear-shaped and that forged letter which was sent to Lucille Hughes was identified as a forgery, so someone at Risley wasn’t carrying out their duties to the standards required by Douglas. As for those attempts to set fire to my house Douglas, I can only echo the words of Peter Cook in his ‘biased judge’ post-Jeremy Thorpe trial satire – they couldn’t even carry out the simplest murder plot without cocking the whole thing up…

Note to David Lidington: David – Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were definitely nasty enough for you to have played ball with, but they weren’t very bright and Dafydd was barking mad. If you are serious about silencing/killing absolutely everyone who were witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, you need to commission some rather more competent criminals – because Brown, me and two of our friends have managed to survive.

In 1988 Hurd set up Crime Concern, an organisation that aimed to reduce crime and anti-social behaviour by offering training opportunities to young people. The young person who received the best training opportunity from Douglas Hurd was David Lidington, other young people went to prison or had all opportunities removed. Crime Concern merged with the charity Rainer in 2008 to form an organisation called Catch22. Er – was someone having a joke at Douglas’s expense?

As a sideline Douglas writes spy thrillers. I think that this blog is rapidly evolving into one, but without the ‘fiction’ element. Or indeed the ‘thrilling’ bit – it’s not quite so thrilling when it’s you that is being targeted by a bunch of Top Doctors and their associates who are running a paedophile ring for the benefit of Douglas’s colleagues…

In Oct 1989 Douglas replaced John Major as Foreign Secretary. When Thatch was ousted in Nov 1990 Douglas ran for the Tory Party leadership – his campaign was predicated on his reputation as a ‘safe pair of hands’ ‘law n order’ Home Secretary. Major won the leadership and Hurd returned to his post as Foreign Secretary, where he remained until 1995.

Hurd was Foreign Secretary whilst Yugoslavia imploded. Hurd argued against sending military aid to the Bosniaks – in opposition to US policy – and he resisted pressure to allow Bosnian refugees into Britain. Hurd described his policy as ‘realist’. Just like letting a paedophile gang run a reign of terror in north Wales. The poor relations between European and US leaders delayed a co-ordinated response to the horrors taking place in Yugoslavia so rather a lot of people ended up being brutally murdered thanks to the diplomatic skills of that safe pair of hands Douglas and others.

After his withdrawal from front line politics, Douglas went to Serbia to visit Slobodan Milosevic, on behalf of the NatWest Bank no less, of which Hurd was Chairman, 1995-99. The Bosnian Gov’t threatened to charge Hurd as an accomplice to genocide, but nothing came of that. People like Douglas don’t go to prison, the cells are reserved for the victims of paedophile gangs who supply kids to politicians or for junior academics who work out that something very nasty is going on which seems to be propped up by the highest echelons of the medical establishment…

Whilst Hurd was Foreign Secretary he allocated £234 million pounds in aid towards the funding of the hydroelectric dam on the Pergan River in Malaysia – building started in 1991 and concurrently the Malaysian Gov’t just happened to decide to purchase £1 bilion worth of British made arms. In March 1994 a UK Gov’t Inquiry was launched regarding this and in Nov 1994 the High Court of Justice ruled the actions of Hurd unlawful, because all that dosh that he liberated for the building of the dam was not for the economic or humanitarian benefit of the Malaysians.

In 1997 Douglas was given a peerage. The Waterhouse Inquiry had been arranged by then, Peter Morrison and God knows how many witnesses were dead, Dafydd had retired from the NHS with the contract to provide substance abuse services for north Wales in his paws alongside an agreement that none of the very serious complaints against him would ever be followed up (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’), so I don’t expect that Douglas ever expected to hear the words ‘north Wales paedophile ring covered up by people at the highest levels of Gov’t with connections to the security services’ ever again.

In 1997 Douglas became Chair of British Invisibles (now ‘International Financial Services London’) and in 1998 he was Chair of the judges for the Booker Prize.

In Sept 1999 Hurd was appointed High Sheriff of Westminster Abbey. Douglas has been a long-standing and active member of the Church of England. Which of course now takes the safeguarding of children very seriously, things have changed/not like the 70s/couldn’t happen now, we’ve got Douglas Hurd and Elizabeth Butler-Sloss on board.

Douglas Chaired the Hurd Commission, which reviewed the roles and functions of the Archbishop of Canterbury.

Hurd was Chair of the Advisory Council of something called FIRST, an ‘international affairs organisation’. I cannot find out anything about it, so it is probably incredibly sordid, even by Douglas’s standards.

Douglas is Patron of the Burford School-Uganda link.

Hurd has been married twice – the first time was in 1960. He and his wife separated in 1976 and divorced in 1982. His former wife Tatiana observed that ‘politics don’t mix with marriage’. The combination obviously works for some people though, because in 1982 Douglas married Judy Smart who was his former Parliamentary secretary, who was 19 years his junior. Who will have known about the appalling things in which Douglas involved himself. Judy died of leukemia some years ago.

Hurd’s son Nick is married to Clare, the daughter of Michael Ancrum aka the 13th Marquess of Lothian – Ancrum is currently the only Marquess in the Lords. When Ann Widdecombe was toadying her way up through the ranks of the Tory Party as described in her autobiography ‘Strictly Ann’, she spent a great deal of time ingratiating herself to Ancrum and his family and friends. Ann was really impressed with how posh they all were. Ancrum was called to the Scottish Bar in 1979 and worked as an advocate until 1979, when he was elected Tory MP for Edinburgh South. In 1987 Ancrum was elected Tory MP for Devizes. He took over the seat from Sir Charles Morrison, brother of Sir Peter, who was busy with the kids in care in north Wales at the time. The Morrison family seat and estates are in Wiltshire. Ancram was Chair of the Tory Party, Oct 1998-Sept 01. Which neatly covered the duration of the Waterhouse Inquiry and its aftermath.

Ancrum and his wife Jane – the daughter of the Duke of Norfolk, Widdecombe knew all about the aristocratic in-laws – are Roman Catholics and Jane is Patron of the Right To Life Trust. A right that wasn’t enjoyed by some of the witnesses to Peter Morrison’s activities Jane. Ancrum went to school at Ampleforth – the place that now lives under the shadow of more and more allegations about the conduct of the monks toward the boys there. Ancrum might not have been one of the more sensitive kids at Ampleforth though – whilst he was at Christ Church College, Oxford, he was a member of the Bullingdon Club.

Wikileaks revealed that Ancrum was Chair of Le Cercle, a rather mad and sinister ‘foreign policy think tank’ concerned with ‘international security’ which numbers some rather mad and sinister people among its membership. Jonathan Aitken was involved with it.

Hurd’s daughter-in-law Catherine (known as Sian), Thomas Hurd’s wife, died in unclear circumstances in 2012. The family were living in New York City – Thomas Hurd was coming to the end of a three year posting with the UN Security Council – when Catherine fell to her death in the early hours of the morning from the roof of their house. She had climbed up a ladder and through a hatch to reach the roof. She and Thomas had gone to bed about midnight and Thomas woke up in the early hours, found that she was not beside him so went off to look for her. He found her body in the garden between 3-4 am. The inquest heard that Catherine had suffered a ‘sudden nervous breakdown’ in 2007 from which she recovered quickly and didn’t discuss at length. Before she died she had seemed fine and no-one had any idea at all that she was at all upset about anything. Catherine did not leave a suicide note and because she fell to her death in the middle of the night no-one saw her fall, so there were no witnesses. Catherine’s father is a Top Doctor who gave evidence at the inquest that the small quantities of very mild benzodiapines that she had recently taken could have caused an ‘altered mental state’. Thomas stated that at the time of Catherine’s death they were about to move house and had packed up their belongings and that could have been distressing. Yes, one valium and my goods packed up into a few boxes and I too am prone to climbing up ladders and through hatches into roofs in the small hours and chucking myself off roofs. The coroner returned an open verdict because I don’t think that there was an option of a ‘what the hell has gone on here’ verdict.

The names of both Thomas and Douglas Hurd appeared on the internet as suspected MI6 operatives. The allegations were of course nonsense and the fact that some very improbable names appeared on the list alongside them meant that it was all the work of a ‘poorly informed amateur’, not a disgruntled MI5 or MI6 employee as some people claimed. And there’s no evidence of a paedophile ring involving Westminster figures which was concealed by people who worked in the Home Office either.

Thomas’s brother Nick – the Tory MP – previously worked as an advisor to Tim Yeo who was Tory MP for Suffolk South, 1983-2015. Tim Yeo was PPS to one Douglas Hurd between 1988-90, when Hurd was Home Secretary. I came across Tim’s name a few days ago when I was reading documents concerning the Leicestershire Child Abuse Scandal (there will be a post naming some more of the people involved in the Leicestershire Scandal soon). In 1992 after the shit hit the fan in the wake of Frank Beck’s conviction and imprisonment, one Tim Yeo was the junior Minister in the Department of Health who was responsible for residential children’s homes. Despite the mountains of evidence that emerged from Frank Beck’s trial that the children’s homes of Leicestershire had been rife with the serious abuse of children and the evidence pouring in from Islington, Lambeth and north Wales that the abuse of kids in care was a major problem, Tim decided not to implement a policy of reviewing children’s homes from which children were regularly running away although it was felt by many advisors that this would highlight homes where sexual abuse of children was a problem.

Between 1980-83 Tim Yeo was Chief Exec of the Spastics Society, now known as Scope. There was a problem with abuse of people in the care of Scope…David Hanson worked for Scope 1982-89. I will be returning to Tim Yeo in a future post – Tim who had to resign from John Major’s Cabinet in the wake of those revelations about his five mistresses and illegitimate children.

Douglas Hurd’s father Anthony Hurd married Stephanie Corner. Stephanie’s father was a Top Doctor, a surgeon called Edred Moss Corner. Edred Corner’s own father was a Top Doctor in Yorkshire, but Edred was born in London and went to school at Epsom College. Edred read medicine at Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge and did his clinical training at St Thomas’s Hospital Medical School. After qualifying, Edred worked at Tommy’s and Leeds General Infirmary. He established a successful Harley Street practice and was on the staff of Great Ormond Street Hospital as well as of Purley and Wood Green Hospitals. Edred was also surgeon to Epsom College. He was Vice-President of the Medical Society of London and a member of the Harveian Society, as well as a leading light in the BMA. Edred sat on the Board of Advanced Studies at the University of London.

One of Edred’s esteemed works was the volume ‘Diseases of the Male Generative Organs’.

Edred had a touch of the Sir Charles Evans about him. Like Sir Charles, Edred was a Top Doctor who was a keen mountaineer. Like Sir Charles, Edred was clobbered by a neurodegenerative disease mid-career which stopped him from continuing to practice as a surgeon. Whereas Sir Charles Evans was given Bangor University to play with as a booby prize when he retired from surgery, Edred was given a job as superintendent of a convalescent home. Edred had three children, two daughters and a son. One of Edred’s daughters married Douglas Hurd’s dad, but my antennae certainly started twitching when I found out who Edred’s son – Hurd’s uncle – was. He was Edred Henry Corner, a very well known tropical botanist who was Professor of Tropical Botany at Cambridge, 1965-73 and a Fellow of Sidney Sussex College from 1959.

So Prof Edred Henry Corner will have known Prof Greig-Smith, the plant ecologist who was a Professor in the School of Plant Biology at Bangor University – where I did my first degree! When I complained about Gwynne the lobotomist and his highly inappropriate conduct. The man who referred me to Gwynne the lobotomist, the corrupt GP Dr D.G.E. Wood, ran the Student Health Centre and was the first person to subject me to a barrage of threats when Brown and I complained about the lobotomist. Wood was married to Dr Chris Wood – she was a lecturer in the School of Plant Biology! My housemate, who was killed in a car crash shortly after I started discussing with her what was happening to me at the hands of Wood and his colleagues, was a PhD student in the School of Zoology. Ann’s former boyfriend Geoff was left brain damaged and paralysed in the crash – Geoff had been in the front passenger seat. Geoff was one of Greig-Smith’s Masters students! Some weeks before Ann was killed, D.G.E. Wood told me that he always recognised Ann’s car because it was a white VW Beetle which had big pictures of choughs on it.

No-one actually liked Prof Greig-Smith, but they were all very frightened of him. He was the biggest name in plant ecology in the UK and effectively invented quantitative ecology. Grieg-Smith trained at Cambridge and still had many mates there. It was the presence of Greig-Smith in the School of Plant Biology which was entirely responsible for Bangor having such a good reputation for botany in those days. There was much bad feeling in the year that I graduated because a mature female student who was a personal friend of Greig-Smith was given a First – some of the lecturers let it slip that no-one felt that her work was worthy of a First but she was a friend of Grieg-Smith. She was then offered a place to do a PhD with D.G.E. Wood’s wife! This lady was married to a man whom Wood et al considered worth getting to know – he was Ian Kennaway, the Director of Regions for the National Trust. In 1990 Ian Kennaway founded and was the first Chairman of The Friends of Czech Heritage. A Patron of The Friends of Czech Heritage is Greg Hands, who has been the Tory MP for Chelsea and Fulham since 2010. Greg Hands was Chief Secretary to the Treasury and then became Minister of State for International Trade, working with Secretary of State Dr Liam Fox. Fox is of course a Top Doctor and a member of the Royal College of General Practitioners. Fox has been the Tory MP for North Somerset since 1992. D.G.E. Wood’s family are from the north Somerset area and Wood went to medical school at Bristol University. Wood has held many senior offices in the Royal College of General Practitioners. Liam Fox was elected to Parliament days before the five witnesses to the wrongdoing of Wood and his colleagues were killed by the firebomb. Between 1993-94 Fox was PPS to Home Secretary Michael Howard – who at the time was finishing off Mary Wynch…

Greg Hands is now Minister for London.

As for Gay Kennaway, the recipient of the ill-deserved First in Marine Botany all those years ago – I was going to put out an appeal for her to tell us what she knows, but Burke’s peerage states that she died earlier this year.

A paedophile ring and a prostitution racket exposed – you never thought that it would get this embarrassing did you Wood?

Prof Greig-Smith died in 2002. He had a son, Peter. Peter Grieg-Smith was a Top Doctor in Liverpool.

Douglas Hurd is the Patron of the pro-EU European Movement. Now there’s a bit of ammo for the Brexiteers…

 

Back to Sir Clive Whitmore of the Dept for Encouraging Forged Documentation. Sir Clive did well for himself on the gongs front. He was awarded a CVO in the new Years Honours of 1983, a KCB in the 1983 Birthday Honours and a GCB in the 1988 Birthday Honours.

In 1995 Sir Clive turned up as Chancellor of De Montfort University. In 1995 Brown was hounded out of his job at Aston University but managed to get another job – at De Montfort University.

Before I fled north Wales, when my lawyers were collecting witness statements from the people who were brave enough to testify to what they had seen happening to me at the hands of the NHS and social services, all the people involved were subsequently threatened or harassed. Brown provided one of the statements. A letter subsequently arrived at De Montfort University, informing the senior managers that Brown was a ‘known paedophile’ and had committed many offences when he worked at Aston University but hadn’t been caught (see post ‘A Nasty Ludicrous Poison Pen Letter’). (So he could hardly have been a ‘known’ paedophile then could he?) The letter was signed Sylvia Grenalda. Brown and co did they all could to trace Sylvia, all databases were searched, but there was no trace of her. Sylvia, where are you? We need you to come forward!

Obviously the wrongdoing at the Home Office didn’t start with Hurd and Whitmore – Leon Brittan was Home Secretary prior to Hurd and unlike Hurd whom many people do not realise was overseeing the forging of documents and framing of the victims of crime, Leon Brittan hasn’t got a reputation left to lose. Brittan has been the subject of allegations of the rape of a young woman as well as the sexual abuse of children. I don’t have evidence that he was guilty of any of that but by the time that Dafydd et al had started trying to fit me up with the assistance of Douglas Hurd’s bunch at the Home Office, I was fully aware that this sort of thing had been going on for a long time. This was how Dafydd et al routinely conducted business – it was why they were so affronted when I challenged them about it. Brown has always been a lot more savvy than me and when in 1987 Dafydd tried to threaten me with incarceration in Risley Remand Centre if I didn’t drop my complaints about him and then when that didn’t work tried to bribe me, I commented to Brown ‘how on earth has he got the nerve to do this?’. Brown replied ‘because he’s done it before and it’s worked’. Spot on Brown, you were quite right. But even Brown didn’t know how bad this lot were and just how high up their corruption went.

Another little anecdote. Someone else heard some of the phone conversations between Dafydd and me and knew what was going on – Brown’s brother. Brown’s brother accompanied me to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh one day to make enquiries when my letters and complaints were just ignored. A near hysterical administrator stated that Dafydd wasn’t on the premises and they didn’t know when he next would be – neither did anyone know where he was. So we went back to the car – to find Alun Davies parked immediately behind us. Davies then trailed us bumper to bumper right off the grounds and down the road. Some months later Brown’s brother had a nasty experience. He was standing outside a motorway service station late at night, by himself, in the garden bit near the motorway slip road and a car with a number of men in drove straight towards him at break-neck speed and tried to run him over. Very fortunately he was next to a hedge – he literally jumped into it. He told me what had happened days later – it was a tale of do you know someone definitely tried to kill me the other night and I don’t even know who they were….

Davies: after Brown’s brother nearly died in a motorbike crash caused by someone driving into him carelessly some months later, he and his wife left the UK. They have been abroad ever since. There will be no clue on this blog as to what names they are using or where on the planet they are you worthless piece of crap.

The Home Office under Brittan was later revealed to have been thoroughly rotten. Thatcher was using the police as her own private army and there were many high points, including he Battle of the Beanfield in June 1985 when the police beat up New Age Travellers – including women who were holding babies and young children – and smashed the windows of their vehicles for the hell of it; the dismissal of appeals from the high profile victims of miscarriages of justice; the intimidation of the Manchester University students by police officers which was so serious that one of the students fled to Europe; the stream of innocent people in south Wales who were framed by the police only to be released years later on appeal – many of the serious crimes for which they were framed remained unsolved; the violence of the police towards striking miners and the framing of some of the pickets for offences; the rampant corruption of drug squads across the UK.

Another celebrated event of the Leon Years was Geoffrey Dickens MP compiling a dossier of Westminster figures whom he claimed were involved with the serious abuse of children. Dickens maintained that the people behind this had links to organised crime and were also involved with child porn and big time drug dealing. Geoffrey Dickens was so pissed off at the lack of action that he threatened to name some of the people whom he alleged were involved in the House. Dickens was roundly mocked, denounced and accused of anti-semitism by a Greville Janner. Leon subsequently ‘lost’ the dossier, claimed that he couldn’t remember a number of crucial facts relating to the dossier, then did remember a few things. The dossier did not turn up and more recently it was discovered that quite a few files from the Home Office relating to the alleged abuse of children by Westminster and Whitehall figures had gone for a walk.

So who was the Permanent Secretary at the Home Office whilst the police beat up who they wanted, framed people when they felt like it and when files with the names of members of the Westminster Paedophile Ring – which of course had never existed – disappeared? It was Sir Brian Cubbon.

Cubbon was Permanent Secretary, 1979-88 and served three Home Secretaries – Willie Whitelaw, Leon Brittan and for a time, Douglas Hurd. In old age Cubbon joked that the Home Office must have been fit for purpose at the time because he and the three Home Secretaries were all ‘Trinity men’ (as in Trinity College, Cambridge). They all concealed a gang of paedophiles as well.

Cubbon’s CV matched that of Robin Butler in terms of always being at the scene. After Bury Grammar School and Trinity College, Cubbon joined the civil service. He joined the Home Office during the last months of the Attlee Gov’t and was then seconded to the Cabinet Office, 1961-62 when Macmillan was PM. No doubt Cubbon knew about the weekends at Cliveden where teenaged call girls, Russian spies and Gov’t Ministers enjoyed themselves. In 1968 Cubbon was appointed Private Secretary to Jim Callaghan – who most certainly when he was PM concealed child abuse in north Wales – when Callaghan was Home Secretary. Cubbon was at the centre of the action in 1969 when the balloon went up in Ulster – Cubbon was at the Home Office at the time, which was responsible for N Ireland. The Home Office was also directly responsible for the management of Approved Schools such as Bryn Estyn and Axwell Park in Gateshead. In 1969 child abuse was flourishing at Axwell Park under Matt Arnold and Peter Howarth – both of whom were transferred to work at Bryn Estyn in 1973 where they established a truly impressive regime which was one of the hubs of the paedophile gang busy in north Wales/Cheshire.

Cubbon  moved to the Cabinet Office in 1971 and in 1976 was appointed Permanent Secretary in the N Ireland Office. In July 1976 Cubbon was caught in a bomb blast in Ireland which killed the British Ambassador to Ireland Christopher  Ewart-Biggs and Cubbon’s Private Secretary Judith Cooke. Cubbon was responsible for orchestrating the maintenance of direct rule from Westminster in the absence of a political settlement, whilst Merlyn Rees was Secretary of State for N Ireland. Merlyn Rees’s next post was Home Secretary  in Jim Callaghan’s Gov’t – during which time he concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III’).

Prior to the 1979 General Election, it was speculated that if re-elected Callaghan would make Cubbon Cabinet Secretary. In the event Thatcher won the election and made Robert Armstrong Cabinet Secretary  – another man who knew a great deal (see post ‘Lord Robert Armstrong’). Armstrong had been Permanent Secretary at the Home Office and Thatch appointed Cubbon to take his place, to work alongside dear old Willie Whitelaw. Who had concealed the paedophile gang for years and continued to do so.

In April 1982 when the Buck House intruder Michael Fagan found himself sitting in the Queen’s bedroom having a chat with her, Cubbon suggested to the Metropolitan Police Commissioner Sir David McNee that he should resign. McNee later described this as ‘improper and impertinent behaviour’. I’ve been quite taken with the notion of impertinent behaviour since last summer when I received a copy of a completely mad letter that Dafydd had written concerning my presence in Ysbyty Gwynedd in June 1988. Dafydd had experienced the trauma of being asked by me when he was going to respond to my complaints and as a result he wrote to the Assistant Director of Nursing at Ysbyty Gwynedd demanding that I should be held on a ward, not allowed out and guarded at all times. The Assistant Director of Nursing had written a polite letter back to Dafydd, explaining that to do this would not only be unwarranted but illegal. Dafydd fired off a furious completely irrational reply, accusing this man of ‘gross impertinence’ and recommending that someone should face disciplinary action because I had actually asked him to explain himself (see post ‘The Blog Post That Was Hacked Can Now Be Read’). In the weeks following Dafydd’s crazed demands, the psychiatrists in Ysbyty Gwynedd formed themselves into a Secretariat. Tony Francis appointed himself the Secretary of the Secretariat and they spent much time and trouble writing to each other as well as to the MDU, the BMA and the senior managers of Gwynedd Health Authority, formulating a method as to how they could have me transferred to a secure unit. Even the Mental Health Act Commission were involved in the Cunning Plan. It was of course all predicated on them claiming that I had violently attacked numerous people – which their own lawyers had reminded them that they had no evidence for. Tony Francis even wrote to the Dr D.J.C. Davies, the Chief Administrative Medical Officer for Gwynedd Health Authority, demanding that they pay his travelling expenses for his visits to the MDU – the Health Authority was happy to oblige.

In 1986 Cubbon had to handle the fall-out over the comments of the Chief Constable of Manchester, James Anderton, who publicly stated that people with HIV/AIDS were ‘swirling around in a cesspool of their own making’. At the time police corruption in Anderton’s force was endemic and some of that corruption was assisting Dafydd and the paedophiles (see post ‘Top Of The Cops’).

In 1979 Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon spent the night at the Crest Hotel in Wrexham with a boy in care in north Wales. The following morning Tyrell-Kenyon alleged that the boy had robbed him and called the police. The boy was sent to a detention centre. The boy’s social worker recorded on his file that he was known to be having homosexual sex with Tyrell-Kenyon. Tyrell-Kenyon was not charged with any offence. In 1993 Tyrell-Kenyon died of an AIDS related illness. Tyrell-Kenyon’s father, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was a member of the North Wales Police Authority, a Magistrate, a member of Clwyd Health Authority and a Flintshire County Councillor. The boy – well a man by now – gave evidence to the Waterhouse Inquiry that Tyrell-Kenyon had used him for sex on many occasions.

When Cubbon was asked in recent years about the business of Leon losing that dossier concerning organised child abuse that Geoffrey Dickens had given him, Cubbon stated that he had ‘no recollection at all’ of the Dickens dossier.

Cubbon helped start Haklynt, a company ‘supplying foreign political and commercial information to corporate clients’. He Chaired the Disaster Emergency Committee from 1989. In 1995 Cubbon served on the Press Complaints Commission and in 1996 was the PCC’s Charter Commissioner.

Cubbon was also active in the Campaign to Protect Rural England.

Thatcher’s Principal Private Secretary, 1985-88 was Sir Nigel Wicks. Sir Nigel’s main interest is the accumulation of enormous amounts of money, so he probably got on with Thatcher very well. Wicks went to Beckenham and Penge Grammar School and joined BP in 1958 when he was 18 years old. Whilst at BP he did an London University MA with Portsmouth College of Technology (now the University of Portsmouth). In 1969 Wicks joined the Treasury and was seconded to the PM’s office as Principal Private Secretary, 1975-78. He worked for Wilson, then Callaghan. Wicks then moved to the British Embassy in Washington DC where he was the UK’s Executive Director of the IMF and IBRD, 1983-85.

Wicks then worked as Thatch’s Principal Private Secretary. Whilst Sir Peter Morrison was Minister of State for Employment, Minister of State for Trade and Industry, Deputy Chairman of the Conservative Party and Minister of State for Energy. Throughout this time, the Welsh Office concealed the abuse of children in care and the abuse of mental health patients and the serious crime associated with this, which involved the Home Office. I doubt that Nigel was that concerned – not when there was dosh to be made.

Nigel then returned to the Treasury as Second Permanent Secretary, responsible for International Finance, where he remained until he retired in 2000.

Following his retirement from the civil service, Nigel was Chair of CRESTCo until in 2001 it merged with Euroclear, of which Wicks was Deputy Chair, 2002-06, then Chair. He was a non-executive director of Morgan Stanley, 2004-07 and of the Edinburgh Investment Trust from 2005.

Between 2001-04 Sir Nigel was Chair of the Committee on Standards in Public Life. Who better to hold that position than a man who played a central role in concealing a paedophile gang which trafficked children to Europe for sex work and murdered people who blabbed?

In 2005 Sir Nigel Chaired the panel appointing the initial members of the newly-created Judicial Appointments Commission.

In 2007 Sir Nigel was appointed Commissioner of the Jersey Financial Services Commission and in 2012 he became the Chair of the British Bankers Association.

No wonder those kids died.

Nigel’s collection of gongs consists of: CBE in Callaghan’s Resignation Honours, 1979; CVO in the 1989 New Year’s Honours; KCB in the 1992 New Year’s Honours; GCB in the 1999 New Year’s Honours.

 

The shitbaggery found among Principal Private Secretaries to the PM has a long and fine tradition. Sir Kenneth Stowe was Principal Private Secretary to Wilson, Callaghan and for a short time Thatcher, 1975-79.

Kenneth Stowe attended Dagenham County High School and then Exeter College, Oxford. He joined the civil service as an Assistant Principal in the National Assistance Board and in 1956 became a Principal. In 1958 Stowe was seconded to the UN Secretariat in New York. Upon his return he became the Press Officer to the National Assistance Board and justified the refusal by successive Gov’t to pay pensions to the over 80s who had been excluded by the National Insurance Act of 1948. Stowe became an Assistant Secretary in 1964 and remained in the machine when the National Assistance Board merged with the Ministry of Health in 1966 and in 1968 when the DHSS was created.

In 1970 Stowe became Assistant Under-Secretary at the DHSS and then in 1973 he joined the Cabinet Office – whilst Heath was PM – at Under-Secretary level. In 1975 Wilson’s Principal Private Secretary left No 10 and Cabinet Secretary John Hunt proposed that Stowe should replace him. It was considered an unusual appointment – Principal Private Secretaries usually come from the Treasury or at least have Treasury experience. Stowe had spent virtually his whole career in the DHSS and the departments which preceded it and had no Treasury experience at all.

Sir Kenneth is described in glowing terms in his obituaries as completely  loyal and the man who kept the Gov’t running smoothly, although a few things did slip through that he was unable to stop. Such as Harold Wilson’s 1976 Resignation Honours, the ‘Lavender List’, thus called because it was alleged to have been written by Wilson’s weirdly sinister Political Secretary Marcia Williams aka Lady Falkender on the tinted notepaper that she was known to favour. The Lavender List included some very unwise choices, even by the standards of the UK honours system – such as Joe Kagan, the man who manufactured Wilson’s favourite brand of raincoat and who later went to prison for fraud and Sir Eric Miller, a property magnate who committed suicide less than a year later whilst the subject of a criminal investigation. The civil servants who saw the Lavender List were horrified and put their faith in Stowe to ensure that some of the names were removed. They weren’t. Which just confirmed many people’s suspicions that Wilson was a crook and Marcia Williams knew so much that he didn’t dare upset her.

Stowe was central to the negotiations which led to the Lib-Lab in 1977 between Callaghan and David Steel and drafted the agreement between them. Stowe attended the regular dinners that Callaghan had with Len Murray of the TUC and business leaders to discuss economic issues. As things disintegrated during the Winter of Discontent 1978-79 many insiders maintained that it was Stowe who held the Gov’t machinery together. Stowe personally conducted negotiations with Len Murray.

Whilst Stowe worked for Callaghan, Sunny Jim was chuffed to be invited to join the Athenaeum, the club favoured by Top Doctors – of which Jimmy Savile was a member, having been introduced by Cardinal Basil Hume. Callaghan accepted the invitation and was then shocked to receive a hefty bill. He paid it nonetheless and then took Stowe to the Athenaeum.

Stowe inducted his successor Sir Clive Whitmoor into the job after Margaret Thatcher took power in 1979 and then took up the post of Permanent Secretary at the N Ireland Office. In that post Stowe had to manage the Troubles and events such as the hunger strikers in the Maze Prison. In late 1980 Stowe made a list of gestures that Thatcher’s Gov’t might make to end the hunger strikes in the Maze. The list was passed to IRA contacts via an MI6 agent – the MI6 agent waited in Stowe’s official car to receive the list, such was the fear that he’d be kidnapped. Not that Thatcher’s Gov’t ever talked to the IRA of course.

In 1981 Stowe returned to the DHSS as Permanent Secretary. He remained there until his retirement in 1987 and for much of the time worked with Secretary of State Norman Fowler. So Stowe was at the very top of the DHSS when the abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales was concealed, whilst Dafydd was sued by Mary Wynch but kept his job and continued to illegally imprison other people, when psychiatric patients were being fitted up and sent to high security hospitals, whilst the London medical schools busied themselves with research fraud, whilst St George’s Hospital Medical School employed a key player in a pan-European paedophile ring as their Professor of Paediatrics – you get the picture. I have detailed the crimes often enough by now.

Stowe’s obituaries make for interesting reading. His Guardian obituary – written by Dennis Kavanagh the political analyst and Emeritus Professor of Politics at the University of Liverpool – stated that Stowe was ‘motivated by a commitment to public service’ and that there was an ‘acute sense of crisis in the British Gov’t in the 70s; at various times administrations seemed barely able to cope and some lost their heads’. Which was barely surprising really. However old Stowe was never in a flap. No of course he wasn’t – he had so much dirt on absolutely everyone that he could control the whole lot of them. Stowe had worked in social security and health for years, he knew exactly what was happening to the great British public at the hands of those who care and then he went to work in the Cabinet Office with the politicians who would do just about anything to keep the gory reality quiet.

We are told in one of Stowe’s obituaries that Stowe was ‘one of the first to identify the problems of the NHS’ – the problems included the power of the medical profession, the drug companies running rings around the NHS regarding the pricing of their drugs and the expensive generous early retirement NHS scheme which was costing the Gov’t a packet and which resulted in the beneficiaries of early retirement returning to their former jobs to double their money. Did Stowe actually remedy any of these things? No. They’re still happening today. Stowe could have stopped it virtually overnight. The arrests of Dafydd, Tony Francis, Robert Blugass, Chris Hunter and the rest of them as well as their accessories would have put the Gov’t in the driving seat of the NHS and the abuses would have come to an end. But because there were politicians and civil servants abusing some of the kids who were being trafficked for sex, Stowe the loyal public servant put himself and his colleagues first. They all remained in clover, as did the Top Doctors – the kids in care and the patients were shafted.

My suspicions about the methods that Stowe, King of the DHSS, used to wield power were confirmed when I read that Stowe was the ‘master of disclosure and discretion’. Translate as ‘blackmail and bribery’.

What is recorded as Stowe’s greatest triumph during his time as Permanent Secretary at the DHSS? It was the HIV/AIDS public education campaign of course – the success of which was attributed to Stowe and Norman Fowler. It is recorded that Stowe, with the Cabinet Secretary Robert Armstrong, arranged for Willie Whitelaw to Chair a special committee therefore spurring on the AIDS/HIV campaign. I explained in my post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’ how the dreadful Sir Donald Acheson, Chief Medical Officer, had to spell out in words of one syllable to the Cabinet that their colleagues who were having sex with rent boys were now very much at risk from an infection for which there was no treatment and would kill them. That was the reason why this mad, hypocritical Gov’t which was virulently homophobic but made allowances for Peter Morrison and many others supported a public education that initially appalled them.

Stowe kept busy after he retired. He Chaired the Carnegie UK Trust’s Inquiry into the Third Age, 1989-93; he served on a commission set up by Mandela to establish a civil service in Africa; he Chaired the Thrombosis Research Institute; was Director of the Chase Children’s Hospice; and in 1997 when Blair was elected, Stowe Chaired the Working Group from the voluntary and community sector on the compact with Gov’t and the Treasury Group on funding the voluntary sector.

Sir Kenneth was also Chair of the Institute for Cancer Research at the Royal Marsden, 1987-97.

There is an Angel who has done very well indeed out of the Institute for Cancer Research. That is  Professor Dame Jessica Corner. Dame Jessica was the Institute’s first nursing academic, the first nurse appointed to a Chair at the Institute! Dame Jess  is currently PVC for Research and Knowledge Exchange at Nottingham University.

So what path did the Dame take to reach these heights? She began life as an Angel in London, worked at the Royal Marsden, then in 1990 either began or received a PhD at/from Kings College, London. The Dame spent many wonderful years at Southampton University. That’s the Southampton University that contained so many of the paedophiles’ friends in senior positions and at which I and someone from Aberystwyth University had such a bizarre experience with in the late 1980s (see post ‘Professor Prestigious And His Associates’).  In 2005 the Dame was seconded to Macmillan Cancer Support and in 2008 she returned to Southampton. Between 2010-15 the Dame was Dean of the Faculty of Health Sciences at Southampton. The Dame is described as a ‘world leading expert in cancer and palliative care’. The UK has some of the worst outcomes in Europe for cancer and UK palliative care is dreadful. The Dame is an advisor to Macmillan Cancer Support and to the NHS. In 2012 the Dame was a member of the PM’s Nursing and Care Quality Forum; she is a member of the Dept of Health’s Cancer Reform Strategy for England and Chairs the Patient Experience Working Group.

I wonder of readers might have noticed the Dame’s surname – Corner. Er – remember Douglas Hurd’s famous grandfather Edred Moss Corner, the surgeon? And the plum jobs that all members of Hurd’s extended  family seem to bag for themselves? Could the Dame possibly be one of the clan? I bet that she is – cancer research is ridden with research fraud, malpractice, nepotism and huge professional snobbery from the Top Docs towards the Angels. Angels don’t become Professors at the Royal Marsden or Dames for being excellent Angels or outstanding cancer researchers – but they’d have a bloody good chance if they were relatives of Douglas Hurd who had sat in the Home Office whilst they were still Angels and concealed a mountain of crap. Particularly as one of the offenders – David Lidington – was also rising to high office. He was Minister of State for Europe in 2014 when the Angel became a Dame.

Whilst we are on the subject of Family Fortunes, I note that the flattering obituary of the git that was Kenneth Stowe was written by a man called Kavanagh. Edred Moss Corner’s son the botanist Edred Henry Corner married a Sheila Kavanagh. I have no idea if there is a connection, but we’re not talking meritocracy here, nepotism is the order of the day. The Top Doctor  Edred Moss Corner divorced his first wife in the early 1950s yet retained custody of the children, although he was in poor health and too busy to look after them, a la Dafydd. It’s the Top Doctors up to no good again… Edred Moss then married his children’s nanny. Edred’s son the botanist Edred Henry seemed to have carried on the family tradition of being dysfunctional – Edred completely rejected his own son John K. Corner when John was 19 years old. John never saw his father again but later wrote a book about him.

So John Hunt the Cabinet Secretary who suggested that Wilson appoint Kenneth Stowe as his Principal Private Secretary played a blinder. But then John Hunt would. John Hunt was one of the most powerful Cabinet Secretaries that there has been – he was described as ‘an imperialist who relished expanding the power of his remit’ with ‘an uncanny mastery of procedure and ability to steer meetings to the conclusion he wished’.

Hunt served as Cabinet Secretary under Heath, Wilson, Callaghan and Thatcher. He went to Downside School and then to Magdalene College, Cambridge. Hunt served in the Navy during the war – just like Jim Callaghan did. He joined the Cabinet Office in 1972 as the Deputy to Burke Trend and succeeded Trend in 1973 and spent six and a half years as Cabinet Secretary before retiring. Guess what? Even John Hunt failed to stop the Lavender List, although he was described as being ‘particularly close to Wilson’.

Hunt ended up in the Lords where he was very active. He Chaired the European Communities Committee of the Lords and in 1994 was instrumental in producing a report on fraud in the EU, which he estimated cost £5 billion pa. He was highly critical of the Council of Ministers for not stopping it.

John Hunt came from Minehead – so he will have known all about Jeremy Thorpe (see post ‘My How Things Haven’t Changed’). Thorpe was something to be negotiated with in the Lib Lab pact – as I’m sure were Cyril Smith, Greville Janner, George Thomas and a few other people. Hunt was a Roman Catholic – the only Cabinet Secretary to have been a Catholic. After Hunt’s first wife died he remarried – in 1973. He married Madeleine Charles – the widowed sister of Cardinal Basil Hume, to whom it is said, Hunt became a ‘discreet and valued counsellor’.

Early on in his career Hunt was given the advice by a senior civil servant to ‘go for a position in the pivotal centre of the Gov’t machine’. Hunt was such a wily operator that when he took a few days off work in the mid-70s, Harold Wilson joked that Hunt was probably arranging for Basil Hume to become the next Archbishop of Westminster. Guess who became the next Archbishop of Westminster?

John Hunt picked up his peerage in 1980. Just after Thorpe was found not guilty of attempting to murder Norman Scott.

 

In terms of the corruption that existed at the Home Office throughout all the years that the above account spans, the presence of one civil servant alone suggests that there was a massive, long-standing problem – Bing Spear, who was employed by the Home Office Drugs Branch. Bing Spear was employed as a Drugs Inspector in the Home Office from 1952 until he retired in 1986. For decades he held very senior roles at the Home Office and he was Chief Inspector of the Drugs Branch. Any reading of Spear’s conduct both in and outside of his work leads to the conclusion that he was almost certainly corrupt, involved with the supplying of Class A drugs and was probably an addict himself. Bing Spear was notorious – his behaviour stood out a mile. There is no chance that all these mandarins did not know what Bing Spear was doing. For more details of Spear and the corrupt Top Doctors that he protected, see post ‘Little Things Hitting Each Other’.

 

Other papers released from the National Archives the other day include papers relating to the radioactive gas cloud from Chernobyl that passed over Wales in April 1986. There was chaos because most of the Cabinet were on holiday or overseas. The Environment Secretary at the time was William Waldegrave – after this sterling performance Waldegrave was later given the job as Health Secretary. In which post he showed exactly the same level of contempt for Wales.

Papers released from the National Archives also show that Andrew Turnbull had written a memo with advice to the Kinnocks – it was widely believed that Labour would win the General Election in 1992. The advice included telling the Kinnocks that they would need to spend more on clothes. Well they’ve ended up living like kings anyway, I’m sure that the First Family of Troughing spend quite enough on clothes. I’m not sure how the Tories did win in 1992 – there will no doubt have been the most appalling catalogue of dirty tricks used and events in north Wales will have played a major part because reports of the paedophile gang had begun appearing in the London-based media. Kinnock and co knew about the paedophile ring in north Wales and Peter Morrison but they said not a word. I suspect because they’d all been keeping quiet about George Thomas down in Cardiff…

One document that was released from the archives was a letter that Paddy Hill, one of the Birmingham Six, had written in September 1987 to Senator Mooney in Ireland. Paddy had made the observation that ‘the British system don’t know how to spell the word JUSTICE never mind dispensing it’. At the time that Paddy was writing that letter, I had narrowly escaped being imprisoned for attempting to stab that doctor in Ysbyty Gwynedd. The plot went as high as the Home Office.

Radio 4 broadcast a programme yesterday in which they discussed the 1992 papers that had been released. This blog’s old favourites were interviewed, including Charlie Falconer. Falconer banged on about how in 1992 he was still working as a barrister and there was a crisis of confidence in British justice after so many people had to be released on appeal after spending years in prison for crimes that they had not committed. That’s right Charlie – and as far as concealing the abuses and miscarriages of justice associated with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal was concerned you and Blair continued the process that caused such bad PR for the Tories. But you wrapped it up in the discourse of ‘human rights’, ‘service user involvement’ and ‘supporting the NHS’.

Interesting though the latest releases from the National Archives are, the National Archives have a habit of retaining the best stuff until we’re definitely all dead. Papers relating to the North Wales Hospital Denbigh and even the Mental Health Act Commission are closed for decades to come as are the papers on the Birmingham Six. Whilst reading about Ashworth Hospital for my post ‘Security, Security’ I found that huge quantities of papers relating to the Ashworth Inquiries – including the interviews with the Top Docs – are closed for the best part of the next 100 years.

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part III

I’m kicking off this third post in the Tony Blair series with yet another person who was PPS to Blair, a man who was appointed PPS to Blair just as David Hanson (see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part II) moved upward and onward. I am talking about Keith Hill, who was PPS to Blair from 2005 until Blair resigned in 2007.

Keith Hill was the Labour MP for Streatham, 1992-2010. So he was another one who was selected as a candidate before Blair got his hands on the controls of the Labour Party machine. In fact Hill was the Labour candidate for Blaby (Nigel Lawson’s constituency in Leicestershire) in 1979, so Hill had been around for a very long time.

Keith Hill was born and went to school in Leicester. He then went to Oxford – and after graduating completed a Diploma in Education at that hive of activity of the paedophiles’ friends whose stronghold was/is in Wales, Aberystwyth University. Hill then lectured at Leicester University and at Strathclyde University, 1969-73.

The fact that Keith Hill both taught at Leicester University and some ten years later stood for Blaby suggests that he retained links to his place of origin. Could Keith Hill have been someone else who knew about the activities of Greville Janner and his friend Frank Beck with children in care and that Leicester City Council, the Social Services and people in Leicester University were concealing child abuse?

Hill worked as a research officer for the Labour Party’s International Dept, 1974-76 and was then the political officer with the NUR (National Union of Railwaymen), which subsequently amalgamated with the NUS (National Union of Seamen) – with which John Prescott had a long association – to form the RMT (National Union of Rail, Maritime and Transport Workers) in 1990. The RMT became a very powerful union – it is a big supporter of Jeremy Corbyn – thanks to the efforts of Bob Crow, it’s General Secretary, 2002-14. Crow was loathed by many for claiming to speak for the working class whilst he drew a salary of approx. £150k pa, dined in Mayfair restaurants and went on luxury cruises. However many of those who loathed Crow were dreadful themselves and certainly didn’t live modestly – Crow’s critics included Blair, Priti Patel, Max Hastings and Richard Littlejohn. In 1997 Bob Crow briefly joined the Socialist Labour Party, which was established by his mate Arthur Scargill. Michael Mansfield – who studiously ignored anything to do with the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, as well as other child abuse cases and worked with a number of people who had colluded with child abuse (see post ‘Workers’ Play Time’) – was also a mate of Scargills and co-founded the Socialist Labour Party. I saw Arthur Scargill speak at Bangor University about six years ago – the person who seemed to have arranged his visit to Bangor was a paedophiles’ friend (see post ‘It’s All About Protecting Children’).

In 1992 Keith Hill took the seat of Streatham from the sitting Conservative MP Sir William Shelton, who had occupied the seat since 1974. Prior to that, Shelton had been the Tory MP for Clapham.

William Shelton had been one of the key people who ensured that Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party in 1975. Airey Neave managed Thatcher’s campaign, with Shelton as his second in command. Shelton was responsible for mobilising the right wing of the Party behind Thatcher and also sent out misinformation to the media in order to manipulate the campaign outcome. Shelton would have been good at that – before entering politics he had pursued a career in advertising and he remained in that business whilst he was an MP. He was the MD for Grosvenor Advertising in 1969, the Chairman of Washer, Fox, Coughlin and in 1983 set up Shelton Consultants. He was appointed a Director of Saracen Consultants in 1987. Shelton undertook a lot of international work and at times had been based in Colombia and Venezuela.

Shelton was politically active in south London for years. In 1964 he was President of Wandsworth Young Conservatives; he sat on the GLC representing Wandsworth in 1967; in 1968 he was Chief Whip for the Conservative majority on ILEA. Whilst he was MP for Streatham, he clashed with the leadership of Lambeth Borough Council whilst the Council was under the control of Ted Knight. That will have been when Peter Mandelson was a member of the Council, along with Paul Boateng, Linda Bellos and many other friends of this blog. Whilst Lambeth Council’s children’s homes were rife with paedophiles and when the Council were sending some of the kids in its care to north Wales – where they were abused by paedophiles. I can’t find any references to Shelton speaking out about that though – or about the abuse of children in Wandsworth or about the corruption and malpractice at St George’s Hospital Medical School which from 1980 onwards was located just down the road and covered the population of Streatham. The wrongdoing that I witnessed and experienced at St George’s and the associated mental health unit Springfield Hospital took place between 1989-91, whilst Shelton was MP. As did the bizarre behaviour of the corrupt detectives in Streatham Police Station in 1990/91 when the mental health services in north Wales perjured themselves and demanded that I be arrested (see post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’) – detectives which included a man who boasted about having worked for the North Wales Police and whilst he was stationed there had, with his mates in the police, beaten up and framed local young men from Bethesda and thrown them in Llyn Ogwen. He had got away with it every time thanks to his friendship with a local corrupt magistrate Geoff, who was the landlord of the Douglas Arms Hotel in Bethesda. I remember those days well – on occasions, young men were found drowned in that lake, after having ‘gone swimming whilst drunk’.

Geoff and his wife Sheila had a son who, like Aled Jones and Catrin Finch, was a bit of a child star. Geoff’s son was a very talented organist and succeeded in winning a scholarship to Eton. As with Aled and Catrin, TV programmes and media articles appeared regarding the genius that was Geoff’s son. I think that he went on to either Oxford or Cambridge and after that returned to north Wales, to St Asaph Cathedral. There was a problem at that Cathedral – in 2015 Hugh Davies, the man who had been the choirmaster and organist at St Asaph, 1985-98, was imprisoned for the possession of child porn. Even more worryingly, a former music pupil of Davies’s who had alleged that Davies had abused him whilst he was a teenager killed himself.

Sir William Shelton was also MP for Streatham when Oliver Brooke, Professor of Paediatrics at St George’s, was jailed in 1986 for the possession of huge quantities of child porn – which he had stored in offices at St George’s…

There was another notorious establishment in Shelton’s constituency – Cynthia Payne’s brothel at Ambleside Avenue. Cynthia’s brothel came to national prominence in 1978 when the police raided it and found a sex party in full swing attended by over 50 men, including a peer, a number of solicitors and a vicar. What was not published in the press was that a number of consultants from St George’s availed themselves of the services of Cynthia’s brothel – she was also known to have judges on her guest list. After the trial in 1980, Cynthia ended up in Holloway, but none of the brothel’s customers were named let alone prosecuted. The police raided Cynthia again in 1986, whilst another party was underway but at her trial in 1987 Cynthia was acquitted.

I do not mind if Cynthia held sex parties for consenting adults and I certainly don’t think that she should have been imprisoned for doing so, but the worrying thing about Cynthia’s brothel was the allegations that men with a taste for sexual activities which did not involve consenting adults were using it as a networking base. Friendships between judges, Top Doctors, solicitors, policemen etc made in the brothel could have proved very useful in the events of people being charged for sex offences.

The detectives who worked on the Oliver Brooke case were livid when Brooke was released early on appeal after the judge compared Brooke’s collection of child porn to a collection of cigarette cards. The police who had investigated Brooke maintained that he was Mr Big in a pan-European child porn ring.

Cynthia Payne was very friendly with Screaming Lord Sutch, the leader of the Official Monster Raving Loony Party and at one point Sutch shared the house/brothel at Ambleside Avenue with her. Sutch was famous for polling more votes than Dr Death’s continuing SDP in the 1990 Bootle election, but what was less well-known was that David Sutch suffered from manic-depression and at times became very ill. I think the arrangement with Cynthia was that they were looking after each other, having both been through a bad time. Sutch hung himself in 1999 after a long period of severe depression. He had been under medical care for years and was known to have been in a very bad way.  So like all those former kids in care and mental health patients in north Wales who knew the names of the guilty and the details of their crimes, it would seem that David Sutch too wasn’t given the care that he needed when he was seriously ill and WHOOPS he killed himself. And his memories will have died with him – the memories of all those people who were visiting the brothel, those doctors and judges and peers and politicians who would have had a lot to lose if ever they were to be named in say, a child abuse scandal and David Sutch recognised their names.

David Sutch hung himself just before the Waterhouse Report was published. So he was not receiving appropriate help for severe depression whilst the Waterhouse Inquiry was underway and taking evidence.

Why do I remember so much about the brothel at Ambleside Avenue? Because at the time when I was being hounded out of my job at St George’s and arrested on trumped up charges at the behest of the mental health services in north Wales, I lived in Streatham. Not a million miles away from Ambleside Avenue. No I didn’t ever pop across for a cup of tea with Cynthia and Lord Sutch, but that’s because I didn’t at the time know that St George’s and their associates had links with and were concealing the criminal activities of the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales – I only found out about that years later, when my lawyer obtained documentation from St George’s and Springfield.

I described in my post ‘Some Very Eminent Psychiatrists From London’ how those esteemed experts at St George’s all agreed with Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends that I was Most Dangerous and was probably planning to murder Dafydd et al in their beds, yet Professor Nigel Eastman – one of the corrupt Top Doctors at St George’s who is a mate of Helena Kennedy (see post ‘Eve Was Framed – As Were A Lot Of Other People’) – told me that he thought that I ought to go back to live in north Wales. This was my desire as well, because I hated London and presumed that they were simply all quite mad down there and although there was also a bunch of mad, corrupt Top Doctors constantly having me arrested when I was in north Wales as well, I reckoned that if I was going to be threatened and harassed constantly I’d rather be living in nice surroundings. However I did think it a little odd that Eastman had recommended this – did he want me to murder Jones and the paedophiles in cold blood and that’s why he recommended that I go back and live on their patch?? But what if Eastman et al had been concerned about who I might meet if I remained living in Streatham? They knew that I had researched Jones and the paedophiles’ friends, they knew that I was identifying their associates and they knew that I was beginning to find out the extent of their criminal activities. Just imagine if I continued to live in Streatham and started comparing notes with Cynthia Payne or David Sutch…

It is interesting to note that at her second trial Cynthia was acquitted. In 1987. By which time, Mary Wynch, Alison Taylor and I were making a lot of noise about the criminal activities of Dafydd Alun Jones and Lucille Hughes in north Wales. The Dafydd and Lucille who were facilitating a paedophile ring in north Wales which was trafficking children to London – the Dafydd and Lucille who were on very good terms with all those Top Doctors and social workers based at St George’s.

 

I was interested to read that William Shelton was ‘a traditionalist on moral issues’, in the light of what was happening in his constituency.

Dafydd Alun Jones was a traditionalist on moral issues as well – at least when he was giving talks to the members of various Churches in north Wales (see post ‘A Serious Moral Collapse?’). Then when he’d finished his lecture he would return to base to facilitate a paedophile gang, sexually exploit the patients, lie in Court and sell drugs to addicts.

 

After Thatcher became leader of the Tory Party, William Shelton worked as her PPS for a year. Shelton was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State for the Dept of Education and Science, 1981-83. The Secretary of State for Education and the Science at the time was Sir Keith Joseph. Brown and me wrote to Keith Joseph when we were undergrads – about student funding – and Keith Joseph wrote us a very rude letter back. Thatcher probably put us on her hit list then and subsequently escalated our names to the very top when we complained about Gwynne the lobotomist and Dafydd and the paedophiles a few years later.

As befits someone who was a traditionalist on moral issues, William Shelton was banned from being a company director for five years in 1997, after an investigation into ‘financial irregularities’ in his company Access To Justice. Shelton had set up Access To Justice in 1995 to provide free legal advice for people on low incomes. Which sounds an interesting company for a hard right Thatcherite to have established. I wonder who was receiving the free legal advice and for what. Or indeed who was providing it.

After Thatcher became leader of the Conservative Party in 1975, the victory party was held at Shelton’s house in Pimlico – Thatch and Denis attended the celebration.

Sir Peter Morrison – the Tory MP elected for Chester in 1974 and who supported Thatcher’s 1975 leadership campaign – was known to be abusing children in care in north Wales. One boy from London alleged that Sir Peter Morrison abused him and some children in care from Wrexham maintained that they were taken to London and supplied to men for sex. Morrison was Deputy Chair of the Tory Party, 1986-87 and Thatcher’s PPS in 1990. When Thatcher was challenged for the leadership of the Tory Party by ‘stalking horse’ Sir Anthony Meyer in 1989, it was William Shelton who led her campaign. Anthony Meyer didn’t manage to depose Thatcher on that occasion but she was sufficiently weakened by him to crumble in 1990 when there was another leadership challenge. The organiser of Thatcher’s leadership campaign in 1990 was Sir Peter Morrison.

I told the story of Sir Anthony Meyer and his leadership challenge in my post ‘The Celtic Iron Lady And Yet More Recent History’. Anthony Meyer died a real unsung hero. Not only did he know how bloody dangerous Thatcher was and how dysfunctional and corrupt the Tories in Clwyd – and their leaderene Beata Brookes – were, but I think that Anthony Meyer knew about the paedophile ring as well and was trying to chuck a spanner in their works. Meyer was constructed as a deluded old bugger with grandiose ambitions – he wasn’t, he was a very brave man who did north Wales a very big favour and I only wish that there had been more politicians like Meyer, instead of hordes of weak greedy little people who ignored something horrific in order to bag a seat in Parliament.

 

To return to Keith Hill, the mate of Blair’s who was MP for Streatham after Shelton. Years before he was appointed PPS to Blair, in 1997 Hill was appointed PPS to a big buddy of Blair, Hilary Armstrong. Armstrong was one of Blair’s inner circle and Blair repeatedly praises her loyalty and commitment to New Labour in his autobiography.

Hilary Armstrong was Labour MP for North West Durham, 1987-10 and is now in the Lords. She was a student at the University of East London (then West Ham Technical Institute) and then went to the University of Birmingham to do a Diploma in Social Work. Hilary describes herself as a ‘former social worker and lecturer’ – she lectured in Community and Youth Work at Sunderland Poly and was a community worker at Southwick Neighbourhood Action Project, Sunderland. Hilary also did a stint with VSO in Kenya.

So Hilary was yet another social worker selected as a candidate for Labour during those years when it was evident that there was one hell of a problem with children in the care of social workers being sexually abused. Just to add to the suspicion in Hilary’s case, there could have been a great degree of control exercised by the Labour Party machine regarding the choice of Hilary as a candidate and indeed when it was decided that Hilary might be needed in the Commons – because Hilary took over her dad’s Parliamentary seat when he retired! I’ll return to Hilary’s dad soon.

Hilary was a Durham County Councillor, for Crook North Division, 1985-88. She was PPS to John Smith when he was leader of the Labour Party 1992-94 and Hilary played a major part in ensuring that the Labour Party adopted the policy of OMOV. Hilary was a member of AMICUS, the union which was formed from a merger between the AEUU and MSF. At least one of the MSF reps at St George’s Hospital Medical School in the late 80s/early 90s was corrupt and was concealing serious misconduct and criminal activity. AMICUS later merged with the TGWU to form UNITE. Hilary used her union links to drum up support within the Labour Party to rewrite Clause IV.

In the 1992 General Election, both Tim Farron and Theresa May stood against Hilary.

Hilary Armstrong spent four years as Minister for Local Gov’t in the DETR (Dept for the Environment, Transport and the Regions) and then the DTLR (Dept for Transport, Local Gov’t and the Regions). Hilary’s boss during these years was none other than John Prescott.

After the 2001 General Election Blair appointed Hilary Chief Whip. In May 2006 she became Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; she was Minister for Social Exclusion, 2006-07. Hilary resigned from the Gov’t in June 2007 when Blair resigned as PM. Gordon subsequently appointed her as Chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party’s Manifesto Committee regarding policy ideas covering children…

In 2010 Hilary was given her peerage. She is Chair of Changing Lives, a charity in the North East which provides services for people with complex needs – Changing Lives is commissioned to provide some services for the NHS.

Hilary is married to Paul Corrigan, who was a senior advisor to Blair and his Health Secretaries Alan Milburn and John Reid, 2001-07. Between 2007-09 Corrigan was Director of Strategy and Commissioning at London Strategic Health Authority.

Corrigan ticks every box that someone should who has been involved with our institutionally corrupt NHS which has concealed neglect, poor care, patient deaths and has ruined the lives of whistleblowers. He is or has been: a non-executive Director of the CQC, as well as of the Kings Fund and Nuffield Trust; adjunct Professor of Health Policy at Imperial College; adjunct Professor of Health Policy at the Chinese University of Hong Kong; involved with Public Private Ltd (a consultancy firm based at Queen Elizabeth Street); a member of the Strategic Committee of Guys and Tommys Charity; a Trustee of the Ways To Wellness Foundation in Newcastle;  a Trustee of the English Touring Theatre.

Corrigan also works for NHS Providers, teaching on induction courses for non-executive and executive directors. He also describes himself as ‘a consultant and a coach’.

 

I have previously speculated that the Cleveland Child Abuse Scandal which blew up between Feb and July 1987 in the North East of England provided a useful distraction and muddied the waters in a most convenient way at a time when Mary Wynch, Alison Taylor and I were all screaming loudly about the criminal activities in north Wales. My post ‘The Newcastle-Upon-Tyne Connection?’ details some of the links between the paedophiles’ friends in north Wales and the North East of England.

Now to the man whose retirement enabled Hilary, his only child, to bag a seat in Parliament – Ernest Armstrong, Labour MP for North West Durham, 1964-87.

In 1983 one Tony Blair, a barrister living in London, was elected as Labour MP for the newly created constituency of Sedgefield, just next door to Ernest’s constituency. Just like that.

Ernest Armstrong went to Leeds Teacher Training College and became a primary school headmaster. He was elected as a Councillor on Sunderland Borough Council and Chaired the Sunderland Education Committee, 1960-65. Ernest was elected to Parliament in 1964. In 1965 he was appointed PPS to Tony Greenwood (who had been Deputy Leader of the Labour Party under Clement Attlee) and then PPS to Merlyn Rees.

Merlyn Rees was Labour MP for Leeds South (which changed its name to Morley and Leeds South in 1983), 1963-92. We now know that a paedophile ring was in operation in the Leeds area whilst Merlyn Rees was MP for that constituency. Furthermore there was serious police corruption in the region and it was also the stamping ground of Jimmy Savile. Savile was molesting patients in the local hospitals and Yorkshire was also host to the Kerr Haslam scandal. William Kerr and Michael Haslam were two psychiatrists in York who were known to be sexually assaulting and raping their female patients between the 1960s and 90s. They were not stopped until they had almost hit retirement age, never faced any action from the GMC and were not put on trial until the early years of the millennium – the trials were at Leeds Crown Court. Even then, only one of them went to prison and only for a short while. See post ‘All The Ingredients Of A Scandal…’ for details of the Kerr Haslam scandal.

Merlyn Rees was born in Pontypridd in south Wales but moved to London and went to school at Harrow. He was Secretary of State for N Ireland 1974-76, when the sexual abuse of children at the Kincora Boys Home in Belfast by Whitehall civil servants and members of the British Army was concealed. Rees then served as Home Secretary under Jim Callaghan between 1974-79. Bryn Estyn had been an approved school managed directly by the Home Office until just before Merlyn Rees was appointed Home Secretary. He will have known about the sexual assaults and brutality on the boys there. The Home Office was responsible for running Risley Remand Centre. Mary Wynch had been unlawfully arrested and imprisoned in Risley Remand Centre by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends whilst Merlyn Rees was Home Secretary. Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends were using that place as their personal prison which was why Mary ended up in there – along with the kids in care from north Wales who complained about being sexually abused or beaten up.

Merlyn Rees retired from the Commons at the 1992 General Election. Just as it was all going off in North Wales, with police investigations into a suspected paedophile ring, former residents of children’s homes naming Gordon Anglesea – a senior officer with the North Wales Police – as having been one of the people who molested them and reports of the abuse of children in care in north Wales appearing in the London media. Then days before the General Election, five possible witnesses with information about the paedophile gang in north Wales were killed in a fire started by a petrol bomb  – the man who was alleged to have confessed to starting the fire was found dead days later having been hit by a lorry on a country road and one survivor of the fire died in mysterious circumstances after he alleged that victims of the paedophile gang were being murdered (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs).

As soon as Merlyn Rees stepped down from the Commons he was given a peerage and became Lord Merlyn-Rees.

 

Ernest Armstrong was Assistant Gov’t Whip, 1967-69 and Lord Commissioner of the Treasury, 1969-70.

Ernest was a junior Minister in the Dept of Education and Science under Secretary of State Reg Prentice, 1974-75. Reg Prentice was a Minister in both Labour and Conservative Gov’ts. He was Labour MP for East Ham North (which later became Newham North East) from 1957 until 1977 when he defected to the Tories. Before he defected he was Minister of State at the Dept of Education and Science, 1964-66 – under Secretary of State Tony Crosland – then Secretary of State for Education and Science 1974-75.

Prentice left the Labour Party in 1977 after local activists deselected him. The local party had been infiltrated by Militant and in an attempt to ensure that Prentice wasn’t deselected, a Julian Lewis posed as a Labour moderate and joined the constituency party. It was later revealed that Julian Lewis had been backed by the far right Freedom Association. Lewis’s attempts to shore up Prentice’s position in the Labour Party were unsuccessful although he did gain control of the Newham Labour Party for a short time in 1976, but Lewis himself was elected as Tory MP for the New Forest in 1997, a seat he still occupies. Throughout the 80s Julian Lewis took part in covert activities to oppose left wing causes, particularly the anti-nuclear movement. He used Ann Widdecombe for this purpose (see post ‘Doris Karloff – Honest About Her Expenses But Not Much Else’).

After being deselected in Newham, Prentice became Tory MP for Daventry in 1979, after receiving considerable help from Lady Kisty Hesketh, Chair of the Daventry Conservative Association. Daventry is in Northamptonshire. The county contains St Andrews Hospital, a psychiatric hospital which for decades has been the centre of allegations of abuse and neglect and played a role in the case of Jeremy Bamber, a suspected serious miscarriage of justice (see post ‘Family Annihilation’). Much more recently there has been great concern at the number of learning disabled people being detained at St Andrews against the wishes of both they and their families. At least one such patient has died as a result of ‘restraint’ and ‘medication’.

After being elected as a Tory MP Prentice enjoyed a new lease of life and became a junior Minister for Social Security in the DHSS between 1979-81 in Thatcher’s Gov’t. The Secretary of State for Social Security at the time was Patrick Jenkin, who was best remembered for stating that if God had wanted us to have equal opportunities he wouldn’t have created men and women.  Which is almost as good as the old joke about the vicar who wrote a letter to the Times saying that if God had wanted us to run around naked we’d have been born with no clothes on.

There was of course organised abuse of children in Newham in the 70s and 80s – it was yet another Borough which was sending children in care to children’s homes in north Wales…

In 1992 John Major gave Prentice a peerage. In his later years, Prentice was President of the Conservative Association at Devizes. The local MP was Michael Ancram, Chairman of the Conservative Party.

 

After his stint with Reg Prenctice, Ernest Armstrong then became a junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, 1975-79 – he served under two Secretaries of State there, initially under his friend Tony Crosland and then under Peter Shore. Peter Shore was MP for Stepney, 1964-97. Shortly after he was elected, he was appointed PPS to Harold Wilson the PM. Denis Healey referred to Shore as ‘Harold’s lapdog’. Stepney is in the Borough of Tower Hamlets. Tower Hamlets was yet another Borough that sent kids in its care into the arms of the paedophiles in north Wales (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’). In 1994 Blair nominated Shore as his representative on the Commission On Standards in Public Life. Peter Shore received a peerage in 1997.

Ernest Armstrong’s obituary in the ‘Indie’ states that Ernest was very influential on Tony Crosland and civil servant Toby Weaver, whilst Crosland was Secretary of State for Education and Science, 1965-67. For more details about the bisexual Tony Crosland and the swinger whom he had an affair with, Roy Jenkins – whom Blair described as his ‘mentor’ – see post ‘The Most Dangerous Man In The World – Part I’.

Between 1981-87 Ernest was Deputy Speaker. He was Deputy to George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy  – who concealed corruption and abuse of children whilst he was in the Welsh Office (see post ‘The Cradle of Filth’) and was posthumously investigated for historical child abuse himself, as was his friend Leo Abse.

George Thomas said of Armstrong that he was ‘a man whose reliability was as solid as Durham Cathedral’. Betty Boothroyd – who became Speaker herself and in that capacity prevented Ann Clwyd from asking questions in the House regarding the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal at the time of the investigations in the early 1990s – stated that Armstrong ‘helped to steer my early Parliamentary career’.

The good thing about Ernest was that he was a devout Christian – like his daughter’s bosom buddy Tony Blair and Tony’s wife Cherie. Ernest was to be precise a Methodist and was Vice-Chair of the Methodist Conference, 1974-75. Ernest was active in the UNA (United Nations Association).

Dafydd Alun Jones was invited to speak at Bangor University by the UNA some years ago – Dafydd was billed as an expert on drug abuse and was going to be speaking about that subject. Dafydd’s event was cancelled after I offered to attend and distribute information about Dafydd’s previous.

Like William Shelton, Ernest took a firm line on morality and he seconded Tim Sainsbury’s Private Members Indecent Displays (Control) Bill, 1980-81. I wonder if Ernest knew that Hilary’s and Blair’s friend Alastair Campbell used to write pornographic stories for Forum magazine? Although to be fair Forum didn’t have pictures in, just letters and stories and medical advice provided by Dr Philip Cauthery, who doubled up as the student doctor at Aston University whilst Aston had one of the highest rates of student suicides among UK universities. Cauthery also ran a sex therapy business with Dr Martin Cole in Birmingham, whom Mary Whitehouse tried to have prosecuted for running a brothel.

Ernest Armstrong was political advisor for the TV drama House of Cards. I never saw this, but I did hear a lot about it – I understand that the storyline centred around a particularly unpleasant scheming politician who was prepared to ruin and kill people in order to become PM.

Peter Howarth, one of the paedophiles who worked at Bryn Estyn who eventually went to prison for the serious sexual abuse of boys there, had between 1966-73 been employed at Axwell School in Gateshead. Matt Arnold had been the headmaster at Axwell whilst Howarth worked there. In May 1973 Arnold was appointed Head of Bryn Estyn. In November 1973 Howarth was appointed to a senior position in Bryn Estyn.

Just to remind readers – Ernest Armstrong was a teacher whose main interest was in education and he Chaired the Sunderland Education Committee between 1960-65. He also influenced and was friends with Tony Crosland, whilst Crosland was the Secretary of State for Education – whilst Howarth and Arnold worked at Gateshead.

Howarth and Arnold were not the only abusers of children in the North East of England. There was an approved school in Durham run by an ‘expert’ in ‘troubled children’ where children were being sexually and physically assaulted and whilst Blair was MP for Sedgefield one of the activists in his local Labour Party was convicted of child abuse.

 

After Keith Hill had finished being PPS to Hilary Armstrong, in 1998 he was appointed Assistant Gov’t Whip and then in 1999 Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State (and Minister for London) at the DETR. Hill was responsible for local transport and transport in London. Hill also prepared the way for the London Mayoral elections and was Minister for the national joke that was the Millennium Dome.

After the 2001 General Election, Hill was appointed Deputy Chief Whip by Blair.

In 2003 Hill joined the many paedophiles’ friends in the Privy Council. (He was offered a knighthood in 2010 but turned it down.)

Until the 2005 General Election, Hill was Minister for Housing and Planning in the Office of the Deputy Prime Minister, ie. Prescott. It was after the 2005 reshuffle that Keith Hill became PPS to Blair. Hill returned to the backbenches when Gordon Brown became PM in 2007.

After leaving Parliament, Hill became Chair of Lambeth Living, an ALMO (arms-length management organisation) which administers most of Lambeth’s  social housing stock. In 2012 he was appointed as the independent regulator for ARMA (the Association of Managing Agents). ARMA is described as a trade association for firms managing private residential leasehold blocks of flats in England and Wales. It is a ‘self-regulating regime’. I cannot help wondering why, if the firms managing the accommodation are abiding by the law and adhering to health and safety regulations, they need Keith Hill to allow them to do what they want in the name of ‘self-regulation’ and ‘arms length management’.

Grenfell Tower anyone?

In Feb 1915 Keith became Chair of  the Residents Commission On Council Housing for Hammersmith and Fulham Council. We are told that ‘the Commission is working with council house tenants to explore how they can be given more control and safeguards over their homes, rents and service charges’. Sounds like service userdom for tenants to me – consult them and hold them responsible for things which they have no control over. It will then be their fault when their houses go up in flames a la Grenfell Tower.

When Keith Hill stood down from the Commons, Chuka Umunna took over the seat of Streatham. A feature in a local paper looked back on Keith Hill’s time as MP for the constituency and mentioned that in the late 1980s Keith Hill shared a flat with the transgender cross-dressing comedian, major Labour Party donor and aspiring Labour MP Eddie Izzard. Eddie is a big supporter of Jeremy Corbyn – who was one of the many people politically involved in Islington when Islington Council’s children’s homes had been infiltrated by a paedophile gang with links to organised crime. The paper reported that Hill and Izzard shared a flat in Ambleside Gardens in Streatham. From what I can work out there is no Ambleside Gardens in Streatham – but there is most definitely an Ambleside Avenue. It was where Cynthia and Lord Sutch lived – Cynthia’s brothel.

Until Keith Hill won Streatham for Labour, for many years Streatham had been a Tory constituency. Hill’s win was attributed to a boundary change, which resulted in a sizeable part of Brixton, including the town hall, being relocated to the constituency of Streatham. I do not know who will have been responsible for the boundary change – but it certainly presented an opportunity for yet more concealing of the organised abuse of children and associated serious crime.

 

Whilst searching the internet for info about Keith Hill, an unrelated but topical news report popped up. It mentioned a Baroness Julia Cumberlege who had Chaired the ‘Better Births’ National Maternity Review in 2015. The report featured a nice photo of Cumberlege with some new mums who had all stated that they were delighted with Cumberlege’s recommendations for natural births. Over the last few months there has been an admission that there has been far too much dogma regarding ‘natural birth’ and whilst it is absolutely fine for some women, a number of women have suffered serious injury or have lost their babies because of a reluctance of midwives to intervene. In some cases mothers have died. It was the dogmatic insistence on natural births by a group of aggressive – and incompetent -midwives at Furness General Hospital Cumbria that led to a spate of deaths of babies. The deaths were concealed by the NHS and the sordid truth was only discovered by James Titcombe after his own baby died at the hospital in 2008. James was subsequently invited to contribute to the CQC’s work re patient safety but resigned after facing relentless hostility and rudeness from the midwives associated with the CQC. Cumberlege’s review didn’t take the Cumbria experience into account then.

Julia Cumberlege was given a peerage in 1990 – she sits as a Tory. I don’t know WHY Cumberlege was given a peerage, her wiki simply intriguingly refers to her coming ‘from a medical family’. That usually translates as ‘my dad’s a Top Doctor’.

In 1986 Cumberlege was involved with producing a report which recommended allowing Angels to prescribe certain drugs. In mental health that has been interpreted as giving Angels carte blanche to forcibly drug any patient they feel like – a patient who may for example be questioning them or even complaining about being ‘restrained’ – without seeking another opinion.

After arriving in the Lords, Cumberlege was in 1992 appointed a junior Health Minister. Until 1997 she covered all health and social services matters in the Lords. So she’ll have covered the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the associated criminality in the mental health services and the commissioning of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution Of A Drugs Baron?’).

Cumberlege was the ‘sponsor Minister’ for Plymouth, responsible for the regeneration and a budget of £45 million pa. Why she was let loose with that sort of money I do not know.

Speaking in the Lords in 2000 Cumberlege recommended replacing the NHS with an insurance premium. She has also promoted the use of private provision within the NHS and suggested that Gov’t should put hospitals under private practice. Note to Cumberlege: Cygnet Healthcare and the Priory are now being commissioned to provide huge swathes of mental health care for NHS patients. There has been scandal after scandal and numerous patient deaths. That is because Cygnet and the Priory are run by the same shite, unscrupulous Top Doctors who previously neglected their NHS patients and concealed criminal misconduct eg. Robert Kehoe, Adrienne Key and Robin Jacobson. Paula Yates and Michael Hutchence paid good money for treatment from the Priory Roehampton. They are both dead, having killed themselves.

In 2010 Cumberlege was awarded an honorary Fellowship by the RCN.
Cumberlege is, among other things: a Trustee of Cancer Research UK; a Senior Associate of the Kings Fund; Secretary of the Dying Well Parliamentary Group; Vice-President of the Royal Society for Public Health; honorary Fellow of the Royal College of Physicians; Vice-President of the Royal College of Nursing and Midwifery; President of Age UK, East Sussex.

Cumberlege is a Roman Catholic. In 2006-07 she Chaired the Commission reviewing the approach of the Catholic Church in England and Wales to child protection. She also spoke at the Catholic Medical Association in Bristol in 2009 – the meeting was officiated by Catholic prelate Archbishop Peter Smith.

Peter Smith is the Metropolitan Archbishop of Southwark. He was Bishop of East Anglia (1995-01) and the Metropolitan Archbishop of Cardiff (2001-10). Peter Smith has a law degree from Exeter University.

Smith was named as Archbishop of Cardiff in the wake of a controversy regarding paedophile priests in the archdiocese.  Smith stated that he wanted ‘to help people bind up the wounds and bring healing’.

In 2010 Smith was appointed Metropolitan Archbishop of Southwark. In 2015 Southwark Crown Court heard that Peter Smith was one of two bishops responsible for allowing Father Antony McSweeney to be appointed a priest in the Roman Catholic Diocese of East Anglia following an incident in 1998 when a housekeeper found porn at McSweeney’s home. Peter Smith treated the matter as one for the church to deal with alone and did not involve the police. Since Smith made that decision, McSweeney was imprisoned for abusing boys at Grafton House children’s home between 1978-81.

Peter Smith has Chaired the Catholic Truth Society since 1993, Chaired the Dept for Christian Responsibility and Citizenship within the Catholic Bishops Conference of England and Wales since 1998 and Chaired the Central Religious Advisory Committee of the BBC and ITC between 2001-04. He was made an honorary Fellow of the University of Wales Lampeter in 2004 and an honorary Fellow of Cardiff University in 2006.

In 2001 Cumberlege set up her own company, Cumberlege Connections Ltd. Her husband Patrick Cumberlege is a Director.

The Cumberleges were in the Courts earlier this year. They are opposing the development of affordable homes in East Sussex, in the village of Newick. The Cumberleges explained to the Court that they are residents of Newick and members of Newick Village Society. Patrick is the former Chairman of Newick Village Society and the Baroness has been a parish, district and County Councillor, ‘representing the village’. And they certainly don’t want riff-raff moving in near them.

 

The Cradle of Filth

One of the first people whom I approached over the wrongdoing of the north Wales mental health services was Lord Wyn Roberts. He wasn’t Lord back then, he was just Wyn Roberts. When I approached Wyn, the mental health services had behaved pretty dreadfully, but I didn’t realise that the wrongdoing would simply escalate after I made representation about it. Of course I didn’t get anywhere at all with dear old Wyn and comments subsequently made to me by various mental health professionals in north Wales made it clear that they were very certain of his support and that I’d acquired quite a reputation for myself because I had dared approach him. I was soon wondering whether he was a personal friend of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and whether Wyn Roberts was one of Dafydd’s ‘powerful friends’ to whom I was constantly hearing references.

Wyn Roberts was Conservative MP for Conwy, 1970-97. He was the Tories ‘man in Wales’ for decades and the one of the Great Mysteries of North Wales was the failure of Thatcher to ever appoint him Secretary of State for Wales. Despite his shameless toadying and successful concealing of the shit-pit that was Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, she never did. Roberts was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office in 1979 and Minister of State at the Welsh Office in 1987, where he remained until 1994. He picked up a knighthood in 1990 and a peerage in 1997. Roberts was at the Welsh Office throughout the paedophile years and throughout the investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales and the subsequent cover-ups. He was there when Mary Wynch was unlawfully arrested, incarcerated and fleeced of her property by Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends, he was there throughout the years that Alison Taylor desperately blew the whistle repeatedly, he was there when I was repeatedly arrested, illegally incarcerated, harassed, threated, assaulted etc. Roberts was in office when witnesses were found dead and he was there in 1992 when five witnesses to the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’). Wyn Roberts was there throughout the whole fucking lot.

Why Roberts knew that there was very serious misconduct in Gwynedd Health Authority. My post ‘A Visit To Gwynedd Archives’ mentions how Roberts’s contributions to questions in the House regarding Gwynedd Health Authority are recorded in Hansard in 1989. There was chaos in Gwynedd Health Authority – the Health Authority was bankrupt, the level of ‘service’ was completely unacceptable, the Welsh Office had sent in a hit squad to try to rescue the Authority and David Hunt, then a junior Minister in the Welsh Office, had personally written to Noreen Edwards, the Chairman of Gwynedd Health Authority. What no-one did at any time was investigate patients’ complaints let alone dismiss or prosecute any of the people who had abused patients and broken the law, although there was documentary evidence of criminal activities.

Wyn Roberts was born in 1930 and was from Llansadwrn on Anglesey. His mother was a teacher and his father was a Methodist Minister. The family were described as being ‘vaguely Liberal’. Wyn Roberts stated that his earliest memory was of being breast fed by his mother. Which for a man of his generation and background was a rather odd thing to say in public. Roberts went to school in Beaumaris and won a scholarship to Harrow in 1944. The official biography of Wyn maintains that although he could write English ‘excellently’, his spoken English until he went to Harrow was not good. I don’t believe this – because Wyn Roberts later constructed himself as a defender of the Welsh language in the face of hostile colleagues in the Anglocentric Tory Party, such a claim would have served him very well in north Wales. Welsh was the language of most people in north west Wales at the time, but Wyn Roberts’s family were members of the educated middle-classes. They may well have spoken Welsh at home, but Roberts will have been able to speak English and speak it well – Roberts’s parents would not have expected him to work in a quarry or on a farm, they would have wanted a professional career for him and they would have known that he would have needed his English. Indeed when Roberts was at school, teaching in schools in north Wales was still through the medium of English – it was this which caused so much resentment and led to the Welsh language campaigns of the 1960s, 70s and 80s.

Whilst carrying out his national service, Roberts served in the Intelligence Corps and was involved in the Cold War tapping of the Russian HQ in Vienna, ‘Operation Silver’. He later claimed that the operation involved counter-espionage and he was approached possibly by Kim Philby to switch sides. Researchers into organised sexual abuse in the UK have constantly pointed to links with the security services which were used to protect abusers. The security services also seemed to have recruited huge numbers of clever gay men from Oxbridge, at a time when being gay was very difficult, made one vulnerable to blackmail and was also conflated with paedophilia – which enabled paedophiles to then shelter under the umbrella of the gay rights movement in the 1960s. It wasn’t going to end happily was it.

Roberts was a graduate of University College Oxford himself. His early career was in the media. He worked as a sub-editor on the Liverpool Daily Post 1952-54 and then as a TV news assistant with the BBC. In 1957 Roberts joined TWW (Television Wales and West) as a producer of news, special events and Welsh language programmes. In 1968 the regional franchise was transferred to Harlech TV (which later became HTV), founded by Lord David Harlech (see post ’95 Glorious Years!’ for details of Lord Harlech and the many unfortunate things that happened to him and his family). Roberts attributed the switch in franchise simply to successful political lobbying, although he retained his job and worked for Harlech TV. Wyn’s claim to fame as a young man was that his work brought him into contact with the likes of Shirley Bassey and Richard Burton.

I can find no explanation of why Roberts, from a ‘vaguely Liberal’ family (as Welsh speaking middle-class nonconformists in north Wales at that time, it would have been highly likely that the family would be Liberal), who had only shown ‘mild political interests’ as a student stood as a Tory Parliamentary candidate, but in 1970 he did. The Tories were delighted to have a well-known Welsh speaker to stand as a candidate in Wales. The ‘Welsh issue’ was a problem – the natives over there were rebelling, there were language protests and there had even been bombs planted by ‘Welsh extremists’ – and support for Plaid was gathering momentum after the election of Gwynfor Evans the first Plaid MP in Carmarthen in 1966. Conwy was a marginal seat – Roberts won it for the Tories and helped Heath into Gov’t.

Between 1970-74, Roberts was PPS to Peter Thomas, Secretary of State for Wales. The paedophile gang was in full swing at this time, John Allen’s empire of children’s homes – the Bryn Alyn Community – in which children were being horrifically abused and trafficked into prostitution was growing and Gwynne and Dafydd out at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were abusing patients like there was no tomorrow. Bryn Estyn was still categorised as an approved school and was run directly by the Home Office – it functioned as a brothel.

 

Peter Thomas became Lord Gwydir in 1987. He was from Llanwrst and his father was a solicitor who was a Liberal. Like Wyn Roberts, Thomas was that rare thing, a Tory who spoke Welsh. Thomas went to Jesus College, Oxford – a college known for it’s Welsh links – and joined the Conservative Association at Oxford. After WWII Thomas became a barrister, working on the corrupt Chester and Wales Circuit. Thomas was along there with the best of those who have featured on this blog. He was Deputy Chair of the Cheshire Quarter Sessions from 1966, the Deputy Chair of the Denbighshire Quarter Sessions from 1968 and served in both of these offices until 1970. Thomas was a Crown Court Recorder between 1974-88. He also became an arbitrator of the Court of Arbitration of the International Chamber of Commerce, Paris. (Thomas was a keen European.) Thomas continued his career in law whilst he was active in politics.

Thomas was elected as MP for Conwy in 1951. He was PPS to Sir Harry Hylton-Foster, the Solicitor General 1954-59. Thomas was a member of the Council of Europe 1957-59 and Parliamentary Secretary in the Minister of Labour, 1959-61. It was Thomas who sponsored the private members bill which became the Eisteddfod Act in 1959, allowing the National Eisteddfod to receive funding from public monies. This will have been perceived as an obscure minority interest by Thomas’s colleagues in England, but it will have earned him a great many Brownie points among many influential Welsh speakers in Wales. Wyn himself was made a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1966 – a number of paedophiles’ friends are also members.

Thomas was appointed Under-Secretary of State at the Foreign Office in 1961 – he went to Moscow with Lord Home in 1963 to sign the Nuclear Test Ban Treaty. (Thomas was appointed Minister of State for Foreign Affairs in 1963.) Whilst he was at the Foreign Office Thomas lied to MPs concerning a spy who was arrested in Hungary, denying any connection with the British Intelligence Services. The Tories lost the General Election in 1964 and in 1966 Thomas lost Conwy to the Labour candidate, namely Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Thomas returned to Parliament at the General Election in 1970 as the MP for Hendon South, a seat that he held until he retired from the Commons in 1987.

Like Wyn Roberts, Peter Thomas flagged up his Welshness when Wales was seething with fury towards England after the drowning of the village of Capel Celyn in 1965 to provide a reservoir to supply Liverpool with water and the Aberfan disaster. Thomas was the first Welshman to become Chair of the Tory Party (1970-72). It was Thomas who established the Welsh Water Authority – which was later privatised. He was Secretary of State for Wales throughout the whole of Heath’s premiership during which there was violent activism in Wales and the campaign by Cymdeithas involving the removal of English language road signs. Interestingly enough, in his capacity as a QC, Peter Thomas had defended John Jenkins, a ‘Welsh extremist’, who was charged with causing 18 explosions.

Thomas was President of the Conservative Friends of Israel.

As well as failing to deal with and remaining silent about the abuse of children and mental health patients in north Wales, Thomas was obviously involved in other skulduggery. He was ‘helpful’ in the 1972 and 74 miners’ strikes and served on the Select Committee which investigated John Poulson, later admitting that he should have cross-examined Reginald Maudling regarding his disclaimer of remuneration from Poulson. (Maudling was Home Secretary who became embroiled in scandal as a result of his business links with Poulson and subsequently resigned.) Once in the Lords, Thomas backed Nicholas Edwardes’s Bill which gave the green light to the development of Cardiff Bay, a development which cost the taxpayer many millions of pounds and made Nicholas Edwardes aka Lord Crickhowell and some of his friends and business associates very rich (see post ‘Corruption Bay Special’).

In 1947 Thomas married Tessa Dean, the daughter of Lady Mercy Greville. Mercy’s mother, the Countess of Warwick, had been a campaigning socialist as well as the long-term mistress of Edward, Prince of Wales, who later became King Edward VII.

Thomas was the first Conservative politician to occupy the position of Secretary of State for Wales. His predecessor had been the notorious George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy who later became Speaker. Thomas was someone else who ignored the abuse of vulnerable people, even in the wake of the Ely Hospital Scandal. Wales is currently trying to forget that George Thomas ever existed what with that police investigation  into allegations that he abused young boys himself. The Secretary of State for Wales who succeeded Peter Thomas was John Morris aka Lord Aberavon, another Welsh lawyer who continued the fine old tradition of leading the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the north Wales paedophile ring and the criminal misconduct of Dafydd and Gwynne.

Regular readers will know that when it has been necessary to conceal the wrongdoing of the paedophiles and their friends, alliances and friendships across political divides were made. Bear this in mind as you read the details that follow regarding one of Peter Thomas’s good friends, Cledwyn Hughes, later Lord Cledwyn.

Cledwyn Hughes’s father David left school at twelve to work in the Dinorwic slate quarry, as his forebears did. However in his early 20s, David Hughes – known as Harri – became a Calvinist Methodist preacher in Holyhead. (Cledwyn Hughes later preached in the chapels on Anglesey, even when he was a Cabinet Minister.) Harri was a Liberal, a fervent supporter of Lloyd George and his daughter Lady Megan Lloyd George, who in 1929 became the MP for Anglesey. Cledwyn went to Holyhead Grammar School and then read law at University College Aberystwyth, where he was Chair of the Liberal Society. In 1937 Cledwyn graduated and began work as an articled clerk to a solicitor in Holyhead. He had a change of heart politically as a result of him gaining knowledge about the social conditions of many and in 1938 he joined the Labour Party. In 1940 he qualified as a solicitor. In 1945 whilst he was still in the Air Force Cledwyn stood as the Labour candidate for Anglesey against Lady Megan, although this caused his father much unhappiness. He was demobbed in 1946 and became acting clerk to Holyhead District Council. Between 1946-53, Cledwyn was a member of Anglesey County Council. This is ancient history now, but Cledwyn remained on very good terms with Anglesey County Council throughout his years in Parliament. He remained in the Commons until 1979 and then joined the Lords where he remained until his death in 2001.

So Cledwyn was mates with Anglesey County Council until 2001. Anglesey was the site of some of the most serious abuse of children in care, both in children’s homes and in foster care. One of the children’s homes involved was in Holyhead. Anglesey County Council has been riddled with serious corruption for years, it is a standing joke in north Wales. There have been police investigations into Councillors and at least one Councillor went to prison. One Councillor who faced criminal charges violently attacked a journalist and cameraman when they tried to interview him, smashing the camera. I’m not aware that he was prosecuted. Other Councillors on Anglesey became millionaires after giving each other planning permission for developments. It is so bad on Anglesey that people would comment that the Councillors go to prison and sit on the Council again when they were released. It was alleged that the Director of Social Services on Anglesey some years ago had been caught by the police having sex in his car in a public place, but yet again there was never any talk of charges. Anglesey County Council is truly famous and has of course featured in Private Eye’s Rotten Boroughs column a number of times. Some years ago I enquired of a local man with an excellent knowledge of the shenanigans on Anglesey ‘which ones are the corrupt Councillors?’ and I was told ‘they all are, there aren’t any honest ones’. And to add to the fun they all absolutely hated each other.

In 1950 Cledwyn challenged Megan at the polls again but lost – then in 1951 he stood against her again and won, becoming MP for Anglesey.

During his years in the Commons, Cledwyn worked to bring employment to Anglesey – he played a key role in securing the development of the nuclear power station at Wylfa and also in attracting Rio Tinto to establish the Anglesey Aluminium plant. Cledwyn supported the Parliament for Wales Campaign and was involved in a petition to support this, but the campaign failed – Cledwyn was strongly opposed by some of his own Labour colleagues, especially those from constituencies in south Wales. Cledwyn was successful in his efforts to secure the establishment of a post of Secretary of State for Wales.

In 1964, Cledwyn was appointed Minister of State for Commonwealth Relations in Wilson’s Labour Gov’t and between 1966-68 he was appointed Secretary of State for Wales himself. Under him – as Minister of State  – until 1967 was the dreadful George Thomas.

Cledwyn was Secretary of State for Wales at the time of the disaster at Aberfan in 1966. He always maintained that Aberfan was the worst event of his life. Wilson gave Cledwyn military-style powers regarding Aberfan and it was Cledwyn who set up the public inquiry into the disaster. It was revealed that Lord Robens, Chairman of the National Coal Board, misled Cledwyn regarding the frequency of the tip inspections. Later on George Thomas in his capacity as Secretary of State for Wales was responsible for the dirty deed which resulted in a sizeable proportion of the money raised by the Aberfan Disaster Memorial Fund being forcibly used to fund the clearing of the remaining tips.

Cledwyn is described as having been responsible for the development of the Welsh Office and the creation of its civil service structure. The structure containing all those corrupt civil servants who concealed criminal activities in the social services and the health service. Cledwyn is also credited with securing the arrival of the Royal Mint at Llantrisant in 1967, which was perceived to have enhanced the status of the Welsh Office.

In 1968 Harold Wilson moved Cledwyn from the Welsh Office to MAFF – Cledwyn was known to be disappointed to have to leave the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office behind. Cledwyn had been involved with the preparations for the 1969 Investiture of Prince Charles which had resulted in him writing a monthly letter to Charles (who was then at Cambridge) regarding matters in Wales. George Thomas, a man who was investigated for child abuse himself – as was his good friend Leo Abse – was appointed Secretary of State in Cledwyn’s place.

Cledwyn was a supporter and admirer of the way in which powers over agriculture in Wales were transferred to the paedophiles’ friends at the Welsh Office. Cledwyn favoured extending the Welsh Office’s powers over health as well. Clearly Dafydd et al were not receiving enough support from the Welsh Office’s corrupt lawyer Andrew Park and the corrupt Medical Ombudsman Professor Robert Owen, both of whom concealed their criminal misconduct in 1988.

In 1969 Cledwyn established the Waterhouse Committee on rabies – led by dear old Sir Ronnie Waterhouse, who talents were utilised again in 1996 when William Hague appointed him to lead the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal.

It is documented that at the 1970 General Election there were ‘scenes’ as Cledwyn was heavily criticised by Plaid, but I don’t know what the scenes and criticism were all about. It certainly won’t have been a demo about institutionalised corruption in the Welsh Office.

In 1974 Cledwyn became Chair of the Parliamentary Labour Party and in 1976 Harold Wilson’s sudden resignation left Cledwyn needing to organise the election of Wilson’s successor.

Cledwyn was close to both Roy Jenkins and James Callaghan. Cledwyn had known Callaghan since 1949 when they had met at the home of Glenys Kinnock’s parents in Holyhead no less. After Callaghan was elected as PM he recommended Cledwyn for the award of Companion of Honour! Pity about all those kids who were abused and then banged up in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh wasn’t it Glenys…

In March 1977 Cledwyn was involved in the negotiations which led to the formation of the Lib Lab pact. The following year Cledwyn supported three Plaid MPs to support Callaghan’s Gov’t when it needed propping up, in return for a commitment to legislate for compensation to be awarded for former quarry workers with silicosis.

The compensation for silicosis business dragged on for a very long time – most of the quarrymen were dead or nearly dead by the time that the Gov’t stumped up. When I was living in a quarrying village near Bethesda in the 1990s, Dafydd Wigley was regularly appearing in the media as a result of his campaign to get the Gov’t to cough up for the quarrymen as promised. So why didn’t Dafydd Wigley have a quiet word in a few Westminster ears and tell them to pay the dying quarrymen or he’d go public on the paedophile gang? Because most of Wigley’s colleagues in Plaid had ignored or concealed the paedophile gang as well. Dafydd Wigley’s own powerbase and constituency office was in Caernarfon, cheek by jowl with the HQ of the Plaid-dominated Gwynedd County Council and the offices of the Social Services. Wigley could have gone next door and performed a citizen’s arrest on Lucille Hughes (the Director of Social Services and Dafydd Alun Jones’s mistress) and her partners in crime if he’d really wanted…

In 1977 Cledwyn led a Parliamentary delegation to the Soviet Union and in 1978 he was despatched to Rhodesia as a special envoy for talks with Ian Smith concerning the handing over of power to the black majority. Cledwyn didn’t get very far. Neither did he manage to persuade Joshua Nkomo to give up the armed struggle.

Cledwyn was enormously disappointed in 1979 after Wales voted against devolution. One person who campaigned against devolution was a Neil Kinnock, son-in-law of the folk in whose house Cledwyn met his mate Jim Callaghan. Cledwyn stood down as MP for Anglesey a few weeks later. Keith Best, the Tory who subsequently concealed the wrongdoing in north Wales along with his boss Wyn Roberts, succeeded Cledwyn.

Not to worry, in 1979 Cledwyn was given a peerage.

In 1981 Cledwyn became Deputy Labour leader in the Lords and then in 1982, Leader. He remained Labour leader in the Lords until 1992. Neil Kinnock was leader of the Labour Party between 1983-92 and for most of that time Cledwyn retained ‘a strong working relationship’ with Kinnock. As everybody kept quiet about Dafydd and the paedophiles.

Cledwyn obtained funding from the Tory Gov’t to merge University College Cardiff with UWIST to form Cardiff University and in 1981 he played a leading part in persuading Willie Whitelaw to change policy concerning the establishment of S4C, the Welsh language TV channel, thus influencing Gwynfor Evans to abandon his hunger strike.

Now however did Cledwyn persuade a Tory Gov’t led by Thatcher who’s aide Sir Peter Morrison was abusing boys in care in north Wales to do all that???

Cledwyn was President of University College Aberystwyth (which later became Aberystwyth University) between 1976-85 – the building that houses their School of Business is named after him. In 1985 he became Pro-Chancellor of the University of Wales and then President of the UCNW (which later became Bangor University) in 1995.

Cledwyn died in 2001 in Ysbyty Glan Clwyd, a hospital which had been ruined as a result of mismanagement and corruption by the paedophiles’ friends. One of his obituaries stated that he was ‘an efficient administrator…with a considerable talent for story telling’.

 

To return to Wyn Roberts now. In 1974 the Tories lost the General Election, Peter Thomas lost his position as Secretary of State for Wales and Roberts became an opposition spokesperson for Wales, along with Nicholas Edwardes, until 1979 when the Thatcher was elected as PM. Wyn Roberts was then appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State at the Welsh Office and Nicholas Edwardes, later Lord Crickhowell, was appointed Secretary of State for Wales. In 1987 Roberts was appointed Minister of State at the Welsh Office under the new Secretary of State for Wales, Peter Walker. Walker remained in that post until 1990 when he stepped down of his own accord – the year that Wyn Roberts picked up his knighthood.

 

Peter Walker was the Tory MP for Worcester, 1961-92. He retired from the Commons and picked up his peerage in 1992 ie. the year after I was bullied out of my job at St George’s Hospital Medical School after an attempt to frame me for serious offences by the mental health services in north Wales; the year after my close friend who knew what had happened to me in north Wales and who wanted to make a film about it was unfairly dismissed from the Royal Television Society and had her career in the media ruined; the year that her partner was being hounded out of his job at the BBC. It was in April 1992 that five witnesses to the North Wales Paedophile Ring were killed in an arson attack.

Walker had shown an interest in a political career at a very young age. In 1946 when he was 14 he spoke at a Conservative Conference and was invited to meet Leo Amery, who had plotted the overthrow of Lloyd George’s Coalition in 1922. Amery told Walker to become financially independent before entering the Commons, because it would stop him having to be compromised ‘if resignation were necessary’. Obviously an occupational hazard that one must plan for.

Walker followed Amery’s advice and went into the insurance business, soon forming a partnership with the future MP for Taunton Edward Du Cann, who when I was a kid in Somerset was widely alleged to have been a crook. When Du Cann was older he resigned from a company just before it collapsed owing millions and was later investigated for matters relating to his taxes. Walker also invested in property companies and formed a City partnership with Jim Slater, Slater Walker Securities.

Walker worked on JFK’s Primary election campaign team and was PPS to Selwyn Lloyd when Lloyd was Lord Privy Seal. Walker and Lloyd remained close friends – Lloyd was godfather to one of Walker’s sons.

In 1965 Walker organised Heath’s leadership campaign and under Heath was appointed Minister for Housing and Local Gov’t. In 1970 Walker was proud to be the world’s first Environment Minister. He was Secretary of State for Energy, 1983-87, playing an ‘important role’ in opposing the miners’ strike. During the miners’ strike, Walker maintained private links with Norman Willis, the General Secretary of the TUC, which sounds like the basis for something underhand.

As Secretary of State for Wales, Walker ‘easily won’ crucial financial battles with John Major, the then Chief Secretary to the Treasury. Walker also ‘pioneered a Valley’s initiative, attracted major investment from Bosch and Toyota and gave the go-ahead for the second Severn Bridge’. The building of Corruption Bay went ahead on Walker’s watch.

Walker was Chair of the Carlton Club and a founder of the Tory Reform Group. He has held Directorships with: Rothschilds; Tate and Lyle; Dalgety and British Gas. Walker was the Chairman of Thornton and Co.

Walker’s son Robin followed in his footsteps as MP for Worcester.

Walker was a great champion of the hospice movement and was the Patron of St Richards Hospice in Worcester which was founded in 1984. I have always been a little mystified as to why, in north Wales, the hospices are log jammed with the paedophiles’ friends – I have previously blogged about those associated with St David’s Hospice in Llandudno and St Kentigerns at St Asaph. I presumed that it was a function of so many of the paedophiles’ friends being involved with health and social care, but I’m wondering if there was a bigger problem after reading an extract from Hansard, March 2000. The extract is the transcript of a speech that Walker made to the Lords in which he pleads for NHS funding for hospices and includes the responses of other members of the Lords.

In the Lords debate, a number of Top Doctors are warmly mentioned, including Professor David Clark and Professor Karol Sikora. David Clark was mentioned in a comment by a correspondent to this blog some weeks ago. Karol Sikora is a cancer specialist who for some years now has robustly promoted the privatisation of the NHS and is a leading light in a pressure group with other Top Doctors lobbying for this. Yet in 2000 the Lords involved in a debate about hospice funding were using figures supplied by Sikora as a basis for arguing for NHS funding for hospices. Sikora worked at Hammersmith Hospital in the late 1980s when I was a postgraduate there, although he seemed to have a big bust up with his former colleagues from Hammersmith a few years ago. For details of the research fraud and misconduct that was happening at Hammersmith, see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. The impression that I have always gained of Sikora is that he is primarily concerned with becoming very rich. He is a wealthy man already but I think that he wants more – his rationale for privatising the NHS is frequently wrapped up in arguments that Top Doctors can then be paid what they are truly worth. In one article in a broadsheet he argued that people should be paid on the basis of how essential their contribution is to society and therefore doctors should be paid more than anyone else. NHS consultants earn approx. £100k basic – people like Sikora who undertake private work earn much, much more. Food is even more essential for life than hi-tech oncology – so I await Sikora to begin lobbying for dinner ladies who feed the nations’ children and subsistence farmers in developing countries to be paid more than he is.

Another Top Doctor who gets a mention in Hansard during Walker’s debate is Vicky Clement-Jones. Vicky Clement-Jones was a Top Doctor from Barts who in the mid-80s developed ovarian cancer herself and died, whilst still only in her 30s. Before she died, Vicky and some others whom she knew founded a charity called Cancer BACUP. It gained an enormous amount of publicity and also undertook a massive amount of fundraising. BACUP made a lot of noise about being the vehicle to beat cancer, particularly ovarian cancer, which had a frighteningly high mortality rate. Vicky Clement-Jones donated her own tissue to cancer research and I remember attending a lecture which featured her cell lines. The death of Vicky Clement-Jones was undoubtedly very sad but I am intrigued by the way in which Cancer BACUP received such a high profile and the discourse that accompanied it. Vicky Clement-Jones herself was an outstanding researcher as well as a Top Doctor – she had done very very well whilst she was at Cambridge and by the time that she set that charity up she was at Barts with years of research and clinical work under her belt. She will have known as well as I do that what holds cancer research – or indeed any branch of health and social care research – back is not the lack of donations to charity or people like Vicky donating cell lines, it is research fraud, bad science and the vested interest of pharmaceutical companies, the medical establishment and the blinkered views of policy makers. The literature produced by BACUP is very similar to the literature produced by present day cancer charities – it is all about ‘fighting cancer’, ‘inspirational people’, ‘fund raising so scientists can find out more’ etc etc. Vicky would have been too intelligent to believe that this was going to lead anywhere. Yet it was full speed ahead for BACUP.

Vicky died and health outcomes for many cancers in the UK today are not that much better than they were when Vicky established BACUP. Ovarian cancer still has a very high mortality rate and is usually not diagnosed until the prognosis is poor. In spite of all the fighting, the surviving, the screening etc etc. I would dearly love to know the full story behind BACUP and why Vicky allowed herself to be used in a way that she must have known would not lead to improvements in outcomes for cancer patients. I note from past BACUP documents that BACUP was given a lot of free PR when Professor Anthony Clare interviewed Vicky Clement-Jones on ‘In The Psychiatrist’s Chair’ and through their links with Rob Buckman. Rob Buckman was a high profile media Top Doctor who was a cousin of Barbara Amiel, wife of Conrad Black who owned the Telegraph. Amiel and Black both ended up going to prison for white-collar crime involving large sums of money. Rob Buckman left the UK for America and died a few years ago ‘in his sleep for an unknown reason’. Which sounds rather unlikely, particularly as he wasn’t even that old.

However I learnt something from Hansard, namely that a leading light in BACUP was one Lord Tim Clement-Jones, Vicky’s widower. It was Tim who was repeating Karol Sikora’s demands for money from the NHS for hospices. Tim also mentioned Professor Mike Richards, the then National Cancer Care Director and refers to a joint statement from the BMA and the RCN.

Tim Clement-Jones is a solicitor and was the head of legal services at LWT, 1980-93. He became a Trustee and Director of Cancer BACUP in 1986; was Co-Secretary of Woolworths Ltd which later became Kingfisher plc between 1986-95; was Chair of the Liberal Party 1986-88; was Chair of Crime Concern, 1991-95; was Treasurer of the Lib Dems, 2005-10; is the honorary President of Ambitious About Autism – and was Chair of the Trustees for 7 years; the London Managing Partner of DLA Piper UK LLP and Chair of their China and Middle East desks; a member of UCL’s Council; a Trustee of the Barbican Centre; an Ambassador of the Law Society; an Ambassador of Barts Charity.

In 1998 Tim was made a life peer.

LWT, the Liberal Party and the Law Society are well aware of the wrongdoing of the Top Doctors and the problem of organised child sexual abuse, including the paedophile ring that operated in north Wales when Peter Walker and his colleagues at the Welsh Office concealed such matters. As for Kingfisher plc – in the early 1990s, Kingfisher plc held the contract for cleaning a number of shops in Bangor and some of the depts in Bangor University. The cleaners were grossly exploited and were supervised by regional supervisors who were also grossly exploited and were pressurised from above to exploit the cleaners. No-one worked for Kingfisher plc for more than two months, not even the supervisors. The pay was as low as Kingfisher could possibly get away with – which in Gwynedd in the early 1990s was very low indeed – and the supervisors were required to travel across Gwynedd to various locations to carry out spot checks and generally harass the cleaners. The supervisors didn’t get a fuel allowance so they could have well been taking home even less than the cleaners. I bet Tim wasn’t getting up at 4am to polish supermarket floors were you Tim – you were too busy caring about cancer survivors and providing a bit of PR for the Top Doctors…

Someone who contributed to the debate in the Lords led by Peter Walker was another person who was an enthusiastic supporter of the hospice movement, Baroness Jean McFarlane. Jean McFarlane was a crossbencher who would have known all about the practices of the Top Doctors and the paedophiles’ friends – she was a nurse from Cardiff. Jean did her initial training at Barts and then returned to Cardiff and worked as a health visitor. She was Vice-President of the League of Nurses at Barts – so what with her and Tim it looks rather as though this debate in the Lords was a bit of lobbying from Barts in particular, as well as the wider medical establishment. In the 1960s Jean had been part of the RCN research programme ‘Study of Nursing Care’. In 1974 she was appointed to the first Chair of Nursing in an English university, namely at Manchester – she remained in this position until 1989. McFarlane served on the Royal Commission on the NHS 1976-79, under Sir Alec Merrison, a nuclear physicist. She wrote ‘A Guide to the Practice of Nursing Using the Nursing Process’. I suspect that Jean McFarlane was at the forefront of those Angels who left the ward as soon as they could to wield power in higher places and spout rubbish about things like the ‘nursing process’ (the succeeding generation replaced that concept with ‘nursing science’ because that sounds even better if you’re trying to pass yourself off as a professor), rather than admit that things were going terribly, terribly wrong at the coalface, thus beginning the process of deep denial in the NHS which led us to Mid-Staffs or indeed to north Wales.

Jean was a committed Christian and was a member of the general synod of the Church of England, 1990-94. She had a particular interest in the hospice movement and until 2008 was Vice-President of St Anne’s Hospice, Heald Green, Cheshire.

Another supporter of the hospice movement who contributed to Walker’s debate was Lord Billy Blease. Billy Blease was a trade unionist from N Ireland who was given a peerage in 1978. He was a member of the IBA (Independent Broadcasting Authority) 1974-79 and the Labour spokesperson on N Ireland in the Lords 1979-82. In 1997 Tony Blair appointed him to the British-Irish Parliamentary Body.

Another contributer was Lord Eric Varley, who was the NUM sponsored Labour MP for Chesterfield, 1964-84. Varley was PPS to PM Harold Wilson 1968-69 and was appointed Secretary of State for Energy in 1974.  In 1976 in his capacity as Secretary of State for Industry, Varley wanted to shut the car company Chrysler down, but the Cabinet forced an increase in the subsidy to keep it open. Varley appointed Michael Edwardes as Chairman of British Leyland. There followed an entrenched battle between Michael Edwardes and the trade union leader Red Robbo aka Derek Robinson, who died very recently. The Mail online helpfully reminded it’s readers just how terrible Red Robbo was, how he was a communist and even stood as such as a Parliamentary candidate on a number of occasions, but they forgot to mention that there was a great deal of dissatisfaction with Michael Edwardes at the time. Edwardes was being paid an absolute fortune, made thousands and thousands of workers redundant, yet allegations of mismanagement and incompetence swirled around him and not just from Red Robbo and the people who were made redundant.

Varley led Denis Healey’s campaign for the Labour Party leadership in 1980. In 1983 he was appointed Chair of Coalite plc. He resigned his seat at Chesterfield – he was succeeded by Tony Benn – and was made a life peer in 1990.

Eric Varley’s name was in the media again very recently. He was known to have been very friendly with the Labour MP Gerald Kaufman and it was revealed that Kaufman left absolutely everything in his will to Eric Varley – an expensive property in St John’s Wood, all his dosh, absolutely everything. Varley though died seven years ago – Kaufman had made the will when Varley was still alive and hadn’t updated it. As with a lot of politicians who remain in the Commons into old age, the media have for the last few years been rather kinder to Kaufman than they used to be. We have been reminded that it was Kaufman who called the Labour manifesto of 1983 ‘the longest suicide note in history’ and Kaufman has been portrayed as a voice of reason during the years of the loony left and Michael Foot. Which is interesting because I remember Kaufman insulting people, upsetting them, really pissing everyone off and being considered an oily git who couldn’t be trusted. Harriet Harman likes to believe that she was attacked in her capacity as a feminist by wags who referred to her as Harriet Harperson, but Private Eye took the piss out of one Gerald Kaufperson long before anyone bothered to have a go at Harriet. So Kaufperson himself was at the heart of the 1970s and 80s Labour Party when the London boroughs were rife with paedophiles abusing the kids in their care.

 

Another Lord contributing was Lord Barney Heyhoe. Barney Heyhoe was where the action was whilst Dafydd and the paedophiles were breaking the law and abusing patients and children in care in north Wales – he was a Minister in the DHSS 1985-86, acting as Secretary of State Norman Fowler’s deputy and was responsible for the public education programme about AIDS. Barney Heyhoe praised the Sue Ryder Foundation during the Lords debate – that Foundation stands accused of mistreating people who have been in its care.

Heyhoe began working for the Conservative Research Department as Heath became leader of the Tory Party in the mid-60s – the Conservative Research Department where Matthew Parris once worked and in which Parris alleged was a senior male member of staff who would go out and about in London on buses looking for much younger men to pick up. Parris also alleged that the department was organising staff holidays to a location in Europe called the ‘Villa of Shame’, at which ‘boys’ were supplied. Heyhoe was a Tory MP between 1970-92. He was Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State responsible for the Army 1979-81 and Minister of State for the civil service 1981-85.

He was a friend of Nicholas Scott whom Ann Widdecombe alleged had one hell of an alcohol problem, the consequences of which were concealed by his friends and colleagues.

Heyhoe was made a life peer in 1992 – like a few others who were involved in concealing the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. Between 1993-95 Heyhoe Chaired the Guys and St Thomas’s NHS Trust. It was at that time that Guys and St Thomas’s accepted as a medical student a young man from Gwynedd who had experienced severe mental health problems – but more worryingly had carried out seriously violent attacks on his dog, a neighbour’s cat and his own girlfriend, who later left him and refused him access to their baby on the grounds of the baby’s safety. After being accepted as a student at Guys and Tommys but before taking up his place this man worked as a porter in Ysbyty Gwynedd. He was caught on a number of occasions having sex with ancillary staff on the premises during work hours. Not only was there no action taken against him, but after he qualified – although he had a serious breakdown whilst he was at Guys and Tommys – the North West Wales NHS Trust employed him as a psychiatrist. A number of people complained about him, including me. I raised my concerns with the GMC. Keith Thomson, the Chief Exec of the NW Wales NHS Trust wrote to the GMC telling them that I had made ‘outrageous allegations’ about Trust staff. The GMC took no action. Some two years later I told that the psychiatrist in question had finally been stopped practicing after assaulting his wife so seriously that she was sectioned as a result of her own distress. His two children had been taken into care by Gwynedd Social Services on the grounds of severe neglect. When I made representations about this man to the GMC I made representations about his clinical director as well. The GMC took no action. Earlier this year my lawyers forwarded me a copy of a document that had been found in the possession of the GMC purporting to be a letter from me in relation to this complaint – the letter was a forgery (see post ‘The General Medical Council And Yet Another Forged Document’).

If Barney is still alive would he like to tell us what was going on at Guys and Tommys when he Chaired that Trust?

Hansard records that Earl Howe mentioned that the NHS is based on ‘human dignity’. I was so gobsmacked when I read that, that I thought I’d better find out who Earl Howe is.

Earl Howe also goes under the name of Frederick Curzon. He is a Conservative peer – one of the hereditary ones who clung on after Blair’s rather half-hearted attempt at Lords reform in 1999 – and is at present Minister of State for Defence as well as Deputy Leader in the Lords. After Earl Howe graduated in 1973 he joined Barclays Bank and worked in senior positions both in London and overseas. He then ran the family farm – Seagraves Farm Co – and estate in Buckinghamshire. In 1991 Earl Howe was appointed as a Whip. In 1992 he was appointed Parliamentary Secretary at MAFF and between 1995-97 he was Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the MoD.

Earl Howe was opposition spokesman in the Lords for health and social services, 1997-2010. His special interests include penal affairs and he is a member of All Party Groups on penal affairs, abuse investigations, adoption and mental health. So perhaps Earl Howe can explain why he was debating with Peter Walker in 2000 who had run the Welsh Office whilst it concealed the abuse of children in care and of mental health patients from which a number of miscarriages of justice resulted – yet never asked Walker why he concealed organised crime and whether his receipt of a peerage was related to that. I note that Earl Howe was opposition spokesman on health and social services 1997-2010. That spans the period of the cover-up that was the Waterhouse Inquiry which was orchestrated by Earl Howe’s colleague in the Lords William Hague as well as the following years in which witnesses to the wrongdoing such as me who had managed to survive were ruthlessly harassed, threatened and repeatedly arrested by the people whom Hague had ensured were never held to account let alone brought to justice. Could you have a word with William about it all please Earl Howe? Because by the time that you had finished being opposition spokesman having not spoken very much at all about some very serious matters, William was swanning off around the world as Foreign Secretary, meeting the likes of Hilary Clinton. As one of your interests is ‘abuse investigations’ and Lord Hague is now spearheading the clean up of Westminster perhaps you’d like to launch an investigation into Lord Hague. As well as his wife – who worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office whilst it concealed organised crime, including the sexual abuse of minors and mental health patients.

Another contributor to Walker’s debate was the then Parliamentary Under-Secretary of State, Lord Hunt of King’s Heath. That is Philip Hunt, a Labour Co-Operative peer. Hunt probably knows more about the wrongdoing in the NHS than anyone else in the Lords – he has spent his whole career at the heart of the wrongdoing, for the last few decades at the most senior level.

Philip Hunt graduated from Leeds University in 1970 and began working for the NHS in 1972 when he landed a job as a works study officer for the Oxford Region Hospital Board. In 1974 he began working as a hospital administrator for the Nuffield Orthopaedic Centre. Hunt was the first Secretary of the Edgware and Hendon Community Health Council in 1975 – the CHCs were an early incarnation of ‘service user involvement’, bodies that were dominated by NHS professionals and managers who ensured that the lid was kept on failure, scandal and neglect whilst claiming to be the ‘voice of the patients’. Hunt remained at the CHC until 1978 – it must have done him a great deal of good because it was immediately after this that Hunt hit the big time. In 1978 he was appointed the Assistant Director of the National Association of Health Authorities (NAHA), the body that represented those running the dysfunctional corrupt organisations that were leading the NHS into such trouble – including Gwynedd and Clwyd Health Authorities. Between 1984-90 Philip Hunt was Director of the NAHA. So he was representing the idiots running Gwynedd Health Authority whilst they were involved in criminal activities relating to their part in facilitating a paedophile gang, were bankrupting the organisation, were receiving letters from David Hunt the Secretary of State for Wales, whilst a hit squad had been sent in from the Welsh Office in a vain attempt to deal with the fuckwittery , whilst the fuckwittery was being discussed in the House. Clwyd Health Authority were conducting themselves in exactly the same way as was whichever Health Authority was responsible for running St George’s Hospital Medical School. Philip Hunt then became Director of the National Association of Health Authorities and Trusts (NAHAT), the succeeding body to the NAHA, in 1990. In 1993 Hunt received an OBE for ‘services to the NHS’.

A new vehicle to represent the crooks and conmen running the NHS was conjured up in 1996 – the NHS Confederation. Philip Hunt was its first Chief Executive. He’ll have known the MP Jess Phillips’s mum then (see post ‘Everywoman?’). In 1997 Hunt received a peerage and was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Department of Health. Being a man of principle he resigned in March 2003 over the invasion of Iraq. He didn’t resign from the House of course, although he was one of Tony’s cronies, a New Labour peer, so he was able to return to Gov’t in May 2005 when he was appointed Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the DWP. In Jan 2007 he became Minister of State at the Department of Health with responsibility for NHS reform. In July of the same year he became Parliamentary Under-Secretary at the Ministry of Justice and in 2008 Hunt was appointed Minister of State at DEFRA AND at DECC (Dept for Energy and Climate Change). Oh, he was Deputy Leader of the Lords as well.

Following Ed Miliband’s appointment as leader of the Labour Party, Hunt became Labour’s spokesperson on Home Affairs. In Sept 2011 Hunt contributed to the publication ‘What Next For Labour? Ideas For A New Generation’.

Hunt has occupied many other positions as well. He was: a member of Oxford City Council 1973-79; a member of Oxfordshire Health Authority 1975-77; a member of Birmingham City Council 1980-82; Co-Chair of the Association for Public Health 1994-98; President of the Family Planning Association 1997-98; Joint Chair of the All Party Primary Care and Public Health Group 1997-98; Vice-Chair of the All Party Group on AIDS; Chair of the National Patient Safety Agency 2004-05; President of the Health Care Supplies Association 2010-present; President of the Royal Society of Public Health 2010-present.

In July 1999 Tony Blair made Hunt Health Minister in the Lords.

Between April 2011-2014 Hunt was Chair of the Heart of England NHS Foundation Trust. That was the Trust which employed the breast surgeon Ian Paterson who was recently imprisoned for performing unnecessary operations on dozens of people for financial gain.

Philip Hunt will know the details behind scores of NHS scandals and tragedies, he will know that organised child sexual abuse was endemic in the children’s services, he will know that the psychiatric system was being used to conceal this and he will have been at the very centre of this in Birmingham. The reason that Hunt ended up in Gov’t was that he kept quiet about it all.

I mentioned that Blair made Hunt Lords’ Health Minister in July 1999. Before Blair carried out his reshuffle, Baroness Hayman was Lords’ Health Minister.

Helene Valerie Hayman has a CV nearly as shameful as Philip Hunt. Hayman studied law at Newnham College, Cambridge. After graduating in 1969 she worked for Shelter. Between 1971-74 Hayman was involved with the Social Services in the Borough of Camden. So she’ll have been screwing up there alongside Tessa Jowell (see post ‘Tower Hamlets, Paul Boateng and Tessa Jowell’). In 1974 Hayman was appointed the Deputy Director of the National Council for One Parent Families. The NCCL – which was at the time associated with PIE and ‘paedophiles’ rights’ – was associated with that organisation. Sue Slipman was involved with both the NCCL and the National Council for One Parent Families – Slipman later also occupied senior positions in the NHS, including the Chair of one Trust, although I note that information about that has disappeared from the internet, presumably because someone is feeling unusually embarrassed about the appointment.

Between 1974-79 Hayman was elected as the MP for Welwyn and Hatfield. Hayman was a member of Bloomsbury Health Authority (later Bloomsbury and Islington Health Authority) 1985-92 and was Vice-Chair from 1988 onwards. She was a member of the ethics committee of the Royal College of Gynaecologists 1982-97; of the ethics committee of UCL and UCH 1987-97; a member of the Council of UCL 1992-97 and the Chair of Whittington Hospital NHS Trust.

After such sterling service to bodies and institutions which had variously colluded with organised child sexual abuse and the abuse and neglect of mental health patients, ignored the horrors of the St David’s laundry in Gwynedd (see post ‘Every Sperm Is Sacred, Especially In Scotland’) and colluded with some highly questionable research and very poor practice, Hayman picked up her reward in 1996 – a peerage.

Hayman’s party continued. She became a junior Minister in the Dept of the Environment, Transport and Regions and in the Department of Health. In 1999 she was appointed Minister of State at the MAFF. She was Chair of Cancer Research UK 2001-05. For details of misconduct and research fraud among people involved with that charity (which was previously known as the Cancer Research Campaign) see post ‘A Cause Close To Our Hearts’. Hayman was a Trustee of the Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew 2002-06; a Trustee of the Tropical Health and Education Trust 2005-06. She was a member of the Lords Select Committee on Assisted Dying for the Terminally Ill Bill, 2004-05. In 2005 Hayman became Chair of the Human Tissue Authority and she was a member of the HFEA 2005-06.

Hayman ended up as Lord Speaker, something which she had probably been aspiring to for years.

 

The Secretary of State for Wales who followed Peter Walker was David Hunt, now Lord Hunt. It was on David Hunt’s watch that the attempts to silence people who had crossed paths with Dafydd and the paedophiles escalated – Hunt was in post between 1990-93 and it was then that I and my friends who knew what had happened to me in north Wales found ourselves hounded out of jobs, our careers ruined, threatened, repeatedly arrested, violently attacked in the street by assailants etc as detailed in previous posts. Hunt was Secretary of State when allegations that children in care in north Wales had been abused by a paedophile ring connected to Westminster and that a cover-up involving people at the highest echelons of society was underway began appearing in the UK media. Hunt was Secretary of State when the five witnesses to the abuse in north Wales were killed in an arson attack (see post ‘The Silence of the Welsh Lambs’).

Interestingly enough, Wyn Roberts’s obituaries make no reference to Hunt or to Wyn’s relationship with him. It is as if Hunt had never been his boss. What all Wyn’s obituaries did bang on about though was Wyn’s huge triumph in persuading Thatcher’s Gov’t to establish a Welsh language TV channel and – the real biggie – to draw up a Welsh Language Act. The Welsh Language Act 1993 resulted. Thatcher and her Gov’t were utterly unsympathetic to the idea of Welsh language rights and certainly did not want this Act. But Wyn with his magik persuaded old Thatch that it was a good idea and lo and behold a Welsh Language Act emerged. Now how do readers think that Wyn persuaded a woman who employed as one of her closet aides a man who was molesting children in care in north Wales to pass a Welsh Language Act???

Thus Wyn Roberts has been written into Welsh history as a ‘friend of Wales’, ‘the greatest living Welshman’, ‘a rare and valuable asset for the Conservative Party’ and ‘the protector of the language’, on the back of a truly shameful trade off between him and his masters in a Gov’t who were orchestrating a massive cover-up of the serious abuse of children in care and mental health patients. A cover-up which resulted in the framing and wrongful imprisonment of innocent people – and the deaths of many more.

All for the sake of a fucking Welsh Language Act – which wasn’t even very good, didn’t actually protect the rights of Welsh speakers as it should and was simply followed by calls for a better Act. This was sold to Wales as a triumph. The Welsh language continued to die – as did the people who knew about the scandal that enabled Roberts to get that Act through. This wasn’t the end of the problems – because there were so many people who knew what had been concealed. They all had to be bought off – or if they couldn’t be bought off with a peerage or a job that they didn’t deserve and couldn’t do – they had to be silenced by threats, intimidation or even death. As for the worm Wyn – he was rewarded with a peerage in 1997 and hung around like a particularly dreadful stench literally until the day that the old bastard died in 2013. Wyn’s obituaries proudly remembered that such was Wyn’s ‘influence’ that David Cameron was still consulting Wyn on devolution when Cameron became leader of the Tory Party.

In the immediate aftermath of his death, the tributes to Wyn Roberts on the BBC News were led by Cameron, who remembered Roberts as ‘a devoted public servant and a tireless ambassador for Wales’, ‘one of the kindest and most compassionate colleagues I had the pleasure to work with’ and made reference to his ‘gentle nature’. Cameron – people were raped, beaten, buggered, stitched up in Court, sent to Risley Remand Centre where they were then found dead, killed in car accidents, killed in arson attacks and your devoted public servant with a gentle nature knew all about it.

David Jones, a creep of a solicitor from Llandudno who was Cameron’s Secretary of State for Wales at the time of Roberts’s death, joined in the tributes. Roberts was ‘an extraordinary man’ who did ‘more for Welsh cultural life than any man of his generation’, was ‘very kind, extremely wise with a tremendous sense of humour’, ‘a kind friend and a wise counsellor’. David Jones knew all about the abuses and the miscarriages of justice, he worked in the Courts in north Wales where it was all going on (see post ‘The Rt Hon David Jones MP’). Perhaps he just had a good laugh at it all, along with Wyn who had such a tremendous sense of humour.

Andrew R.T. Davies, the leader of the Tories in Wales talked of this ‘very sad day’ and Roberts’s ‘impact’ upon Wales – yes, the legacy of the paedophile ring which he protected has virtually destroyed the nation.

Lord Crickhowell, Wyn’s boss who made millions out of Corruption Bay, chipped in calling Roberts ‘my advisor and my guru’ who made a ‘great contribution to the health service in Wales’ and was ‘an indispensable number two to me’. Crickhowell is a millionaire – the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board in north Wales is Chaired by Dr Peter Higson, one of the paedophiles’ friends and is currently in special measures after undercover filming on Tawel Fan ward revealed abuse of mental health patients, who had untreated fractures and were crawling around on the floor – which was covered with faeces and urine – whilst they were naked.

Lord Barry Jones, former Labour MP for Alyn and Deeside, (see comments following my post ‘Wheels Within Wheels Or Flies Drawn To The Same Incestuously Corrupt Shithouse?’ for the lowdown on Lord Baz and his wife) commented that Wyn Roberts ‘built more roads than the Romans’. Yes Wyn was always happy to get involved with the roads. In the early 1990s I was loosely involved with a campaign to stop a huge road being built through the oak woodland behind Bethesda – Wyn spent many happy hours corresponding with the campaign group, met with them all, they thought that he was great ‘especially for a Tory’. The group contained a high proportion of hippyish environmentalists who couldn’t believe that they were being so well-received by an agent of Thatch. Well they weren’t complaining about organised crime within the social services and NHS. The Bethesda by-pass was shelved and an alternative strategy was pursued and then Wyn became a Green Hero as well. I never met Roberts although the other campaigners did – but if I had he’d never have known who I was. Because he had barely condescended to reply to me let alone meet me a few years earlier when I raised the matter of the wrongdoing of the paedophiles’ friends with him…

Elfyn Llwyd, a barrister who was for many years the Plaid MP for Meirionydd – a good friend of the paedophiles’ friends himself and oh so passionate about the Welsh language – remarked that Roberts’s death had resulted in a ‘big loss to us as a nation’.

Huw Jones, the then Chair of the S4C authority described Wyn as ‘a guardian angel’ with ‘mischief in his eye’. Was it Wyn who threw the petrol bomb into the party which resulted in the deaths of the five witnesses Huw??? What a scamp!

Huw might know quite a bit about people who have mischief in their eyes. In 2012 Huw was appointed Chair of the rather troubled S4C by Jeremy Hunt, who was then Culture Secretary under the Con Dem Coalition. Prior to that Huw was Chief Exec of S4C 1995-05, so he will have had a lot to do with the chaos and troubles at S4C. The UK.Gov website told us that Huw’s appointment as Chair of S4C was ‘made on merit, following a fair, open, transparent process’. Huw is described as a ‘prominent figure in Welsh language music and media since the late 60s’ and in the early 80s was ‘instrumental as an entrepreneur and TV producer in the establishment of a vibrant media industry in north west Wales’. Huw was MD of the record company Sain until 1981 and in 1981 co-founded Teledu-r and Tir Glas in Caernarfon.

I’ll translate Huw’s achievements for readers in England who won’t be aware of the context. This all means that Huw is a former colleague of Dafydd Iwan, a folk-singer and language activist who was a leading light in Sain. Folk-singing and language activism are not at all problematic but Dafydd Iwan for many years was a Councillor and then the leader of Gwynedd County Council – the Gwynedd County Council who’s Social Services Dept allowed a paedophile gang to operate in it’s children’s homes. Gwynedd County Council also employed a corrupt lawyer, Ron Evans, who along with his boss the County Secretary and Solicitor H. Ellis Hughes, actively colluded with the paedophiles’ colleagues in Gwynedd Social Services to frame people who had dared complain (see post ‘Some Big Legal Names Enter The Arena’). Dafydd Iwan is a big admirer of Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and wrote a song ‘in tribute’ to him.

Dafydd Iwan’s brother Alun Ffred is the former Plaid AM for Arfon.

Huw Jones might also know another musician who’s career began in the music scene in north west Wales and who became a very big name – Gruff Rhys of the Super Furry Animals. Gruff Rhys’s dad was Ioan Bowen Rees, another self-appointed guardian of the Welsh language and culture. Bowen Rees was for years the Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council – whilst the paedophile ring raged within and the Social Services, Ron Evans and H. Ellis Hughes stitched up complainants (see post ‘I Know Nuzzing…’).

As Huw was involved with S4C at the dawn of time, perhaps he can explain why in 1984-85 I was being told by teenagers who lived in the Menai Bridge area who aspired to a career in the media that if your mum or dad worked for S4C you’d get a job, but it was a lot more difficult if you ‘didn’t know anyone at S4C’.

For a number of years now S4C has been on its arse, with plummeting viewing figures and at least one very senior executive disappeared from the company overnight with no explanation.

Huw is or was: Chair of Portmeirion Ltd; Deputy Chair of the Wales Employment and Skills Board; a member of the Welsh Language Board; a member of the RSPB Council; Vice-Chair of Nant Gwrtheyrn Language Learning Centre; a fellow of the Royal Television Society.

Huw lives near Caernarfon. Along with a great many other well-paid people who identify as protecting the language and culture and who knew all about that paedophile ring.

After Wyn died, Meri Huws the Welsh Language Commissioner said that she’d ‘always remember the significant contribution’ that Roberts made to the Welsh language. Meri Huws worked as a social worker in Caernarfon. For more details of Meri’s rise to the top – including an account of how she was alleged to have acquired the moniker of ‘the crack of doom’ in the National Assembly of Wales – see post ‘Let Me Enlighten Lord Gnome…’.

Derek Bellis, a ‘veteran journalist and friend’ of Wyn’s told BBC Wales that Roberts was ‘very kind gentle and humourous with ‘no ego at all’ (Wyn was some sort of Zen master then). Best of all: ‘no toff was Wyn – he was a man of the people’. So that’s what he was doing sitting in the Lords after a lifetime concealing a vicious paedophile ring who’s prime targets were the children of the dispossessed.

Lest anyone on the planet believe that the Welsh Language Act was actually worth the destruction of the lives of numerous people, I’ll just let you know where I learnt my first few words of Welsh and a bit of history about the quarrymen of north Wales. It was from another patient, when I had been illegally incarcerated in the North Wales Hospital Denbigh by Dafydd, along with a few other folk who had been targeted by the paedophiles friends. Most of the victims of the paedophiles’ friends spoke WELSH! But they didn’t have parents who were Councillors or Top Doctors or managers of Social Services or Chief Executives of S4C or senior figures in Plaid.

I have never encountered such a heap of hypocritical horse-shit as that which has emanated from these utter fools who ignored something terrible, who kept a monstrous Tory Gov’t in power – a Gov’t which inflicted massive damage upon Wales, some of whose members used the children’s homes in north Wales as brothels. YOU FUCKING IDIOTS – JUST LOOK WHAT YOU DID.

Dylan Jones-Evans, a Tory and an ‘entrepreneur’ who has been serially dismissed from a number of universities, told the Daily Post that Wyn was ‘a wonderful man and politician whose legacy will continue for years to come’. You’re dead right there Dylan, thanks to Wyn, Wales’s Councils are rotten boroughs, the Assembly is full of politicians who ignored what Wyn was ignoring as well and the NHS and social services are log jammed with corrupt fuckwits who have no idea how to do their jobs properly even if they wanted to. The nation is virtually bankrupt but Lord Crickhowell and other chums of Wyn’s made a fortune out of Corruption Bay. And Thatcher went on and on and on – which was after all, why those witnesses just had to be silenced.

After Roberts had pegged out, Carwyn announced that he was ‘saddened’.

What was I doing when I heard that the viper with mischief in his eye had snuffed it? I was sitting in the Heddfan Unit in Wrexham Maelor Hospital having been sectioned because a neurological problem had been ignored/misdiagnosed and I was also maintaining that the mental health services were corrupt and had concealed a paedophile ring. Documents that are now in my possession compiled by the appalling Dr Raj Sambhi show that Raj Sambhi stated in the wake of my allegations that I was ‘psychotic’ and ‘very seriously ill’. Whilst I was in that Unit the Tawel Fan scandal exploded and the Betsi Board was placed in special measures – because of the institutional abuse of mental health patients. And Operation Pallial – the police investigation into the abuse of children in north Wales – was re-opened and John Allen, the former owner of the Bryn Alyn Community, was arrested, charged and convicted of the sexual abuse of children in care in north Wales. I sat in that Unit for many more months being told by Sambhi that I was mad.

Well Carwyn I did eventually get out after my life had been destroyed all over again by the paedophiles’ friends – I am not in the least bit ‘saddened’ that Wyn Roberts is dead, I’m up for a belated celebration. If you care to join me, we’ll open a bottle of champagne, pop over to his grave and dance on it. S4C can film us and Dafydd Iwan can give us a rendering of ‘Yma O Hyd’ while we dance. We’ll leave it to the Defenders Of The Language and Nation to explain to the world why we are doing it.

 

The wrongdoing of Dafydd and the paedophiles didn’t stop after the Welsh Language Act. Of course it didn’t, they were connected to organised crime.

John Redwood was appointed Secretary of State for Wales in 1993. He was a disaster on many levels. By the time that Redwood was in post, the police investigations into the abuse of children in north Wales had begun – investigations led by the North Wales Police, who had colluded with the abuse and who employed a senior police officer, Gordon Anglesea, who was one of the abusers himself. Then came the Jillings investigation and subsequent Report – the Report that was so damning that it was heavily redacted and pulped anyway, on the grounds that what had happened was so bad that the Council’s insurers would withdraw cover if anyone got to read the report. To date, no-one – except for the Council’s insurers and lawyers, including Michael Beloff QC, the lawyer who advised the insurance company – has ever read an unredacted copy of the Jillings Report. The day in 1996 after the Jillings Report was handed over to the Council, Clwyd County Council who had run the children’s homes that were the subject of the Jillings Report no longer existed anyway, so the organisation per se couldn’t be sued – it disappeared in a local Gov’t reorganisation. For the full story of Jillings and the aftermath, see post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake…’

Something odd went on at a Gov’t level  during the Jillings investigation, but before the damning Report was completed. Redwood was removed as Secretary of State in June 1995 and was replaced by David Hunt – who stayed in the post for a matter of days, between 26 June and 5 July. What was happening at this time? The North Wales Hospital Denbigh was closing – after huge resistance from Dafydd and the paedophiles’ friends. After all what was going to happen to the people out there who’d been hidden away for donkeys years, illegally imprisoned? No-one ever knew. Would you like to tell us what you found when you finally went into that place Lord Hunt? Did you find the underground chamber where it was alleged that the staff kept patients who were a bit of a nuisance – the cellar where they threatened to put me?

As Denbigh closed, Dafydd was given the contract to provide ‘substance abuse services’ for north Wales (see post ‘The Evolution of a Drugs Baron?’).

On 13 July 1995 Sir Peter Morrison, the former Tory MP for Chester and aide of Thatcher’s who was abusing children from children’s homes in north Wales, was found dead at his home in London. He was a good deal too young to have died of old age – it was concluded that he had ‘fallen’. Yes, I think he had, but not quite in the way that those who claimed that was the cause of his death had meant.

After David Hunt made his brief reappearance as Secretary of State, a new Secretary of State was appointed – a William Hague! Hague took up his post eight days before Morrison was found dead and remained until 1997 when Blair was elected PM.

It was of course Hague who orchestrated the huge cover-up of the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal, the Waterhouse Inquiry. New readers can read the full details in the posts that I have written about that Inquiry. Lord Hague appeared on the BBC a couple of days ago stating that Westminster now had to become accountable. So perhaps he can now tell us why he appointed Sir Ronald Waterhouse to lead that Inquiry – a man who came from and grew up in the region where the paedophile ring operated for decades, a man who was a colleague and personal friend of so many of the people who occupied senior positions in the organisations which colluded with and concealed the abuse. Hague’s wife Ffion worked as a civil servant in the Welsh Office when it was concealing the abuse. Ffion has since worked for S4C! The Hagues now live in a mansion on the outskirts of Welshpool – if they lived in north Wales Ffion would probably be sitting on the Betsi Board and Gwynedd County Council just to keep everyone quiet.

North Wales has never recovered from the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal. It has never gone away, although nearly everyone who was a kid in care or a patient in the North Wales Hospital has by now been found dead. Numerous people knew the extent of the wrongdoing and a lot of them know who did what and where the bodies are buried. A lot of those people are sitting in the Senedd, in the Commons or like Hague, are in the Lords. The scandal has plagued every Secretary of State for Wales ever since.

I suspect that one of those Secretaries didn’t have much first hand knowledge –  Cheryl Gillan was an MP for Buckinghamshire. The others all know something, probably a great deal.

Ron Davies, who ended up in hot water himself after he was caught cruising on Clapham Common in Oct 1998 – an incident which was repackaged for the media with the help of Alastair Campbell – and then caught again ‘looking for badgers’ in 2003 at another well-known cruising spot, will know a great deal, enough to make a police statement.

Ron Davies was elected as a Councillor in Caerphilly in 1969. In 1974 he was elected to Rhymney Valley District Council. Ron was educated at Cardiff University, worked as a teacher for two years and then took over Neil Kinnock’s post as a WEA tutor-organiser in 1970 when Kinnock became an MP. Between 1974-83 Ron worked as an FE advisor for Mid-Glamorgan Education Authority. In 1983 he was elected the Labour MP for Caerphilly.

Ron was the Labour Party’s spokesman for Wales, 1992-97 – as the investigations and inquiries into the paedophile ring were launched. In 1997 Blair appointed him Secretary of State for Wales.

Ron became a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards in 1998.

Ron Davies was considered to be the ‘architect of devolution’ in Wales and he led the negotiations in preparation for the National Assembly. The negotiations which involved those corrupt civil servants from the Welsh Office who had concealed the paedophile ring, as well as the many ‘advisors’, including Ioan Bowen Rees, the former Chief Executive of Gwynedd County Council. Ron absolutely assumed that he would become First Minister of Wales, but it all fell apart for him just before he was about to become First Minister when he was caught on Clapham Common.

Although nobody ever got to the bottom of what went on at Clapham Common, Ron made a number of statements in the aftermath, variously claiming to have been abused as a child, to be bisexual and then to be receiving psychiatric help as a result of his compulsion to seek out risky situations. There wasn’t much rallying around Ron – a lot of people quietly crawled out of the woodwork and commented that he was a very unpleasant man, had done terrible things to a lot of people for many years and had a very big problem with women.

Hey Ron, have you ever wondered why your cruising on Clapham Common ended in a disaster after old Blair confirmed that you’d be made First Minister, but just before it actually happened?? I bet you’d gone out cruising with no problems hundreds of times – but then you got mugged just before the big day.

Ron has taken a rather erratic politic journey since then. He stood down from Parliament in 2001, left the Labour Party in 2004 and joined Forward Wales. He stood as an Independent between 2009-10 and then joined Plaid. His attempts at getting re-elected have not been successful. Since 2008 Ron has been a Councillor on Caerphilly County Borough Council. Which is currently embroiled in an enormous scandal, which dates back some years.

Ron’s ex-wife Christina was elected as the MP for Neath in 2015. Christina was one of those who was part of the mass resignation in an attempt to bring Jeremy Corbyn down, but when it didn’t work she had a change of heart and she’s now part of Jezza’s front bench team again. Christina  has previously been a member of the Welsh Executive Committee of the Labour Party. Christina’s wiki entry is gobsmackingly brief for a barrister who was married to someone so notorious for so many years and who will know a great deal about the shenanigans. Christina’s wiki tells us a lot about her time as head girl at school and her sporting interests. I am sure there are many more interesting things that Christina has been involved with.

Alun Michael who succeeded Ron Davies as Secretary of State for Wales and who was then imposed on Wales as First Minister by Blair -after Blair failed in his attempt to impose Ron on everyone – came from Anglesey and went to school in Colwyn Bay. After graduating from Keele University in 1966, Alun Michael worked as a reporter on the South Wales Echo until 1971, then was employed as a youth and community worker until 1987. In 1972 he was appointed as a Magistrate, Chairing the Juvenile Bench in Cardiff. Michael was a City of Cardiff Councillor between 1973-89 – so he’ll have been down there with a few others who kept schtum about the organised abuse of children and those who carefully cultivated the ground in readiness for the bonanza for the few that was the development of Corruption Bay. In 1987 Michael was elected for the seat that Jim Callaghan had just vacated, Cardiff South and Penarth. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner. Of course he knows nuzzing.

I received an e mail some time ago alleging that Paul Murphy – who was Secretary of State for Wales 1999-02 when the Waterhouse Report was submitted to his office, but who had very little to say about it other than how glad to was to have been reassured that no public figures had been involved in the abuse of children – had been involved in some dreadful things.

 

After Wyn Roberts stood down as MP for Conwy, Betty Williams succeeded him. The Betty Williams who had me thrown out of Tesco whilst she was campaigning in there because I tried to speak to her about the abuse of mental health patients at the Hergest Unit. Williams also ignored a letter from at least one other patient complaining of abuse at the hands of the staff of the Hergest Unit. The Hergest Unit had one of the highest suicide rates in England and Wales. Betty Williams was previously the Mayor of Arfon and a Gwynedd County Councillor. She grew up and lives near Caernarfon. Of course she knew what went on.

There is another person who will have known what went on – the Labour MP for Conwy 1966-70, who held the seat before Wyn Roberts, Ednyfed Hudson Davies. Hudson Davies was educated at University College Swansea and  Balliol College, Oxford. After losing Conwy in 1970, he re-surfaced in 1979 when he was elected for Caerphilly. In 1981 Hudson Davies defected to the SDP – to join Dr Death and the gang, many of whom knew about the abuse of children by Westminster figures. He lost his seat in 1983 – to one Ron Davies…

Ednyfed is now Chair of a museum trust in the New Forest.

 

I don’t know why Thatcher never made Wyn Roberts Secretary of State for Wales, he played a key role in keeping her in her job and probably helped keep a few people dear to her out of prison as well. I suspect that neither Thatcher nor those around her actually had a shred of respect for the worm who did their bidding. After all Wales and the people within didn’t matter – they were there to make the likes of Nicholas Edwardes very rich and supply children for the paedophiles of Westminster…