More Than Politics And Local Government

I have just purchased a copy of Martin Shipton’s biography of George Thomas aka Lord Tonypandy, ‘Political Chameleon, In Search of George Thomas’ for a bit of Christmas reading.

At the very beginning of the book there are comments from Lord Patrick Cormack, former Conservative MP and David Seligman, solicitor and former Chair, Cardiff West Constituency Labour Party. Cormack and Seligman were both friends with George Thomas and although they noticed things that puzzled them – for Seligman it was why George Thomas ever accepted a Viscountcy from Margaret Thatcher, as Thomas had claimed to detest the House of Lords – both Cormack and Seligman refuse to believe the allegations of child abuse that have been levelled at George Thomas.

Although I’ve only just skimmed through a couple of chapters of Shipton’s book, I’ve noticed that Shipton mentions a number of incidents that haven’t received widespread media coverage but did cause concern among people who did know about them, including a complaint made to the South Wales Police that Thomas had raped a nine year old boy, other complaints against Thomas from teenaged boys that Thomas had ‘touched them up’, a young man to whom for some reason Thomas paid a large amount of money in order for him to move to Australia and offers by Thomas’s mate solicitor and fellow Labour MP Leo Abse to ‘deal with’ other people who made allegations against Thomas. At one point Thomas was hospitalised for some type of STD but his hospital stay was repackaged as being for ‘waterworks trouble’. I expect to find out a lot more that I didn’t know when I read Shipton’s book.

I thought that I’d find out a bit more about Seligman and Cormack, who both maintained that their own children loved George Thomas and that they really did not have any concerns about his conduct towards them. Not that paedophiles abuse every child that they come into contact with anyway…

Patrick Cormack was the Conservative MP for Cannock, 1970-74 (he won the seat from Jennie Lee, Nye Bevan’s widow) and then for South Staffordshire, 1974-83. So Cormack was one of the local MPs when the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal was happening, when people who dared complain that children in care were being abused were framed for serious offences themselves and imprisoned, when the police framed the Bridgewater Four for the murder of schoolboy Carl Bridgewater yet ignored the masses of evidence which pointed to ambulanceman Bert Spencer and as things began to go very wrong in the NHS in Staffordshire. Patrick Cormack seems to have missed so much that I’m not in the least bit surprised that he never noticed anything untoward about George Thomas.

Cormack came from Grimsby and as a young man contested that seat whilst Tony Crosland was the sitting Labour MP as well as the Secretary of State for Education and Science. This was the bisexual Tony Crosland who was almost certainly used by Blair’s mate Hilary Armstrong’s father Ernest to conceal the abuse of children at Axwell Park Approved School in Gateshead by Peter Howarth, whilst Howarth’s boss Matt Arnold colluded. Arnold and Howarth later relocated to Bryn Estyn where they established a paedophile ring which included Sir Peter Morrison, Tory MP for Chester and Thatcher’s aide.

Cormack graduated from Hull University in 1961 and until 1966 taught at his old school in Lincolnshire, St James’s Choir School. He then worked as an assistant housemaster at Wrekin College, Wellington, Shropshire, 1967-69 and in 1969 became head of Brentwood Grammar School.

Prior to 1970 Cormack was a member of the Bow Group and the Monday Club, although he resigned from both at the end of 1971.

Patrick Cormack was PPS in the DHSS, 1970-73, whilst Sir Keith Joseph was Secretary of State under Ted Heath. So Cormack was in that post whilst the paedophiles’ friend Barbara Kahan was a senior advisor to Joseph in the DHSS re children in care (see post ‘Always On The Side Of The Children’). The Barbara who later Co-Chaired the Inquiry into the Staffordshire Pindown Scandal.

By 1997 Cormack had spent 27 years on the backbenches – suddenly William Hague felt generous enough to promote him to the position of Opposition Deputy Leader of the Commons. The previous year Hague had orchestrated the cover-up into the North Wales Child Abuse Scandal which was the Waterhouse Inquiry in his capacity as John Major’s Secretary of State for Wales and in 1997 Sir Ronald Waterhouse had begun taking evidence and the most dire accounts of abuse in the children’s homes in north Wales were finding their way into some media outlets – not many admittedly because there wasn’t quite the sort of interest from the media that one would expect in view of what had gone on…

Patrick Cormack was Chair of the N Ireland Affairs Select Committee, 2005-10.

In 2010 Cormack was given a peerage.

In 2011 Cormack was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of Staffordshire.

Patrick Cormack is a committed Christian and was warden at Parliament’s parish church, St Margaret’s of Westminster, 1978-90. But then the STD infected child abusing George Thomas was a Methodist lay preacher.

 

David Seligman is the former Chair of Cardiff West Constituency Labour Party. In 1983 Seligman stood as the Labour Party candidate for Cardiff West, George Thomas’s former seat, but lost to the Conservative candidate Stefan Terlezki who held the seat until 1987.

Stefan Terlezki was born in what was then part of Poland but is now Western Ukraine and lived under both the Nazi’s and Stalin’s regimes. Terlezki came to Wales and ended up working in hotel management, running establishments in Aberystwyth and Swansea. His political career started in 1968 when he became a member of Cardiff City Council. Stefan was Chair of Cardiff City F.C., 1975-77. In 1989 Thatcher’s Gov’t appointed him the British Gov’t Representative of the Council of Europe’s Human Rights Committee on the basis that he had experienced life under totalitarian regimes. The Labour Party were very angry about this because in the 1970s Terlezki had recommending flogging football hooligans. As the whole lot of them were well aware of what George Thomas got up to I don’t think that any of them were suitable to be representatives on a Human Rights Committee.

Stefan Terlezki lost his seat in 1987 to the Labour candidate Rhodri Morgan. Rhodri originally had his eye on Jim Callaghan’s seat, Cardiff South and Penarth. When Callaghan retired in 1987 Rhodri trotted along to see Mr Big in the Labour Party in south Wales, Lord Jack Brooks, with his masterplan but Jack Brooks told him to take a running jump and suggested that he try for Cardiff West instead.

Jack Brooks was never elected to the Commons but he called most of the shots in the Labour Party in south Wales. Brooks was educated at Coleg Harlech and was Secretary of the Cardiff South East Constituency Labour Party, 1966-84. Brooks was Chair of Cardiff Labour Party from 1968 and was the first leader of the old Cardiff City Council until the Labour Group lost control in 1977, but he returned as leader of South Glamorgan County Council in 1986. Jack Brooks was Jim Callaghan’s election agent, which explains why he bagged a peerage in 1979.

Brooks was Deputy Chair of CDDC (Cardiff Bay Development Corporation) – Geoffrey Inkin was Chair. My post ‘Corruption Bay Special’ describes how the development of Cardiff Bay was meticulously planned by a group of people – including some of members of South Glamorgan County Council – who used many millions of taxpayers money to fund the redevelopment of Cardiff Docks, the redevelopment of which benefited businesses that they or their friends had interests in. There is much resentment in Wales concerning the lack of benefit to the rest of Wales from Cardiff Bay – the south Wales valleys are still wrecked and Cardiff Bay doesn’t touch the life of the rest of Wales unless one is an AM and works there. But a small group of people became very rich indeed as a result of Cardiff Bay. Jack Brooks died last year and Wales Online’s tribute to him mentioned that his ‘willingness to work across political boundaries with people like Nicholas Edwards’ was instrumental in the establishment of CBDC. Nicholas Edwards aka Lord Crickhowell was Secretary of State for Wales, 1979-87, under Thatcher and not only made a fortune out of Cardiff Bay but also concealed the criminal activity in north Wales related to the abuse of children and mental health patients.

Jack Brooks determined much of what eventually happened at Cardiff Bay. A lot of people opposed the building of the barrage, but old Jack wanted it and it happened. The proposed building of the new County Hall on Atlantic Wharf was highly controversial but Jack thought that it was a great idea – in 1984 a meeting of the County Labour Party announced that the Labour Group on South Glamorgan County Council had decided to go ahead with the building. A lot of people became very excited when it was proposed that an opera house should be built at Cardiff Bay. The architect Zaha Haddid even got as far as designing one. Jack stated that it would be built over his dead body – the opera house didn’t happen.

Jack lost his seat at the 1993 Council elections.

In 1995 Jack was appointed Deputy Lieutenant of South Glamorgan.

Jack was the Chairman of the Welsh Sports Hall of Fame from 1988 and of Sportsmatch Wales from 1992. He was Vice-Chair of the British Board of Boxing Control in 1999 and 2000 and President from 2004. The former boxer Michael Watson won a negligence case against the Board in 2001 after suffering a serious brain injury in a boxing match with Chris Eubanks – Watson’s damages were huge as a result of there being inadequate medical assistance and no oxygen supply at the match and the Board had to sell their London HQ to raise the compensation. They had to reduce their overheads to avoid bankruptcy and Brooks was instrumental in moving their head office to Cardiff to achieve this. Michael Watson may have suffered a catastrophic brain injury which nearly killed him and left him permanently disabled, but I was delighted to read that Lilibet gave him a gong for his contribution to disabled sport and that he was allowed to hold the torch at the Paralympics. Obviously that’s enough to make up for the loss of a few billion neurones.

I am wondering if Jack Brooks was anything to do with the BMA dropping their campaign against boxing some years ago.The BMA really had it in for boxing and their campaign was gathering a lot of steam – they wanted boxing outlawed. The BMA of course were playing a major role in concealing the paedophile gang in north Wales and the associated Westminster Paedophile Ring, along with the criminal activities in the mental health services. They suddenly fell completely silent about boxing and it is now being once again promoted as harmless fun for boys and young men and as ’empowering’ for young women. I would have thought that Michael Watson nearly dying in the ring would have been all the evidence that the Top Doctors needed.

Jack Brooks was a leading light in the Wales Anti-Apartheid movement with Paul Flynn – Paul Flynn knew about the abuses in north Wales and even appeared on the Vincent Kane show with Dr Dafydd Alun Jones. Flynn challenged dear old Dafydd concerning his idiotic theories about cannabis  psychosis but he never said a word about the paedophile gang that Dafydd and others at the North Wales Hospital Denbigh were concealing. Flynn had stood for election in Denbigh in the 1970s and nearly every person in that town had a job which was dependent upon the North Wales Hospital.

 

Whilst Jack Brooks Chaired South Glamorgan County Council’s Committee for driving the redevelopment of Cardiff Bay, the Council was led by Bob Morgan. Councillor Bob was actually a Canon in the Church in Wales, the Rev Bob Morgan. The Rev Bob has a daughter who is a Baroness – although no-one quite knows what she did to become a Baroness, except make friends with the first Family of Troughing,the Kinnocks – Eluned Morgan. Eluned has starred on this blog before as well as on the Welsh political blog Jac O The North. The Baroness is fond of telling a deprivation narrative in public – she enjoys advertising the fact that she ‘came from an estate in Ely’, Ely having had a rather rough reputation in previous times particularly in 1991 when the ‘Ely Bread Riots’ kicked off. Ely was a tough place but the Baroness likes to give the impression that she lived in cardboard box in’t middle of road and has become a Baroness because she is an emblem of New Labour’s social mobility. She doesn’t advertise the fact that her dad was the leader of a rotten borough whilst it devised the most enormous scam for fleecing the tax-payer and making some of the Council members and their mates seriously rich. Neither does the Baroness ever explain that her dad did this in cahoots with the likes of Lord Crickhowell – the Baroness probably sits next to him in the House of Lords – Thatcher’s henchman who completely screwed the rest of Wales and concealed a paedophile gang.

A Mystery surrounds the Baroness. She has now been given responsibility for the Welsh language in her capacity as an AM and I suspect that like everything else that the Baroness has been given responsibility for, she hasn’t got the ability to perform the tasks required. The Baroness told the BBC the other day that when she was a girl the other kids threw stones at her school bus because it was a bus taking her to a Welsh medium school. The Baroness used this an anecdote to demonstrate how much hostility existed towards the Welsh language in Cardiff at the time. When the Baroness was a lass, schools in Cardiff were generally English medium (schools in north Wales were Welsh medium) but one group of people who did aspire to send their children to Welsh medium schools were a contingent of Welsh middle class people – because Welsh medium schools were often very good, receiving the support of a lot of committed well-educated parents. I rather suspect that the Baroness’s bus was being stoned by the chavs because she and her fellow travellers were literally being bussed out of Ely because Bob didn’t want the Baroness mixing with the riff raff in the Ely schools. Then someone told me via the comments thread on Jac O The North that the Baroness went to Atlantic College. Atlantic College is a co-educational international school and it charges people a great deal of money to send their kids there. Atlantic College is a great school if you’ve got the money to pay for it, but plebs don’t get through the gates. Stephen Kinnock sent his daughter there and her mum is the Prime Minister of Denmark – although Stephen tried to pretend that his daughter was at a local comp. A few years ago when I was in Armenia I bumped into some Atlantic College students on an archeology trip and the teenager to whom I was chatting had a mum who was a hedge fund manager. I presume that the Baroness braved the stones on the bus to the Welsh medium school until she transferred to Atlantic College. What I’m wondering is how did the Rev Bob ever find the money to pay the fees? Clergymen don’t get paid that much – they’re not really supposed to be living it up at the expense of their neighbours, let alone bussing their kids out a la apartheid and waving through corrupt get rich quick schemes in their capacity as Council leaders. I don’t know if Atlantic College offers scholarships but Eluned has always struck me as a Baroness of Very Little Brain, I doubt that she’d have bagged one.

Furthermore if Bob was a leading light on the Council, the state of Ely will have been something to do with him and his fellow Councillors.

There were a few other illustrious people on or associated with South Glamorgan County Council back in that era. Rhodri Morgan worked as an industrial development officer for them before he was elected to the Commons in 1987. Mark Drakeford (who worked as a social worker in Ely as well as in Dyfed where a paedophile gang raged) was a Councillor, as was this blog’s friend former social worker Jane Hutt – someone else who managed to ignore the criminal abuse of vulnerable people – and Rhodri’s wife Julie Morgan who also worked as a social worker, in Barry.

Alun Michael was a Councillor who worked closely with Jack Brooks – Michael described Brooks as one of the ‘towering influences’ in the development of Cardiff in the 1970/80s. Jack was so fond of Alun Michael that he didn’t snub Michael in the way that he did Rhodri – thus it was Alun Michael who ended up succeeding Jim Callaghan in the Cardiff South and Penarth seat in 1987. Rhodri joined Blair’s shadow environment and then energy team and was then shadow Welsh Affairs spokesman, 1992-97. Blair didn’t make Rhodri a Welsh Office Minister once Labour gained power in 1997. Obviously Rhodri wasn’t doing enough to assist paedophiles – he was merely ignoring them. Blair’s choice of Secretary of State for Wales and First Secretary following devolution was Ron Davies. Being a man who picked up male prostitutes on Clapham Common Ron was obviously Blair’s ideal candidate. Sadly Ron was caught in the company of one prostitute – Boogie – and Blair couldn’t withstand the scandal, so Wales was initially given Alun Michael as First Secretary. Alun Michael is now South Wales Police and Crime Commissioner, after all those years of faithful service on a rotten borough whose members lined their own pockets and kept schtum about George Thomas’s activities.

When Rhodri contested Cardiff West in 1987, his Conservative opponent was Ivor Richard. Ivor Richard came from Carmarthenshire, went to school at Llanelli and then at Cheltenham College. After this he studied at Pembroke College, Oxford where he joined the Labour Party and the Fabian Society. Richard was called to the Bar in 1955. He worked as a barrister in London and in 1963 defended – under Lewis Hawser QC, who was a friend of Jeremy Thorpe – Brian Field, a solicitor’s clerk who played an essential role in the conspiracy to commit the Great Train Robbery. Field’s share of the swag was found in Dorking wood. Nevertheless he was acquitted of conspiracy to rob on appeal.

Richard was MP for Baron’s Court, a constituency near Hammersmith and Fulham, 1964-74. It was a marginal constituency which benefited from good media coverage from the BBC TV Centre which was located nearby. Not only were Jimmy Savile’s employers – and protectors – on Ivor Richard’s doorstep, but that bastion of wrongdoing and research fraud Hammersmith Hospital/Royal Postgraduate Medical School is nearby as well.

Richard was briefly an assistant to Denis Healey whilst Healey was Secretary of State for Defence and was then Minister for the Army in 1969. Richard lost his seat in 1974 and was unable to find another nomination because of his pro-EEC stance. In June 1974 Harold Wilson’s Gov’t appointed him the UK Permanent Representative to the UN, a post he held until 1979. In 1980 the Labour Party chose Richard to replace the paedophiles’ friend Roy Jenkins as a European Commissioner – he had responsibility for Employment, Social Policy, Education and Training. In 1985 Richard was appointed Chairman of World Trade Centre Wales Ltd, supposedly to encourage overseas investment in Wales.

Richard was made a life peer in 1990. In 1992 he became leader of the Labour peers and was made a Privy Councillor. In 1997 Richard was appointed Lord Privy Seal and Leader of the Lords – he succeeded that man who did the paedophiles of Wales so many favours, Lord Cledwyn.

Ivor Richard Chaired the Richard Commission, 2002-04, which examined the powers and electoral arrangements of the National Assembly for Wales. The Commission members included: Eira Davies from Wrexham, a member of the Boards of S4C and Coleg Llandrillo Cymru; Tom Jones, Chair of the WCVA; Laura McAllister; Lord Ted Rowlands, former Labour MP for Cardiff North (1966-70), Methyr Tydfil and Rhymney (1972-01) and Welsh Office Minister whilst the Welsh Office concealed the paedophile gang in north Wales; Vivienne Sugar, Chief Executive of the City and County of Swansea; Huw Thomas, former CEO of Denbighshire County Council (whilst a paedophile gang operated in its Dept of Social Services), former CEO of Gwynedd County Council (whilst a paedophile gang operated in its Dept of Social Services), Director of Taro Consultancy Ltd, lay member of the Law Society – please see post ‘ I Know Nuzzing…’ for further details of Huw’s proud record and his extensive appointments which include Auditor General for Wales; Paul Valerio, Lord Mayor of Swansea in 1982, Councillor on City of Swansea Council.

Jack Brooks’s protege was the notorious Russell Goodway. Russell’s head start in politics in the south Wales Labour Party was nearly as good as that enjoyed by the Baroness of Ely. As a 17 year old in the sixth form at Barry Comprehensive, Russell was sent on a secondment to the Labour Party’s HQ to work for Jack Brooks during the General Election campaign of Feb 1974 by the head teacher Teifion Philips, President of the Barry Labour Party. By the time that Jack turned his toes up in 2016, he had been Russell’s comrade, mentor and friend for 42 years.

Russell Goodway was a Councillor for Ely, is the former Lord Mayor of Cardiff and the former CEO of Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. In 1985 he was elected to South Glamorgan County Council and became leader in 1992. At the turn of the 21st century Russell was the highest paid Council leader in Great Britain. South Glamorgan County Council was replaced by Cardiff City Council in 1996 but Russell didn’t stand down as leader of the Labour Group until 2004.

In late 2004 Russell became CEO of Cardiff Chamber of Commerce. In late 2007/08 the Chamber financially collapsed following an overpaid training grant from ELWa of £5000k which could not be repaid due to interest payments totalling £500k and other debts totalling £1 million. Thirty five staff were immediately made redundant and the Chamber was liquidated. ELWa was an Assembly funded public body for post-16 learning whose interim Chief Exec, 2004-05, was Dr Peter Higson, who spent years concealing the criminal activities of the mental health services in north Wales. Obviously after the disaster that was ELWa’s arrangement with the Cardiff Chamber of Commerce, there was only one thing to do with Higson – appoint him Chief Exec of Health Inspectorate Wales, where he wiled away a few more happy years concealing serious wrongdoing in the NHS. When HIW was deemed not fit for purpose, Higson was appointed Chair of the Betsi Cadwaladr University Health Board – which is now in special measures and effectively bankrupt, having hosted the biggest mental health scandal that there has been in recent years in the UK. I look forward to seeing Peter Higson joining the Baroness, Lord Crickhowell, Lord Rowlands, Lord Richard and the rest of the gang in a sound sleep on the benches of the Upper House very soon.

Another Chair of ELWa was former Welsh Office civil servant Steve Martin. After ELWa became a national embarrassment and Steve fessed up to serious mismanagement, he was given a job leading HEFCW. Steve now has a Chair at Cardiff University’s Business School – the Baroness also has a Chair at Cardiff University.

In the light of all this, if anyone has any interesting ideas as to where the Rev Bob might have found those fees to send the Baroness to Atlantic College, please do let me know.

In April 2016 Russell Goodway paid tribute to Jack Brooks in an article on the IWA (Institute of Welsh Affairs) website, explaining that Jack Brooks was ‘more than politics and local government’ – indeed he was, he was large scale municipal corruption and I suspect a concealer of child abuse as well, along with everyone else down there.

Whilst Russell was at school in Barry, his local MP was someone else who will have been rather more than just politics and local gov’t – Tory MP Sir Raymond Gower. Raymond Gower went to Neath Grammar School, Cardiff High School, University College Cardiff and Cardiff School of Law. He qualified as a solicitor in 1944 and in 1964 became a partner in S.R. Freed and Co, Harewood Place, London W1 and also worked as a journalist and a broadcaster. Gower was MP for Barry, 1951-83 and then for the Vale of Glamorgan, 1983-89. He was PPS for Reginald Maudling and John Profumo, so he learnt at the knees of the best.

Gower was the Director of a large number of commercial companies and was Chairman of the Barry Herald, 1955-64. He was a Governor of the National Museum of Wales and the National Library of Wales. Gower was a member of the Courts of University College Cardiff and University College Aberystwyth. He was a member of the Welsh Executive and Council of the UNA (United Nations Association), Chair of the Welsh Conservative MPs Group and in 1966 was appointed Treasurer of the Welsh Parliamentary Group.

 

George Thomas was raised to the Viscountcy by Margaret Thatcher in 1983. David Seligman may have been loyal enough to Thomas to be baffled as to why he accepted an hereditary peerage but as it has now been admitted by even the Tories that Thatcher’s aide Tory MP for Chester Sir Peter Morrison was abusing children in care in Wales – the Peter Morrison whose sister Dame Mary was a courtier to HM the Queen and whose Constituency Association was headed by the Gerald Cavendish Grosvenor, the Duke of Westminster and Prince Charles’s friend – it’s pretty obvious why Thatcher gave him one.

The investiture of Prince Charles in Caernarfon was an idea enthusiastically embraced by George Thomas.

 

 

‘Ain’t Nothing Clean’ – Not Even The Welsh Calvinistic Methodists

My post ‘It’s A Piece Of Cake’ detailed the findings of the Jillings Report – or at least those findings that anyone was allowed to read, what with the Jillings Report being so heavily redacted by the time that it was eventually published. The Jillings Report investigated sexual abuse in children’s homes in Clwyd and in that post I provided a few details regarding the managers of Clwyd Social Services during the period under investigation, 1974-1995. The over-riding impression that one is left with from the Jillings Report is how clueless the managers all were and the enormous degree of cronyism involved in appointments. I thought that I’d have a look at what the Waterhouse Report said about it all and I also decided to do a bit of research on the most senior figures in Clwyd County Council – and their fate after they had been outed as presiding over the biggest child abuse scandal in the history of the UK.

Ronald Waterhouse introduces his discussion regarding the management of Clwyd County Council by observing that as Clwyd County Council ceased to exist on 1 April 1996 – a local government reorganisation most conveniently occurred just as John Jillings submitted his report – and stating that the Council ‘could not therefore be represented before us’, mentioning this as one of the many difficulties that the Waterhouse Tribunal was faced with. The successor authorities were represented – by the crooked former Gwynedd County Council lawyer Ron Evans and counsel Merfyn Hughes QC – but they didn’t purport to present a case on behalf of Clwyd County Council. Ronnie states that it was ‘left to the Tribunal itself to conduct the investigation…and to seek out appropriate witnesses’. So that’s why Ronnie did such a hopeless job – he had to do it all himself, supported only by the other two stooges who completed his panel, the Treasury Solicitor’s team, the lawyers representing the Welsh Office, the team of paralegals and administrators from the Welsh Office dispatched by the Welsh Office, Gerard Elias QC, Ernest Ryder, Gregory Treverton-Jones, Ron Evans and Merfyn Hughes QC.

Clwyd County Council was formed in 1974. It’s first Director of Social Services was Emlyn Evans (1974-80) and his Deputy Director was Gledwyn Jones. Neither of them had a specialist background in child care matters. Evans had previously been the Director of Social Services for Denbighshire from Jan 1971 and for Flintshire from approx April 1973. So he knew the patch well and he’ll also have known Dr Dafydd Alun Jones and the lobotomist Dr T. Gwynne Williams who were unlawfully banging up any awkward customers in the North Wales Hospital. Jillings observed that serious child abuse had probably been happening in the region for decades and my own inquiries suggest that is almost certainly true… When Evans retired in 1980, he was succeeded by Gledwyn, who remained as Director of Social Services until 1991. It was acknowledged that there were serious problems in the Social Services Dept before Evans retired and an internal investigation, the O and M Report (by Clwyd’s Organisation and Methods dept), reported in Feb 1980. The report was highly critical and described the sorry state of the management of child care services.

When Gledwyn was appointed Director, John Coley was appointed his Deputy Director. Coley had been the Assistant Director of Dorset Social Services since 1974 and after he left Clwyd in Feb 1984 he was appointed Senior Deputy Director of Tayside Regional Council. John Jevons then succeeded Coley as Deputy Director. Jevons had no experience in child care either, although he had previously spent ten years as the Social Development Manager in the Milton Keynes Development Corporation. In 1991 Jevons became Director of Clwyd Social Services when Gledwyn retired. One of the managers beneath Gledwyn and Jevons with responsibility for children’s services was John Llewellyn-Thomas, who came to Clwyd in Feb 1984 from the Regional Planning Unit for Wales. Prior to that he had been a probation officer. Llewellyn-Thomas was initially responsible for residential homes for children and then in 1986 his responsibility was widened to cover virtually everything concerning children’s services. In April 1991 he was appointed Assistant Director of Children and Family Services and after that he became Director of Social Services for Torfaen.

Waterhouse noted that the Deputy Directors in the 80s were ‘not closely involved in children’s services’, although Coley had a ‘specific role to play in Clwyd County Council’s function as an adoption agency’. However, Coley ‘cannot recall any complaints or allegations of abuse in respect of children in care reaching him’. Jevons, when he was an Assistant Director, had an input into policy ‘mainly in respect of mental handicap and mental illness’ and as Deputy Director he retained those responsibilities and took on others, but continued to be heavily involved in mental health strategy. Gledwyn was concentrating his energies on children’s services. So Jevons was partly responsible for Dafydd and the lobotomist being given free reign then – who were discrediting and imprisoning people who had complained about being molested whilst in care. Jevons attended Senior Management Team meetings but couldn’t remember any matter of complaint relating to the children’s services being discussed at any of the meetings.

In the 80s, the middle managers responsible for children in residential care were Geoffrey Wyatt and Raymond Powell (Assistant Directors of Social Services) and John Llewellyn-Thomas (Principal Officer for Children from 1984). Until 1987 Gordon Ramsey was responsible for placements and from Jan 1988, Michael Barnes was directly responsible for children’s homes.

Waterhouse described ‘turmoil’ prevailing in Clwyd Social Services as the 1980s drew to a close and they prepared for the implementation of the Children’s Act 1989 and the NHS and Community Care Act 1990. The NHS and Community Care Act certainly caused them traumas because the North Wales Hospital Denbigh was stuffed full with people being held there unlawfully, most of whom should never have been there in the first place and Dafydd, Peter Higson, Laurie Wood et al knew that they were going to have some explaining to do when that place was emptied. And of course there was the matter of the patients who had disappeared and those that Gwynne had more than likely killed whilst he was lobotomising them. In 1990 there was a major reorganisation in Clwyd Social Services and it was split into three divisions on a geographical basis. Waterhouse makes a point of saying that he’s not going to enter into details about this, so that reorganisation must have been hiding a multitude of sins. After the reorganisation, John Jevons was promoted to Director and the position of Deputy Director was dispensed with – there were instead three new Divisional Directors.

Geoffrey Wyatt retired in Sept 1992 – he had been responsible for the registration and inspection of children’s homes. John Llewllyn-Thomas left Clwyd in April 1991 – he had been a member of the Welsh Office’s working party regarding preparation for the Children Act. During this time Clwyd had one of the highest proportions of children placed in residential care in Wales. In Jan 1992, Jackie Thomas was appointed as Principal Officer (Children). She only lasted in this post until April 1994 and then left as a result of a long term illness.

So that lot were the people screwing up big time on the ground. What of the most senior people in the Council as a whole, the Chief Executive and the County Secretary? The first Chief Exec of Clwyd was T.M. Hadyn Rees. Hadyn Rees had been around for donkeys years. He originated from Swansea and in 1947 was appointed as assistant solicitor to Caernarvon County Council. The following year he went to Flint County Council in a similar role and became the County Clerk in 1967. He retired in 1977. Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec and stayed in the post until 1992. He had been Deputy Chief Exec from the creation of Clwyd County Council. Phillips was a solicitor who was a law graduate of Liverpool University. When Mervyn stood down in 1992, he was succeeded by Roger Davies. Davies was a solicitor and an Oxford graduate who in 1977 became Director of Legal Services in Clwyd, was County Secretary from 1980 and then Deputy Chief Exec from 1982 (although he was still usually referred to as the County Secretary). He became Chief Exec in Aug 1992 and remained as such until Clwyd’s dissolution. So between them, Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies knew that region very well indeed and had been at the top of the tree for a very long time. Yet none of them took responsibility for anything concerning the rampant abuse of children in care in Clwyd and the operation of a gang of paedophiles involved in organised crime.

Roger Davies serviced/attended the Social Services Committee and Mervyn Phillips shouldered the responsibility firmly onto Roger and Gledwyn, the Director of Social Services. Waterhouse stated that Phillips ‘relied heavily upon the Director of Social Services and the County Secretary’. Yet Phillips only met Gledwyn about twice a month, although he spoke to Roger almost daily. Waterhouse claims that Phillips ‘learned for example of the convictions of social services staff when they occurred through the Director or County Secretary and similarly of the request made by Mr Justice Mars-Jones for an investigation’. He also maintains that the ‘failure to inform the Chief Exec of criticism of management and practices of the department was part of a pattern of deliberate non-disclosure’, which resulted in ‘ineffective monitoring’ by the Chief Exec. It seems that there were a number of damning internal reports concerning the social services dept of which it is claimed that Phillips knew nothing. So Waterhouse believed that Phillips knew nuzzing, even when staff of Clwyd were appearing in the media being carted off to prison for abusing the children in their care. I shall explore how likely this was later on. However it was admitted that when Gledwyn was in hospital in 1987, Jevons did discuss Mars-Jones’s request with Phillips and Phillips decided that Roger Davies would carry out the investigation. Jevons himself claimed that when he became Director of Social Services in April 1991 he received no guidance from Phillips or Davies regarding which matters to refer to the Chief Exec – this was not long before Phillips’s retirement and just before the major police investigation into child abuse in Clwyd. Waterhouse summarises Phillips’s management style by stating that ‘Phillips did not offer regular discussions or supervision and did not expect to be informed of day to day business’. Whilst he mildly admonishes Mervyn Phillips et al for taking their eye off the ball, the person who comes in for the most serious condemnation was one of the people with least clout, Iorwerth Thomas, who was ‘a striking example of a person who never shouldered his assigned responsibility for the children’s services’. Unlike those highly paid law graduates who were also solicitors who had been employed in the system for decades and who of course had no idea at all of what was going on.

Waterhouse notes at one point in the Report that between 1977-1980 Emlyn Evans ‘thought that Arnold was living up to his high commendation by the Home Office’. This is a reference to Matt Arnold who was the head of the monstrous Bryn Estyn home, which was one of the most intense centres of paedophile activity, as well as being a place of very great physical cruelty. A number of staff from Bryn Estyn alone were convicted of the sexual abuse of children, the worst offender being Peter Howarth. Howarth had known Arnold since the mid 1960s and they had both worked together at an approved school in Gateshead, where there were allegations that Howarth had sexually abused boys. It was Arnold who brought Howarth to Bryn Estyn with him when Arnold was appointed head. So the Home Office had ‘highly commended’ Arnold – of course until 1974, Bryn Estyn was run by the Home Office. A number of the staff who were eventually convicted of child abuse had worked at Bryn Estyn whilst it was run by the Home Office. That would have been the Home Office under Ted Heath. Gledwyn Jones expressed a similarly high opinion of Arnold. Raymond Powell (Assistant Director, Children In Residential Care) between 1974-89 held the same opinion of Arnold. Powell claimed that the atmosphere at Bryn Estyn was ‘always good’ and that the ‘boys seemed to be happy’. The boys who were constantly running away because they were being physically injured and repeatedly molested. Waterhouse notes that Geoffrey Wyatt, Arnold’s line manager, was faced with great difficulty – it was admitted that Arnold did whatever he wanted, ‘felt able to approach the Director of Social Services directly when he chose to do so’ and that Arnold was ‘wrongly permitted to run Bryn Estyn as his own fiefdom’. Waterhouse also mentions that Arnold earned ‘substantially more’ than Wyatt.

Shouldn’t Ronnie’s antennae at least have twitched at this point? Arnold is out of control, his line manager can’t reign him in, Arnold is paid SUBSTANTIALLY MORE than his line manager and he’s got a hot line to the Director of Social Services. Furthermore he was ‘highly commended’ by the Home Office and was running a home for them – a home where boys were being molested by a paedophile ring. A ring that those boys alleged contained a number of public figures and politicians… One of the boys who dared complain was transferred to Neath Farm School, a place that had an even worse reputation than Bryn Estyn – the other boys were known to have feared that the same thing would happen to them if they complained. Sounds as though that all this could be connected with the putative Westminster paedophile ring…

Regarding the bigwigs at the top of Clwyd County Council who had not a clue that children were being abused, that is T.M. Hadyn Rees, Mervyn Phillips and Roger Davies:

Hadyn Rees died in 1995 and his obituary in the ‘Independent’ was revealing. It described Hadyn Rees as having spent ‘a lifetime in public service in Wales’ and that he lobbied for the setting up of Mold Law Courts, which made the town the principal legal centre in north Wales. Hadyn Rees also campaigned after Thatcher’s policies devastated industry on Deeside and Shotton, especially after the steel works closed down. He was said to have ‘immersed himself in the battle to bring in new employment’ and his activities led to the establishment of Deeside Industrial Park. So somehow he had a lot of clout in high places. One obituary stated that ‘his battles with the Welsh Office to secure parity with south Wales when discussions of Gov’t funding was discussed became something of a legend – and won him wide respect’. So this solicitor who had been working in north Wales since the late 1940s and who oversaw a Council whose children’s homes were rife with paedophile activity had a lot of power at the Welsh Office. The Welsh Office who ignored complaints about the paedophile gang that was operating in the social services that Hadyn Rees ran, the Welsh Office who knew that the mental health services in the region – which were banging up the former residents of children’s homes – were involved in criminal activities and who used their own crooked lawyer Andrew Park to conceal this. But guess what – Hadyn was clerk to the North Wales Police Authority between 1967-77. The North Wales Police who were accused of failing to take action against the paedophile gang and who employed Gordon Anglesea as an officer, who was eventually imprisoned for abusing boys in care in north Wales. Upon retirement Hadyn Rees became a magistrate in Mold and then in 1985 became Chairman of the Magistrates in Mold. That will have been as useful as his stint with the North Wales Police Authority. Of course, one of the biggest movers and shakers that there was in north Wales at that time, Lord Lloyd Tyrell-Kenyon, was also a member of the North Wales Police Authority. He was the father of Thomas Tyrell-Kenyon, who in 1979 was involved in an embarrassing incident after having sex with a teenage boy who was in the care of Clwyd Social Services. Please see post ‘Y Gwir Yn Erbyn Y Byd’.

Hadyn had his fingers in a lot more pies than law n order though. He was Chairman of the Welsh Water Authority 1977-82; a member of the Severn Barrage Committee 1978-81; a member of the National Water Council 1977-82 and a part-time member of BSC (Industry) Ltd 1979-83, which is the name that British Steel formerly went under. But didn’t Hadyn battle so hard for the people of Clwyd when Thatcher shut the steel works down??? Hadyn however seems to be best known for Mold’s crowning glory – Theatr Clwyd. It is acknowledged by one and all that Theatr Clwyd was a result of Hadyn’s vision and it was even opened by HM the Queen in 1976. Hadyn was a member of the Welsh Arts Council 1968-77 as well, so that might have loosened a few purse strings even if the gay brothels staffed by children in care didn’t. Like so many others who seemed to be connected with the business of concealing the abuse of children in care in north Wales, Hadyn Rees was a member of the Gorsedd of the Bards.

Mervyn Phillips succeeded Hadyn as Chief Exec. Mervyn is a man of many good deeds as well. Mervyn is best known for being the first Chairman of Nightingale House Hospice in Wrexham. Nightingale House started as a day ward in Wrexham Maelor Hospital and in an interview for the Daily Post Mervyn explained that ‘I was coming up for retirement in 1992 [just when the police were investigating the abuse of children in the care of his County Council] but I was approached to ask if I could help raise funds to set up the hospice’. Mervyn was given one hell of a task – he was asked to raise £2.5 million in order to open the hospice, but he did it remarkably quickly. Building started in 1994 but Mervyn seemed to have found the speediest builders in Wales and it was completed and opened in 1995. Mervyn explained that the money was ‘raised through donations and people involved in health care’. Now I don’t think that Mervyn raised £2.5 million by rattling a tin in Wrexham town centre but I do know that a lot of people involved in ‘health care’ in north Wales are very dishonest indeed and concealed the paedophile gang that operated in the children’s homes. I wonder if Merv persuaded them to stump up and if they did I wonder which budget the dosh for the ‘donations’ came from.

Mervyn is a busy bee though. Companies House data reveals that Mervyn is a director of the Clwyd Fine Arts Trust; was a director of the Bodelwyddan Castle Trust (resigned Jan 2017); was a director of the Wrexham Hospital and Cancer Support Centre Foundation [the original name of Nightingale House Hospice] (resigned May 2014); was a director of Gladstone’s Library (resigned 2005); was a director of the Welsh Calvinistic Methodist Assurance Trust (resigned 2005); was a director of Nightingale House Lottery Ltd (resigned 2001); was a director of Nightingale House Promotions Ltd (resigned Feb 2001); was a director of the European Centre for Training and Regional Co-Operation (resigned Feb 1999); was a director of Clwydfro (resigned March 1994); was a director of the Institute for Welsh Affairs (resigned June 1993). There is also a reference on the internet to Mervyn being involved with the Flying North Derbyshire Tinnitus Support Group of all things – along with David Owen, the Chief Constable of the North Wales Police who led the force when it investigated abuse in children’s homes whilst Mervyn was Chief Exec. There was a lot of people who thought that Owen should not have led that investigation because allegations had been made that his own officers had been involved with the abuse. But Owen refused to appoint an outside officer to lead the investigation and the Home Secretary at the time refused to intervene regarding Owen investigating his own force either.

Mervyn Phillips also oversaw the redevelopment of Tyddyn Street Church, Mold in June 2012. The dosh for this came from Cadwyn Council, which provided £14,823 from the Flintshire Key Fund – this money came from the Rural Development Fund for Wales 2001-13, funded by the European Agricultural Fund for Rural Development and the Welsh Gov’t. (Flintshire was one of the successor authorities when Clwyd was dissolved and Mold is in Flintshire.) I’d love to know who was sitting on the grant awarding committee.

In 1985 Mervyn was appointed to the Registered Homes Tribunal. That was at the time the body responsible for appeals relating to the registration of nursing homes, care homes and children’s homes.

In 1991 Mervyn appeared in the Birthday Honours!

In Aug 1999 Mervyn appeared on the BBC in his capacity as the Secretary of the Presbytarian Church of Wales Social Issues Committee, raising concerns regarding genetic engineering and the use of GM plants. Mervyn referred to ‘the Christian perspectives on the importance of creation and human dignity’. I’m not sure that there was much dignity in being passed around a paedophile ring and having the living daylights beaten out of you if you dared complain, but at least it didn’t involve genetic manipulation.

Interestingly enough, when Gordon Anglesea died in prison last year, there was a big turn out at his funeral, including from the Police Federation and the Methodist Church. I wonder if Mervyn was among the mourners.

Merv’s generosity knows no bounds though. In July 2015, a local paper in north Wales ran an interview with Gethin Davies, who was stepping down after being on the Board of the Llangollen International Eisteddfod after 45 years. Gethin was explaining this history of the Royal International Pavilion and said that in 1958 the Eisteddfod purchased the fields where the Eisteddfod is held for £12,000, which ‘turned out to be a very good piece of business’. Part of the parcel of land was then leased to Denbighshire County Council with the proviso it be available to the Eisteddfod. Gethin went on to say that they ‘later worked out a deal with Clwyd County Council thanks to Mervyn Phillips’ ‘which has also proved crucial’. The Royal International Pavilion was opened by HM the Queen in 1992. Next time the Queen is invited to open something that’s the brainchild of a Chief Exec of Clwyd County Council I suggest that she asks to see all the paperwork. Like Mervyn, Gethin Davies was a solicitor. Gethin read law at Aberystwyth University – as did scores of others named on this blog – and was a partner in GHP Legal in Wrexham. GHP is described as a ‘major sponsor’ of the International Eisteddfod. Gethin is the only person who has ever been Chairman of the International Eisteddfod twice, between 1992-03 and 2013-15. Readers might remember that Ronnie Waterhouse too was involved in the International Eisteddfod and was President, 1994-97.

Mervyn was succeeded as Chief Exec by another solicitor, Roger Davies, an Oxford graduate.  He died in 2013 and his obituary mentioned his ‘great service’ to the public. He retired shortly before Clwyd was dissolved in 1996. Which was probably the only possible path open to him – he had been the Director of Legal Services for Clwyd, then the County Secretary, then the Deputy Chief Exec, then was appointed Chief Exec in the middle of the police investigation into the child abuse. He was never held responsible for what happened either.

I gained a clue as to how no-one at all in Clwyd Council, except for one bottom feeding social worker, was held responsible for the biggest child abuse scandal in the UK when I read the minutes of a meeting of Denbighshire County Council (a successor authority to Clwyd) held on 7 Dec 2010. Councillor D.I. Smith was noted as having offered prayers at the commencement of the meeting. There were references to Councillor H.H. Evans winning the ‘Welsh Local Gov’t Politician Of The Year’ Award and the ‘many other awards’ recently won by the Authority. There were tributes paid to three senior officers who were retiring. One of those was Roger Parry, the Finance Chief, who had started working in (the original)Denbighshire County Council in 1971. One of Roger’s sayings was, it was noted, was ‘struggling on’. The meeting heard how Denbighshire ‘inherited’ ‘enormous debt’ at the establishment of the Unitary Authorities in 1996 (ie. after Clwyd was dissolved) and they ‘did indeed struggle’, but Roger helped turned things around. Roger was described as ‘pretty cool in a crisis’. Roger thanked the Members and the Corporate Director and said ‘in particular’ ‘in the early 1990s all had worked together well when facing problems and it was likely that similar problems would have to be faced in the future and his advice was for all to work together, bury any difficulties to deliver for the Authority’. Roger then warned them all not to touch the balance!

So not only was Clwyd host to the worst case of organised paedophilia in the UK but they’d nicked all the money as well – and not one person has ever been held accountable for any of it because they all stuck together like glue and Roger got them out of it by being cool in a crisis. Rather more cool than the kids who had been abused in Clwyd’s children’s homes who collapsed in Court whilst giving evidence and became so distressed during the Waterhouse Inquiry that Ronnie Waterhouse dismissed them as not being good witnesses. And after he retired he organised the International Eisteddfod which was held in the Pavilion which sounds very much as though it was paid for by some of the money that had disappeared from Clwyd County Council.

Before staff from the North West Wales NHS Trust perjured themselves in an attempt to have me imprisoned, someone sent a memo around asking for ‘more nurses down the police station to make statements please’ (the Angels obliged – scores of them trooped down to the cop shop to lie their arses off and although the case collapsed against me in Court not one of them was prosecuted for perverting the course of justice). Can I appeal for more former employees of Clwyd County Council down the police station please – only unlike nurses employed by Ysbyty Gwynedd they won’t have to lie about serious crime because they bloody well committed it.